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Critical InterventionsJournal of African Art History and Visual Culture

ISSN: 1930-1944 (Print) 2326-411X (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rcin20

African Documentaries, Critical Interventions:The Non-Fiction Film Production at The Origins OfFrancophone West African Cinema

Vincent Bouchard

To cite this article: Vincent Bouchard (2017) African Documentaries, Critical Interventions:The Non-Fiction Film Production at The Origins Of Francophone West African Cinema, CriticalInterventions, 11:3, 214-227, DOI: 10.1080/19301944.2017.1401375

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2017.1401375

Published online: 14 Dec 2017.

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AFRICAN DOCUMENTARIES, CRITICAL INTERVENTIONS: THE NON-FICTIONFILM PRODUCTION AT THE ORIGINS OF FRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICANCINEMA

Vincent Bouchard, Indiana University

Ousmane Semb�ene, the indisputable fatherof African cinema, is known for his numerousfull-length feature fiction films. It is interestingnow to explore the incubation period of his cin-ema and, more broadly, that of francophoneAfrican cinema, by examining the various pro-ductions of alternative audio-visual projects,including educational films and documentaryprojects made in the often-troubled contexts ofcolonial and post-colonial institutions. It is thusinteresting to compare the diversity of film practi-ces in the Africa of the Independences (1950–1970). Describing the premises of a cinemato-graphic institution (institution liminaire, Biron,2000), whose first players aim to establish a fairdistance from the ex-colonial tutelage, allows usto re-examine the generally accepted version ofhistory that begins with full-feature films. This isdone by showing how this period is characterizedby a diversified production of less glamorous cin-ematographic projects.

This article will thus explore the non-fictionfilms made by African pioneers, generally co-pro-duced at different levels with the Coop�erationfrancaise. It will particularly address the ways inwhich filmmakers in West African Francophonecountries (mainly Senegal, Burkina Faso, andNiger) used various tactics (Certeau, 1980) toadapt the diverse cultural, educational, and audio-visual projects—financed by the newly formercolonial power (France) or by international insti-tutions (UNESCO)—to their goal of creatingmovies. This process (Certeau called it

“perruquer,” 1980, p. 49), was the starting pointof new audio-visual instances (“body-institutions”;Dubois, 1978) of production, training, and recep-tion. In exploring the production of documenta-ries—or proto-documentaries—by Africanpioneers, the objective of this article is to highlightother forms of audiovisual production thatoccurred at the same time as the emergence ofWest African cinemas. Not seeking to be exhaus-tive, it will instead draft a number of lines ofreflection structuring a host of cultural practices inthe context of a nascent audiovisual institution.This article does not aim to be definitive, servinginstead as an invitation to strengthen the researchconcerning a larger corpus of audio-visualproductions.

Starting with the educational background ofSenegalese directors and technicians, we will com-pare this system with the Sahelian experience, i.e.,the collaboration between the Comit�e du film eth-nographique and the Centre culturel franco-nig�erienand the audiovisual production in the Upper Voltain the 1960s. First, we need to examine the generalcharacteristics of the budding cinematographicinstitution as it was created in Senegal, Cote-d’Ivoire, Niger, and Upper Volta during the1960s. First, it can be defined by a high level ofinteractions between agencies: the same personcould occupy different institutional role such asproduction, validation, or distribution. At a pre-liminary stage, institutions have few rules, whichresults in a space of great flexibility. Since the film-makers are coming from extra-cinematographic

Critical Interventions 11, Issue 3 2017© 2017 Critical Interventions: Journal of African Art History and Visual Culture

https://doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2017.1401375

backgrounds, subverting aesthetic or technicalcodes, and exploring various filming approaches,the result is often heterodox, and the delineationbetween genres is fluid.1 More broadly, the emerg-ing cinematographic field is dependent2 on otherlocal cultural institutions, on the political andsocial contexts, and the policies of the newly inde-pendent government as well as the ex-colonialpower. Body institutions (instances) at a startingpoint cannot distance themselves from the socialenvironment: there is a close proximity to thefilmmakers’ sociopolitical and the aesthetic inten-tions. The state control of the modes of produc-tion and distribution often interferes with thefilmmakers’ goals to express their own politicalviews. Having defined themselves as artists andintellectuals connected with the masses, theyappropriated Fanon’s category of intellectuel de latroisi�eme p�eriode (Fanon, 2002) and saw them-selves as responsible for “decolonizing the imagi-naries” and disseminating a postcolonial mode ofthought. The West African cinematographic insti-tution has a low level of autonomy from Frenchcultural institutions: the first films were in French,more or less financed through cooperation, andgreatly influenced by the practices current at thattime within the French film academy. Thisremains true for the Senegalese, Nigerien, andBurkinabe examples.

FILMMAKER AND TECHNICIAN BACKGROUND

IN SENEGAL

Like culture, a wide range of processes can beobserved that are difficult to synthesize. As men-tioned, this is characteristic of liminal culturalinstitutions, where there is a lot of flexibility andfew standards: pioneers have difficulties inobtaining the right training. By definition, theycome from another cultural tradition, and, with-out established methods of accreditation, they

have difficulty in getting recognition for theirartistic practices. Thus many young participantstry their hand in the industry before finding theirpath in other domains. This is particularly validin the audiovisual sector due to the multiplicityof techniques to be mastered, the constraintsrelated to the material, and large aesthetic mar-gins. In this context, it is interesting to see howthe filmmakers remembered in the institutions(Paulin Soumanou Vieyra, Ousmane Semb�ene,Alassane Mustapha, Oumarou Ganda, etc.)forged a path through chaotic situations.

In the case of West Africa, the corpus of post-independence films is relatively small and pro-duced by a handful of filmmakers. Consequently,each individual’s input takes on great importanceand its own meaning. If we compare the trainingof Francophone film and television directors andtechnicians in West Africa (specifically Senegal,Cote d’Ivoire, Niger, and Upper Volta), twomodels emerge: Senegalese or Ivorian filmmakerswould obtain aesthetic and/or technical trainingwhile abroad in Europe (mainly France and theUSSR). Upon their return, some would struggleto remain creators, whereas others chose comfortin administrative activity. The vast majority ofNigerien and Burkinab�e (Voltaic) filmmakersbegan by making films before participating inshort-term distance learning. Although not allwho participated went on to become recognizeddirectors, most of them continued their participa-tion in audiovisual activity. Let us start with theexample of the Republic of Senegal.

In 1952, Paulin Vieyra was admitted to theIDHEC, the Institut des Hautes EtudesCin�ematographiques (now FEMIS). In 1954, hewas the first West African graduate of IDHEC.In 1955, in collaboration with Mamadou Sarrand Jacques Caristan, he directed Africa-sur-Seine(Paulin Soumanou Vieyra, Mamadou Sarr, Jac-ques Caristan, 1955) about the situation of

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African students in France. The film was shotentirely in Paris because it was impossible forAfricans to obtain permission to film in theFrench colonies during the colonial period. From1957 onward, Vieyra organized the Senegalesecinema and news service in the Senegalese gov-ernment. While awaiting the arrival of the Frenchcollaborators, Andr�e Jousse and ChristianLacoste, Vieyra put himself behind the camera.Later, he recruited and trained Senegalese pho-tographers, including Baidy Sow, Georges Cari-stan, and Momar Thiam. The training of audioand visual technicians varied. Some learned theirtrade on the spot; others collaborated with theelders trained in Europe or with French partners.Others were invited to take short courses in themain European schools. This was, for example,the case of Tidiane Aw, who first studied at theFilm Institute in Hamburg (Germany) beforecompleting his training at the Office for RadioCooperation (OCORA) in Paris.

Initiated by Vieyra, Dakar became a centerfor the production of documentaries and educa-tional films intended for distribution in WestAfrica. Although there are few traces of the distri-bution and reception of these films, one can stillgain information about elements of productionduring this time. These activities inform us aboutthe professional backgrounds of lesser-knownfilmmakers who were very active from the begin-ning. Among the latter was Blaise Senghor, thenephew of President L�eopold S�edar Senghor.Senghor studied film at the IDHECD between1958 and 1960, and then worked for Senegalesenews outlets. In this context, he produced GrandMagal �a Touba (Senghor, B, 1963, 250), a colordocumentary on the Brotherhood of Mourides ofTouba. On the one hand, the point of view isclearly Senegalese: the film is about an importanttopic in Senegal rarely considered by the French.On the other hand, the treatment of the subject

is classical and demonstrates nearly identicalchoices that would have been made by Europeanfilmmakers undertaking similar themes: theabsence of direct sound renders the reality moreabstract, and the commentary in French dictatesthe meaning of purely illustrative images. Certainexpressions recall the characteristic exoticism ofcolonial productions: “Life continues, pictur-esque, noisy and colored” (10000); “One relaxes,one is happy, one sways with the rhythm”(12030).3 This holds true in the introductorymaps of West Africa and Senegal that open thefilm. For these reasons, this film is representativeof the weak autonomy of the Senegalese audiovi-sual production, both in terms of means and aes-thetic forms.

Momar Thiam was a photographer, and thena cameraman, for the Senegalese Ministry ofInformation’s Cinema Service. In 1963, hedirected Sarzan (Thiam, Momar, 1963, 350), a16-mm black-and-white film shot “clandestinely”:“At the time, in 1963, Senegalese cinema was vir-tually nonexistent. I took a risk to see what wouldcome out of it!”4 The film tells the story of a vet-eran’s return to his village and the difficulties hefaces in reconciling his Western experience withthe vernacular reality. The postcolonial-mindedfilmmaker questions the colonial conception of aninherently European civilization versus the depic-tion of the Africans with “manners of savages”(60). Upon his return to the village, the protago-nist refuses ceremonies, destroys fetishes, andinsults the ancestors. He ends up going mad: “thegenii have avenged themselves of him!” (280).5

This film clumsily attempts to outline a way ofthinking specific to independence in which intel-lectuals sought the best of both worlds, graftingelements of Western modernity onto Senegalesetraditions.

Furthermore, the film is very amateur in itsform: the play of the actors composes with great

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differences of tone; the aesthetic is non-homoge-neous and integrates both original shootingangles, mounting jumps or shaky shots, filmedwithout stand. On the other hand, we have theimpression that the director tried to mitigate theabsence of synchronized sounds and images bypost-synchronizing dialogues recorded during theshooting. For example, when the main characterspeaks alone in the bush, his lips move, but thesound of his voice is not synchronous. Similarly,a voiceover regularly guides the viewer, emphasiz-ing the important inflections of the narration.This voice is not totally disembodied as it corre-sponds to that of the narrator in the introductoryscene who introduces us to the soldier ready toreturn to his village. Thus the director positionshimself as a storyteller who simultaneouslyamuses and teaches us. Thiam apparently madeother films in the 1960s, documentaries such asLuttes casamancaises (Thiam, Momar, 1963, 200)and fiction films (Simb, Thiam, 1963, 200; Lamalle de Maka Kouli, Thiam, 1963, 200), whichcannot be found in the Direction de l’ informationat Dakar, or in the Archives francaises du film atParis. The lack of interest for Thiam’s work isunfortunately representative of many moviesfrom the early African film production.

All these elements give a good idea of theimplemented methods and the aesthetic inten-tions of the young filmmakers: a productionbased on a mode of appropriation6 of the lim-ited resources available in the young republicof Senegal; a formal search for available mate-rial and filmmakers’ ambitions, coupled withthe desire to explain the stakes of indepen-dence to the greatest number of people. Dueto their political and didactic intentions, butalso because of their mode of production,these films are characteristic of an artistrydependent on social conditions (political, reli-gious, moral, etc.).7

The experience of Ousmane Semb�ene iscompletely different: he became a writer and anintellectual, and, in 1961, he entered a filmschool in Moscow. In 1962, he made his firstshort film Borom Saret (the Cart), followed byNiaye in 1964. Although Semb�ene producedworks of fiction (as a screenwriter and director),he was interested in other forms of audiovisualproduction from the beginning: in 1963 heresponded to an offer by the Malian government,who was looking to produce ethnographic films.Through his production house based in Dakar,Domirev, “son of the country,” he producedSonghays (Semb�ene, Ousmane, 1963), a 16-mmdocumentary on the lost Songhays empire. Simi-larly, in 1966, along with three other Africanfilmmakers (Henri Duparc, F�elix Ewande, andPaulin S. Vieyra), he responded to a call by theBureau of Cinema (JR Debrix, French coopera-tion) to submit a proposal for a pedagogical filmdesigned to combat alcoholism.8 For a variety ofreasons, none of the project proposals wereselected, and the film was never made. It is inter-esting to understand why filmmakers with at leastsome level of experience offered their services forsuch educational films. The first point certainlyillustrates filmmakers’ social commitment andtheir interest in helping to educate rural popula-tions: for example, this aspect is evident inSemb�ene’s oeuvre, including some short filmprojects such as Tauw (1969, 260). Additionally,the directors and the technicians had little oppor-tunity to practice their profession beyond thesefilms: they saw non-artistic projects as ways of“practicing their art.” For those, such asSemb�ene, who would perpetuate a private pro-duction structure, cooperating with the Frenchmade it possible to justify investments in newfilm equipment. Finally, it should be emphasizedthat these examples describe the porosity betweenthe modes of production and aesthetic forms: all

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filmmakers must negotiate these elements regard-less of time or geographical location. Again, thesepoints (social commitment; the need to film inorder to gain experience; the flexibility regardingfilm genre) are linked to the audiovisualindustry’s liminal nature in West Africa.

NIGER: BETWEEN COMITE DU FILM

ETHNOGRAPHIQUE AND CENTRE CULTUREL

FRANCO-NIGERIEN

Let us now examine the individuals in theSahelian countries, starting with the Republic ofNiger. Alassane Mustapha, a self-described auto-didact, claims he would have even “reinvented”the cinema:

At school I was known as an excellentartist, and I made a [Chinese] shadowpuppet show one day. I could createlions, elephants for my peers . . . I wasliving at that time in N’Dongou, where Ihad been born. At that time, neither Inor my friends knew anything about cin-ema, we had never heard of it. [. . .] Itwas then that I thought to make ashadow puppet show in color. For this, Iincreased the power of light and workedon a material through which it couldpass: the transparent packaging of ciga-rette packs! Later, I was finally able to seemovies and I even went so far as to makea camera that works! I then went on towork with Rouch on developing shoot-ing techniques and film equipment.9

He created his first cartoons: “which Iengraved directly on film and that I showed tofriends.”10 In 1960, with the technical support ofJean Rouch, he began to shoot La bague au roiKoda (Mustapha, Alassane, 1962, 220)11 inspired

by a legend from Niger’s Djerma. Despitenumerous technical shortcomings (amateurimages, shadow of the camera in the image, fit-tings in the axis, approximate angles of shooting,etc.), the film offers an innovative look at the tra-ditions of Niger. It is a cross between an ethno-graphic documentary and a fictional re-enactment with amateur participants. The entirefilm is narrated in French by a Nigerien narrator(probably Alassane Mustapha), except the finalsequence, which is accompanied by the non-syn-chronous voice of the griot shown on screen.

In 1962, Mustapha, in co-production withthe Ethnographic Film Committee and theFrench-Nigerien Cultural Center of Serge Moati,produced Aour�e (Mustapha, Alassane, 1962,300),12 a fable about the marriage between ayoung girl and a young fisherman. The film wonseveral prizes, including the first prize at the St.Cast International Ethnographic Film Festival in1962, and the silver medal for the 16-mm cate-gory at the 1962 Cannes Film Festival. The filmborrows from several cinematographic genres:ethnographic investigation, sociological observa-tion, and fiction. Despite the presence of musicalinstruments on screen, the wedding ceremonytakes place without music (almost withoutsound), whereas the subsequent celebration isfilmed with non-synchronous sound, which givesit the air of a documentary. Additionally, thisfilm denounces the social context that makes itdifficult for young people to get married: theyouth are weighed down by clan rules and mar-riage expenses. Thus the explanatory commentarytakes on a documentary form when it introducesthe situation or lists specifics such as the cost ofthe dowry: “it is often a sum of 25 to 30,000francs for young bride” (120).13 However, themontage breaks the homogeneity of this dis-course, and the image often illustrates a counter-point. While the narrator usually keeps a

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relatively serious explanatory tone, the imageplays on fictional registers, oscillating betweenromanticism and comedy. During one of the fish-erman’s visits to his future in-laws, the actress’sactions contradict the voiceover: “While Mariam,hidden behind the shrubs, listened seriously toher uncle’s conversation,”14 the young woman inthe image is laughing. The voiceover also playswith this element of burlesque when the narratorimitates the characters’ voices.

These two films attracted the attention ofClaude Jutra, a Quebec filmmaker invited toNiger by Jean Rouch. Returning to Montreal,Jutra organized the funds to invite Mustapha fora training course at the NFB (Canada) in 1962under the direction of animation master, Nor-man McLaren. This experience abroad was fun-damental for Mustapha, who pursued hisaudiovisual animation career in his native countryuntil 2015.

Oumarou Ganda made his first films underthe influence of Jean Rouch and the Franco-Nigerien Cultural Center where he was a techni-cal assistant. He met Rouch in Cote d’Ivoire atthe end of the 1950s, as he was fleeing both hiscolonial military experience and a failed return toNiger. He went on to collaborate with Rouch onethno-cinematographic research in Zazouman deTreichville (1957); he was also the main characterin Moi un noir (1958). Upon his return to Nia-mey, Ganda participated in the “Culture andCinema” club, where young French technicians(Moati, Letellier, and Delassus) provided trainingfor young people who wished to pursue differentprofessions in cinema: filmmaking, director ofphotography, and sound mixer.

The Cine-Club of Niamey pursued a doubleobjective: “initiation to the art of photographyand cinema, their history, their genres, theirauthors”; “by providing access to certain technol-ogies that incorporate both the fields of

photography and cinema.”15 As the culturalambassador to the French Embassy in Nigernoted in 1968:

This generation of youth will havelearned through film clubs, theoreticalcourses, direct participation in film pro-duction and their access to a team of pas-sionate cinephiles, to demystify andconsider film as an instrument of culture.It is a generation of savvy spectators whowill have been prepared.16

Similarly, this production program trainedtechnicians: “capable Nigeriens freely use thismaterial and are provided basic maintenancetraining, mainly under the direction of Mousta-pha Alassane and the supervision of Jean Rouch.”The privileged access to production materialallowed “two African [Nigerien] filmmakers [toreveal themselves]: Oumarou Ganda and Mous-tapha Alassane.”17

An excellent student, Ganda quickly becamean assistant to the French technicians; he assumedtechnical maintenance and began to train theyounger filmmakers. He also developed familiar-ity with the materials available at the CulturalCenter and the Ethnographic Film Committee(IFAN). In the mid-1960s, he began to write anddirect Cabascabo (Ganda, Oumarou, 1968, 520),a partially autobiographical film about the vet-eran tirailleurs s�en�egalais of Niger, in which heplayed the principal role. He included politicalreflection in his film, comparing the situations ofthe different colonial armies of France, GreatBritain, and the United States. Throughout thisfilm, Ganda tries to represent the horror of thefighting in Indochina, in order to account for thetrauma he experienced. The technical elements(camera and sound recording) are perfectly mas-tered: fixed shots construct descriptive scenes. A

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shoulder-held camera gives rhythm whenrequired by the plot intrigue (war scenes or dra-matic actions). Dialogues in Nigerien wererecorded live and then resynchronized during theediting process. Oumarou Ganda, the best-known Nigerien filmmaker, is not unique. Othernames emerge from the archives, including Djin-gareye Ma€ıga, who was also formed by theFranco-Nigerien Cultural Center.

According to the information currently avail-able in the archives, the situation appears to havebeen very similar in the Republic of Upper Volta:young Burkinab�es were trained for careers in cin-ema through contact with French professionals.18

According to the archives and the testimony ofthe first employees of the CCF, the Ouagadou-gou Cultural Center focused solely on projectionand aesthetic education. As witnessed by Souley-mane Ou�edraogo (1935–),19 the Cin�e-Club wasvery crowded on Saturday evenings and includedlively debates. It was organized by Ren�e BernardYonly (1945–), a teacher at the University ofOuagadougou who was also responsible for theUniversity Library. Among the assiduous young-sters, Djim Kola was always present and activewithin the club, before continuing his studies inFrance and making his first film in 1971. Simi-larly, the Cultural Center contributed to thedevelopment of cinema in Upper Volta by train-ing projectionists: Souleymane Ou�edraogo washired as an electrician before learning aboutscreening at the CCF, which led to him obtainingaudiovisual training in France. He then went onto train “hundreds of young projectionists,”20

who would later become the leaders of the grow-ing film industry in Burkina Faso.

Without accessible means of production, theCCF thus played a modest role in the training offuture technicians. This training was done mainlyby Serge Ricci, a film technician and filmmakerworking for the CAI, the International

Audiovisual Consortium. Under the direction ofthe State Secretariat for Cooperation and in col-laboration with the Information Department ofUpper Volta, Ricci trained many youngBurkinab�es in cinematographic activities.

AUDIO-VISUAL PRODUCTION IN UPPER

VOLTA: CONSORTIUM AUDIOVISUEL

INTERNATIONAL

In order to better understand the ways inwhich the different agencies of the French Coop-eration were organized, let us return to France’saudiovisual impact in its colonies after indepen-dence. France has a strong presence in the audio-visual sector of its former African colonies. Theaudiovisual policy of the A.O.F. (French WestAfrica) can be paradoxically summed up as regu-lating both filmmaking and cinematographic pro-jections: every filmed image had to be validatedby a committee so as not to conflict with colonialpropaganda. The distribution of films was over-seen by a harsh censorship committee who deter-mined the authorized audience. Many films werecensored—including Afrique 50 (Ren�e Vautier,1950), a documentary about French Africa whosedistribution was severely limited, and Les statuesmeurent aussi (Chris Marker, Alain Resnais, andGhislain Cloquet, 1953), a French documentaryabout the lack of consideration for African art inthe colonial context. In comparison with theFrench government’s propaganda film system inAlgeria in the late 1940s, the British (1930) andthen the Belgians (1940) organized colonial pro-jections relatively early. It was not until the refer-endum on independence (and the fears of seeingthe former colonies turn toward the communistbloc) that the French authorities became con-cerned about the absence of an audiovisual pro-paganda system21 in their former Africancolonies.

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At the time of independence, the Frenchadministration underwent rapid reform, chang-ing the form of its relationship with the new Afri-can countries: colonial administrators werereplaced by a system of diplomatic representa-tion, and the colonial ministry gave way to a Sec-retary of State Cooperation in the Ministry ofForeign Affairs. However, the actual African poli-cies were always directed from the Elys�ee Pal-ace,22 in the office of Councilor Foccart. It is onthis basis that neo-colonial elements of French-African relations came to be put in place23: politi-cal and cultural control; economic and socialdevelopment (business partners); disguised sub-sidy systems (loans, sale of obsolete equipment,misappropriation of public funds, etc.). Impor-tant decisions were made at this level, includingquestions of audiovisual propaganda and the con-trol of intellectuals.

The regular French government was officiallyresponsible for continuing the “civilizing mis-sion,” incorporating Foccart’s guidelines in theirprojects. It was in this context that the CinemaOffice was created in 1963, directed by Jean-Ren�e Debrix and organized around three objec-tives: to take charge of the production of news-reels in the former colonies (television); toparticipate in development efforts (educationalfilms); and to “help” the former colonies developcultural productions in French. As confirmed byDebrix in 1976, the rise of the cinema “as aninstrument of information, of formation of themasses and of cultural development is, in the con-text of the modern world, one of the greatest Afri-can tasks.” As a cin�ephile and film teacher, Debrixshowed a great passion for helping “young prom-ising filmmakers”; he stated that “any Africandirector who claims to have a film project willfind cooperation and technical selection in theOffice of the Cinema and the possibility to carryon with the project without any [fear of]

censorship being exercised against [the endresult].”24 The Cinema Bureau was supposed tocoordinate the activities of various governmentalagencies in the field of cinema (National CinemaCenter - CNC, French News, InternationalAudiovisual Consortium - CAI, CooperationMissions, Cultural Advisors, Cultural Centers,etc.). In reality, it was often short-circuited, espe-cially by the Foccart regime.25

The relatively late arrival of these agenciesexplains the difference in models between thecoastal countries (such as Senegal) and the coun-tries of the Sahel: in 1963, the first Senegalesefilmmakers were already active, and the new gov-ernment had already launched an ambitiousaudiovisual policy centered on news and educa-tional projections. France supported this effort(financially and technically) but did not need tocreate favorable conditions for the emergence ofsuch audiovisual production bodies, as it did inNiger and Upper Volta. For example, it is wrongto think that the French Cooperation did notprovide any assistance to Semb�ene during thefilming of Borom Sarrett (Semb�ene, Ousmane,1962, 220). Andr�e Zwobada (in charge of FrenchNews in Senegal) is listed as co-producer, sincehe provided the camera and 16-mm film.26

On the other hand, in the countries of theSahel, the Cinema Office and the network ofFrench Cultural Centers arrived at the righttime to help structure projects launched byEuropean or African participants. According tothe information presented in reports by theFrench administration, it appears that eachnational audiovisual production was centeredon a single French director: Jean Rouch inNiger; Serge Ricci in Upper Volta, Rouquier inChad; Cheminal in Gabon; and so on. Asalready mentioned, Rouch’s experience in Nigerwas obviously different from that of other film-makers: it was financed by the Mus�e de

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l’Homme in Paris and by UNESCO. He didnot produce any topical or educational filmsbut documents related to his ethnographicresearch. He led numerous projects and collab-orated with many people, including youngNigeriens that he would go on to train in his“cinematic madness” (folie cin�ematographique).

Conversely, the experience of Serge Ricciseems relatively representative of other Frenchfilmmakers. Acting as director and cameraman,he made most of the ethnographic and educa-tional films screened in Upper Volta in the 1960sand was also the main operator for newsreels. Heeventually became the principal operator of CAIin Upper Volta, and his unit was quickly recog-nized as a model for the production of educa-tional films:

Under the support of Serge Ricci, astrong base of production and diffusionof 16 mm (except laboratories) devel-oped in Ouagadougou. Although thefirst films were particularly political innature (at the dawn of Independence),since 1961, the Center has started, withthe help of locally trained African techni-cians, the production of strictly educa-tional films.27

In 1966, the “Ricci-Haute-Volta” programwas financed directly by the cultural activitiesbranch of the Cultural and Technical Coopera-tion Department (120,000 F28). Ricci produceda large number of newsreels and educational filmsin collaboration with other cooperatives (such asthe technical or health services) and other relevantministries in Upper Volta:

It is important to highlight the achieve-ments of the cinematographic informa-tion service under the authority of Mr.

Ricci and in particular, a short film ofexcellent quality on the culture sur-rounding peanut cultivation. This docu-mentary, the production of which wasfinanced by the cultural service, wasfilmed and edited in Ouagadougou andis an example of what can be done onsite, with a low budget, for the educationof the masses. This was a team effortinvolving specialists from the Ministry ofAgriculture and ORSTOM.29

Ricci was also recognized by the Frenchadministration as an advisor when it came toreorganizing the French cultural and technicalcooperation in audiovisual matters. When LeFranc came to the Upper Volta Mission in Febru-ary 1967, he met the Minister of Information ofUpper Volta and all the authorities of the FrenchEmbassy. However, his report was based primar-ily on the point of view of the filmmaker, whoalways gave a concrete opinion based on the real-ity of the field.

To assist him in his various projects, Riccitrained local technicians, including Issaka Thio-mbiano, S�ekou Ou�edraogo (cameramen andchief operators), and Jean-Pierre Ou�edraogo(projection and administration), all attached tothe Cinema Service of the Directorate of Infor-mation of Upper Volta. According to Jean-PierreOu�edraogo,30 Ricci’s relationship with theemployees of the Cinema Service was always veryfriendly: he was a natural leader, and everyonerespected his “professional skills.” He readilyshared his knowledge and encouraged everyoneto take responsibility in their area of expertise.Ricci also negotiated to provide additional train-ing to his deputies: for example, “Sakou [sic]Ou�edraogo” appears as “operator-reporter”“Voltaic formed in Paris,” in the archives of theMinistry of Cooperation.31 Similarly, after

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training in Bamako in the 1950s, Jean-PierreOu�edraogo was sent to Paris in the 1960s for anadvanced training course in 16-mm projection.

Ricci collaborated with S�ekou Ou�edraogo,“camera operator,” who appears in the credits ofmany films made by Ricci in Upper Volta,including Usage du savon (S. Ricci, 1967, 200), ashort film on the sanitary importance of properlyusing soap. Several times Ricci recommended giv-ing more autonomy to S�ekou Ou�edraogo, espe-cially when it came to producing local news.32

Although S�ekou Ou�edraogo is sometimes pre-sented as the first Burkinab�e filmmaker, I preferto include him in the first generation of techni-cians who would go on to encourage the emer-gence of a generation of “young” filmmakers,including Gaston Kabor�e (1951), Idrissa Ou�e-draogo (1954), and Pierre Yam�eogo (1955).S�ekou Ou�edraogo’s experience was essential dur-ing their first film production.

The case of Mamadou Djim Kola is signifi-cantly different: student at l’�Ecole normaled’instituteurs (teachers’ training college) in Oua-higouya, he was stationed successively in Bobo-Dioulasso, Rollo, Ti�eb�el�e, and Tanghin Dassouri(25 km from Ouagadougou). In 1961, heenrolled in a long-distance training course to pre-pare for the admissions competition to the Inde-pendent Center of French Cinema (Centreind�ependant du cin�ema francais, CICF). Despitepassing the examination, the Upper Volta’s Min-istry of Education denied his request for leave:“the country needed more teachers than the film-maker he foolishly wanted to become.” He tookadvantage of his relative proximity to Ouagadou-gou to follow the activities of the Cine-Club atthe CCF while undertaking more long-distancecourses. He eventually traveled to France, wherehe studied cinema aesthetics at the Sorbonne.During a short stay in Upper Volta, he directedLe sang des Parias (Djim, Mamadou Kola, 1971,

900), a 16-mm color film, considered the first fea-ture film of Upper Volta. Produced with the helpof the Fonds de D�eveloppement du Cin�ema Vol-ta€ıque (Voltaic Film Development Fund), thefilm is a fictionalized examination of social issues:“The themes developed by Kola in his featurefilms are didactic and moralizing, as is normal ina young country where contradictions betweencertain outdated aspects of tradition and socialprogress appear.”33

After a number of other personal projects,such as Kognini (Djim Mamadou Kola, 1972),34

he collaborated with Maurice Bulbulian, a Cana-dian director, to produce a documentary onurban planning in Ouagadougou Cissin . . . cinqans plus tard (Maurice Bulbulian, 1982, 380).Djim Kola played an important role in the pro-fessionalization of Burkinab�e cinema, as technicaldirector of the Inter-African Center for Film Pro-duction (CIPROFILM - 1976–1979), then aspresident of the Burkina Faso National FilmAssociation - 1987), and finally to the Ministryof Information and Culture (1990–1993). Forexample, in the 1970s he was one of those whoinsisted on creating a West African trainingschool for aspiring filmmakers. Djim Kola alsoopened the door to other filmmakers and teach-ers. In 1973, Ren�e Bernard Yonly realized Sur leChemin de la r�econciliation (Ren�e Bernard Yonly,1973), a film that attempted to show the dangersof multi-partyism. Similarly, in 1976 AugustinRoch Taoko directed M’Ba-Raogo (AugustinTaoko, 1976). Unfortunately, these films did notlaunch their cinematic careers, and both Yonlyand Taoko returned to teaching.

In 1976, the African Institute of Cinemato-graphic Studies (L’Institut africain d’�etudescin�ematographiques, IN.AF.E.C.) was foundedin Ouagadougou. It offered two specializations:one in cultural animation and one in audiovisualproduction. Each specialty provided a double

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formation: technical training, adapted to eachtrack, and a solid general education in anthropol-ogy, linguistics, history and sociology of informa-tion and media, public studies, development,Black art, and culture studies. Thus producerslearned about projection and programming. Cre-ators learned all the trades of cinema and televi-sion, from filming and sound recording toediting and mixing. The operational plan ofINAFEC was based on an agreement between thecountries of the subregion:

INAFEC was meant to become aregional institution receiving financialbacking and students from differentAfrican countries, but it neverachieved that goal. While a few stu-dents from surrounding West Africancountries did graduate, 80 percent ofits funding was supplied by BurkinaFaso, and after ten years of operationthe school proved too costly to main-tain and was shut down.35

Without the collaboration of other WestAfrican countries, the educational structurequickly became overdeveloped for a small coun-try like Burkina Faso. Failing to unite othercountries, Burkina Faso had to cut funding for itsfilm school. It is regrettable that there was such alack of mobilization among the other countries ofthe subregion: a school in a neighboring countrywould have given access to vocational training tomore young filmmakers and perhaps revealedother talents. Moreover, with the development ofthe audiovisual sector in the 2000s, it is likelythat the school could have diversified its trainingand professionalized a sector that still suffersfrom inconsistent levels of skill.

However, the results obtained by INAFECwere quite significant:

In this short period, it gave initial train-ing to some well-known Burkinabedirectors, including Idrissa Ouedraogoand Fanta Nacro. The stimulus of gov-ernment initiatives even inspired aBurkinab�e businessman to start a fullyequipped private film studio in Ouaga-dougou (Cinafric), hoping to capturesome of the processing that was sentabroad.36

It is important to note that former studentshave made an impact on the industry as adminis-trative executives of FESPACO, such as Jean-Yves Nana, or as foreign filmmakers, such as theMalian Salif Traor�e (Mali, 1954).

CONCLUSION

The picture of the cinematographic situationin West Africa would not be complete without(at least) the mention of the films’ diffusion plat-forms and their modes of validation. For exam-ple, the journal Pr�esence africaine and,specifically, its founder Alioune Diop, a Senegal-ese intellectual, played a leading role in the eman-cipation of African cultures, including itscinemas.37 Similarly, the careers of filmmakerswould not have been the same without the Panaf-rican Festival of Cinema and Television of Oua-gadougou FESPACO, created in response to theinitiative of film aficionados.

The distinction between the “coastal” (Sene-galese) and the other “Sahelian” model is clearly asimplification. Nevertheless, this distinctionallows us to highlight the diversity of individualpaths within the emerging film institution inpost-independence Africa. It appears that theimportance of non-artistic audiovisual produc-tions in the first years of African cinemas served afundamental purpose. Nowadays, television

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production, news or telefilm production, as wellas the production of educational films are veryimportant. However, their impact on film pro-duction, particularly on what is commonly calledthe “FESPACO model,” is, with exceptions, rela-tively negligible.

As Dubois (1978) and Biron (2000) showed,the close proximity between different forms of cul-tural production is characteristic of a liminal insti-tution: before training, production, financing,validation, or distribution body institutions are inplace, filmmakers must “navigate” in order to gainexperience and the necessary cinematographictools to help them find their style and their ownvoice and aesthetic. Significantly the traces of thesecompromises have been systematically erased fromthe stories of African cinema. Specialists considerthese aspects to be negligible or perhaps fear somedegree of discretization. On the contrary, we couldchoose to highlight them in order to show, forexample, the timeless difficulties of cinemato-graphic activity, as well as the political and socialroots of West African audiovisual production.

NOTES

Vincent Bouchard (vbouchar@indiana.edu) is Assis-tant Professor of Francophone Studies at IndianaUniversity – Bloomington. After a double-programwithin the Film Studies Department at the SorbonneNouvelle (Paris III) and the Comparative LiteratureDepartment at the University of Montreal, he taughtin the Francophone Studies program at the Univer-sity of Louisiana at Lafayette. He published a bookPour un cin�ema l�eger et synchrone �a Montr�eal !, atthe Septentrion University Press (2012). He also co-directed an issue of the scientific journal Cin�emas(Le bonimenteur et ses avatars, Cin�emas, vol. 20, n�

1, 2010), and the book Dialogues du cinema (NotaBene, 2016).

1 “L’orthodoxie n’exerce aucun charme surl’�ecrivain liminaire. C’est meme tout le contra-ire: moderne d�esinvolte, l’�ecrivain liminaireemprunte �a gauche et �a droite, dans une sorte ded�esordre chronologique et g�eographique tout �afait symptomatique du syst�eme h�et�erodoxe quicaract�erise son �ecriture” (Michel Biron,L’ absence du maıtre, 2000, pp. 24–25).

2 Pierre Bourdieu, Le March�e des biens symboliques,1971, p. 56.

3 “La vie continue, pittoresque, bruyante et color-�ee” (10000); “On se d�etend, on est heureux, onse balance avec le rythme” (12030), translationby Dana Vanderburgh.

4 “�A l’�epoque, en 1963, le cin�ema s�en�egalais �etaitquasiment inexistant. Je me suis risqu�e pour voirce que ca donnerait!” (Thiam, Cin�emaction,1979, p. 130, translation by Dana Vanderburgh).

5 “mani�eres de sauvages” (60) ; “les g�enies se sontveng�es de lui !” (280), translation by DanaVanderburgh.

6 or perruquage, Michel de Certeau, L’ inventiondu quotidien, 1990, p. 49.

7 Pierre Bourdieu, Esquisse d’ une th�eorie de la pra-tique, 1972, p. 56.

8 Source Campagne audio-visuelle contrel’ alcoolisme. La lutte anti-alcoolisme en AfriqueNoire. (Archives AN 19930381/14).

9 “J’ai �et�e, �a l’�ecole, un excellent dessinateur, et jesuis arriv�e un jour �a faire des ombres chinoises.Je pouvais montrer �a mes camarades des lions,des �el�ephants. . . Je vivais �a ce moment-l�a �aN’Dongou ou je suis n�e. Ni moi, ni mes amis neconnaissions �a cette �epoque-l�a le cin�ema, nousn’en avions jamais entendu parler. [. . .] C’estalors que j’ai pens�e r�ealiser un spectacle en cou-leurs. Pour cela, j’ai augment�e la puissance de lalumi�ere et travaill�e sur une mati�ere �a traverslaquelle elle pouvait passer: les emballages trans-parents des paquets de cigarettes! Plus tard, j’aipu voir des films. Et je suis meme all�e jusqu’�afabriquer une cam�era qui marche ! Ensuite j’aitravaill�e avec Rouch �a la prise de vues et au

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mat�eriel de tournage” (Mustapha, Cin�emaction,1979, p. 15, translation by Dana Vanderburgh).

10 “que je gravais directement sur pellicule et que jemontrais �a des amis” (Mustapha, Cin�emaction,1979, p. 15, translation by Dana Vanderburgh).

11 Production cost: 8 340 F, Note sur la diffusion dufilm francais en Afrique (Archives AN 19930381/14).

12 Production cost: 7 587 F, Note sur la diffusion dufilm francais en Afrique (Archives AN 19930381/14).

13 “c’est souvent une somme de 25 �a 30 000 francspour les jeunes filles” (120).

14 “Tandis que Mariam, cach�ee derri�ere les seccos,�ecoutait s�erieusement la conversation de son oncle.”

15 “initiation �a l’art de la photographie et ducin�ema, �a leur histoire, �a leurs genres, leursauteurs” ; “par l’acc�es �a une certaine technologiequ’implique toute cr�eation dans le domaine dela photographie et du cin�ema” (P. Sentilhes,Lettre d’introduction au Compte rendu desactivit�es de la section cin�ematographique (1967–1968), Centre culturel franco-nig�erien, Niamey,1968, Archives AN 19930381/7, p. 1, transla-tion by Dana Vanderburgh).

16 “Cette jeunesse y aura appris par les cin�e-clubs,les cours th�eoriques, la participation directe �a destournages de films et par la fr�equentation d’une�equipe de passionn�ee de cin�ema, �a la d�emystifieret �a l’envisager comme un instrument de culture.C’est une g�en�eration de spectateurs avertis quiaura �et�e pr�epar�ee” (P. Sentilhes, Lettred’introduction au Compte rendu des activit�es dela section cin�ematographique (1967–1968),Centre culturel franco-nig�erien, Niamey, 1968,Archives AN 19930381/7, p. 1, translation byDana Vanderburgh).

17 “des Nig�eriens capables d’utiliser en toute libert�ece mat�eriel et d’en assurer l’entretien�el�ementaire, principalement sous laresponsabilit�e de Moustapha Alassane et grace �ala supervision de Jean Rouch” ; “deux cin�eastesafricains [nig�eriens] [de se r�ev�eler] : OumarouGanda et Moustapha Alassane” (P. Sentilhes,

Lettre d’ introduction au Compte rendu desactivit�es de la section cin�ematographique (1967–1968), Centre culturel franco-nig�erien, Niamey,1968, Archives AN 19930381/7, p. 2, transla-tion by Dana Vanderburgh).

18 “S�eances au Centre Culturel et �a l’universit�eorganis�ees dans le cadre du Programme des�Etudes Cin�ematographiques de l’Institut Audiovi-suel de l’Universit�e” (Colonne, �Echanges culturellesavec la Haute-Volta, 1977, AN 20000138/3, p. 5).

19 Interview with Souleymane Ou�edraogo (1935–),February 2017, Ouagadougou.

20 Interview with Souleymane Ou�edraogo (1935–),February 2017, Ouagadougou.

21 To draw a complete picture, it would be neces-sary to raise the UNESCO resolutions in favorof an educational audio-visual system.

22 French presidential offices.23 Source: Philippe Gaillard, Foccart parle: entre-

tiens (Paris: Fayard: Jeune Afrique, 1995).24 L’essor du cin�ema “comme instrument

d’information, de formation des masses et ded�eveloppement culturel est, dans le contexte dumonde moderne, une des grandes taches del’Afrique.” “Tout r�ealisateur africain qui pr�etend“avoir un film dans le ventre,” trouve au bureaudu cin�ema de la coop�eration et �a sa section tech-nique la possibilit�e de le r�ealiser librement, sansqu’aucune censure ne s’exerce �a son encontre” (J.R. Debrix, Administration et gestion du bureaudu cin�ema, 1963–1976, Archives AN 19930381,translation by Dana Vanderburgh).

25 Source: Philippe Gaillard, Foccart parle: entre-tiens (Paris: Fayard: Jeune Afrique, 1995).

26 Source: Guy Hennebelle, Ruelle Catherine(dir.), Cin�eastes d’Afrique noire, Cin�emaction no.49, 1979.

27 “Sous l’impulsion de Serge Ricci, une basecompl�ete de production et de diffusion en16 mm (sauf laboratoires) s’est mont�ee �a Ouaga-dougou. Si les premi�eres r�ealisations ont eu sur-tout un caract�eristique politique (A minuit,l’ Ind�ependance), d�es 1961, le Centre acommenc�e, avec l’aide de techniciens africains

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form�es sur place, la r�ealisation de films stricte-ment �educatifs” (Jean Rouch, Situation et ten-dances actuelles du cin�ema africain, UNESCO,1962, Archives AN 19930381/19, p. 24, transla-tion by Dana Vanderburgh).

28 Archives AN 19930381/16.29 “Il faut signaler �a ce propos, les r�ealisations du ser-

vice cin�ematographique de l’information plac�esous l’autorit�e de M. Ricci et en particulier, uncourt m�etrage d’excellente qualit�e, sur la culturede l’arachide. Ce documentaire, dont la produc-tion a �et�e financ�ee par le service culturel, a �et�emont�e et sonoris�e �a Ouagadougou et constitue unexemple de ce qu’il est possible de faire sur place,sans grands frais, pour l’�education des masses. Ils’agit d’un travail d’�equipe auquel ont pris part lessp�ecialistes du Minist�ere de l’agriculture et del’ORSTOM” (Ambassade de France en Haute-Volta, L’ action culturelle francaise en Haute-Volta,1963, Archives AN AG/5(F)/3344, pp. 8–9,translation by Dana Vanderburgh).

30 Interview with Jean-Pierre Ou�edraogo (1925–),February 2017, Ouagadougou.

31 Note pour M. Mandelkern, Minist�ere de lacoop�eration, Paris, juillet 1967, Archives AN19930381/16, p. 1

32 Le Franc, Mission en Haute-Volta, Ouagadougouf�evrier 1967, Paris, 1967 (Archives AN19930381/16).

33 Bachy, La Haute-Volta et le cin�ema, 1983, p. 29,translation by Dana Vanderburgh.

34 “Le Film a �et�e financ�e en partie par lesAm�ericains et le compl�ement apport�e par laSAED. Mais cette soci�et�e n’a pu honorer sesengagements et j’ai �et�e oblig�e de m�egoter

jusqu’au stade actuel, c’est-�a-dire le montageartistique du film” (Kola, cit�e in Bachy, LaHaute-Volta et le cin�ema, 1983, p. 30).

35 Saul, “Art, Politics, and Commerce in Franco-phone African Cinema,” in R. Austen and M.Saul (Eds.), Viewing African Cinema in theTwenty-First Century, 2010, p. 144.

36 Saul, “Art, Politics, and Commerce in Franco-phone African Cinema,” in R. Austen and M.Saul (Eds.), Viewing African Cinema in theTwenty-First Century, 2010, p. 144.

37 On this question, consult Iwiy�e Kala-Lobe,“Alioune Diop et le cin�ema africain,” Pr�esenceafricaine, 1983, no. 125, pp. 329–350.

REFERENCES

Aziza, M. (1977). (dir.). Patrimoine culturel et cr�eation con-temporaine en Afrique et dans le monde arabe. Dakar: Lesnouvelles Editions Africaines.

Bachy, V. (1983). Pour une histoire du cin�ema africain. Brux-elles: OCIC.

Biron, M. (2000). L’ absence du maıtre: Saint-Denys Gar-neau, Ferron, Ducharme. Montr�eal: Presses del’Universit�e de Montr�eal.

Bourdieu, P. (1971). Le March�e des biens symboliques.L’Ann�ee sociologique, 22, 49–125.

Campagne audio-visuelle contre l’alcoolisme. La lutte anti-alcoolisme en Afrique Noire. (Archives AN 19930381/14).

Certeau, M. D. (1980). L’ invention du quotidien, 1. L’ art defaire. Paris: Gallimard, 1990.

Dubois, J. (1978). L’ Institution de la litt�erature: Introduction�a une sociologie. Paris: Nathan.

Fanon, F. (2002). Les damn�es de la terre. Paris: Lad�ecouverte, 1961.

Gaillard, P. (1995). Foccart parle: Entretiens. Paris: Fayard:Jeune Afrique.

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