elite rule in the philippines
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a paper on elite rule in the PhilippinesTRANSCRIPT
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Elite Rule in the Philippines:
Roots, Dilemmas and AlternativesDavid Michael M. San Juan
Benedict Anderson says it’s a “cacique democracy.” Some Southeast
Asian academics label it as “low quality democracy.” All euphemisms and jargon
aside, Philippine democracy never exists. Instead of democracy, elite rule is what
Filipinos have. This early, the uninformed ought to be reminded that democracy
isn’t simply having a free press (and mind you, the Philippines HAS NO free
press – more on that later, and that’s actually another story) or having a
government that seasonally tolerates regular anti-government protest actions
near the presidential palace (and mind you, most Philippine regimes are
intolerant of such protest actions). Contrary to popular belief, the existence of
party-lists (small and relatively weaker non-traditional political parties usually
founded by grassroots organizations and/or enlightened segments of the middle
class) is actually a proof that Philippine democracy doesn’t exist. To begin with,
democracy will only exist where grassroots organizations (e.g. people’s
organizations) are in full control of – and not just given a paltry share of power in
– the government’s three branches. For as long as the common folks stay
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marginalized, competing for few token party-list seats in Congress, genuine
democracy won’t exist.
Elite Rule in Pre-Hispanic Times
Elite rule – the exact opposite of democracy – in the Philippines has
existed in the archipelago prior to the Spanish colonization. Benign as it is, the
rule of datus, rajahs and sultans in the archipelago was a version of elite rule too.
It’s just that the power of datus, rajahs and sultans appear to be “checked” or at
times even limited by the ancient Filipinos’ council of elders and the partially
collective ownership of land. The latter fact explains why the ancient datus,
rajahs and sultans can’t become very very wealthy and hence be able to buy
their way out to imposing elite rule. In fact, there was little incentive to become
wealthy during those times. Wealth has no use. You can’t even brag about it
because no one’s interested. Jewelry, a contemporary symbol of wealth, was
worn by ancient Filipinos not as a sign of wealth but just an expression of their
aesthetic inclinations. The Filipinos then were contented to just have something
to eat and a great majority won’t be interested in gaining wealth.
Colonialism as a Buttress of Elite Rule
When the Spaniards came, they merely strengthened elite rule by co-
opting most of the noble clans in the archipelago (with the exception of some
Northern tribes and the inhabitants of a great portion of Southern Philippines).
Most of the first barrio, town, city and provincial officials in the first decades of
Spanish rule came from these co-opted clans. They became the lapdogs of
Spanish colonialism in exchange for a relatively luxurious life as government
officials tasked with collecting taxes and having the rights to engage in the then
financially viable Galleon Trade. A number of these clans also became land
administrators of Spanish officials and even Spanish friars. It is very difficult to
explain how these noble clans adopted the Westerners’ alien concept of wealth
and luxury. Suffice it to say that the Spaniards were able to persuade the noble
clans that the possession of wealth is good and that they can only possess
wealth if they supported Spanish colonialism.
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Katipunan: Anti-Elite Rule At Birth
When Andres Bonifacio co-founded the first national organization of
armed revolutionaries against Spain (the Katipunan or the KKK), a chance to
smash elite rule through smashing Spanish colonialism popped out. Indeed, one
of the Katipunan’s major aims was to end the oppressive hacienda system (e.g.
feudalism) in the country which has benefited the abovementioned formerly noble
clans in cahoots with Spanish citizens. Had the Katipunan succeeded, the
Philippines would have become a strange country with socialist aspirations ala-
Cuba yet with some respect left for those who want to become rich(er) with some
limitations of course such as high taxes, ala-Scandinavia. This is because the
Katipunan was an organization composed of grassroots people such as workers
and farmers and middle class figures such as government employees and
Western-educated intellectuals. Had it survived as such, the country’s system
could have been more egalitarian yet at the same time not that averse to the idea
of some individuals getting rich, though not that rich. Certainly, such a system
would be very different from today’s elite rule.
Death of Katipunan: Hijacking of a People’s Revolt
Unfortunately, the Katipunan was obliterated when its middle class
elements succeeded in capturing its leadership role by murdering Bonifacio and
other similarly enlightened personalities. Hence, instead of a hybrid democratic
republic, Emilio Aguinaldo and his minions instituted their own version of elite
rule. They convened an elite-dominated Congress (the Malolos Congress) and
would have called for local elections where elite candidates could have easily
won had the Americans failed to intervene in 1899 onwards.
What Could Have Been: A Coalition Government in a Democratic Republic
Actually, even when Aguinaldo et al. were in power – with Bonifacio and
his men either dead or still reassessing their strategies – there was a slim chance
that his own version of elite rule could refashion itself in one way or another to
mirror the Katipunan’s more egalitarian aims. Apolinario Mabini, a very intelligent
man, Aguinaldo’s adviser and for a time, prime minister, came from a very poor
peasant family. Hence, he had the best of intentions when he continuously
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cooperated with Aguinaldo. He hoped that Aguinaldo would soon favor temporary
one-man rule (e.g. a revolutionary dictatorship with him as the chief) to swiftly
implement sweeping socio-economic reforms that could have smashed the
foundations of elite rule and colonialism in the Philippines. After such period of
temporary revolutionary dictatorship, Mabini dreamed of having Aguinaldo
shepherd the country’s transition to genuine democracy (e.g. a republican form of
government where the voice of the worker and the farmer would be enough to
peacefully drown out the voice of the businessmen and the weakened landlords
who by that time would have become landless thanks to Katipunan-inspired land
reform).
A Recurring Theme: From Patriots to Traitors
Unfortunately, Mabini was sidelined in Aguinaldo’s cabinet and the president’s
elite advisers – most of them would become traitors to the infant Philippine
republic as the Americans publicize and implement their imperialist ambitions in
the country – prevailed. No revolutionary dictatorship was instituted. Elite rule
was established, Philippine-style. Officials of the old colonial structures instantly
became the officials of the new Philippine “republic.” Hence, no land reform was
instituted. Farmers – who compose the majority then and now – were betrayed
by the leaders of the “revolution.” The status quo was secured.
Eternal Revolution
When the Americans began colonizing the Philippines in 1899, there was
another chance to overthrow elite rule as the people attempted to smash
American imperialism. Grassroots leaders of the now formally defunct Katipunan
started reorganizing the people along the Katipunan’s old slogans: freedom from
colonialism/imperialism and freedom from elite rule. These forces correctly
identified the new enemies: traitors to the republic who have embraced the
diamond shackles of American imperialism in exchange for wealth and a status
quo that favors them – elite clans who have become the new landowners after
the Americans instituted a new titling system (few Spanish citizens and friars
retained their landholdings) – and the American imperialists. Unfortunately, the
American imperialists are well-armed, politically and militarily. Politically, they
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strengthened elite rule by conducting local elections to attract and solidify the
support of elite and middle class citizens for American imperialism. They also
instituted a public health and education system so as to let poor Filipinos believe
in the great lie that Uncle Sam is a friend. Meanwhile, for the few intelligent
citizens who resisted American imperialism and the elite rule that it has instituted,
the Americans reserved the most brutal forms of anti-insurgency campaigns.
Hence, within a few decades, the Americans were able to “pacify” the Philippines
and the Filipinos’ formerly overwhelming clamor for independence and the end of
elite rule.
First Grand People’s Electoral Alliance: Socialists, Republicans and Anti-
Imperialists in the 1930s
Well of course, there will always be a few good men and women to stand
up for what is right and just. Farmers and workers and some intellectuals carried
on with the struggle for social transformation through various means and
schemes. They established unions and other organizations, continuously
claiming that their struggle is the continuation of good old Katipunan’s struggle
for an egalitarian social system. They clamored for immediate independence and
the overthrow of elite rule. They joined strikes, pickets etc. and even tried to win
in elections. For example, they fielded Gregorio Aglipay and Norberto Nabong as
candidates of a grand republican, socialist and anti-imperialist coalition against
Manuel Luis Quezon. Of course, we all know that the American boy won. Elite
rule has become so well-entrenched by that time that good candidates fielded by
the masses fail to win in elections. Indeed, some segments of the masses,
attracted by the charisma of many traditional elite candidates begin to bite into
the illusion that some segments of the elite would liberate them from poverty and
imperialism, and hence, it’s no longer necessary to join the radicals who reject
almost all elite candidates as part and parcel of the forces of elite rule in the
country.
Japanese Invasion and Beyond: Another Lost Opportunity
The radicals had another chance to once and for all smash elite rule and
at the same time wipe out imperialism when the Japanese invaded the
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Philippines. The Americans retreated. The Philippines was virtually an “open city”
for anyone powerful enough to grab it. The radicals – mostly socialists,
communists and anti-imperialists – established the People’s Army Against the
Japanese (the Hukbalahap). This army was able to liberate some parts of Luzon
from Japanese rule. Hence, some parts of Luzon were virtually under some sort
of self-rule until the Americans begin seizing the Philippines again. Unfortunately,
the Hukbalahap was politically unconsolidated. Instead of resisting the return of
American imperialists, the Hukbalahap leadership embraced the return of the
imperialists. Naively, the Hukbalahap leadership believed that the Americans
would help the Philippines. They never learned the lessons of history. Instead,
the Americans reinstituted elite rule by massacring entire Hukbalahap squadrons
who have the power to initiate an anti-imperialist struggle in the country, or at
least in Luzon.
When the Americans granted “independence” to the Philippines, elite
clans have recovered everything that they lost during the Japanese rule and the
short period of democracy in the Hukbalahap-led zones of Luzon (indeed, some
elite clans cooperated with the Japanese and when the Americans returned, they
became pro-American again). There was no land reform. Haciendas are still
everywhere. Hence, farmers who compose the majority are still economically
powerless to attempt any legal challenge to the status quo. Nevertheless,
remnants of the radical camp tried their best to win in the post-independence
elections. They did win some seats but the Manuel Roxas regime unilaterally
invalidated the few posts won by the radicals. Hence, remnants of the
Hukbalahap restarted a guerilla campaign against imperialism and elite rule but it
was too late for it to recover lost ground.
Fast-Forward to 2012+: Faces Have Changed But Nothing Has Changed
From the Roxas administration to the second Aquino regime, nothing has
changed. Elite candidates win the posts that matter. Poor citizens who intend to
“infiltrate” the ruling system via other legal means such as the bureauracy and
the judiciary face all types of obstacles (first-class education and connections).
Grassroots organizations still attempt to breach elite rule by entering the halls of
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power via the tokenistic party-list elections. Time and again, the radicals – from
the Partido ng Bayan in the late 1980s to the Makabayan Coalition in 2010 –
have attempted to field candidates too in top-level posts (e.g. in Senate) but none
has been successful despite their good platforms which are so publicized even in
the mainstream media. What went wrong then?
Obstacles to Building a Larger Radical Mass Base
As of now, the radical mass base is at 3 million. This means that not all
poor and middle class citizens are radicals. In other words, there are very few
radicals in the country, and shocker of all shockers, at least when it comes to
elections, most poor and middle class citizens are conservative! Unless the
radical mass base balloons to at least 30 million, no fundamental change via the
constitutional means would be successful.
Why is it that the radicals find it very difficult to broaden their base? It’s
very simple: the elite controls everything in the ruling system. First and foremost,
the elite controls the state security forces (armed forces and the police) which it
conveniently uses to scare the common folks who would want to join and/or help
the radicals in capturing state power through various means, both constitutional
and extraconstitutional. The Philippine state security forces are so unlike that of
Venezuela. For example, Hugo Chavez, a socialist and anti-imperialist who won
in many presidential elections in Venezuela is actually a former paratrooper! That
means that in Venezuela, those who hold guns are free to choose their ideology,
hence they won’t use their guns against those professing other ideologies.
Hence, in Venezuela, for as long as you can convince that your ideology is
superior, you can easily win in elections without being afraid of a possible
intervention of the soldiers and the police. In the Philippines, all soldiers and
police are expected to blindly perpetuate the status quo and consequently, they
are expected to blindly consider all enemies of the status quo – the radicals – as
the state’s enemies too. Goodness, how can socialist and/or leftist and/or anti-
imperialist candidates and parties win in Philippine elections when state security
forces are always here, there and everywhere to campaign against socialism,
leftism and anti-imperialism. Simply put, the radicals in the Philippines are
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hindered from peacefully exercising their right to broaden their base by the not-so
neutral and hence reactionary state security forces. Conservatives in the media
and the academe help perpetuate such situation by portraying socialism, leftism
and anti-imperialism as great evils.
Three Alternatives
What’s the solution then? There are three alternatives: overhaul the
education of future members of state security forces to instill in them respect for
other ideologies, engage in a great propaganda war against the status quo to win
the masses and the middle class against all odds and help precipitate the
capture of state power by the radicals through elections or other means (e.g.
genuine people power), or wipe out the ruling system by militarily defeating its
security forces. The paths exist. The reader must choose his/her own way now.