ehm-aj baseline report, final draft - ybg & ykg

Baseline Study on

Access to Basic Services Among

Endangered and Highly Marginalized

Adibasi Janajatis in JEP-II Project Areas

Submitted by:

Yogendra Bahadur Gurung

Yasso Kanti Bhattachan (Gauchan)

Submitted to:

Janajati Empowerment Project – II (JEP-II)

Naya Baneshwor, Kathmandu, Nepal

March 2011

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First of all we like to extend our sincere gratitude to all the 24 respondents of the Endangered

and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajatis for providing valuable information about their

respective indigenous peoples during the field work. The team is indebted for their help and

support that led to successful completion of the survey.

We highly appreciate 12 field researchers who had to put special effort to collect information

during Bandhs (“transportation strike”) in the eastern developmental region. Our special

thanks go to research associates Sujin Lohorung, Salita Gurung and Junu Gauchan for

tabulation and analysis of field data in order to get into the shape of report.

We would like to acknowledge the contribution made by the representatives of various

government offices, including the LDOs, DEOs, DFOs, DDC representatives, leaders of

IPOs, VDCs secretaries, school Principals, teachers, social workers etc. Likewise thanks are

due to NEFIN DCC personnel for their continued help and support.

Last but not the least, our thanks go to Janajati Empowerment Project (JEP II) and Nepal

Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) for giving us an opportunity to carry out the

“Baseline Survey on the Access of HMJ and Endangered Janajatis to Basic Services”. We

would like to thank Raj Kumar Lekhi Tharu (Project Director and NEFIN Chairperson), Jyoti

Danuwar (Project Manager), Ramjee Kongren (National Program Coordinator), and Chhan

Bahadur Bhattachan (Assistant Program coordinator) for their inputs, help and cooperation

and all the staffs of JEP II.

Research Team March 2011

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RESEARCH TEAM Core Research Team

1. Yogendra B. Gurung 2. Yasso Kanti Bhattachan

Research Associate

1. Sujin Lohorung 2. Salita Gurung 3. Junu K. Gauchan

Field Researcher

4. Ratna Chaudhari 5. Manju Chemjong 6. Sadhana Chemjong 7. Kopila Basnet 8. Sirjana Aryal 9. Niraj Rai 10. Binod Kumar Mandal 11. Kamal Yakkha 12. Dil Bikram Angdembe

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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................................... i

RESEARCH TEAM ............................................................................................................................... ii

LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................. iv

ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................ v

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................................. vii

PART I: INTRODUCTION

A.1 BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................................. 1

A.2 OBJECTIVES .................................................................................................................................. 3

A.3 METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................................... 3

A.4 IDENTIFICATION OF BASELINE INDICATORS ...................................................................... 5 A.5 REFERENCE CITED ...................................................................................................................... 7

PART II: ENDANGERED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

B.1 LAPCHA .......................................................................................................................................... 9

B.2 KISAN ............................................................................................................................................ 14

B.3 MECHE .......................................................................................................................................... 19

B.4 HAYU ............................................................................................................................................ 24

B.5 SUREL ........................................................................................................................................... 30

B.6 BANKARIA ................................................................................................................................... 36

B.7 KUSHBADIA ................................................................................................................................ 42

B.8 KUSUNDA .................................................................................................................................... 49

B.9 RAJI ............................................................................................................................................... 54

B.10 RAUTE......................................................................................................................................... 60

PART III: HIGHLY MARGINALIZED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

C.1 KHADIA ........................................................................................................................................ 66

C.2 SANTHAL ..................................................................................................................................... 70

C.3 JHAGAND ..................................................................................................................................... 76

C.4 MUNDA ......................................................................................................................................... 82

C.5 THUDAM ...................................................................................................................................... 87

C.6 LHOMI ........................................................................................................................................... 92

C.7 DHANUK....................................................................................................................................... 99

C.8 DANUWAR ................................................................................................................................. 104

C.9 MAJHI .......................................................................................................................................... 109

C.10 THAMI ....................................................................................................................................... 115

C.11 CHEPANG ................................................................................................................................. 122

C.12 BARAM ..................................................................................................................................... 127

C.13 SIYAR ........................................................................................................................................ 134

C.14 BOTE ......................................................................................................................................... 138

ANNEX I: SURVEY TOOLS ............................................................................................................ 145

ANNEX II: SUMMARY TABLE OF BASIC INDICATORS .......................................................... 149

ANNEX III: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS IN FGD AND KII ............................................................. 150

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LIST OF TABLES

Table A.1: Distribution of EHM-AJs by district for sampling purpose .................................... 5

Table A.2: Classification of Baseline Indicators ....................................................................... 6 Table B.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lapcha ........................ 13

Table B.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kisan ........................... 18

Table B.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Meche ......................... 23

Table B.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Hayu ........................... 29

Table B.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Surel ........................... 35

Table B.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bankaria ..................... 41

Table B.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kushbadia ................... 48

Table B.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kusunda ...................... 53

Table B.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raji ............................. 59

Table B.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raute ......................... 64

Table C.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Khadias ....................... 69

Table C.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Santhal ........................ 75

Table C.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Jhangad ....................... 81

Table C.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Munda ......................... 86

Table C.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thudam ....................... 91

Table C.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lhomi ......................... 98

Table C.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Dhanuk ..................... 103

Table C.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Danuwar ................... 108

Table C.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Majhi ........................ 114

Table C.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thami ..................... 121

Table C.11: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Chepangs ................ 126

Table C.12: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Barams .................... 133

Table C.13: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Siyar ....................... 137

Table C.14: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bote ........................ 144

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ABBREVIATIONS AD Anno Domini (Christian Calendar) AJs Aadibasi Janajatis ANC Anti-natal Care B.S. Bikram Sambat CBOs Community Based Organizations CBS Central Bureau of Statistics CC Central Committee CDS Centre for Development Service CFUG Community Forest User Group CMA Community Medical Assistant CPN Communist Party of Nepal CPN-UML Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) DCC District Coordination Committees DCM District Committee Member DDC District Development Committee DEO District Education Office DEPROSC Development Project Service Centre, Nepal DFID Department for International Development EFA Education for All EHM-AJs Endangered and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajatis ESP Enabling State Program FCHV Female Community Health Volunteer FGD Focus Group Discussion FPIC Free Prior Informed Consent GOs Government Organizations HHs Households HMJs Highly Marginalized Janajatis ICIMOD International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development ILO International Labour Organization INGOs International Non-Government Organizations IP Indigenous Peoples IPOs Indigenous Peoples Organizations IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature JEP Janajati Empowerment project KII Key Informant Interview LDO Local Development Officer LGCDP Local Government and Community Development Programme LSF Literacy Support Fund, Nepal MCAP Manaslu Conservation Area Project MDG Millennium Development Goal MJF Madhesi Janadhikar Forum

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NCA Nepal Chepang Association NEFIN Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities NFDIN National Foundation for the Development Indigenous Nationalities NFE Non-Formal Education NGOs Non-Government Organizations NPC National Planning Commission NTFP Non-Timber Forest Products OBC Other Backward Class PAF Poverty Alleviation Fund RHDP Rural Health Development Project RRN Rural Reconstruction Nepal SDC Swiss Development Cooperation SIUAN Santhal Indigenous Uplift Association Nepal SLC School Living Certificate TEF The East Foundation TMLP Tarai Madhesh Loktantrik Party UCPN-Maoist United Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist UNDRIP United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples VDC Village Development Committee VHW Village Health Worker WOREC Women Rehabilitation Centre YCL Young Communist League

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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Introduction Janajati Empowerment project (JEP) II aims to achieve improved social and political status of Aadibasi Janajatis by influencing policies and practices to improve their access to services and employment in Nepal. In order to indicate achievement of the project, JEP along with this study seeks to establish some baseline indicators on some basic government services at the beginning of the timeline of the project. The baseline indicators mainly include access to basic services such education and health and to other issues such as knowledge on identity and rights, natural resources, livelihood opportunities and development process. Target group of this study is the target of JEP project, that is, 10 endangered and 14 highly marginalized Adibasi Janajatis throughout the country. Due to limitation of timeline, study has been designed as a rapid baseline survey by adopting only one sample of each group and utilized two study tools, namely focus group discussion and key informant interview followed by some inventories, in order to collect baseline information. Thus, altogether 24 samples in 18 districts were visited for the field study. Identity and Rights Two types of identity problems are observed. First, some of the endangered AJs have been losing their physical as well as social and cultural identity directly. They are namely Kusunda and Raute. Both Adibasis are assimilating into high Hindu caste groups. Kusundas have a tendency to introduce themselves as Thakuri and Sen and Raute as Raut and Thakuri. Their original identity as they find is derogatory and thereby they have been discriminated in the society from high caste Hindus. In order to escape from discriminatory situation they tend to change their identity. Second, identity of some endangered and highly marginalized Janajatis such as Kushbadia and Dhanuk is in a critical situation. Kushbadia has been listed as one of the 22 Dalit castes by the Uppechhit Utpidit Tatha Dalit Barga Utthan Samiti of the Government. Dhanuk is listed as Dalit in India and in Nepal, of the 59 indigenous nationalities listed in the Act; Dhanuk is qualified as Raj Dhanuk, implying other Dhanuks are not indigenous nationalities. In practice, their identity has been heavily influenced by Hinduism. They follow Hindu culture. Their social status is considered to be Dalits among Hindu high caste groups, which is entirely against the identity of Indigenous Nationalities as defined by the Act. They have conflicting and dual type of identity – Hindu and Indigenous Nationalities. Due to this dual or unclear identity they also have got problems in getting their citizenship certificate. This is another type of identity crisis that is failure of being Nepali, which consequently the failure in entitlement of receiving any kind of supports related to citizenship certificate being provided by government such as endangered and highly marginalized people allowance, VDC funds, elderly people allowance, etc.

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Regarding issue of rights to identity, a very few EHM-AJs who are directly connected to district level as well as national IP organizations are somehow aware of what the Adibasi Janajati means. They do not have even complete and clear knowledge on the definition. This is almost none among the ordinary and grassroots people from EHM-AJs. Similar situation is found for awareness on IP rights to self-determination and free prior informed consent (FPIC). Education

In present days, motivation of EHM-AJs towards sending their children to school is encouraging but lack of education in mother tongues is discouraging. Primary school is accessible to all AJs and their almost all school aged children go to school. This indicates school enrolment among EHM-AJs is encouraging but high dropout rate due to poverty and lack of education in mother tongue in basic and primary education is discouraging. This sort of motivation, as respondents reported, has emerged mainly due to three factors.

• First, a number of national and international organizations have been working to increase awareness of deprived communities on education during the last decades.

• Second, NEFIN and NFDIN along with the DCCs have also been working in campaign for raising awareness among Janajatis.

• Third, under the Education for All (EFA), one of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), school teachers are bound to door-to-door visit to increase enrolment specially emphasizing girl enrolment in the school. Increased enrolment of deprived and girl children makes two advantages for the school – government provides additional budget for scholarships and additional teachers position in the school. In this way, increased enrolment of EHM-AJs children in the school is the contribution of tripartite efforts – Adibasi Janajati movement, non-government development organizations, and the government.

This effort has still not been working for some nomadic type and very deprived AJs, such as Kushbadia, Raute, and Thudam. Raute and Kushbadia do not have fixed settlement, due to which children also accompany them in their mobility. Another reason is that Raute and Kushbadia children are also reluctant to go to school because they have to face discriminatory behaviour from especially “high caste” Hindu children, due to which they have derogatory position in the school. Even if there is school in Thudam village, due to almost six months snow fall and hardship of life, no teacher want to be deputed in the Thudam area. Siyar also has similar situation in access to school education. An interesting scenario is observed in access to education among EHM-AJs. School enrolment is found to be higher, whereas, at the same time, school dropout and discontinuation of schooling after completing primary education is also higher. It has been

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repeatedly and commonly reported that the poverty is the main reason for the dropout and discontinuation. Due to poverty, children who could do some works must go for work to support family livelihood. As for example, Siyar participants report that no children go to school during plantation of Uwa, millet and paddy. A Chepang has three children; one is just two years old. Two boys have been enrolled in school but they go to school turn by turn. One day one elder brother goes to school and younger has to stay at home to look after small sister. Another day younger boy go to school and elder has to stay at home. Their parents must go to work in the field or for wage labourer. In such situation, opportunity cost is higher for them when they go to school.

In most of the EHM-AJs settlement areas, only primary school is available. For higher grades they have to go to another village, which is usually quite far from their home. It is because of the fact that lower secondary and secondary schools are mostly located at the area where dominant groups reside. This situation implies to all mountain, hills and to some places of Tarai. Distance to school contributes dropout and discontinuation from the school in four ways.

• First, it takes hours long to go and come back every day, due to which they do not have time to support home, in one hand, and they also do not have time for study at home as they are tired on the other, which contributes failure in examination. This is multiplied into wastage of life because at the same time s/he did not work for home but s/he failed the examination and did not gain any educational grade.

• Second, studying at lower secondary and/or secondary school is expensive. Even though the regular monthly school fee is lower, most of the schools charge additional extra fee. They also need to buy books, school dress, and stationeries, which are quite expensive. In some cases in mountain and hills, for instance among Thudam and Siyar, lower secondary and secondary schools are far from the village. They have to leave the home for study, which cumulates the expenses on education. All these circumstances make EHM-AJs not able to afford their children's education.

• Third, when the school is in the next village and usually located at Hindu “high caste” settlements, some of the EHM-AJs children are reluctant to go to school due to humiliation and discrimination from high caste children. Raute, Kushbadia, Kusunda, Dhanuk and Khadia have been experiencing such instances, which has reportedly been the contribution of dropout from and discontinuation of school.

• Fourth, children of indigenous peoples do not find basic and primary education interesting as they have to study in Khas Nepali language, which is difficult, compared to their own mother tongues.

Awareness on education, not only education in Khas Nepali and English but also in mother tongues, is equally important. As some informants reported, even if their children go to school. They have to rely completely on class in school to pass the exam. As most of the EHM-AJ parents are illiterate or uneducated, there is no education environment and also no

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one who could guide and teach children at home. At the result, there is a tendency of higher rate failure of EHM-AJ children in the examination, which makes them leave the study. Informants would be hopeful with their children's education only when every school has hostel where there is good study environment and regular guidance of the teacher is available. The government of Nepal has a policy to provide primary education in local language wherever necessary. However, this policy has not been implemented yet. It is argued that until and unless the basic education is provided in local or mother tongues, the country will never achieve the goal of cent percent literacy. It implies to many non-Nepali speaker Adibasi Janajatis and others. Siyar and Thudam are the live evidence for this instance. Children from these communities do not speak Khas Nepali fluently and, in contrast, school teachers are not from their community who do not speak Thudam and Siyar language. This is one of the main reasons for lower enrolment and/or higher dropout rate among them. Among EHM-AJs only Lhomi is found to be lucky in this case that Lhomi children have been taught in Lhomi language, even though the curriculum and teaching text is in Khas Nepali. Health and Sanitation Most of the EHM-AJs believe in shamanistic as well as modern treatment. In general, they first prefer to visit shamans and get treatment with natural herbs in a shamanistic way. Preference of shamanism has three reasons. First, visiting shamans and receiving treatment in shamanistic way are the continuation of indigenous way of living a life. This means they have been preserving and promoting their culture and identity as well. Second, shamanists are easily available and accessible for every Adibasi community. Third, shamanistic treatment is affordable for every Adibasi people that they use local and natural herbs and other things that are locally available. So, this kind of treatment is poor as well as local friendly. When disease or sickness is much serious or when treatment from shamanist does not seem effective, they go for modern treatment. Depending upon the availability and affordability either they go to private clinic or health post. It is commonly reported that purpose of visiting health post is different from the purpose of visiting private clinic. Private clinic is for the treatment of diseases to get well. But it is not affordable to all. On the other hand, health post is used mainly for immunization of children and anti-natal and post-natal care and most of the EHM-AJs have been using such services. For treatment, health post is rarely visited by most of the EHM-AJs. As reported by informants, it is mainly because that medicine, except citamol, is never available in the health post. Even if there is medicine, distribution of medicine is discriminatory. Only rich and influential people would get medicine but EHM-AJs do not get. Health staff is also usually not available in the health post. Another pertinent reason is that health post is most commonly located at the place where dominant groups reside, which is usually far from the place where indigenous peoples reside. Sanitation and personal hygiene are location based that varies from one EHM-AJ to the other. Hill and mountain based EHM-AJs are much aware on sanitation and Tarai based are less

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aware. It is also observed that sanitation and personal hygiene also depend on what type of occupation mainly the EHM-AJ follow. Governance Most of the EHM-AJs have been using their traditional indigenous institutions. For instance, Rong Sejung Thee of Lapcha, Kutum of Kisan, Guthi of Hayu, Badghar of Kushbadia, Bhalmansa of Raji, Majhi of Santhal, Gachhadar of Munda, Ghey Thanksum of Thudam, Maijan of Dhanuk, and Majhesawa of Majhi are the indigenous institutions. These institutions are still active to perform cultural rites as well as to manage the community. However, these institutions have been gradually affected by the modern ethnic organizations, local government, and strong Hindu influence. It has been reported that modern ethnic organization has not contributed to promote and preserve the traditional indigenous institutions for the indigenous people's governance system. Even though some AJs have received such budget accordingly, in many instances, all party mechanism is found to be main barrier even to provide the allocated VDC budget for endangered and highly marginalized Adibasi Janajatis. All party mechanism has either reallocated the budget in construction or not informed the concerned community. Main reason for this is EHM-AJs do not have access to all party mechanism. Even if some EHM-AJs have represented they do not have say in the decision making process. Similarly, many EHM-AJs are also member in major political parties, but still they are not in the decision making position. Natural resources and livelihood Access to natural resources is almost none among EHM-AJs. Accordingly, indigenous people's right to forest, water, and land has not been protected in any way. In most of the areas there is no forest. Even if there is forest, it is controlled either by government or by community forest user committee. EHM-AJs have limited access in community forest as they are not in decision making body of user groups. For instance, Manaslu Conservation Project has prevented the control of Siyar over forest by limiting usage for them. They can not even collect the herbs from the forest without permission. They have rather to pay tax. Similar, situation exists among Thudam. Main resident of Raute is forest, which has been controlled by community forest and thereby Raute have been displaced. All EHM-AJs have lost ownership and control over their ancestral land and territories due to development aggression. Right to slash and burn has almost been lost due to community forest system. Good evidence is the case of Chepang that they used to survive with slash and burn but they have lost it. It resulted not only into the loss of their livelihood but also decrease in bio-diversity.

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Main sources of livelihood of the EHM-AJs are land and agriculture. Most of them have land ownership. However, the land they have is very small piece, which is not sufficient to survive around the year. In order to support their livelihood, they have to rely on wage labourer in both agriculture and non-agriculture and some have to leave home for India and Middle-east as well for work. Some EHM-AJs have different way to support their livelihood. For instance, Siyar are involved in trade and collection of Yarsagumba; Thudam are involve in trade of Yak related products and medicinal herbs; Kushbadia are involved in making Silauta and Janto; Kisan and Meche have to rely on making domestic liquor. There are very few non-government organizations launching development programmes in the area of EHM-AJs. The programmes are mostly based on income generation activities. These programmes have been supportive to some EHM-AJs such as Majhi, Lhomi, Meche, Siyar, and Raji. However, right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) has not been implemented by any development programme. Aggregating Indicators The study identified 30 indicators under five different categories to understand access of EHM-AJs to basic services. They are knowledge based, service based, participation based, natural resources and livelihood based, and development based accessibility. These indicators are interpreted and analysed in each section of EHM-AJs and made score of these indicators in the table. The score categories include none, few, some and all/almost all that have knowledge on or access to basic services and opportunities. The score is summarized in the following table and each EHM-AJ is classified based on score categories.

Better Access Medium Access Less Access

EHM-AJs Score EHM-AJs Score EHM-AJs Score 1. Meche 2.30 1. Hayu 1.87 1. Santhal 1.43 2. Surel 2.23 2. Baram 1.77 2. Khadia 1.43 3. Thami 2.10 3. Kisan 1.73 3. Raji 1.20 4. Bote 2.10 4. Lhomi 1.70 4. Thudam 0.77 5. Lapcha 2.07 5. Chepang 1.70 5. Kushbadia 0.70 6. Majhi 2.00 6. Jhangad 1.57 6. Kusunda 0.70

7. Siyar 1.57 7. Raute 0.60 8. Bankaria 1.53 9. Munda 1.53 10. Dhanuk 1.53 11. Danuwar 1.53

Note: Aggregate score is computed by weighted mean of the sum of frequencies of 30 different indicators from each EHM-AJ. Weights are taken from the score categories: all/almost=3; some=2; few=1; and none=0.

In order to understand access to basic services and others in a comparative way, the aggregate score is computed, which is weighted mean of the score. This result is closed to the percentage distribution of response frequency among scale categories for each EHM-AJ. So,

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it is approximated to the reality. Based on the mean score, EHM-AJs are classified into three hierarchical categories – under best access, medium access and less access. According to classification, putting all the 24 EHM-AJs into single basket, six AJs namely Meche, Surel, Thami, Bote, Lapcha and Majhi are among those who have better access than others. The score ranges from 2 to 2.3 for this category. Medium access is designated with the score range from 1.5 to less than 2, and 11 AJs are in the medium position. Finally, 7 AJs are in the worse position that they have less access to services. Horizontally, the best is Meche and the worst is Raute, which is acceptable result even based on our observations. Recommendations Specific recommendations are accommodated for each EHM-AJ in the respective chapters. These recommendations are basically the view of participants of the FGD and KII collected during the field survey. They are mostly like their demands to government and non-government organizations that are concerned with the issues of their development and to NEFIN, which is directly concerned with each of the EHM-AJs. With these recommendations and findings on access to basic services and the rights and identity issues of each EHM-AJ, recommendations at aggregate level have been made here following the concerned issues observed from the findings.

• Much works have to be done to make EHM-AJs aware on their identity as well as rights related to Indigenous Nationalities (Indigenous Peoples) in both national and international context.

• The central and local government must establish mechanism for and develop guidelines of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).

• United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and ILO Convention No. 169 must be effectively implemented.

• Residential school education is necessary for poor, endangered and marginalized children.

• At least primary education is necessary to provide in local language, that is, mother tongue of the local people based on location.

• It is not possible to increase access to government health services until and unless the government is in a position to increase health services to all. Therefore, in order to increase access to health care services it is necessary to train and develop shamanists in a hybrid way of treatment. Method of treatment of Christian Pastor can be adopted and translated into indigenous people's way. Pastor asks patients to pray for Christ and provides medicine. When a patient gets well it is believed that god has listened the patient and made well. In the same way, shamans could make treatment of the patient

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by using modern medicine as required in an indigenous way. This would be much helpful to increase access to health care.

• Programme for raising awareness on sanitation and personal hygiene is needed.

• Traditional institutions have vital role to good governance among indigenous nationalities. Therefore, it is necessary to promote and preserve traditional institutions.

• Citizenship certificates should be given to those EHM-AJs who have not yet received it.

• Ownership and control over ancestral land and territories must be legally ensured.

• Income generating programs must be implemented. • Need skill development training to preserve traditional occupation, IPs knowledge on

biodiversity, aquatic, medicinal plants etc. • To preserve the traditional rituals of indigenous peoples to generation to generation

there is a need to teach the young ones.

• Each and every EHM-AJs mother tongue should be preserved and promoted. • State should develop a special mechanism to empower EHM-AJs. • Information should be disseminated in mother tongues.

• Water supply, drinking water and irrigation should be provided by the government. • Special care and lesson about safe motherhood and reproductive health should be

given. • There should be good coordination between IPs and government agencies.

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PART I INTRODUCTION

A.1 BACKGROUND Janajati Empowerment project (JEP) II is second phase of JEP (2003-2006 and Extended 16 months). This project has been commenced on 1 November 2010 and will end on 31 December 2012 with support of the Enabling State Program (ESP) of the Department for International Development (DFID). The adopted project approach has been strengthening capacity of the District Coordination Committees (DCCs), indigenous political leaders, indigenous women's organisations, and Aadibasi Organisations (Indigenous Peoples Organizations, IPOs) at all levels. The project aims to contribute towards this vision by mobilising all forms of available resources to establish rights of Aadibasi Janajatis (indigenous nationalities) and to end their socio-economic and political marginalisation. The goal of JEP-II is to 'improve the social and political status of Aadibasi Janajatis (AJs) of Nepal'. The project aims to contribute to achieve this goal by working with Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) for the purpose of ‘influencing policies and practices in favour of AJs and to improve access to services and employment' in Nepal. The main project outputs are:

1. Institutional capacity of NEFIN and Indigenous Peoples Organizations (IPOs) strengthened;

2. Political inclusion of Adibasi Janajatis (AJs) including women and disadvantage Janajatis improved;

3. Adibasi Janajatis' access to basic services improved with increased indigenous dignity and cultural integrity; and

4. Positive public opinion built in favour of IP issues. JEP-II has been implementing in 18 districts: (1) Illam, (2) Jhapa, (3) Sunsari, (4) Morang, (5) Sankhuwasava, (6) Sindhuli, (7) Ramechhap, (8) Chitwan, (9) Sindhupalchowk, (10) Dhading, (11) Gorkha, (12) Dolakha, (13) Rupandehi, (14) Kailali, (15) Kanchanpur, (16) Makwanpur, (17 ) Saptari, and (18) Dang. JEP-II requires baseline study on access to basic services among Endangered and Highly Marginalized Janajatis. Of the 59 indigenous nationalities identified and recognized by the Nepal Government, NEFIN and National Foundation for the Development Indigenous Nationalities (NFDIN) have classified following Adibasi Janajatis under the categories of Endangered and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajatis (EHM-AJs). It is to note here that Munda and Khadia are yet to be classified, not under the list of 59 AJs. However, they were

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included within HM-AJs by JEP I Baseline Survey. Accordingly, this study also included Munda and Khadia as HM-AJs. Endangered Janajati: (1) Kusunda, (2) Bankaria, (3) Raute, (4) Surel, (5) Hayu, (6) Raji, (7) Kisan, (8) Lapcha, (9) Meche, and (10) Kushbadia. Highly Marginalized Janajatis: (1) Majhi, (2) Siyar, (3) Lhomi, (4) Thudam, (5) Dhanuk, (6) Chepang, (7) Sattar (Santhal), (8) Jhangad, (9) Thami, (10) Bote, (11) Danuwar, (12) Baramu (13) Munda and (14) Khadia. Access to basic services has been one of the key priority areas in the plans and policies of Nepal Government since its implementation of the Ninth Plan (1997-2002). The Three-Year Plan (2010/11-2012/13) in its section on Social Inclusion aims to provide access to deprived indigenous peoples on economic, social, humane and cultural rights and opportunities (NPC 2067:165-168). It is obvious that donors such as the DFID would give priority in increasing access to basic services not only by indigenous peoples but also by other deprived and marginalized communities such as Dalits, Madhesi, Muslims and women. Therefore, increasing access to basic services is one of the priority areas of projects such as JEP-II. During the JEP-I phase, Rapid Appraisal on Livelihood Analysis and Need Assessment of Highly Marginalized Janajatis (HMJs) was carried out (see Bhattachan et al., 2005). It provides general information about access to health, education and livelihood. Concerning access to health, the report states, “All HMJs have no access to health services due to several factors, including lack of government health services nearby, lack of awareness on health among HMJs, reliance on traditional faith healers and poverty” (Bhattachan et al. 2005: xiv). Concerning access to education, the report states, “Among HMJs, some have access to primary education but parents have no awareness to send children to schools (such as Shingsawa), some have no access to school beyond primary level (such as Chepang, Lapcha), some face harassment in schools (such as Kusunda), problem in Nepali language as a medium of instruction (all HMJs but more by Madhesi indigenous nationalities such as Jhangad and Khdia), unemployed SLC graduates (such as Baramu), poverty (such as Hayu, Thami, Raji), high drop out (such as Surel, Bote) and irregularity in management of local schools (such as Bote)” (Bhattachan et al. 2005:xv). One of the important recommendations made in the report was to tie up groups formed for livelihood support with their respective indigenous peoples’ organizations ((Bhattachan et al., 2005: xvii). Access to basic services is one of the prioritized immediate needs or practical interests of indigenous peoples as their strategic needs are control on one’s own collective life, self-determination, autonomy and self-rule, ownership and control on ancestral land and other natural resources, customary practices including in fields such as education, health and livelihood (Bhattachan 2009; Bhattachan et al. 2005; ILO 1989; Subba et al., 2009; Tebtebba 2008; UNDRIP 2007).

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A.2 OBJECTIVES The main objective of the Baseline Study is to find out the access of Endangered and Highly Marginalized AJs to basic services in the project areas particularly in areas of education, health, forest, agriculture, and to LGCDP, PAF, MDG and EFA services. The specific objectives are to:

a) find out whether HMJs and Endangered IPs have access to basic services; b) find out whether HMJs and Endangered IPs have access to their basic indigenous

services; c) make recommendations to increase access to basic services by HMJs and Endangered

IPs.

A.3 METHODOLOGY This study is primarily based on qualitative data collected by utilizing a number of tools at different stages. Due to the short span to complete the field survey, single sample area was assigned for each 24 EHM-AJs, which scattered in 18 districts from Eastern Hill to Far-western Tarai. The field survey was carried out during January 18 to February 5, 2011. Type of tools and method of data collection were refined in consultation of JEP-II concern personnel. In order to accomplish the baseline study, following approach was adopted.

i. Review of the Relevant Documents

Necessary and relevant project documents and previous studies on highly marginalized and endangered Adibasi Janajatis (AJs) carried out mainly by NEFIN and NFDIN were reviewed. Some information from national level studies and Census were also utilized as required. The review helped basically to establish foundation of the study.

ii. Type of and source of Information

The study is solely based on primary information. Qualitative field survey was conducted in order to generate such information. Target population of the survey was member of the concerned IPOs such as students, teachers, right activists, and other social workers. Concerned persons from District Coordination Committee (DCC) of NEFIN and from local government offices were also interviewed to generate and quality the information.

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iii. Tools for Information Collection

The study is primarily based on qualitative information. The tools used for information collection was mainly Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Key Informant Interviews (KII). One FGD was conducted for each 24 EHM-AJs. The group was formed of the participants of 5-10 persons from concerned EHM-AJs in the sample area. The survey team tried to maintain each group of discussants with mix of males and females. Two to five KIIs were conducted for each EHM-AJ in the sample area. The informants were mainly District Coordination Committee (DCC) member, concerned persons from District Development Committee (DDC), District Education Officer (DEO), local political leaders, school teachers, etc. In order to maintain systematic data collection process and systematic arrangement of contents required for the study, a rigorous checklist was developed for both FGD and KII. The checklist included access to basic social and development services available in the programme area. Adibasi Janajati and gender perspective guided to identify necessary indicators to assess the access to the services. Reasons and contextual circumstances existing in the society regarding access to those services were taken into account in the study. Perspective of social inclusion was also found to be equally important to understand the access to the basic services, which is the backbone of gender and Adibasi Janajati perspective to understand and explain the issues. Information from KII was collected further to substantiate the information from FGDs by contextualizing and justifying the variation in access of AJs to social and development services (See Annex I). It also helped to triangulate the information obtained from two different tools. Additionally, inventory of membership in user groups or community groups or management committees of available governmental and non-governmental organizations currently providing services to the community people was carried out. It helped to quantify some information and to supplement as well as complement qualitative information obtained from the FGD and KII.

iv. Sampling

The main target of the JEP-II development program is endangered and highly marginalized Adibasi Janajatis. There are 10 endangered and 14 highly marginalized AJs, thus, the survey was to cover 24 EHM-AJs (Table 1). Most of they AJs resides in multiple districts and they are scattered in several VDCs as well. Time allocated for the survey was also limited. With these constraints survey had to accomplish with quality as well as representative information. In such a situation, drawing representative sampling is difficult task. Therefore, a strategy was adopted that the sample may not be representative of population but representative of issues. Following this strategy, only 'one place' was selected for the sample of each 24 AJs. The sample place was chosen in such a way that it must capture the original indigenous place (Mul Thalo) as far as possible. Another thing was that the survey tried capture a particular AJ

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in a particular district based on that particular AJ is the principal target of the JEP-II development programme in that particular district. In this way, in order to capture 24 EHM-AJs, 18 districts were visited (Table A.1). The sample place was purposively selected. However, three mountain AJs (Siyar, Lhomi, and Thudam) were visited in the place different from their Mul Thalo. Lhomi was visited in district headquarter, Sankhuwasava, and Siyar and Thudam were visited at Kathmandu. The main reason was that, due to the field survey was during the winter season, they were not available at their place for the whole winter season because of heavy snowfall. They go to different places with their cattle in this season. Another thing is that their original places are very far that can not be managed within the allocated timeframe. However, some of the members of their IP organization were available either in the district headquarter or in Kathmandu. So, the survey team was able to visit them in the respective places. Table A.1: Distribution of EHM-AJs by district for sampling purpose District E-AJs HM-AJs District E-AJs HM-AJs 1. Illam 1. Lapcha 10.Sindhupalchok 10. Thami

2. Jhapa 2. Kisan 3. Meche

1. Khadia 11.Dhading 11. Chepang

3. Morang 2. Santhal 3. Munda

12.Gorkha 12. Siyar 13. Baramu

4. Sunsari 4. Jhangad 13.Chitawan 14. Bote

5. Sankhuwasava 5. Lhomi 6. Thudam

14.Makwanpur 6. Bankaria

6. Saptari 7. Dhanuk 15.Rupandehi 7. Kusbadia

7. Sindhuli 8. Danuwar 16.Dang 8. Kusunda

8. Dolakha 4. Surel 17.Kailali 9. Raji

9. Ramechhap 5. Hayu 9. Majhi 18.Kanchanpur 10. Raute Note: VDC is given in parentheses.

A.4 IDENTIFICATION OF BASELINE INDICATORS The main objective of this study is to assess the access of EHM-AJs to basic services in the JEP-II project areas particularly in areas of education, health, forest, agriculture, and other development activities run by both government and non-government sector. In order to cover these issues, 'some necessary baseline indicators' were identified that would help to understand the current status of empowerment of EHM-AJs in terms of access and to understand the progress made by JEP-II project. The baseline study focused on two types of indicators. They are (i) general issues regarding social and economic development and (2) specific issues regarding Indigenous Peoples' Right. General indicators are applicable to both indigenous and non-indigenous peoples but indigenous indicators will be specific to indigenous peoples that confirm with international standards of human rights relating to indigenous peoples that are ensured by the UN

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Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO 169 and Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Specifically, the study identified 30 indicators trying to representing specific picture of the status of access of EHM-AJs to the basic social and development services (Table A.2). Table A.2: Classification of Baseline Indicators on Access of EHM-AJs to Basic Services

List of Indicators List of Indicators 1. IP Identity, Rights and Development 3. Participation Based Accessibility 1. Adibasi/Janajati as identity 17. Political parties 2. IP rights to self determination 18. All Party Mechanisms 3. Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) 19. IPOs 2. Service Based Accessibility 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods i. Education 20. Ancestral forest 4. Availability of primary school 21. Community forest 5. Enrolment 22. Safe drinking water 6. Scholarship 23. Land 7. Medium of teaching (mother tongue) 24. Food ii. Health 25. Wage labour/employment 8. Availability of health post 26. Road 9. General health service 27. Electricity 10. Immunization 5. Development programmes 11. Antenatal/postnatal care 28. Govt. fund for promotion of IPs 12. Sanitation 29. NGOs/INGOs iii. Government social security 30. CBOs/IPOs 13. Elderly citizenship allowance 14. Widowed/single women allowance 15. Child birth allowance 16. Endangered/Highly Marginalized allowance

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A.5 REFERENCE CITED Bhattachan, Krishna B.

2008 Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. Kathmandu: National Coalition Against Racial Discrimination (NCARD).

Bhattachan, Krishna B. et. al.

2005 Rapid Appraisal on Livelihood Analysis and Need Assessment of Highly Marginalized Janajatis (HMJ). Kathmandu: Janajati Empowerment Project (JEP), Nepal federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN).

ILO

1989 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (Convention No. 169). Geneva: ILO.

NPC

2010 Tri-Barsiya Yojanako Adharpatra (2067/68-2069/70) (Concept Paper of the Three Year Plan (2010/11-2012/13). Kathmandu: Nepal Government, National Planning Commission.

Subba, Chaitannya, Janak Rai and Savitree Thapa Gurung

2009 Empowering Adibasi Janajati in Nepal. Experiences of Janajati Empowerment Project (JEP). Lalitpur: Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN).

Tebtebba 2009 Indicators Relevant for Indigenous Peoples: A Resource Book. The

Philippines: Tebtebba. UN

2007 United nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. New York: The United Nations.

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PART II REPORTS

B. ENDANGERED ADIBASI JANAJATIS (INDIGENOUS NATIONALITIES)

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B.1 LAPCHA

1. Introduction

Lapcha are one of endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. They are numerously populated not only in the eastern part of Nepal but also in Sikkim and Darjeeling of India. In Nepal, the main settlements of Lapcha are in Kanyam, Fikkal, Sri Antu, Jirmale, Jogmai, Namsaling, Laxmipur, Panchakanya, Gorkhe and Pashupati nagar in Illam and Jhapa districts. Some people call them as Lepcha but they prefer to be called as Lapcha. They usually live in sloppy land which is easier for slash and burn farming. Like other indigenous peoples they also worship nature and ancestor. The main religion of Lapcha is Shamanism and Buddhism. By nature they respect guest. Accordingly the Census 2001, the total population of Lepcha is 3,660 among which males are 1,935 and females are 1,725. The mother tongue speaker is 2,826 (male 1,497 and female 1,329). The Lapcha language is called Rong. 50% of the total populations of the Lapchas speak their language. Nowadays young generation has realized a need to preserve and conserve their Lapcha language.

2. Access to identity

All FGD participants shaded light on definition of indigenous peoples as those having own identity with their own mother tongue, costume, culture, ritual and more importantly they are excluded from Hindu the Varna system. They understood marginalized and endangered indigenous peoples as those who are losing their cultural identity. They classified themselves, including other groups like Bote and Meche, in that category. Almost all the participants know what is right to self-determination and rights of endangered and HM Adibasi Janajati. However, they strongly realized that they have been unable to freely use their rights on right time due to frequent interference from the powerful political parties.

3. Access to Basic Services

ii. Education

There is a primary school in the Lapcha community at a distance of two kilometres. For secondary/high schools, children need to walk about 2 to 2 and half hours. Any considerable complain on school and teachers’ behaviour have not been made yet. There is no teacher in school who could speak Lepcha language. There is no financial support offered to primary level school going children yet although three quotas of scholarship were provided to Lapcha student at the Plus-Two level, but interestingly enough, only two students are now studying at this level. Lapcha women and pre-schooling children are now benefited from adult education and preschool education is now ongoing in village.

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The enrolment Lapcha children are low because of poverty, lack of food and ignorance. Among those who are enrolled, the dropout rate is also very high. The participants of the FGDs mentioned that there is a great need of preserving Lapcha language by teaching children in mother tongues in the schools.

ii. Health

There is a health post close to the Lapcha community. However, they prefer to consult traditional traditional healers called Yaba Yama and use medicated herbs. If no progress is made, then only they visit the local health post. In the health posts, though there are no staffs from their community but still none of them felt discriminated by the service providers in these health posts. Surprisingly, there is no Lapcha Female Community Health Volunteer (FCHV) and traditional birth attendant in the village as they are unknown about the screening process of FCHVs. During observation by the researchers, it was found that each household has either temporary or permanent toilet. Generally they have a separate house for kitchen, for living and sleeping. Livestock are kept in separate place, a bit far from the main house.

iii. Government social security

Eligible Lapchas are receiving old age allowance, social security allowance and maternity incentives regularly. Nearly two-third of the participants FGDs have knowledge about the 15% of total VDC budget that is allocated for the Adibasi Janajati. From that money, they performed awareness program on ILO C. 169 as well as computer basic course in Lapchha community. The Lapcha participants said that the VDC secretary and other staffs are not biased against them.

4. Access to Politics

Concerning customary governance practices, Lapchas have an interesting institution called “Rong Sejung Thee”. Traditionally, the chief of the organization known as “Donne” would be accountable to leading social functions like worship, marriage, feasts in Lapcha community while “Bungthing” performs worship in the annual festival. This organization currently, working on language and culture preservation with financial support from the Janajati Empowerment Project I. Three main political parties have strong presence in the Lapcha community. They have a female Member of the Constituent Assembly/Legislature-Parliament who is associated with CPN-UML and elected from their constituency. However, at the VDC and the Ward levels, the Lapchas have no space in in decision making process. Instead political power strongly influences them.

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5. Access to natural resources

Discussion with the Key informants (KI) and FGDs revealed that there is no community forest in their Ward. Access to forest is mostly in the private forest. Land and forest used to be owned by the Lapcha community prior to 1769. After 1769, practice of individual ownership of land given for cultivation by Subba/Kaji to servicemen and those who were loyal to the palace. Hunting in own private land was in practice before 4-5 years but now it has been restricted The irrigation system of the Fikkal VDC has benefited all the Lapchas living in the area. Wherever canal irrigation does not exist; they bring water from small sources by using polythene pipe. Drinking water facility is generally available from local sources that people bring by using own pipes, although few of them fetch water from well (“Kuwa”/” Jaruwa”) as well.

6. Access to livelihood

Wheat, maize, potato and vegetable are cultivated in a small scale by the Lapchas. Livestock is generally looked after by men while women look after household chore. Food sufficiency from dairy products and own farm production is just for 5 to 6 months in a year, and for remaining months they resort to wage labour and off-farm employment, such as house construction, making bamboo craft and materials, during off-seasons. Many Lapchas get employment in tea garden to pluck tea leaves. Collection and selling fire wood is another work available for them. Presently the young generations are aspired to go abroad as far as the Middle East for work but many of them do not get necessary financial resources to do so.

7. Access to and participation in development activities

There are local government’s development programs in their community. The FGDs participants stated that they do not have full, effective and meaningful participation in the decision making process at the local level. A local NGO (Sahara Nepal) has lunched savings-and-credits program in their community for two years. The Lapcha organization in local level is strongly networked with the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) and its horizontal organizations. The Vice-Chair of the Janajati Mahasang District Coordination Committee is a Lapcha. This organization has been conducting language classes for Lapcha children. Altogether 24 Lapcha children are enrolled to learn their mother tongue. With regards to Free Prior Informed Consent, almost all the participants discharged their aggression to a private company who has invested money in a hydro-power project in the Jog Mai River without taking their consent. Due to this hydro-project, paddy fields are now remained un-irrigated and fishing in the river side is almost shut down.

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8. Summary and Conclusion

The settlements of Lapcha community are generally dense and are also mixed with other groups however; they considered themselves distinctive from other indigenous people as they not allowed to others inside their separate room where food storage is kept clean and decorated as well as Puja Aaja done. Lapcha people generally feel comfortable to neighbours of other ethnic group however; they felt not having strong enough support from them while raising voice for the right of access to land and forest. Access to basic services such as education and health, high school is not easily accessed in term of distance but there is no problem to take health services as the health post is placed near by the community. In livelihood, Lepcha are heavily depends on agriculture and livestock. As alternative jobs, they work in tea gardens and wood selling as well. Political and IPs right awareness are increasing in Lepcha communities these days, they are their share of VDC budget in the training regarding ILO 169 and some other vocational trainings. Moreover, they are conducting mother language class to children to preserve their language. In spite of political awareness among them, they do not have access to natural resources also free prier informed consent is not seriously in practiced. A hydro power in Jogmai River can be taken as finger example in this case, because of this hydro power plant, Lapchas livelihood is now in trouble. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.1).

9. Recommendations

• Free prier informed consent should be taken in grassroots level.

• High school access should be easily accessible in Lepcha communities.

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Table B.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lapcha

Lapcha: Indicators Score Status

All/Mostly Some Few None 1. Knowledge Based Accessibility Adibasi/Janajati as identity √ IP rights to self determination √ Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) √ 2. Service Based Accessibility i. Education Availability of primary school √ Enrolment √ Scholarship √ Medium of teaching (mother tongue) √ ii. Health Availability of health post √ General health service √ Immunization √ Antenatal/postnatal care √ Sanitation √ iii. Government social security Elderly citizenship allowance √ Widowed/single women allowance √ Child birth allowance √ EHM-AJ allowance √ 3. Participation Based Accessibility Political parties √ All Party Mechanisms √ IPOs √ 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods Ancestral forest √ Community forest √ Safe drinking water √ Land √ Food √ Wage labour/employment √ Road √ Electricity √ 5. Development programmes Govt. fund for promotion of IPs √ NGOs/INGOs √ CBOs/IPOs √ Total 13 10 3 4

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B.2 KISAN

1. Introduction

Kisan is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Adibasi Janajatis. The Kisan claims that their total population is estimated to be about 1500-1600. The Census 2001, however, recorded only 1100 population of Kisan. The main inhabitant of Kisan is Mechinagar Municipality, Dhaijan and Bahundangi VDCs. They are also scattered in Khuttedangi, Chilaunigaon, Itabhatti, Tokla bagan, Buttabari, Nakalabri and Shantinagar VDCs in Jhapa district. They usually have clustered settlements and the houses comprise only two rooms.


Kisan have their own distinct culture and costmary practices, their language called "Sadri language" that is somehow similar to Maithili language. They also speak Santhal, Meche, Maithili, Rajbansi and Hindi languages. They celebrate their own festival called Chherta (maghi) and Faguwa (Holy). They worship rivers, forests, and their ancestral deities. They also follow Hindu religion and perform Hindu festivals. Kisan have lack of their ethnic and cultural consciousness and awareness on IP identities. They define Adibasi Janajati as group of people who are closely attached with and worshiper of nature. Meanwhile, endangered and highly marginalized people are those who are not access to power in centre level and small in population size as FGD participants revealed. Nearly about two third of participants know that IPs have inherent rights to forest, land and water so that they are inheritably deserved to have access to such resources. But nowadays, they are not allowed to take some herbs in jungle that is necessary while performing social function like marriage and Puja Aaja. Hence, the right of IPs is violated by state so needed special attention to address such issues.


i. Education

Like other EHM-AJs, nowadays all Kisan children go to school. There is a primary school two kilometres far from main village that takes more than 30 minutes on walk. According to KII, about there are 12 Kisan students who have passed SLC and of them 3 have passed bachelor degree. This shows that now awareness level of Kisan people in education is encouraging. At the same time, however, dropout from high school is noticeable. The main reason for it is reportedly poverty. There are some teachers who can speak Kisan language in school but this language is not used as medium of instruction. Regarding scholarship to children, they are completely

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unknown, even though they have been receiving it up to primary school like other ethnic children. There has been a door to door campaign before starting educational session and the Kisan's organization was also encouraged to send their children to school.

ii. Health

Kisans do not have easy access to modern medical health services since health post is 5 kilometres far from their village. In the meantime, more than a quarter participants have felt discriminating behaviour from staff in the health post. A participant said that staff treats well when the patients seem to be educated and rich. From this point, it is clear that there are not any staffs in health post to facilitate Kisan people. They do not have FCHVs from their community as well. They generally depend upon faith healers and traditional health practitioners to cure their illness and diseases. They are not conscious about their health and health related behaviours. Kisan people are not clean and neat in sanitation and personal hygiene. According to KII, majority of Kisan households do not have latrines facility at home. They use open toilet at field and children usually urinate outside home.


So far Kisan people have knowledge on VDC fund allocated for Adibasi Janajati but surprisingly they do not have idea how to write proposal to demand the budget. By this time, they have not taken the budge that is allocated from centre level to IPs and also don’t know where the money is being spent. It shows that it is because of their lack of access in decision making level even in VDC. Regarding allowances, participants all accepted receiving social security allowance, old age allowance and maternity allowance regularly. However in VDC, poor people are not treated well because they are not educated enough and there are no staffs to help them dealing with VDC representative/staffs.


In the past decades, Kisan had their traditional organization called Kutum. The Kutum was led by a chair known as Mahato to govern their community. But it does not exist now. At present, they have modern organization, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan, associated with NEFIN. It has contributed to Janajati movement and to organize cultural programmes to raise fund for their organization. Regarding participation in decision making level, no Kisan is representative in all party mechanism in the Municipality. They reported that there is a Khadia in that committee but he is not accessed any space in decision making level. Generally, Bramhin and Chhetris are in power and have a strong influence in decision making process.

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About two third of participants reported that they do not know any activities in the VDC that are related to Adibasi and Dalits. There are political parties in Kisan community but still they are not in decision making position.


Kisan have access on community forests like other ethnic population, although they are not allowed to do any religious activities at jungle since they need Dhamira Ko Maato while performing Puja Aja. Regarding drinking water, participants mentioned that there is safe drinking water facility at village. Also they have access on irrigation that was constructed by community people. In electricity, only rich people have access on it and the poorer are still outskirt of this facility at their home or community. Kisans are basically farmers. Until some couple of decades ago, they used to be an enormous land owning indigenous communities in Jhapa however; they did not have land ownership certificates in their names. During 1964 and around, Bramhin and Chhetris captured their land by hook or trick, in the mean time, government’s Land Reform Program also affected them to turn in to virtually landless so that even though working as Kisan, they don’t own any lands. Presently, only 30 percent have land about one to ten Katthas in their name and majority of them live in landlords’ land.


Kisan have traditional irrigation although it is not sufficient for entire communities so that they have to wait for monsoon during cropping. They produce paddy, maize and some vegetables that barely help to survive for 6 months. Many of Kisan women work in Tea Gardens and men pull Rikshaw in Mechinagar, Bhadrapur and Birtamod Bazaars to support their family livelihoods. They are receiving supports or seeds, fertilizers and agro tools. There are also credit and saving cooperative running by women groups and they are benefited now.

7. Access to and participation in development activities:

There are some development programmes run by non-government organization, Hate-Malo Karyakram and Sahara Nepal, which are financially and technically supported by KOIKA Japan. They are working in Kisan communities in Jhapa. Hate-Malo program is mainly supporting scholarship to Kisan children in higher education while Sahara Nepal is concerned in micro finance. The main working station of the organization is located at Dhulabari Jhapa. However, no Kisans are employed in the organization. According to FGD participants, they were informed before starting any program in village.

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8. Summary and conclusions

Kisan have a good relationship with other ethnic people in neighbourhoods as they extend hand in social and cultural functions. They perform "Karam Puja" annually that is distinct from others'. Kisan have been bypassed by taking land ownership license due to not having citizenship. Moreover, they are humiliated by their Non-Janajati neighbours for associating in Janajati organizations. In regards to education and health, primary school enrolment is encouraging in Kisan communities although the health service access is not easy in term of distance and discriminating behaviour of service providers. Furthermore, poor sanitation and hygiene practice pulls them as backward. Their livelihood is heavily depends on sharecropping agriculture though it is transforming to daily wage basis works in tea gardens, rickshaw pulling and new generations work in groceries of Marwari. Kisan are now aware politically so their involvement in IPs organization is increasing but still suppressed because they do not feel having a space to forward their voices. Nowadays, they have been benefited by some NGOs/INGOs including JEP to education, income generations and institutional development. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.2).

9. Recommendations

• Toilet facility and sanitation should be promoted in the village.

• Adult education to illiterate people. • Vocational training to youth.

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Table B.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kisan

Kisan: Indicators Score Status


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B.3 MECHE

1. Introduction

Meche is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi Janajati). Meche is the inhabitant of eastern Tarai of Nepal. They are also called “Bodo” and consider themselves as clan (Bhaikhalak) of Rai/Limbu. The total population of Meche recorded by Census 2001 is 3763. However, they themselves estimate their current population as more than four thousand. The current study is based on the information collected at ward 3 of Dhaijan VDC in Jhapa.

2. Access to Identity

Meche seem to have access to knowledge and understanding of Adibasi Janajati. Nearly all FGD participants have expressed rightly who the Adibasi Janajatis are. Accordingly, the population who has different language, religion and culture and living in ancestors’ place called Adibasi. They also perceive as those whose culture has been disappearing and the size of population is small are endangered and highly marginalized. Regarding knowledge on right to self determination, they understand it in a simple way that right to access in human rights but still could not express briefly in words or sentences.


i. Education

Literacy rate among Meche community is remarkably low since huge size of elder population cannot read and write even their single name. However, nowadays, all the Meche children go to primary school nearby village that is only half kilometre far. The school is located in the village where the Bahun and Chhetri population reside. In the school, a large number of students are Adibasi Janajati but no teachers are from their community. During FGD, participants shared that the education level of Mache people is not satisfactory as there are still considerably low number of children passed SLC. Meche girls are far behind in education. They rarely go to school. They usually live at home for household chores, collecting fodders and helping parents in farm. As they reported, there is no discriminatory behaviour against Meche students in the school. It was learned that teachers carry door to door campaign in every session of educational calendar. However, about two third of participants disclosed that government school is not strict enough maintaining discipline among students and they are not able to afford cost of private school. Meche students are now getting scholarship that is classified as partial and

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full. However, some students who are supposed to be beneficiaries for scholarship still not benefited.

ii. Health

There is a health post in Meche community and people visit there during sickness. They also believe in faith healer. They have one female community health volunteer (FCHV) from their community and one traditional birth attendance to facilitate maternal and child health program. However, lack of awareness on health and sanitation is certainly felt as problem among Meches. The pig rising, local distillery and lack of pit toilets contribute in poor sanitation. Again poor economic condition is reportedly referred to a primary reason of poor health as they cannot afford to improve the living conditions. Though, the private health services are available outskirt of their community but are beyond affordability of the Meche.


All participants have knowledge about VDC fund allocated in order to promote Adibasi Janajati. They have already taken amount altogether Rs 27,000 (included previous and recent budget) to work on preserving culture, religion and identity. Meches are receiving old age allowances, single women allowance, and maternal incentives. However, some informants opined that they prefer scholarship to their children in higher education including job security in civil service rather than social security allowances. Regarding the attitude from and towards VDC representative, nearly 50% of participants experienced good conduction although there is still some discrimination against them.

4. Access to governance

Meche has their indigenous organization called “Meche Sibiary Affat” to attend to their concerns and voice them at the decision-making levels. Nepal Adibasi Janajati Pratisthan have supported amount Rs 54,000 to strengthen their organization, similarly, they are also trying to raise fund at local level. This organization provides training for marketing their agriculture product in the local market. Effective participation of Meche in decision making level is not perceived. There is one Meche in all party mechanisms in the VDC, but he feels that his voice is not considered in the decision making where the Bahun and Chhetris are influential. However, this committee has carried out some appreciative activities towards Dalit, women and disadvantaged communities in providing allowances and training for women empowerment. They are also associated with major political parties but not able to occupy vital posts so that they could influence in decision making process.

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Meche community has access in community forest in general, but their access is limited. It is reported that they cannot collect sufficient fuel wood from the community forest, which hampers their traditional occupation of making domestic alcohol that requires lots of fuel wood.


Meche households have declining land holding and they have trimmed down to farming of sharecropping (Adhiya) and wage labourer in others land. Their occupation is gradually transforming into other sector like livestock breeding, small scale entrepreneurship and services in Marwari's' shops. Some Meche people have land, but only 60% have ownership certificate, as they are not aware about the process to acquire it. They do not have access to canal irrigation and safe drinking water. Hand pump is fixed at each home in the community, but they do not know about the quality of water. Majority of Meche women are now attracted to alcohol production, pig rising followed by farming wage labour and small scale vendors at local market. They have saving and credit facility as well as seeds, fertilizers and agricultural modern tools supports from different INGOs/NGOs. Despite of significant efforts to enhance socio-economic condition of Mache, only 5-7% of them endure food management for whole year. However, the degree of subsistence varies, about 40 percent have land to subsist for about 3-6 months in a year and the remained moths have to thrive on different forms of livelihoods. They work as labours in others farms and households. Nowadays, some Meches have acquired tractors and work as drivers in Jhapa and some work as staff in the shops. Foreign labour migration has also been increasing among Meche young people but still poor economic condition hinders them to pay for high cost of migration.


With regards to access to participation in development activities, there are some NGOs and INGOs aimed at improving livelihoods of Mache communities. They are namely DEPROSC Nepal, LSF, and Sahara Nepal. They are mainly focused on income generation activities like pig raising, hand pump fixing and seeds distribution. Also there are two Meches employed as field worker in NGO. Meche organization has good network with other Janajati organizations since they are associated with NEFIN and holding vital position on decision making.

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Mache preferred to call themselves as Kiranti since their customary practices, culture, rituals are similar to Rai/ Limbus. They are now aware in education and modern health services. The young generations go to school although private school is not affordable for them. In Meche communities, girls are still bypassed by education because they are kept to home for house chores. Meche children are treated and humiliated in the school surrounding due to poverty. In modern health services, they visit health post but still private hospitals are beyond their access. However, poor sanitation due to unmanaged pig raising and lack of health awareness hinder them to expose to morbidity. They are receiving government social security such as elderly citizen allowance, delivery incentives, and scholarship for children. Taking account into access to political parties, Meches are affiliated with different parties though felt lacked in decision making level. Livelihood of Meches is now transferred from agriculture to subsistent activities such as domestic alcohol production, pig raising, wage labourer and driving. The young generations are attracted to foreign labour migration as well. There are some development activities aiming to improve livelihood of these people. They have now good network and coordination with other indigenous organizations. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.3).

9. Recommendation

• There is a discrimination practice against girls’ education so this issues need to address through awareness program. Scholarship to Mache children in higher education also felt essential.

• There is poor sanitation in Mache communities so health awareness program needed.

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Table B.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Meche

Meche: Indicators Score Status


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B.4 HAYU

1. Introduction

Hayu is one of the highly marginalized indigenous peoples living mainly in the hilly area of Ramechhap and Sindhuli districts. Their dense settlements are found in three VDCs of Ramechhap and four VDCs of Sindhuli districts. CBS data of 2001 reveals, the population of Hayu is 1,821 and among them 929 is female and 892 are male. In Ramechhap VDC, only 683 populations are officially recorded. They have distinct culture and their mother tongue know as Hayu language. Hayu mother tongue speaking populations are 1,473. Among them 896 are females and 847 are males. There is no program for preservation and promotion of Hayu language. Information about Hayu’s access to basic services was collected by using FGDs and KII at Sukajor village in Mudajhor VDC.


Almost all the FGD participants identified Tamang, Sherpa, Hayu, Majhi as Adibasi Janajati. While defining endangered and highly marginalized population, they identified Hayu, Raute and Bankaria. This means they have knowledge about the indigenous identity. Also, they have knowledge on government policy about social security to Hayu people. They acknowledged self- rule and right to self determination as their inherent rights. During the discussion, participants said that they are now capable of expressing their concerns in public speeches and meetings. Also, their active participation in Adibasi affairs has been gradually increasing. Similarly, they showed their concern about their small population size that may lead soon to a verge of extinction.


i. Education

Two-fourths of the Hayu adults are still illiterate in Ramechhap district. However, adult education for women was implemented in Sukajor village by support of Nepal Adibasi Janajati Mahasangh District Coordination Committee but the program was already phased out. Children go to secondary schools located in nearby villages. In Ramechhap, they walk up to 30 minutes to go to the schools, an hour to go to high school and +2. Enrolment of Hayu children in secondary school is satisfactory but the dropout rate in high school is overwhelming. Involvement of children in household chore and agriculture, and poor economic status are reported as major reasons for the drop out. Currently, there are 8 teachers employed in secondary school located nearby but it is surprising enough to note that only one teacher (B.Ed. passed) was Hayu and another one was Tamang, the rest are Bahun/Brahmin

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and Chhetris. Similarly, the school management committee comprises high number of Bramhin and Chhetris though in the school there is large number of Hayu children. Scholarships of Rs 225 and Rs. 525 per head are distributed to Hayu children and girl students respectively. The school teacher expressed that World Education's incentive program (edible oil distribution to girl students) worked positively to meet 100 % enrolment in primary schools and this trend is still continue. Hayu language is not used as medium of instruction in school. The Hayu teacher teaches language to children at his home with financial support of JEP-I project. According to the CBS report 2001, there are 75% of Hayu language speakers in the Ramechhap district. Literacy classes were also run under JEP-I project. Interestingly, the Chairperson of the district unit of Adibasi Janajati Mahila Munch had joined as a student in a literacy program run in her VDC. Now they have demanded for English language classes as they realized that they are unable to communicate text messages in their mobile phones.

ii. Health

Hayu have a strong believe in their faith healers and traditional medicinal practices. They use leaves, roots and barks of different plants and trees as medicine. There is a district hospital in Ramechhap that takes one-hour-long walk from Sukajor and more than 3 or 4 hours from other neighbouring VDCs. Majority of Hayu women do not prefer to visit hospital during pregnancy as they consider home birth as an easy and natural phenomenon. Similarly, they are too shy to share reproductive health problems with outsiders. In their village, a maternal death occurred two years ago due to prolonged labour. Since then, they have started visiting the health institution for Anti-natal Care (ANC). About thee-quarter of the FGD participants mentioned that they are satisfied from the service provided by the hospital; however, only two participants complained that they did not receive treatment in an appropriate way. Hayu are physically thin and short. Sanitation and hygiene level are okay as they keep their livestock in sheds located next to their main house. There are two FCHVs in the village. Hayu are aware about immunization of new born children, and vaccination of pregnant women etc.

iii. Government Social Security

All the participants of the FGD had knowledge about budget allocated to Adibasi Janajati by the VDC. They have indeed used the money to build a school building. Old age allowance endangered and marginalized allowance, widowed and single women allowances are distributed on time. However, maternal incentive is not taken by women as they do not go to hospital or health institution for safe delivery since the hospital is too far and they have no access to transportation. Additionally, they feel shame to visit hospital.

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Hayu do not have any customary and traditional organization, although they have a Guthi of their traditional god called “Okshmi Devi”. They believe that the god came together with them when they migrated in Ramechhap Hayu have traditionally been worshiping their deity in spring. They strongly believe on power of the God and celebrate it f 15 days by singing, dancing and worshipping. There is a secret place like a small scared place under the tree close to the village, no one, except the religious priest, is allowed to enter the place; if any one enters, they believe that something wrong would happen in the village. Hayu have self-management system of their Guthi. Concerning the all-party committee, both the key informants and FGD participants expressed their concern that Hayu have passive involvement in the committee. Indeed, about 30 % of the total VDC budget is allocated through this committee. They spent Rs 15,000 to a school in a Tamang community and the remaining budget was decided to be invested on beekeeping project in Hayu village. Another scheme was postponed for the next year. There are three political parties that are active in practice in Hayu communities. The respondents reported that only 2 Hayu are in semi-decision making level. They also felt that their voices are now coming out through political parties also; but two participants differed with this view saying that they are still shadowed by the political parties, e.g. they have not been able to fix electricity poles in their areas as they have no access to political power that is required to do such works.

5. Access to Natural Resources

Hayu have access to community forests but it is not adequate fulfil their needs of fodders and firewood. They are allowed to use the forest once a year to collect winter fuel. For daily need of fire wood, villagers collect it weekly on every Saturday. During life cycle rituals and social functions such as marriage and feasts, Hayu are permitted to collect rotten timbers and woods are permitted. Hunting in the forest is now not in practice anymore because of diminishing of bushes. The forest user committee was formed in the year 062/063 B.S. to preserve and protect the forest. Hayu are represented by 50% in the executive committee and remaining 50% members are from other caste, mainly Chhetris, and indigenous peoples living in the Sukajor VDC. They have access to piped water in each neighbourhood (Tole). During winter when the pipes get dry, villagers walk up to 2 hours to fetch water from the nearby river. There is no irrigation facility since late nineties when a traditional irrigation facility became defunct after the water source dried out. They now depend on seasonal rain for irrigation. During observation, the researchers observed that the topography of Hayu settlement is a bit rocky, unfertile and sloppy. Which was aptly said by a key informant: “There is no use of having enough Pakha Bari (“non-irrigated land”); the soil is not fertile at all”.

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Regarding electricity, almost 80% of the total households get electricity at home, the rest who do not have electricity at home use solar energy as its substitute.


The main crops cultivated by Hayus are maize, lentil (gahat) and buckwheat (phapar). Beekeeping and Chiuri production are also other income generating activities. They make cooking ghee (“clarified butter”) from chiuri. Traditionally, Hayu people used to give gift of chiuri plant to their daughters to make a living, but it is no more in practice. In Sukajor VDC, 14 families, who live in the southern belt of the village with no access to electricity, are homeless. Hayu are engaged in agriculture in their family farm. Nettle weaving is their survival strategy as it provides income enough for about 2- 3 months in a year. They make fermented rice (Jand) to sell or barter. At present, they are attracted to making soap from chiuri, but it is not produced professionally. Some Hayu have started selling it in a small scale. There are indeed good opportunities for business in soap production, if investment and market creation would have been done properly. Hayu work as wage labourers and daily wage rate to women and men is 1 Pathi and 12 Mana of grains respectively. Due to continuing hardship for survival, Hayu young men now aspire to go to foreign countries, especially Malaysia, Gulf countries and India, in search of work. The Poverty Alleviation Fund (PAF) provided goat rising, pig keeping and vegetable farming project for income generation in Hayu village-Sukajor. Unfortunately, such effort failed as there is no access to fodders in the forest in winter to feed their goats. Also, Hayu do not have enough knowledge and training for goat raising. Vegetable farming also did not succeed due to lack of irrigation facility in the village. Therefore, farmers are not interested to borrow money from cooperatives that provides money without charging interest.


In the Sukajor, drinking water scheme is under construction. The PAF has recently piloted modern stove (Sudhariako Chulho) in 14 households. It has also conducted training to making soap from Chiuri plant. The same organization supported to make pit toilet in the VDC, however, toilet facility is not in every households. There are also some upcoming projects on Beekeeping and Chiuri plant by support from LGCDP. Likewise, Rural Health Development Project (RHDP); financially supported by SDC also had worked for six years in reproductive health issues, but at present, this has been phased out. Hayu in Sukajor had benefited Rs 199,000 from JEP-I project that was used to facilitate income generation program. Some local NGOs such as the Tamakosi Sewa Samitee, CDS/partnership with PAF, DEPROSC Nepal are currently working on different sectors. Working station of all the organizations is in Manthali bazaar.

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Hayu have social networks and security, such as the “Hayu Akata Samaj and Kirant Hayu Sangh”, which are affiliated to Adibasi Janajati Mahasang. Three participants of the FGD were central committee members of such organization. Officials of most of the programs come to visit stakeholders in the village. The villagers are generally informed about the programmes.

8. Summary and conclusion

Hayus are seeking access to basic services like education, health and participation to governing body in local and centre level. Primary school enrolment of Hayu children has reached to 100%. Access to health is still not considerable since these services are not easily available in their villages. The VDC budget passes through the discussion of these people but the participation in decision making level is seen not so active because their voices are not coming up. Regarding to livelihood, food is not sufficient for them due to infertile soil and land they have. So they seasonally migrate to India for work to support their livelihood. Presently, the destinations are now expanding to Malaysia and other Gulf countries too. Some development activities are now flourishing in Hayu villages to promote Chiuri and beekeeping with the support of LGCDP. Likely, some NGOs/INGOs namely PAF/CDS, DEPROSC Nepal, Tamakosi Sewa Samitee are also working to improve their livelihood through training and income generation activities. Taking account to Free Prior Informed Consent, they are asked earlier about the program and plan although the decision does not seem to be in favour of Hayus. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.4).

9. Recommendations

• Chiuri is a source of butter among Hayu communities so that Chiuri planting should be promoted along with providing them a machine to format butter. Due to sufficient Chiuri plants, Beekeeping might be a good source of income so that there is a program needs to tab these sources.

• Primary health care service should be reached in the areas.

• A strong coordination is needed among the IPOs.

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Table B.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Hayu

Hayu: Indicators Score Status


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B.5 SUREL

1. Introduction

Surel are considered as endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. They are aboriginals of the Suri village of Suri VDC in Dolakha district. The total household of Surel, according to Surel key informant, is now 33. Two Surel households are in the Khari VDC, i.e. neighbouring VDC of Suri VDC. The total population of Surel is counted about 210. Surel are physically stilled and polite in manner, they have got fair complexion in general. They mentioned that they have their own tradition, customs, culture and language quite similar to Sunuwars. Almost all of them speaks Surel mother tongue. The young generations do not speak much of their language which indicates that it is in the verge of extinction. They worship and respect nature moreover they also worship ancestral God and Goddesses. Some of them also stated that they are influenced by Hindu religion therefore worship and follows Hindu religion.


All the FGD participants were able to explain the term Adibasi/Janajati. Accordingly, Adibasi refers to those communities who has their own traditional customary, religion, culture, and own language. All of them could not classify endangered and highly marginalized indigenous peoples. They said that Surel is one of the endangered people because of rapidly disappearing culture, language and costume. They are not offshoots of the Sunuwar; instead they are original indigenous peoples of their ancestral land. They have demanded the state for right to education, job security in civil service and so on.


i. Education

Generally, majority of elder people, 40 years and above, are still illiterate. Nowadays they have felt need and importance of education of their children. There is a primary school just close to the village. For further study, children have to walk 1 and half an hour distance to go to the school. So far, only 11 Surel students have graduated S.L.C and above. Among them, only one boy works in Janajati project at Charikot. Some boys went abroad in search of employment and some are looking for job opportunities. In Surel communities, school drop out was extremely high before 061/062 B.S. as they used to go to Indian cities such as Darjeeling, Kalingpong and Calcutta in search of daily wage works. However, this is reported that this tendency is presently getting low due to financial supports from JEP. Numbers of

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Surel students who pass S.L.C. are gradually increasing every year; and this year, 3 students are appearing in the S.L.C. exam. Regarding scholarship to Surel student, the basic amount starts from Rs. 1,000 when enrolled in in class 1, and it increases by Rs. 100 in each upgraded class. They have benefited by stationary and uniform support from the Janajati Mahasang. Surels are quite happy and excited to receive educational incentives program that is given to them. Meanwhile, there was another scholarship for girl student too by "Education for All programmes", and the amount is decided to be Rs. 175 each household but this benefit is later on given to poor students of other castes (Dalit and Khatris) without their consent. The school management committee said that they do not to give two facilities to one student. However, they did not complain about it. The chairperson of the School management committee is a Chhetri and he has been holding the post for the last 10 years. Similarly, the teachers in the school are Bahun and Chhetri. All the FGD participants did not feel that they and their children have been discriminated by the teachers. Most of them do not attend school regularly; because of poverty they work in the house and also as labourers. Their language is not taught in schools. There has not been any specific effort to preserve and promote Surel language.

ii. Health

There is a health post in Suri VDC, which is two hour far from Surel community. They prefer faith healers and traditional medicine. For treatment, they use herbs, bark of the trees, leaves and roots. If faith healers fail to cure, then only they visit the health post. Surel suffer from Uric Acid during cropping season. Till now, no one had felt discriminated by service providers in health post; the health post in-charge is from the Tarai. They said “Doctor is not available when they become sick and they do not get sick when doctors are available.” Taking account into hygiene and sanitation, Surel keep their houses neat and clean. They construct beautiful houses by using mud and stone and slates are used for roof. They keep their cattle in sheds that is a bit far from main house. In Surel village almost every household have a toilet, but a few do not have even a pit latrine. Sanitation is satisfactory in the village. Almost all children get immunization, however, safe delivery in health institution is remarkably low as the health post is too far. ANC visits the health post and FCHV provides counselling to pregnant women and provide Rs 100 for each visit; hence number of Surels visiting health post is now increasing.


They know about the VDC budget for development of the indigenous nationalities, they have been spending the money in rural road construction. They collect old age allowance and social security allowance together with and not getting any problem yet. The VDC secretary and local leaders treat them in good manner.

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So far Surel do not have traditional governance system but they do believe to have it long ago. Currently, they have their tribal organization known as the "Surel Utthan Samaj" which was established in 2060 B.S. This organization is affiliated with NEFIN when Dr. Om Gurung was the general secretary of NEFIN. They are actively involved in all party mechanism too. The chairperson of the organization said, "if the decision makes against to Surel people, we bunk the meeting." Also, they said that they are now empowering women in decision making level as the male have to go outside village in search of work and women always remained at village. For instant, there is high volume of women in executive body in various committee and they were actively participating in FGD. Politically, four parties Maoist, CPN-UML, Nepali Congress and Rastriya Prjatantra Partiy are active in their community.


They know indigenous peoples’ right to forest, land and water. They believed to have their private Kipat primitively in Suri VDC, although at present there are community forests that have coverage of about 166 hectors, which are divided into three clusters. These forests are not adequate for them as the users are huge in number that counts about 200 households; again the forest is mostly bushes; so fodder and fuels not sufficiently available in the village. In the same time, forests are decreasing due to rural motorable road construction. Regarding drinking water, they have a tap fixed in each neighbourhood (Tole). All together there are nine such taps. This project was completed with the support of Janasip (Adibasi Janajati project) in 2066 B.S. This facility was generally aimed to support Surel community and they have shared it with other neighbours too who are Newar and Chhetri. For maintenance and repairing, they have formed a committee that inspects while the tap and pipes broken. There is no any irrigation facility at Surel communities; they have been using piped water in vegetable farming/ For cultivation, they depend on monsoon rain which shows lack of irrigation in the area even having huge river flowing just a bit down the village. Surel had plenty of cultivating and grazing land until the democracy Era, although it was sold to other caste and ethnic groups and some were captured by the smart people. There is a hydro power plant in Suri VDC that provides 24 hours electricity facility in Surel village. They pay Rs. 80 monthly; some poor people (two households of Dalit) who are not able to pay using electricity freely. While fixing electricity at the community, they are paid only for house wiring; the rest like polling, and other labour cost is supported by hydro company.

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Surel heavily depends on agriculture and remittance from India. However, traditionally they used to work for the Chhetri. Now, departure from this practice is emerged as they are now attracted to India. They still use traditional cropping methods; wheat, maize, millet and paddy in small scale are main grains are produce. Also, they produce seasonal vegetables in the farms Agriculture production is enough for 2 months to 60%, 4 months to 30 % and 6 months to 10% of the Surel households. They also earn from others’ land in crop sharing basis (Adhiya Kheti). To make a living for the remaining months, they seek daily wage works not only in their village but also in Indian cities like Sikkim, Darjeeling, Bhutan and Kolkata. Surel male is a bread winner of their families. They seasonally migrate to India in off season farming; most of them work dish washing in hotel/restaurant, loading unloading and porter. While in village, the wages is rated Rs.100 for male and Rs 50 for female respectively.


Apart from rural road construction and social security allowance to Surel, there is no any development program provided by the government. Some local NGOs are working in income generation activities by providing support to farmers by distributing free seeds and technical support in vegetable farming for the last six years. There are also saving and credit cooperative that lends money to its members with annual interest of 10%. It is not running effectively as the borrower never return loan on time. With regards to vegetable farming, Surel people had experienced good results, like 5 kilograms cauliflower in a single plant, tomatoes etc and they were quite exited for that as well although there is no market access nearby as the rural road is still under construction. Taking account into social network, they have organization of their own “Surel Uthhan Samaj”. They also keep good relation with social organizations of other indigenous peoples such as the Sunuwar Samaj, Tamang Ghedung etc. They have not done any program jointly. They are closely working with Janaship. So far a Surel is employed in the project. Regarding free prior inform consent, no program can be launched in their community without consultation with the Surels. However, a young lady who used to teach in the primary school in absence of head teacher was expelled and she was not well informed regarding staff recruitment process in the school. Another lady received an appointment letter from the district headquarter and rejected her for not having teaching license with her.


In the recent past, Surels have reinvented their almost lost identity as Surel. Since their ancestors had identified them as Sunuwar. These days, many Surels, especially the younger generation, want to be recognized and identified them as Surel rather Sunuwar as a result of their increased awareness and pride of their indigenous identity. In Suri village, in addition to Surel, other co-residents are Newar, Chhetris, Khatri and Dalits. It is reported that due to

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contact with others, young Surels have been assimilating gradually with others. Inter-ethnic marriage to Newar is strappingly in practice. Surel are much aware of education and health services along with active participation in decision making process. However, absence of men in village because of seasonal migration to India, women are now actively participating in development activities. Currently high school pass out rate of Surel children has increased in the local school. Likely, ANC visit in health institution also effective. They have safe drinking water access at their village and rural road is under construction. There are some NGO/INGOs working in income generation and saving credit programs although lack of access to market is hindering them. As per these findings the following recommendations are forwarded. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.5).

9. Recommendations

• Income generation through goat raising, bamboo production and vegetable farming are potential income sources. So market access should be develop by building road construction.

• There should be some quotas in local job centres or civil services to promote Surel students.

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Table B.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Surel

Surel: Indicators Score Status


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B.6 BANKARIA

1. Introduction

Banakariyas are one of the 59 indigenous peoples of Nepal recognized by the Nepal government. Their ancestral homeland is located in the Handi Khola VDC of Makawanpur district in Narayani Zone in the Central Developmental Region. It is 30 kilometer far away from Hetauda, the district Headquarter. The total population of Banakaria in this VDC is 66 which comprise 37 females and 29 males. There are only 13 households in the Handi Khola VDC and only one in the adjacent Prasa district. The Chepangs claim that they are members of the Chepang as they speak Chepang language but the Bankarias claimed that they are separate from the Chepangs, though their culture, tradition and language are similar. They speak their own language. Almost all speak their mother tongue. There is no specific study is conducted to preserve and promote Bankaria language.


Bankarias are animist worshiper and they worship nature and their ancestors. Their traditional festival on ancestor worship is known as Nawagi. Out of the 13 households, four have been converted into Christian religion. They said that life became so hard for them due to expenses in traditional rituals. In Christian religion there is no such demand of goat, rooster, hen etc. The Jhakri demand such things which they cannot afford due to poverty. Those who have become Christian they say life have became easier being Christian. NEFIN and NFDIN have categorized Banakariyas as one of the endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. In its recently submitted report to the Prime Minister, the task force formed by the Government to revise the list of indigenous peoples has denied separate identity of the Bankarias as they have merged them with the Chepangs. The participants of the FGDs and key informants were unaware about the meaning of Adibasi Janajati. Only one female participant was able to tell the meaning of endangered/highly marginalized indigenous peoples. She said that they themselves belong to this category because they are the one who have been in the verge of extinction as they have lost their land, language, culture, tradition, customs etc. They do not have any knowledge about the term right to self-determination and Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). Due to illiteracy and lack of information of outside world they have no access to identity. Few years before none of them had received citizenship certificates and they were deprived from getting various opportunity and support provided by the government. Recently 23

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Bankarias got citizenship certificates. As a result, they have received various types of help and support from the government. Nowadays the Government and NGOs consult the Bankarias while implementing any program in their community. They, however, do not take Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) with the Bankarias.


i. Education

Regarding to access to education, there are 2 schools in the Handi Khola VDC. In the primary school (Chepang primary school) mostly Chepang and Tamang children are enrolled. Different caste/ethnic group children study in the Sri Pashupati Secondary School. The Bankaria children study with free ship. The schools provide them school dress, books and snacks in the school for free. Currently, the dress is given no more. VDC has promised to provide NRs. 10/- per student but it has not been implemented yet. There are risks to cross the river on the way to school during monsoon when the rivers are flooded. During that time children are afraid to go to school. During admission time there is door to door campaign for encouragement for educating children. Bankaria students enrolled in the class 1 to class 5, each student receive Rs. 5,000 and 3,000 respectively. Education is not provided in Bankaria mother tongue in the school and there is no mother tongue speaker teacher in the school. The Government has given facilities to endangered indigenous peoples including the Banakariyas children are admitted in school but due to lack of knowledge and illiteracy some of them still do not attend school. Among those who attend schools also mostly dropout.

ii. Health

There is a health post in the village which is half an hour far from the village. There is a mixed community in the health post area. Bankarias go to the health post when they become sick. They also believe in faith healers and traditional healing system. Sometimes they go to Dhami/Jhankri for treatment. They use herbs such as leaves, barks and roots as medicine. They can identify most of the plants and roots which have medicinal values. Bahuns/Chhetris go to health post more than the Bankarias. There is no staff from their community in the health post but staffs that are from other caste/ethnic groups treat them well. Christian Bankarias go to pastor for blessing cure during sickness. During pregnancy some of them visit health post for the check up. Before, they used to give birth to a child in the forest. Now, they have access to immunization and polio drops.

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Government health workers from the hospital come in the village for immunization and feeding polio drops.


There is no traditional institution in Bankaria community but they manage to resolve any conflict by themselves. They have not participated in both the government and non-governmental organizations. They have no representation in indigenous people's organizations because they are unaware about the IPOs. Some Bankarias are general member in political parties. There is a committee with 9 members comprising Bankaria and Chepang but they do not know the name of the committee. Bankarias do not have access to the All-Party-Committee (Sarbadaliya Samiti). The political parties that are active in their village are the Nepali Congress, CPN Maoist, CPN UML, and Rastriya Prajatantra Party. None of the Bankaria is affiliated with any political party. Bankaria female, named Thuli Maya Bankaria is a member in the Integrated Plan Formulation Committee (Ekikrit Yojana Tarjuma Samiti). They were of the view that they have no influence in decision making.


They do have access to governmental and community forest. They collect edible fruits, roots, plants and leaves from nearby forest. In the past they had the Bankaria Khola forest but now it has been incorporated in the Prasa Wildlife Preservation Centre. They are allowed to use forest for death rituals. Hunting is strictly prohibited. They drink water from the nearby stream. There is access to water in the upper side of the village where other caste people live. Bankarias brought pipe water in their area by using pipes that were left out during construction of water supply in the village. They also irrigate the land from nearby stream. They don’t have access to electricity. They, however, have solar energy in all 13 households. It was provided by the NFDIN. Currently, these solar panels are not working properly. Most of the solar panels are not functioning because of problems in its batteries. They are demanding that the NFDIN should help because buying new batteries is expensive which they cannot afford. When solar is not working they usually use kerosene for lighting purpose. Regarding the land, government has given permission to use 9 hectares of forest land that falls within the Parsa Wildlife Preservation Centre to them to protect the forest. They do not have their own land but they have built their own houses near the edge of the forest and bank of the Tongrakhola River. They have cultivated the land and use it for agricultural purposes.

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Poverty Alleviation Fund (PAF) has launched some program in Bankaria such as goat raising and vegetable farming which has helped to improve their livelihood. They sell vegetables like radish, potato, corn, beans, tomatoes etc. Before launching fish farming, PAF asked them whether they want it or not? With their consent PAF provided fish farming to each of the 12 households and build 12 ponds respectively. During the field visit it was observed that these fish farming ponds were not working for some time. They have raised pigs in their own initiation. It has helped them to make some money. Before they used to practice slash and burn/ shifting cultivation, but now it is not in practice. There is no any kind of income generation program implemented by the government and the NGOs. They do not have access to seed and fertilizer. Food is enough for 6 months only. One of the staff of the District Education Office said that for income generating programs for neo-literate Dalit and endangered indigenous women, if they put Rs. 10,000/-. District Education Office add on Rs. 10,000/- But the Bankarias have no idea about it. When this information was shared with them during the FGDs, they said that they can not put Rs. 10,000/- by themselves. District Education Office provides training for skill development, such as kitchen garden vegetables, goat raising, poultry, pig raising, and candle making, if the participants are small in number. If there is more than that then they will go and give training in their won settlement. Local Governance Community Development Program (LGCDP) has been implemented in the Bankaria area. There is no such program like Millennium Development Goals (MGDs) and Education for All (EFA) programs.


District Development Committee (DDC) consulted them while constructing retaining walls at the river bank. DDC and VDC inform them whenever they have some budget for them. In the past, the VDC allocated Rs. 30,000/-. The DDC provided support for ginger plantation. They have demanded Rs. 50,000/- for their development from the VDC. They are thinking of demanding Rs.1,00,000/- this year. They had received clothes, blankets, bitten rice, rice, meat, buffalo and Rs. 500/- as monthly allowances from the DDC during Dashain festival. They have been receiving elderly allowance, endangered allowance, single women allowance, disabled allowance from the VDC. They have not received maternity allowance. There is a good environment for them in VDC but there is no staff from the Bankaria community. The behaviour of staff towards them is good. Those organizations who

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implement the programs in their areas do not inform them about the program. They do not take Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).


Bankaria is one of the highly marginalized indigenous people of Nepal. They are arguably similar to Chepang and the Chepang activists consider them as the part of Chepang. But they claim that they are separate from Chepang. Banakariyas’ lifestyle have changed drastically recently. In the past they were living in dire poverty; they had no food to eat, and cloth to wear. Now they have food sufficiency for 6 months; they have house to live; and they raise goats, pigs and chicken for income. Their life has become more secured tan before. Most of the female participants said that now their life has been living like in a heaven. They have low level or no idea about the IP and their rights. Even FPIC is new for them. In the studied area, they have access to primary education. They have access to primary health post, but like in the other communities they do not go to health post most of the time due to the absence of the health workers and lack of medicine. They do not have their traditional political institution. Also, they have no access to local bodies of governance. Bankarias are prevented from the safe drinking water and forest. Many of them are homeless too. There is no development programmes implemented in their community. They have increasing dependency on outsides. This is because they lack basic requirements to live in. They feel that they are losing their position in the decision making bodies/ mechanisms due to their absence in participation. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.6).

9. Recommendations

• Education should be provided to the Bankaria women. • Awareness programs for their rights should be launched in Bankaria. • Need land in their own name. • Awareness raising program • Income generating activities training • Need drinking water • Training on IPs issues

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Table B.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bankaria

Bankaria: Indicators Score Status


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B.7 KUSHBADIA

1. Introduction

Kushbadia is enlisted as one of the endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. Adibasi Suchi Parimarjan Uchha Stariya Karyadal has recommended them that they are not IPs. So, they have removed them from the list. But the task force only recommended to the Nepal government which is not approved by Nepal Government so far. So, till the date the Kushbadia is an endangered Adibasi Janajati. Their identity is very contradictory. Some say that they are Dalit and some say they are Adibasi Janajati They are also enlisted in Dalit by Dalit Aayog. They are also known as Patharkatta. There is a big issue about their identity. It should be solved by the government with consultation with NEFIN, NFDIN and Dalit Commission. They are one of the smallest communities and the population is around 550. They are mainly found in western parts of Nepal namely Rupandehi, Nawalparasi, Bara, Bake, and Kapilbastu. As mention by the participants in the FGD they are happy and go around with their own communities and do not mix up with other groups. Their traditional occupation is that they carve stone and make pestles, motors and millstones. Make money by selling the stuffs in the villages, town and cities. It is believed that they make broom and robes out of grass called Kush so they are named after it Kushbadia.


According to participants in the FGD, Kushbadia are unknown about Adibasi Janajati and highly marginalized and endangered Adibasi Janajati. Some male were little bit known about the Adibasi Janajati term. They said that who have been living in that land (patkhauli) since ancient time are the Adibasi but female were totally unaware about it. They do not know about rights to self-determination except one had some knowledge in this regard. They are unknown about FPIC. According to them, none of the organization or NGOs takes FPIC before coming to their community. Mukti Prasad Kushbadia is the one key person in Kushbadia community who is the school teacher by profession. He is also involved in Kushbadia's representative organization 'Kushbadia Utthan Sangh'. He also represents NEFIN DCC Rupandehi as a member. According to him, the reason behind no access of Kushbadia to all sectors of basic needs is nomadic life style as well as illiteracy. According to him, the awareness level of Kushbadia women is zero compare to men.

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i. Education

According to Kushbadia, there is a school nearby their village. Near the school there are Tharu, Kurmi, Mali and Chamar settlement. They don’t go school regularly because they are nomadic people. They go to school according to their willingness. Parents take their children together whenever they go for work their traditional occupation is carving stone making Silauto pestal. Their children go with them in the river banks to collect stones and help them. In comparison, Tharu, Chamar children go to school regularly their have easy environment to go to school but for Kushbadia children it is different situation. According to them, their children have difficult to understand the Nepali language at school because no Kushbaida language speaker in the school. Due to this, Kushbadia children don’t want to attend school. Their demand is that they need teaching in Kushbadia language up to primary level. Till the date, one Kushbadia male B Ed and one Kushbadia female have pass S.L.C. respectively. Though there is the scholarship scheme in school, they don’t send their children to school because they have to be busy with their subsistence maintenance. No Kushbadia children got scholarship. According to them, no incentive programs for Kushbadia's education have launched so far. But A Key informant said in interview that once the school head master had gone to Kushbadia village to inform about the scholarship but the parents did not send their children to school. Behind the reason to be back in education, Kushbadia think of their ancestors were uneducated, so they are also uneducated and unaware. They blamed that school provides books once in a year but school takes much money at admission time. They are not in school management committee.

ii. Health

There is one health post, located 3 km far from Kushbadia community where mostly Yadav, Kurmi, Bahun and Chhetri reside. There is a government hospital it takes 20 minutes walk to reach the hospital. Kushbadia believe on shamanism (Jharfuk) when they are sick. They don’t go to health post due to very low economic condition. The other communities such as Yadav, Kurmi, Bahun, and Chhetri who have money and are aware on health visit health post frequently. According to them, nobody give them credit in time of need. They have been practicing traditional healing system or natural treatment since long time they usually do not prefer modern treatment. Faith healers are called gurubai in their community. They opinion contradict because some said there is normal behaviour in health post and other said abnormal. The health post staffs do not treat properly, just give the citamol. The behaviour of the doctor is also not good they are very rude to them. There are no Kushbadia speaker staffs in the hospital and health the post.

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According to them, there is no health volunteer, midwives or Sudeni from Kushbadia community because lack of education. There is Sudeni from Chamar community. According to them, they don’t immunize the children because of their life style as nomad. Sometime they have opportunities to feed polio drop, vitamin A distribution occasionally when they are in the village otherwise they miss the opportunity if they are working in the river banks. They don’t take iron, calcium etc during pregnancy and also don’t go to hospital for delivery because of far distance and lack of money. They go to Bhairahawa hospital for treatment. They have not gone to hospital by ambulance till now. In case of emergency they go by bicycle. According to them, there is no toilet in their village. They do toilet outside on the road, stream, river bank and open field. They wash hand with ash and sometimes soap. They often suffer from water born diseases because of poor sanitation condition. They worship of Mata Maharani Dhamin Thakurayan. They offer Kapur and light incense when they worship. They say sometime the man dies during worshipping time.

iii. Social Security

They are unknown about the budget allocated for Indigenous Peoples development. They have no access to it. Till today they have not got any budget so for. Except one Kushbadia, no others have taken elderly allowance from the VDC. The Kushbadia women have not taken elderly allowances because they don’t have citizenship certificate. They opined behind the reason for not getting elderly allowances, they are not informed about allowances by concerned authorities. They can't get information due to lack of education. Though they have access to go to VDC office in terms of geographical distance, they feel that they don’t have easy environment in VDC. The VDC secretary lives in Bhairahawa. There is no Kushbadia speaker at VDC. They feel that the VDC staffs don’t treat them as normal because of poor and uneducated.


Kushbadia have their traditional institution i.e. ‘badaghar’. The badghar manages the quarrel, dispute, fight etc. This institution manages case affairs among their community. Kushbadia do not go to court for justice. If anyone in their community finds out that they have to the court Kusbadia gets angry and give punishment. Till the date not any organizations have supported to develop organization. In this institution, there is no female participation. They mention that they are unaware about all party mechanism. Nobody cares them or don’t involve them in any kind of committee because of being poor. So, they don’t have access to

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all party mechanism committee. No one has is participated in VDC level committee for any works. According to them, all party mechanism committee has not heard their demand. The mechanism has not decided the effective and fruitful decision for ethnic group, women and Dalit. Only one, Mukti Prasad Kushbadia has heard about the all party mechanism among all. They blamed that due to no access, the all party mechanism committee has not decided any for deprived community so far. They are not involved in any political parties. There is no political party existed in Kushbadia community. Leaders come to ask vote during election time. Leaders provide them alcohol and meat during election period for vote but later they do nothing for them. They have requested that Kushbadia's demand should be fulfilled by NEFIN and NEFIN DCC.


Kushbadias are landless people. They don’t have access on forest, drinking water and land. They fetch drinking water from other's tap. They are demanding tap water to the government. According to participants, they need other more tap water because currently they have been drinking water from one tape by 6 HHs publicly. According to them, they don’t have access on natural resources or government forest. Instead government has restricted to dig or cut the stone for making silauto near the river bank. They religious place to worship in the forest has restricted by government to enter in the forest. Their ancestral Goddess is Masuniya, Dhamin and Mata Maharani Thakurien in nearby house or house garden. They have no irrigation system too. They don’t have access to community based irrigation system. According to them, they have no access to electricity. They use kerosene for lighting and fire wood for cooking. Sometimes they cook from the straw. They have no full of access to fire wood too. Kushbadias are landless. They don’t work on other's farm too. They have a single house in landlord's land. The landlords are Kurmi. They have been living in landlord's land for long time. Till the date landlord has not said to leave the land. Nobody has own land registered certificate in their names. There is no citizenship certificate of Kushbadia's women. Concerned authority and male members doesn’t want to provide Kushbadia women citizenship certificate. Again they themselves are very ignorant and do not want to have it as said by some of the participants.

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Their livelihood is depended on their traditional silauto making profession. The product made by them is sometimes exchanged with goats and grains. It is being very difficult to maintain hand to mouth problem from their profession. According to them, there is no alternate doing daily wage labour. The government has restricted to dig out the stone at river bank. So, they are being displaced from their traditional profession. They have no alternate skill instead of making silauto. They respect and love their traditional professional and want to preserve and promote it. Their profession is overshadowing by modern equipment like mixture/grinder etc. Living standard is very very low. Before they used to hunt and trap animals in the forest for the survival and killed wild cats, rabbits, foxes, tortoise, etc. Nowadays government have restricted to go to the forest. They also make their living by working as the agriculture labour during planting and harvesting. In exchange of labour they receive cash sometimes kind like grains, paddy so on.


Kushbadias are fully unknown about any government plan and programs as well as non-government programs such as poverty alleviation fund. They don’t have access to any kind of livelihood programs, cooperative and education for all. They opined that nobody wants to consult or provide them loan because they are poor. They don’t also have access to seed, fertilizer and agricultural instruments because of landless. They opined that no one has launched development programs in Kushbadia community. They are unaware of development programs. Mostly people come to ask them at election time only. According to them, leaders provide them food like alcohol, meat during election time. They stated that because of poverty they feel happy to have good foods. During election time, leaders come and pretend to develop Kushbadia community if they vote them. They said that leaders never come back to village after election. According to them, many NGOs are working in their village but no one has done any work for Kushbadias. Only DCC and NEFIN have conducted some. Kushbadias are rarely member in any organizations. Only one member Baddri Kushbadia is elected to NEFIN secretariat. NEFIN has given some training on problem identification and employment training.

8. Summary and Conclusions

Among 24 EHM-AJs, Kushbadia seems very miserable condition in terms of identity as well as poverty. They are semi-nomad with landless and depend on daily subsistence based job

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like stone grinder (silauto). They do not care of children education, health and also not taking full care of them by government too. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.7).

9. Recommendations

Demands of Kushbadia Community: • At first government should register the land or give land to Kushbadia.

• Citizenship to male and female. • When service provider organizations work in Kushbadia community, they have to

take FPIC with Kushbadia. • The identity of Kusbadia is still unclear. Kushbadias want to be listed as Adibasi

Janajati but they have been treated as untouchables in the society by high caste Hindus.

• Need access to collect stone in the river banks • Preserve the skills traditional occupation

• Preserve Kushbadia language. • Government should provide free education to the Kushbadia children up to +2 level.

NFE class should run at time because they are not free in the day.

• They need clean drinking water.

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Table B.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kushbadia

Kushbadia: Indicators Score Status


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B.8 KUSUNDA

1. Introduction

Kusunda is one of the endangered ethnic groups of Nepal, which is nearly at the physical disappearance. Kusunda population is 164 according census 2001. In Dang, their population is about 40 to 45 living in nine to ten families. They are in Halbar, Hapur Bijauri, Bhaluhang and Jhanam VDCs of Dang and Rolpa districts of Mid-west Nepal.


According to focus group discussion, most of them were not aware about the meaning of Adibasi Janajati. Some of them said those people who have own culture and language are Adibasi Janajati. One of the key informants said that state policy and influence of Hinduism at present most of the Kusundas prefer to be introduced as Thakuri since from long time they are regarded as low caste. In order to avoid harassment and extremism, they hide their real ethnic identity. Kusunda have their own language and own rituals (Kul Devta). However, only a few Kusundas speak their language. Although they do not belong to Hindu caste system, they are frequently looked down and discriminated as untouchables by Hindu high caste group such as Bahun, Chhetri, and Thakuris. According to the focus group discussion, due to the poverty, no education and unawareness Kusundas are fully excluded by community. They were not associated in any committee or full and effective participation. They were unknown on the subject of right to self determination and free prior inform consent.


i. Education

A very few Kusunda children go to school. Even if they go to school, drop out rate is high among Kusunda children. One of the key informants said, almost all Kusundas are illiterate. In their settlement there is a school nearly. But no Kusundas are involved in school management committee. In addition to poverty for not going to and high dropout from the school, Kusunda children also encounter other problems in the schools. During discussion with the children, it was revealed that Kusunda children are often harassed and abused by other children and even by the teachers. As per their version, to buy dress, books, bags and writing materials are beyond their capacity.

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ii. Health

It is reported that Kusunda have access to modern health system. There is one health post closed to their area. One of the key informants said that medicines are not available for them in that health post. Kusunda do not have access to good sanitation. Some of them are using open field area or forest area for toilet purpose. Only few of them have toilet in their home. Kusunda have poor health status. They rely on stream for all purposes. Lack of these basic services is certainly a problem among the Kusunda. Again poor economic condition is referred as a primary reason of poor health as they cannot afford to improve the living conditions. Kusunda have their own religious belief system that they use traditional healer (Dhami/ Jhakri). One of them said that traditional belief may be a barrier to use of available health services. Poor economic condition also compels them to prefer traditional healer instead. Private health services are also available in the Kusundas settlement, but these services are expensive for them. So, they rarely use private health services.


Kusundas do not have their own traditional institution. One of the key informants said, before they had their traditional institution but due to influence of Hinduism they had already lost it. According to the FGD, Kusunda are not associated in all party mechanism. They do not have access to VDC/DDC budget. Most of the Kusunda are not involved in political parties. According to them, There are mainly eight political parties exist in their DDCs. The political parties are Nepali Congress, Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rastriya Janamukti Party, Sadbhawana Party, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, etc. However, no Kusundas are associated with these political parties.


According to them, they have heard about the rights of indigenous peoples to natural resources but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in place and how to hold it. Kusunda use tube well for drinking water. They do not have access to community forest. However, they use government forest for their purpose.

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6. Access to Livelihood

Most of the Kusundas do not own land or property. They live in small huts built on wastelands near forest and seek employment as agriculture labourer in the surrounding areas. Some adult and youth Kusundas have also gone to India for wage labour. According to FGD, none of the Kusundas have access to income generating activities. Some Kusundas still depend on forest for their livelihood. They hunt animals and birds and collect roots and fruits in the forest for their sustenance. They also collect honey in the forests. Most of the Kusundas have no land for cultivation.


They do not have access to VDC budget and allowance for endangered highly marginalized Adibasi Janajati from Ministry of Local Development, Government of Nepal. They are not getting the budget form long period. The main reason is that the surname they put in the citizenship is different such as Sen, Thakuri, etc. A few Kusunda are getting the allowance for ageing people in there communities. There are no NGOs and INGOs working in their settlement. According to them, they do not know about free, prior informed consent (FPIC).


Kusundas are nearly losing their physical identity as the total households are nearly 10 living in Dang and Rolpa districts. Kusundas prefer to showup them as Thakuris who are considered as high caste. As a result their ethnic identity is disappearing. They are illiterate and unaware about Adibasi Janajati. Nowadays, Kusunda children go to school although they drop out by the end of primary level because of harassment and abused by higher cast children. Their sanitation and personal hygiene is poor. Most of them do not have toilets at home. They prefer traditional faith healers rather than modern health facilities because there is not enough medicine in health post and private hospitals are beyond of their access. Kusundas do not have political awareness and are not affiliated with any political parties. At the same time, they are unknown about IPs rights to natural resources. Economically, they are deprived because they do not have land. They live in makeshift huts built on wastelands near forests to seek works in agriculture. They do not have access in income generation activities since they still depend on forest for their livelihoods. Regarding development activities, they do not have access to VDC budget and social security allowances because they identified themselves as Thakuri in citizenship. However, some elder people are getting allowances regularly. Moreover, there is no NGOs/INGOs working for them.

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With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.8).

9. Recommendations

Kusundas are deprived socially and economically so that they need a special attention to uplift their livelihood and level of education. Following are some of the specific recommendations.

• Incentives in education need to motivate Kusunda children at school. • Awareness programmes in health and sanitation.

• Vocational trainings and income generation activities should be provide along with political awareness program.

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Table B.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kusunda

Kusunda: Indicators Score Status


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B.9 RAJI

1. Introduction

Raji are one of the ten endangered indigenous peoples recognized by the government of Nepal. According to the census of 2001, their total population is 2,399. Rajis believe that their census data is under-enumerated because their actual population is more than 2,399. The Rajis are semi-nomadic people who have their ancestral land in the inner Tarai but they have lost control over their ancestral land. Their settlements are now scattered mainly Ailani or marginal public lands at Karnali and Bheri river banks. Their houses are constructed with wooden poles and thatched roof with green leaves and bamboo stick. Rajis are found mainly in Surkhet, Kailali, Kanchanpur and Bardiya districts. Their mother tongue is Raji and they speak Nepali (Khas) language also. Rajis worry that their language and identity may extinct. The study team visited Bhajani and Khailad VDCs in Kailali district. It takes about 4-5 hours travel by bus from Dhangadhi and from Dhangadhi or 4-5 hours walk to Khailad VDC-4, from Bhajani and 2-3 hours to Bhuruwa.


According to the participants of the focus group discussion most of the Rajis do not have knowledge and understanding of the terms Adibasi and Janajati. However, some of them said that Adibasi/Janajati refers to those who have their own language, culture, traditional religious values and rituals. They are not fully aware of their cultural, economic, political rights and the importance of these factors. They are also not aware about the outside world. Their traditional and modern community organizations are not active to protect and promote their culture, language and other traditional customs and values. Their modern community organization Raji Salmo is not working actively but their growing worry of possibility of extinction has now made them conscious that they need to do something. Some of them were aware about the right of endangered and highly marginalized ethnic group. A key informant said that the Rajis are more aware than before. Some of them have knowledge and understanding of their rights but most of the populations are unaware as they are poor and uneducated. Almost all the FGDs participants said that they are unaware about their right to self-determination. They do not have knowledge and understanding about Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). The FDGs participants expressed that they need awareness raising programs to protect and promote their culture, language, economic status and political situation and institutional support programs to strengthen their organization.

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i. Education

Most of the Raji children go to school as they have little access to education. At present, they send their children to school as they are conscious and aware about the importance of education. However, school dropout rate is high among their children because of their poor economic condition. They cannot afford paying for books, bags, and pen-pencils, dress and so on for their school going children. Raji’s population concentration is more in the Khailad-4, Bhuruwa where there is a Primary school near their settlement area. In this school, 99% of its students are Rajis and remaining 1% are from other communities, including the Tharus, and Kumals among indigenous peoples and Chhetris and Bahuns among the caste groups. Maximum number of the Raji children dropout from higher secondary or high schools because these schools are located far away from their settlement area. The students have to cross the river where there is no bridge. They cannot afford sending their children for high school education because of low income, poverty etc. Only few Raji children pursue higher education. Most of them have to earn money by doing wage labour to make a living. Raji children do not have access to scholarship granted by the government. Of the 225 Raji students enrolled in the primary school, only few (about 5%) Raji student are getting scholarships. Rajis have access and control in the school management committee. All teachers are from Raji community but none of them is a permanent or fixed job holder. Raji have good command in their mother tongue. The key informants said that support to education in mother tongue is essential to enhance Raji language and help to promote, preserve and protect their ethnic identity.

ii. Health

Personal health and sanitation is not good due to poor economic condition. Most of them use forest area, open field and river bank for toilet purpose. Only few of them have own toilet. Raji have access to modern health service than before. There is a health post in their village and Wit takes about 2 hours to reach there by foot. When they become sick they give first priority to traditional healers and herbs (Jadibuti). If the problem persists then only they go to health post for cure. At present they are aware about modern health care and visit hospital for health services. One of them said that, in health post free medicine is not available for their illness, and due to poor condition they cannot afford buying expensive medicine. Therefore, they usually go to traditional healer (Dhami/ Jhakri or Baidhya) for the treatment. Few Raji women are aware about modern health services. They have access to immunization and other health services for anti-natal care, child delivery and post-natal care. Only few of

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them go to health post for check up during child delivery due to long distance, lack of transportation and poor economic condition. During pregnancy period women have to go to jungle to cut and gather fodder, firewood. There are 3 Raji female health service volunteers who are working in the Raji community. Midwives (Sudini) also available but they are from the Tharu community. Some of them said that health service providers’ behaviour towards Raji community is quite good but in some cases they discriminate Rajis while distributing medicines.

iii. Government’s Social Security

They have access to VDC/DDC budget allocated for development of Indigenous Nationalities. One of the key informants said that they began to claim budget allocated for endangered indigenous nationalities and the government allowance only after attending awareness program of DDC NEFIN, Kanchanpur. VDC secretary and all party mechanism committee recently decided to give some amount to the Rajis. They do not have access for allowance to elderly people and widowed single women. When they claim these allowances, the government service providers said that each person deserve only one type of allowance, not more than one. The participants of FGDs said that behaviour of government service providers has been satisfactory so far.


Rajis had their traditional indigenous institution but it no more exist now. Rajis have adopted Bhalmansa, the traditional institution of the Tharus due to the influence of their neighbouring Tharu community. Some said that Bhalmansa is a traditional institution of the Rajis. Bhalmansa carry out social, cultural and religious activities, including birth to death rituals, marriage system, nature worship, Kulpuja and other feast and festivals. They do not have access to full and effective participation in any government or non government organization. Rajis have access to all party mechanism but not in any decision making position. They are members but not leaders in the parties. There are mainly 6 parties (Nepali congress, Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist party of Nepal 'United Marxist Leninist', Rastriya Prajatantra Party, TMLP, Madhesi Party forum) that are active in their settlement area Bhuruwa, Khailad-4, Kailali. Most of the Rajis are members of Communist party of Nepal (UML) and the Unified Nepal Communist Party (Maoist). One of the Raji is a district level member of the Maoist party.

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They have less access to natural resources. Some of the FGD participants said that they have little knowledge about indigenous peoples’ rights to forest. They all said that they do not have full access and control to the community forest. There is a community forest committee in their settlement. Although the President and most of the members are from Raji community but they said that they do not have full and effective participation in decision makings and they do not have knowledge about Free, Prior and Inform Consent (FPIC). Rajis do not own their own land; they have been forced to settle in public (Ailani) land. They cultivate some of these lands and they have access to irrigation. They use tube well and pumping water. They use tube well water for drinking, normally everyone have own hand pump set.


Rajis are semi-nomadic indigenous peoples. Some of them make their living by catching fish, bee keeping, collecting roots and tuber and hunting wild animals and birds. At present they consume normal foods such as rice, bread (Chapati), lentil (Dal), vegetables, potatoes etc. They do not have ownership on land. They are fully dependent in farming (agriculture) and allowances provided by local government. They have no any permanent job. In Raji community food sufficient rate is only enough for 2-3 months in a year. They do wage labor in other places as there is no industry in their villages. The participants from the FGD mentioned that, due to low population, poverty, landless they are exploited and excluded from all types of resources.


They have access to the budget allocated for development for endangered and HMG from Ministry of Local Development, Government of Nepal. They have been getting the budget last year only in the topic of irrigation. The Village Coordination Committee comprises members from various indigenous peoples, such as the Raji, Tharu, Magar and Tamang, the Hill castes such as the Bahun and Chhetri, and Madhesi, such as the Yadav. Previously the Rajis were fully dependent upon wild foods. NGOs’ help and support changed and improved their livelihood. Nowadays, Rajis have access to some income generating activities, such as domestic bee keeping, poultry farming and fish keeping.

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Rajis have not understood the concept of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). All participants of the FGDs and key informants said that no one ever consulted them while implementing and planning any program in their settlement/community.


Rajis are semi-nomadic people settled in river banks in Inner Tarai of Nepal. They are not fully aware of their cultural, economic and political rights. They are also not aware about the outside world. Both of their traditional as well as modern community organizations are not active to protect and promote their culture, language and other traditional customs and manners. Their modern community organization Raji Salmo is not active. They have not yet held any regular meetings and general convention of their organization. However, Rajis are now adopting Tharu traditional institution Bhalmansa because these practices are similar to Raji. Taking account of basic services, Rajis are now much aware on education as their children go to school although dropout rate is significantly high in school because of poverty and language barriers. They are also not benefited by government's scholarship programs. Regarding health facilities, remarkable proportion of Rajis are still outskirt of modern health services due to long distance, not having access in transportation and not enough money to buy medicines. Presently, they are benefited by VDC budgets and social security allowances, they are participated to all party mechanism and political parties as well although the space in decision making level likely to be nil. Rajis' livelihood depends on agriculture and daily wages but they do not have access to fertile farming lands. However, they are now attracted to income generation activities such as bee keeping, poultry farming and fish keeping by the support of various NGOs/ INGOs so that Rajis' livelihood is now improving in compare to the past decades but still special attention need to enhance their education and livelihood. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.9).

9. Recommendations

• Rajis need awareness raising programs to protect and promote their socio-cultural, linguistic, economic and political rights.

• Institutional support programs to strengthen their community organization.

• Scholarship should be provided to Rajis children. • Health awareness program needs in Raji community.

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Table B.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raji

Raji: Indicators Score Status


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B.10 RAUTE

1. Introduction

Information about Raute has been collected through Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Key Informants interview. This report has been prepared on the basis information collected in Brahmadev-9, Khalla Tudikhel of Kanchanpur district. Raute are nomadic peoples, but at present they have settled life in different districts of Nepal. Raute is one of the endangered among 59 indigenous nationalities of Nepal. Census 2001 recorded Raute population as 658. The main resident of Raute is Jogbudha in Dadeldhura district.


According to FGD, Raute do have knowledge about what is Adibasi Janajati. Due to lack of knowledge and education they are highly excluded group in Nepal. Other Adibasi Janajati groups are much aware of protecting and promoting their cultures, customs, languages, religion and other traditional practices for their identity. But Rautes are about to lose their cultures, particularly their traditional costumes. One key informant said, those who still live nomadic life are still able to preserve their traditional cultures, but those who have fixed their settlement permanently at a place have already lost their traditional cultures. Some of the Rautes call themselves as Raut instead of Raute. Because they have been teased and looked down by other communities. So, they hide their real identity for outsiders. Due to influence of other communities and due to lack of awareness, Raute have changed their ethic names, used the dress of other communities and adopt other occupations. They make nice boxes and containers of wood, which has been disappearing gradually.


i. Education

According to Focus Group Discussion, few of Raute children go to school. There is a primary school nearby their settlement. Nowadays they are somehow aware of education, so they send their children to school. However, as other Adibasis, dropout from school is a problem among Raute children. Informants explain a number of reasons for school dropout of Raute children. They are mainly poverty, nomadic type of lifestyle, teasing and humiliation from high caste children. Another pertinent reason is that there is only primary school at their settlement. For high school education they have to go to other village. First, they are not able to afford for high school education. Second, they have to go for work and third, they do not want to be humiliated by other children.

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There is only one Raute who has passed SLC sent-up. Most of the Raute youths who are physically capable go for wage labourers. Some of them also go to India to look for employment opportunities. One Raute is also in management committee of Primary School.

ii. Health

Raute do not have access to modern health services. Almost Raute community use open field or jungle area for toilet purpose. There is a health post in close to their settlement. When they get sick they go to health post. According to FGD, health service staff behave them unequally. When they go to health post, staff turns into them explaining no medicine for free service. Raute also believe in traditional inhalers. Most of the Rautes depend upon their traditional faith healers (dhami/jhakris) to cure their sickness. According to the focus group discussion, Raute women are not regular in health post during their pregnancy period. They are fully disconnected from other communities. One of the key informants said that Raute women do not talk to other women (especially high caste women) because of humiliation. However, a few also have good relationship with other communities.


Raute's traditional institution is not functioning at present. Nowadays they have formed 3 modern institutions of Raute" Mahakali Raute Samuha", "Raute Bikas Samuha", and "Nepal Raute Bikas Sangha". The last one is associated with District Coordination Committee (DCC), NEFIN, Kanchanpur. According to FGD, Raute do not have access to VDC budget for indigenous people. There are seven political parties in the district. However, no Rautes are associated with any political party. Raute do not have political awareness. They are also not in the all party mechanism.


They have distinct settlements very close to the forest areas of ward -9 in Brahmadev Khalla, Tudikhel of Kanchanpur. But their settlement area has been already encroached by other communities. Their long-established socio-economic condition has already been influenced by others.

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According to their tradition, they make use of wild foods such as Roots, Tubers and Monkeys. However, at present they have been fully assimilated to others. They use normal food items such as Rice, Millet, Maize, Potato, Beans and different types of vegetables. One of the pertinent reasons for discontinuation of the tradition is forest is not under their control. They have lost the control over forest because forests are gone under the control of either government or community forest. Raute do not have land, where they are settled now. They are using unregistered land and some are landless. They do not have any sources to improve their livelihood.


According to them, they have heard about the indigenous people's rights to natural resources but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in place and how to use the rights. Few of them said that government has to restore their own jungle to them. But community forest does not permitted to go to forest and collect wild food. Some Rautes use spring water and a very few use water tap for drinking water nowadays.


They do not have access to VDC budget and they are not getting it. They are also less aware of allowance for endangered and highly marginalized Adibasi Janajati. But they are getting allowance for endangered ethnic group. According to key informants, at this time none of the NGOs and GOs are working for the improvement of their livelihood in Mahendranagar. According to them, they have no knowledge at all about the free, prior informed consent (FPIC).


Raute are nomadic peoples. However, nowadays they began settled life in different districts of Nepal. They do not have in-depth internalization of IPs rights and institutions. They are reportedly losing their traditional culture and practices and assimilating into other communities. Their children go to school nearby village but still they leave school by the end of primary level due to humiliation with higher caste children and abject poverty. Traditionally, Rautes used to depend on faith healers; however, they now started to visit health post as well. But they have not felt discriminatory behaviour of service providers. Similarly, women do not go for ANC visit during pregnancy due to shame and humiliation, which shows lack of awareness in health practice and behaviour.

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Rautes do not have political awareness. Surprisingly, no Rautes are associated to any political parties although seven major political parties exist in the communities. Rutes' traditional foods are roots, yam, tuber and monkeys; however, nowadays they adapted normal foods like rice, millets and beans etc. These people do not have land, so they use common lands (sarkari jagga) which are not fertile enough for cultivation. Rautes fear to collect foods in jungle because community forests do not allow them. They have access to drinking water at the village. Despite of considerable socio-economic status of Raute, no NGOs/INGOs have reach to support them. With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table B.10).

9. Recommendations

• Rautes are not attending school because of extreme poverty and language barriers so that scholarship provision and teaching in mother tongue are needed.

• Awareness on health including reproductive health education needed in the community.

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Table B.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raute

Raute: Indicators Score Status

All/Mostly Some Few None 1. Knowledge Based Accessibility

Adibasi/Janajati as identity √

IP rights to self determination √ Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) √ 2. Service Based Accessibility i. Education

Availability of primary school √

Enrolment √

Scholarship √

Medium of teaching (mother tongue) √ ii. Health

Availability of health post √ General health service √ Immunization √

Antenatal/postnatal care √ Sanitation √ iii. Government social security

Elderly citizenship allowance √

Widowed/single women allowance √ Child birth allowance √

EHM-AJ allowance √

3. Participation Based Accessibility

Political parties √

All Party Mechanisms √ IPOs √ 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods

Ancestral forest √ Community forest √ Safe drinking water √

Land √ Food √

Wage labour/employment √

Road √

Electricity √

5. Development programmes

Govt. fund for promotion of IPs √

NGOs/INGOs √ CBOs/IPOs √ Total 3 1 7 19

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PART III REPORTS

C. HIGHLY MARGINALIZED ADIBASI JANAJATIS (INDIGENOUS

NATIONALITIES)

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C.1 KHADIA

1. Introduction

Khadia is considered as a highly marginalized indigenous population of Nepal even though they have not been listed yet in the schedule of 59 Indigenous nationalities as recognized by the government. Population census 2001 did not record Khadia population. Khadia claims that their total population is 1,575. They mainly reside in Jhapa and few are in Morang and Kapilbastu districts as well.


In FGD with Khadias, a woman discussant remarks, "Adibasi are like we people; ugly, having black complexion, and uneducated poor farmer." However, two third of participants perceived Adibasi as a group of people having distinct culture and tradition and living in same place since ages. They also indicate that the populations who are smaller in size like Khadia, Jhangad, Maal Pahade, Kuruwa, Gwala and having dilemma to preserve their culture and language is called endangered and highly marginalized. None of them are familiar with the term, "Aatma Nirnaya Ko Adhikar", though they remark it as similar to choice of people while selecting something/someone. The participants also point out that they have now lost their ownership in land and forest that used to be their assets.


ii. Education

There are two primary schools in a distance of 1.5 kilometres in Chhetris and Rajbansi village. According to key informants and focus group discussants, all the children go to school, among which about 75% go to private school. There is no Khadia language as medium of instruction in school, at the same time they do not feel any kind of discrimination and language barrier against them. Surprisingly, no participant knows about government scholarship as well as educational incentive so far majority of their children admitted in private school.

ii. Health

From the KII and FGD, there are no health services in the Khadia village. Health services are available at a distance of one hour's walk located at Bahun village. During service delivery, they have marked some sort of discrimination by the staff. For instance, waiting for long time in queue, which other Bahun and Chhetri people do not need to be in queue; staff seem to be arrogant and use discriminative words while delivering health services to the Khadia.

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However, about two third of participants assured that immunization, vaccination of children and antenatal/postnatal care are well received by the community. There are no FCHVs and traditional birth attendances among Khadia community. During an urgent need, they ask Jhangad women for the help.


Khadias know about the budget allocated in VDC/municipality for Adibasi/Janajati. They have already spent about Rs. 40,000 in weaving training for women and language trainers' training programs. Allowances for elderly population, social security allowances and maternity incentives are being received without any difficulty. Meanwhile, nearly half participants revealed that they felt ignored by VDC secretary when they for for consultations.


There are three major political parties presently in power in the Khadia community. Majority of them are affiliated with UCPN-Maoist and CPN-UML parties. Despite of their active involvement in politics, they have felt that their voices are not taken seriously in decision making process. All participants revealed that there is no Khadia in all parties' mechanism as they felt that they are not deserved for that position due to lack of education and experiences. However, their voices are being considered because of inclusive policy of the VDC. Similarly, a key informant stressed that there is some budgets amount Rs 5, 00,000 allocated from VDC in order to endorse Adibasi Janajati but the concrete master plan is yet to be materialized because of the lack of knowledge and ideas.


In FGD, participants were asked about access to natural resources. None of them have knowledge on right to natural resources, since there is no community forest or private/government forest available nearby the Khadia village. With regards to safe drinking water and irrigation, everyone has had hand pump water at home, but irrigation facility is not available in the community as they usually work in tea garden as daily wage labourers.


For livelihood, Khadia squarely subsists on working in own farm and the tea garden. The farm production merely survives them for six months and for the rest of the months they endure by wage labourers in tea state. In spite of significant support in income generation by local NGOs, Khadias are not able to enhance their agricultural product and raise livestock because of little land they own and lack of access to irrigation.

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Apart from cutting, knitting and sewing training for some selected women and motor road construction projects, no any special programs are implemented yet by the government. Two third of FGD participants reported that there is a saving and credit program running by a local organization (Sahara Nepal) and very few Khadia women are participated in. However, none of participants admitted as they get free prior informed consent from such organizations.


In comparison with other communities in the village, Khadia are socially and culturally distinct and economically backward. Instantly, they celebrate Hindu Feast and Festivals but in different way, basically, land worship is their main festival. Despite normal conduction with Bahun and Chhetris in daily life, they still hesitate to keep bonding relation to them. Concerning to assimilation to other indigenous people, they feel cosy as they make fermented rice (Jand, Raksi), keep poultry and pig. Their livelihood is largely supported by wage labourer in Tea Gardens and agriculture. With regards to access to basic services and government security, they are now aware on seeking for such services but still less accessed. Similarly, their participation in politics is raising affirmative way. They are able to have access to VDC funds. At the same time, they are not able to grab such funds because of not having any ideas to develop proposal for. In natural resource utilization, Khadias do not have any access to forest, land and irrigation. There are some NGOs working in saving and credits, cutting and swing trainings for women group. However, majority of Khadia women are still outskirt of their coverage areas. Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table C.1).

9. Recommendation

• Essential health care services along with awareness program are needed to improve their health seeking behaviour.

• Majority of Khadias have very poor economic condition. They depend on daily wages in tea garden. So, skills in different income generating activities are needed to improve their livelihood.

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Table C.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Khadias

Khadias: Indicators Score Status


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C.2 SANTHAL

1. Introduction

Information about Santhals has been collected through Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Key Informant Interview (KII) with Santhal of three VDCs: Siswani Jadaha VDC, Majhare VDC, Bhathigachha VDC and Babiyabirta VDC in the Morang District. Due to time constraint, the researchers could not visit their ancestral land. Santhal are indigenous peoples, living mainly in Jhapa, Sunsari and Morang districts, in the eastern Tarai of Nepal. Some call them as “Sattar” but they do not like it as they feel that the others use such term to dominate and humiliate (hepeko jasto) them. They identify themselves as 'Santhal'. They have different clanonym within Santhal ethnonym such as 'Murmu', 'Baske', 'Hasda', 'Soren', Besra, Tudu etc. They have own language, religion and history. The population of Santhal according to National Census report of 2001 is 42,698 but Santhal claimed that their population is around 100,000. They mentioned that they are the indigenous (aboriginal) peoples of present districts of Jhapa and Morang. The land registration policy of Nepal government and land reform program of 2024 B. C. most of the hill Bahun and Chhetris migrated and register the land in their names which made Santhal lost their land. Later on they became landless in their own land. Santhals neighbours are Teli, Sudi, Muniya (Madhesi OBCs), Gangai (IP), Rajbanshi, Dhanuk, Mallah etc. Santhal have a good relation with neighbouring communities individually but communally they don't have such a good relation because other castes dominate Santhals on the basis of ethnicity. Other castes do not cooperate and support to Santhals if some problems occur.


Santhals have no clear understanding of the term “Adibasi Janajati”. They know 59 enlisted Indigenous Peoples (IPs) of Nepal. They are the people that they live in the village near the forest, they do poaching of birds, and they are the Matwali (“liquor users”). They claimed that they have the capacity to understand their rights but they have not been any given chance to understand or go ahead by other communities. They are, like the Munda (Mudiyari) and other indigenous peoples, have been dominated by the “upper castes”. These “upper caste” people refer them as “backward” and illiterate. Some participants, especially young students, of the FGD, and some who are associated with organizations said that right to self-determination means self-decision made by one.

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i. Education

Santhal have now a little access to education. Santhals are aware of education but they are not getting access to education as expected due to poverty. All Santhals children go to school. There are four schools (3 lower secondary, 1 primary) in Siswanijahad VDC. Primary school is located in ward no 9 and lower secondary are located in ward numbers. 3, 5, and 8. Almost all schools are located in the centre of the village. Mostly Santhals and Gangai children have enrolled in these schools. The scholarship is provided by government agencies as well as other NGOs are also providing Santhal children some scholarship. According to them, mostly teachers are Gangai in schools. Only one Santhal mother tongue speaker teacher is in school the school is located at ward no 9 though the S.L.C. passed Santhals are in maximum number. A few Santhals have joined in +2 and bachelor's degree. Santhals are also member of school management committee. Santhal mother tongue is not taught in schools. There are no Santhal teachers in any school. Santhal children do not feel like attending school because they are not treated well in school. Parents are also not educated. Due to lack of awareness towards education children are deprived from the benefit. Due to poverty they are unable to send their children to school. Children received Rs. 250/- yearly, school dress as a scholarship from the school. Schools had run a campaign program to increase the children's education and enrolment in the school. Teachers went to door to door program, rally exhibition, play card showing and meeting to the guardians at children admission time in Chaitra and Baisakh.

ii. Health

Santhal have some access to modern health system than before. There is one health post in every VDC (Siswanijahada, Majhare and Babiyabirta) which lies at a distance of 1 km to 4 km far from the Santhal community. There are some private clinics in the village. In Siswanijahad and Babiyabirta VDC, maximum Gangais live in near health post office but in Majhare VDC, Santhal live near by health post. They go to health post and private clinic in small illness and to Biratnagar for complicated illness. They go to traditional healers, Baidhay, Dhami/Jhankri, especially grassroots peoples. Sometimes they go to dargi budahi (“midwives”) for healing and consultation to use herbal medicines. The medicines are not sufficiently available in the health post and the staffs also do not come to office on time. The health post staffs are not from Santhals but 1 MASIKA and 2 Syamsewika (volunteers) are from the Santhals community.

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Santhals have their traditional institution called "Majhi" . Its headman of is called 'Majhihadam'. Any problem, including clash, conflict and dispute within the community, they report first to the Majhihadam and he manages the dispute through informal customary rules. The division of land among brothers in a family is also managed by Majhi. This institution still exists in the community. If some conflict occurred in the community, they do not go to police or seek modern legal justice; instead, they take the case to the 'Majhi' as they give priority to the traditional institution because everyone in their community respects the rules. They have also the modern representative ethnic organization called "Nepal Santhal Adibasi Utthan Sangh". It is established in 2049 B.S. and registered at the District Administration Office, Morang in 2051 B.S. The organization was instrumental in eradicating the custom of forced marriage (Keti Taanera Jabarjasti Bibaha Garne Chalan). They have their own customary rules for punishment and compensation systems if some body gets married to a girl without her consent; for example, the boy will be restricted from community like unacceptance of water from him, no fire provide, cut the hair and make naked and get out from the village with painting the black dust (kalo moso dalera) on his face. The forced marriage has not happened for the last 15 years. According to them, there are mainly seven political parties active in their VDCs. These are the Nepali Congress, Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), Rastriya Janta Dal, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, and Rastriya Prajatantra Party. Both male and female are members of all party mechanism (Sarbadaliya Samyantra) of the VDC but they don’t have effective role in meeting due to domination from other castes. Santhals raise voices in the meeting for their development and upliftment but the voices are not heard effectively. Some small problems are addressed but it depends on the situation and circumstances. There is effective role of Gangai in Sarbadaliya Samyantra because they are most numerously populated in the VDC and they have representation in three main parties, and also, they have a sense of ethnic solidarity in their community. Santhals are associated with all political parties in the village but there is a lack of leadership in politics. Some Santhals are in front position at the ward level.


Santhals lost forest and land after arrival of the Hill Bahun Chhetris in their ancestral land. Forest was depleted about 50 years ago. They use Guitha, rice straw for fuel wood. Santhals have heard about the indigenous peoples’ rights to natural resources but they do not know exactly what sorts of rights are given and how to use these rights.

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They still have access on the natural spiritual place where they worship 'Marangguru' (Ista Devata) at Majhithan near by village. Santhals used to drink water from well but now a days they use tube well. One tube well is used by 3-4 households. Some families own private tube well. Most Santhals do not have their own land. They work as daily wage labourer in other people’s land. Some Santhals who own land, they use stream water and pump set water for irrigation. They hire the pump set for irrigation on land in agriculture time. They grow the plants two times in a year. There is a canal (nahar), brought from Chatara, Koshi but they don’t have access on it because it is not managed well. They have no access to canal water for irrigation. Electricity was made accessible two years ago. Before, they used kerosene for lighting. In spite of access to electricity, about 75% of the Santhal still use lamp (Kupi/Tuki) as they can not afford to take the electricity line and pay the bill.


A few Santhals won own land from 1 Kattha to maximum 10 Bigha and a few Santhal youth have gone to the gulf countries for employment. Most Santhals are landless (sukumbasi) as they have already lost control on their land; hence, work in land owner's farm and some go to work as wage labourer to Biratnagar and India. They do not have skill. They work in the village in agriculture time and go to outside of the village in non agriculture time. Before, they felt some discrimination in wage labour. They had to do hard work but they used to get less paid in comparison of other caste people. Santhals were not allowed to touch the kitchen area (Chulo) but now it is gradually decreasing due to awareness level in increased both Santhals and other communities. There is a cooperative organization in the Santhal village. The organization provides seed money to some Santhals for their income generation. They have utilized the money to goat raising, vegetable faming etc. which helped them to run their daily economic needs. There is no access to any program that provides seed and fertilizer.


Santhals have access to the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati from the Ministry of Local Development. They have been getting the budget for the last 3 years. The budget is distributed for scholarship to the local Adibasi Janajati students through the Village Coordination Committee. Some budgets are provided to the topper students from that area. The allowances for ageing people are also provided. Members of the Village Coordination Committee comprise Santhal, Gangai and Rajbansi.

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In Siswanijahada and Majhare VDC, Santhals are unaware about the Poverty Alleviation Fund (PAF). PAF has not provided any program to the Santhals. Some NGOs are working in the Santhal village. There is a cooperative in the village. The Plan international is working in Majhare VDC and it has implemented the child development program. It runs a class of children between 3-5 years old. It has provided a teacher from Dalit community the students to play and some basic curriculum. There is no program with special focus on the Santhal community. No NGOs have consulted Santhals through their organization. They are invited by some organization individually due to personal relation. Only NEFIN invites them organizationally. Santhals participation is not effective in the VDC council because their participation in VDC council is nil. According to them, they have not understood about the free, prior informed consent (FPIC).


Santhal are indigenous residents to Jhapa and Morang, eastern Tarai. They feel dominated with Sattar identity and claim as Santhal. They have different clanonym within Santhal ethnonym such as 'Murmu', 'Baske', 'Hasda', 'Soren', Besra, Tudu, etc. Santhals have access to basic education but are not satisfied with health services. Those economically sound members of this community go to hospitals in the towns. They have their traditional institution called "Majhi" . They have also the modern organization, Nepal Santhal Adibasi Utthan Sangh. Santhals are associated in all existing political parties in the village. Most Santhal have low land and no forests. Compared to other IPs, they have a bit more access to the public funds. They feel that some NGOs have ignored the FPIC in their area on the one hand, on the other hand, they are not fully known to FPIC. Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table C.2).

9. Recommendations

• To create the better society, state should implement policies and programs as expected by these Indigenous people.

• Detail ethnography is to be conducted about them. • They need reservation within reservation among marginalized Adibasi Janajati if the

Santhal's development should be done.

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Table C.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Santhal

Santhal: Indicators Score Status


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C.3 JHANGAD

1. Introduction

Jhangad are synonymously called Dhagar or Urao as well and one of the highly marginalized among 59 Adibasi Janajatis of Nepal. They are live in the eastern Tarai of Nepal, scattered in Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari. According Census 2001, population of Jhangad was 41,764. This study is based on sample of Satterjhar VDC in Sunsari district. Jhangad settlement is found in 10 VDCs in Sunsari district, they are: Purba and Paschim Kusaha, Nursing, Bhokraha, Satterjhora, Chittah, Tanmuna, Singiha, Dumraha, Dhuski, Rajgunjsinuwari VDCs.


In the discussion, Jhangad seems to be not so aware on the definition of Adibasi Janajati. Some Male Jhangad said that the people who have been living since long in a place or native people are called Adibasi Janajati. In Satterjhora context, local Tharu, Urao are the Adibasi of that place. Regarding EHM-AJs they opined that like Tharu, Jhangad/Urao, and Mudiyari who are very less in number or (count by breaking the finger) are called highly marginalized and endangered Adibasi Janajati. Except some students and member of the Jhangad organization, they are not aware on rights to self-determination.


ii. Education

Jhangad parents have started to send their children to school. Before, they used to go to work out of the village. There are primary and secondary school at Jhangad village in Satterjhora VDC, Sunsari. They have easy access to go to school where they have to walk around 20 minutes to reach the school. So, now almost all Jhangad children go to school. But the drop out rate is still high because of poverty, lack of employment. They are unknown about the government policy on "education for all". Jhangad have been aware on seeking their rights. Children have also started to say to make their citizenship certificate. Girls seem more active in education than boys because boys usually drop out the school and go out of the village for work when they get around 14 years. There are mostly Jhangad students in the school. There are no Jhangad speaker teachers in the school in Satterjhora, but

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Jhangad language is used in medium of teaching at a school in Simariya VDC, Sunsari. Scholarships are getting by all caste/ethnic children who study up to grade five. Mostly Dalit students get the scholarship. One primary school is providing breakfast to attract to the students in the school.

ii. Health

There is a health post in the VDC but not in the Jhangad village, closely located to their village. Jhangad believe both in traditional healing and modern treatment system. According to them, there is normal environment in the health post except the in-charge Soni Lal Yadav does not come on time (he comes at 1 pm instead of 10 am). There are normal medicines only available in the health post and the distribution of medicine depends on the mood of Soni Lal Yadav. Jhangad people get medicine only when he wants. According to them, there is also the politics in the health post. They behave differently depending upon the personality of people (manchhe herera bebahar garinchha). According to participants in the discussion, it is usual that Soni Lal Yadav verbally abuses them in the health post but there is no option so they have to go there for treatment. They feel there is some sort of discriminatory environment against Jhangad in the health post. Jhangad women are FCHV (Mahila Swasthya Swoyamsevika) in the village since 052 B.S. They do care of maternity child, delivery women and distribute polio drop in the village. Before there was the Sudeni from Jhangad community but now she does not work because all people go to hospital for delivery.

iii. Government's Social Security

Jhangads of Satterjhora VDC are found to be aware of the government budget allocated for IPs development. They express clearly about the 15% is allocated for IPs development in DDC. They said they did not take the budget before of 065/066 because of they were unknown about it. After 065/066, they have been taking/getting the budget regularly. They took NRs. 25,000/- in 065/066 and NRs. 37,000/- in 066/067 and are planning to take the budget of 067/068 year. According to them, they spent the budget of 065/066 in basic skill development training of women like tailoring and cutting training which have not been as fruitful or have not seen utilized (khasai upalabdhimulak dekhiyena). They think of to spend this year's budget on empowerment program.


According to Jhangad/Urao, they had no traditional governance system. But now they have their ethnic organization. Their organization makes aware on the rights. They are also

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represented in in political parties, all party mechanism (sarbadaliya samiti) at VDC level. However, their influence is not in the decision making level. They think that their representation in political parties is just for mathematical calculation (ganitiya hisabko lagi matra chahe jun sukai party ma hos) or say ceremonial. Yadav and Shah are dominant in all sector of decision making process at VDC. Jhangad are discriminated in terms of ethnicity (sampradayik bhawana) in sarbadaliya samiti and party. The high caste groups do not inform them that what they decide in the sarbadaliya samiti. Currently in a teacher appointment case in a school, we knew a teacher was appointed from high caste group. They directly appointed to him without our consultation. We are not raising voices in this regard but now thinking to raise voice against this issue. Jhangad are planning to develop a proposal for 15% budget for IPs, which they want to spend in human resource development and empowerment. They have formed committees, comprising of 9 to 10 member from political parties and Adibasi Janajati, for empowerment in each ward. According to them, 90% women are going to represent from ward 7. According to informant, they are involved in all most all political parties exist in the VDC. One Jhangad is a ward in-charge from Maoist party but he is less influential in decision making process. No political parties have worked for Jhangad though they are member in the all parties. In this regard, we raised question that didn’t you say to the party to do something for you. They said that they can not raise voice otherwise party implement whip. People opined that though he is the active member in the party, but he is becoming just as the bag carrier (Jhola bokne matra vako chha). According to one Jhangad participant, we should attach in any one political party after born in Nepal otherwise we would become as an animal (janmi sake pachhi euta na euta rajnitik party ma astha rakhnai parchha natra pashu vayinchha).


In Satterjhora VDC Jhangad village, the natural forests have been destroyed from around 3 generations before. So, they don’t have easy access to forest resources because of unavailability of resources around. They go to Udaypur's jungle to cut the Thakal. For it they have to pay levy (purji katnu parne) to the government. Some times they go to northern Charkose Jhadi to bring leaves for use in wedding ceremony, edible fruits for religious work. For it they have access to bring it. They said they have access to drinking water. They drink the underground water. They say it clean drinking water. They also opined that they have access to traditional irrigation system. They do agriculture but they have not more agricultural land. They have access to irrigate their land that how many they have. According to them, now they have electricity line in Jhangad village. The other caste group had tried not to give the electricity line to their village but it did not succeed. They feel that

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political parties also did not support them on that difficult condition. Though they have electricity line, some Jhangad have not brought the line due to economic problem.


Jhangad's main occupation is the agriculture but they don’t have enough agricultural land. So, they have to work on other people's land. According to them being they are uneducated and simple, other people cheat them and becoming landless and poor day by day. According to them, they can manage their subsistence for 6 months somehow because young boys go to work outside leaving the study. Some cooperative organizations are working to provide them loan but all Jhangad can't afford to take the loan due to poor economic condition. Some have taken the loan but they have also not utilizing it in income generation as expected by organization. Regarding the livelihood of Jhangad of Sunsari district, Sunsari NEFIN DCC chair opined that the Jhangad of Singiha and Ikrahi are totally landless (as Sukumbasi) and uneducated.


In Satterjhora Jhangad village, they have formed mothers' group as a community based organization. According to Jhangad of Satterjhora Sunsari, They are not informed, consult or participate in any kind of development activities in VDC and DDC. In VDC council also, council does not also consult them about to be implemented programs. Some Jhangad, who take concern on the rights, raise issues to be consulted them in the council but their voices are not heard by others. But day by day they are being aware on their rights than before. According to them, they are being aware on their social, cultural and economic rights. There is run a program related to agriculture by an NGO but they don’t know the name of NGO. This NGO has run the pig raising (Bangur Palan) program in ward no. 2 and 5 of Satterjhora VDC of Sunsari district. Some Jhangad have getting benefit from this program. Besides that some other NGOs have worked in Satterjhora. Plan Nepal worked for 9 years focusing to children, drinking water, environment, livelihood, small farmer (kitchen garden /kareshabari) and some infrastructure constructions. Plan Nepal constructed a school building, toilet in the VDC which was for all. Women Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC Nepal) and Nerude Laghubitta Bikash Bank also worked but the program did not so effective and success.

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Currently above mentioned NGOs have been phased out. One Star Nepal named NGO is working on livelihood program. Different groups have been formed by this NGO. According to them, Government has not launched such any program, especially for Jhangad, in Sattherjhora VDC. They said they have not also involved directly in such programs. They said they are exploited. There is not gravel road in ward no. 1, rest all wards are gravelled. According to participants, whether GOs or NGOs come to work, they take consult to some main-main persons of the VDCs and launched the programs. They take consult to the clever and key persons (taatha baatha manchheharusang matra sodhpuchh garchhan). So, they have felt that their FPIC is violated.


Jhangad of Satterjhora, Sunsari are totally unaware, except very few males, on identity about Adibasi Janajati, IPs rights ensured by national and international instruments such as rights to self determination, and FPIC. In terms of basic services such as education, health and social security, they are coming ahead than before but still it is not encouraging. Most of them do not have land. The land those who have is also not sufficient for their livelihood around the year. They have to rely on wage labourer. Jhangad situation is better demonstrated by the summary indicators in Table C.3.

9. Recommendations

• Government should be launched the Jhangad upliftment programs. • Many incentives programs (alternative livelihood programs) should bring for IPs as

well as Jhangad. • Though their enrolment in school is high, but concerned agencies should be thought

about their long-term and quality education. • There should be positive discrimination for EHM-AJs. No need to reservation for

high class groups.

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Table C.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Jhangad

Jhangad: Indicators Score Status

All Some Few None 1. Knowledge Based Accessibility Adibasi/Janajati as identity √ IP rights to self determination √ Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) √ 2. Service Based Accessibility i. Education Availability of primary school √ Enrolment √ Scholarship √ Medium of teaching (mother tongue) √ ii. Health Availability of health post √ General health service √ Immunization √ Antenatal/postnatal care √ Sanitation √ iii. Government social security Elderly citizenship allowance √ Widowed/single women allowance √ Child birth allowance √ EHM-AJ allowance √ 3. Participation Based Accessibility Political parties √ All Party Mechanisms √ IPOs √ 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods Ancestral forest √ Community forest √ Safe drinking water √ Land √ Food √ Wage labour/employment Road √ Electricity √ √ 5. Development programmes Govt. fund for promotion of IPs √ NGOs/INGOs √ CBOs/IPOs √ Total 7 10 6 7

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C.4 MUNDA

1. Introduction

The information are collected through the FGD and KII with the Mundas (Mudiyaris) in Bhaudaha VDC, Jhapa. Munda is the one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous Nationalities of Nepal, even though they have not been enlisted in the Rajpatra. However, they have been identified as Indigenous Nationalities and recommended to enlist by last Suchi Parimarjan Task Force.


According to participants, they are unknown about Adibasi Janajati but some boys opined based on others' hearsay that Adibasi Janajati are the people who are living in a place since primitive time. According to them, they have heard about right to self-determination but have not understood/known actually the meaning of it. However, some male participants tried to define the term in a way that "work to do as own soul or mind wants" (Aatmale Chaheko Kaam Garnu nai Aatma Nirnayako Adhikar ho).


i. Education

In Morang district, Bhaudaha is the VDC in Morang district where higher population of Mundas reside. According to participants, Mundas used not to go to school 10 years ago. Now almost all children go to school. There are 10 schools (6 primaries, 3 lower secondary and 1 secondary) in Bhaudaha VDC. The teachers are mostly from Bahuns and few are Dalits. Recently, one teacher with I.A. education from Munda community has been appointed. Comparatively, majority of students are Munda in the school. According to participants, few of other teachers also speak Munda language and the environment to the students in school is normal. Overall, nowadays the access to education is good. A case shared by participants in the discussion, once a scholarship quota was opened for three students for +2 free studies from the Nepal Rastra Bank. On that quota, one Munda had applied for scholarship but he did not get and at the end one teacher's son who belongs to high caste group got the scholarship. Government had provided scholarship to the students of a school of Bhaudaha VDC. The scholarship had come for Dalit quota but the Munda students had also got in lump sum basis Rs. 300 due to being deprived community. The amount was given for school dress.

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District education office had run a child care centre for children between aged of 3-5 years in Bhaudaha VDC, Morang. The class had run from 10 am to 2 pm and managed breakfast and a female teacher. The teacher used to teach the children through game.

ii. Health

There is a sub-health post in ward no. 5 of Bhaudaha VDC. There are private clinics too in their area. It takes 20 minutes walk to reach the sub-health post, which is located at Batar and Sardar village. According to a community medical assistant (CMA), though they have access but they go less frequent to the health post. Munda directly go to zonal hospital at Biratnagar for delivery. Mudiyari believe in traditional healing system. They go to own community traditional healers as well Batar community. Mostly Batar and Sardar go to health post because health post is within their village. According to participants, there was a one experience Sudeni in Mudiyari community but she does not work nowadays because the Sudeni’s work has been disappeared because of hospital and clinics availability everywhere. The staffs in the health post are Yadav, Das, Tharu with one Village Health Worker (VHW) belonging to hill community. There is no staff from the Mudiyari.

iii. Government's Social Security

All eligible Mudiyari are getting elderly allowances as per rule. Some are not getting because age in the citizenship certificate does not permit them to be eligible even though they are eligible biologically. According to participants, around 20 Mudiyari are receiving elderly allowance from the VDC. According to participants, only Mudiyari male know about the VDC fund allocated for Adibasi Janajati. VDC had provided NRs. 40,000/- for all Adibasi Janajati in 2066 B.S. The budget was spent on Eye Camp and goat raising, from which 7 Mudiyari and 6 Rajbanshi families were benefited. VDC also provided NRs. 15,000/- for Adibasi Scholarship in 2065 B.S. From this, 35 Adibasi Children got shirt and pant; some of them were also Mundas.

4. Access to Governance

Munda have own traditional government system. It is called 'Gachhadar' system in their language means Mukhiya system. This system manages village level class and conflict within Munda community. They have a traditional custom, called 'Gram Puja' with collecting money, rice as donation and worship for betterment of coming life and distribute the things to

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the community as 'prasad'. According to them, such traditions are being disappeared day by day. New generations are less interested in such traditions. They have also modern ethnic representative organization. It is established in 2059 B.S. the main purpose of this organization is to develop and promote the Munda community. There are both males and females representative in district and central committee. They are doing conference, meeting, movement for enlistment and fighting for their rights. Their first conference was held in Jhapa and second in Morang. NEFIN had also supported for their conference. This organization's village level committees have been formed in Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari. They collect NRs. 25 yearly as membership fee with the people of above 16. Regarding their access to politics, they are member in often existed political parties like Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN-Maoist, Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum, Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, Sadbhawana. As they reported, most of them in the village are affiliated with CPN-UML. They said one female from their community; Surjidevi Mudiyari is ward level chairperson from CPN-UML party. They have participated some time in decision making level too. Some Munda youths are involved in YCL, Youth Force. Simultaneously, they opined that though one Maoist in-charge is from Munda, but the leadership will take from other caste. They opined that we affiliate in political parties but the leadership is taken by others. According to them, there is one house of Bhraman but he leads to all. He is affiliated with Maoist party.


Participants in the discussion are less aware of the rights to natural resources, but could not express complete meaning of the rights. They give an example that they need a plant Sita Kada and Simal, used in marriage ceremony and some religious functions. They think they have a right to these plants. There is no forest in and around the sample area. They have to rely on cow dung, guitha, for cooking. Fire wood is quite expensive (Rs. 10 per Kg.) and also easily not available. Regarding drinking water, before they used to drink underground water by digging from the deep well. Now they are using tube-well for drinking water. World Vision has provided tube-well in the community, one tube-well for every five HHs. Around 70% HHs have tube-well with some own private too. LGCDP has also provided some tube-wells in the community. According to them, they have irrigation facility, locally constructed from canal, river, stream, boring and natural rain. They also use water of Koshi canal alternatively. They have electricity. It has been around 20 years. Somebody still does not have taken electricity line because of low economic condition.

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Munda's traditional occupation is the agriculture. They used to farm in their own land but now they are in compulsion to do work in other’s land. Around 70% of Munda of Bhaudaha VDC have only 1-2 Kattha of land. Only 2/3 Munda households have 5/6 Bigha land. Every Munda have a normal type house. Only 3/4 families have food for a year from their own land. Other secure only for 6 months and less and they have to rely on wage labourer for the rest. Usually, they go to Biratnagar for work in the factories as unskilled or semi-skilled labour. They also involve as agriculture labour in other people’s farm.


There is a development bank, Jeevan Development Bank. A few of the Mundas have taken loan from this bank. The loan they have used in buffalo, retail shop, etc. Besides that, VDC have conducted awareness program on ILO 169 spending NRs. 20,000/- and spent NRs. 10,000/- for World Indigenous Peoples Day. When NGOs come to work in the village, the NGOs first consult all party mechanism committee. However, no Mundas are in all party mechanism committee. All party mechanism decides everything. One Mudiyari is in all party mechanism through the NEFIN, Morang.


Munda is not enlisted in the list of IPs but they are very eager to be listed as IPs. They are to some extent aware on their identity. Mundas are located near by VDC of Biratnagar sub-metropolitan city. Due to this though they are poor, they have access to education and having health and other social security as normal as other EHM-AJs. Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table C.4).

9. Recommendations

• NEFIN should launch awareness program on identity in Munda community. They are unknown about it.

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Table C.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Munda

Munda: Indicators Score Status

All Some Few None 1. Knowledge Based Accessibility Adibasi/Janajati as identity √ IP rights to self determination √ Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) √ 2. Service Based Accessibility i. Education Availability of primary school √ Enrolment √ Scholarship √ Medium of teaching (mother tongue) √ ii. Health Availability of health post √ General health service √ Immunization √ Antenatal/postnatal care √ Sanitation √ iii. Government social security Elderly citizenship allowance √ Widowed/single women allowance √ Child birth allowance √ EHM-AJ allowance √ 3. Participation Based Accessibility Political parties √ All Party Mechanisms √ IPOs √ 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods Ancestral forest √ Community forest √ Safe drinking water √ Land √ Food √ Wage labour/employment √ Road √ Electricity √ 5. Development programmes Govt. fund for promotion of IPs √ NGOs/INGOs √ CBOs/IPOs √ Total 7 9 7 7

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C.5 THUDAM

1. Introduction

Thudam is the one of the indigenous people, enlisted among 59 indigenous nationalities. Their original inhabitant is Thudam, ward 9 of Chepuwa VDC, Sakhuwasava district. They are also called Thudamba, residents of Thudam. They reported that there are about 25-26 households (HHs) living in Thudam village. Because of hardship of life in Thudam, some of them have migrated to other part. Guphapokhari is the main place where about 20-22 households migrated and currently residing. This place belongs to Nundhaki VDC (ward 9) in Sankhuwasave district, but at the centre of Taplejung, Terhathum and Sankhuwasava districts. It is 10 days walk far from their original place Thudam. Informants do not have have idea about their population size. It is estimated Thudam population may be about 300 altogether. In Thudam, they are homogenous, whereas they have been mixed with other groups such as Limbu, Bahun, Rai and other in Guphapokhari.


According to participants, they have no idea about what does the Adibasi Janajati mean. A very few of those who live in Kathmandu and involved with their ethnic organization and some kind of relationship with other ethnic organizations know partially about their indigenous identity. Their ethnic organization is ‘Thudam Sewa Samaj’ comprising of 9 members1, which is affiliated to the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN). The chairperson, Mr. Karsang Dorji Sherpa and Secretary, Ms. Thakche Sherpa only know/understand the definition of Adibasi Janajati, highly marginalized and endangered group. However, they even do not have have idea about right to self-determination and free prior informed consent.


i. Education

There was a primary school, Shri Dudhpokhari Primary School, in the past at Thudam. According to participants in the discussion, a school and a health post were provided by the late King Birendra when the king had visited once to that area. But the school is totally closed now. The main reason is that Thudamba children do not speak Nepali and the teacher did not understand Thudam language and children did not understand Nepal language. Next problem is the harsh ecological condition. Thudam village lies in very high altitude. The area is

1 Chair -Karsang Dorji Sherpa, Vice chair- Chhokik Sherpa, Secretary-Thakche Sherpa, Treasurer-Pema Sangmu Sherpa, Members- 1. Dawa Dharke Sherpa 2. Urke Sherpa 3. Lakpa Sherpa 4. Tshering Sherpa 5. Pemba Tsering Sherpa.

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covered by snow around 6 months. So, due to snow fall and harsh economic condition, no teachers wanted to go to Thudam. All the Thudam children in Guphapokhari go to school. However, as other EHM-AJs school dropout after completing primary level is high. The main reason is that there is no school above primary level and they cannot afford to go for secondary level. Rarely some rich parents send to their children out side of the village for secondary level education. Till now, only one Thudam girl is studying in bachelor level at Pashupati multiple campus Chabahil, Kathmandu.

ii. Health

Currently there is not health post in Thudam closer to their village. A health post is available at the VDC, ward 4, but located at the place which is 4 days walk from their village. They believe in their traditional healing system. If they fall serious sick, at that time they will go to China border, which takes one day to walk from the village. Otherwise they treat through traditional healing system. The traditional healers are Shingsa people. There are no Thudam health workers or staff. There are some experiences women especially for delivery case, to whom they call in their local term ‘Hama’. The Hama helps during delivery as Sudeni.

ii. Government Social Security

According to participants, the Thudam are totally unknown about the allowances provided by the government. Behind the reason it that they are not frequently keep in touch with VDC. It takes approximately 4 days walk from Thudam to reach VDC office. So, they are not getting any kind of allowances or facilities from the VDC. Even in Guphapokhari none of them have received elderly people allowance and other allowances. It is because their citizenship certificate is not from the current area.


They have their traditional institution, still existed in the village. But the participants could not say that the actual name of the institution. The head man of the institution is called ‘Ghey Thanksum’. The main role of the Ghey Thanksum is to manage local conflict, clash, division of land partition, etc. If the case could not be managed by him, then only they proceed to the VDC or district. Thudambas are totally isolated from the modern political system in their original place. According to them, they do not know about the political parties, they are not participated in any kind of politics as well as at VDC level. But in Nundhaki VDC-9, Guphapokhari, the place where they are living temporarily, they are called sometimes on in sarbadaliya samiti. But their role in decision making is zero. The Limbu, Rai and others dominate on decision making.

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Thudams are animal herders. They need a lots of pasture land. Behind the reason to migrate to Guphapokhari is also the lack of pasture land at Thudam. According to them, at Guphapokhari, Limbu restricts them to cut the grass in the jungle. They often collect the grass at winter for summer too. At their original place, they have right to and control over local resources. They collect medicinal herbs like Kudki, Bikhuma and others. They collect it for their own use and for sale too. Till now they have access to collect the herbs in their original place. However, if somebody from other village knows that they are collecting such herbs, they are charged fine sometimes. They do not have piped or systematically managed drinking water. They fetch drinking water from local stream. It is very difficult to go to fetch water in the monsoon as well as at that time the water is also not clean in the stream. They don’t have electricity at Thudam village. Some rich people have brought solar from the Tibet but the poor people light the kerosene. Thudam do not have land for farming and do not involve in any kind of agriculture, so they do not need irrigation. According to them, they grow only a turnip type vegetable (Gante Mula Jasto Dallo Pareko Mula). For this, they do not require plenty of water.


Thudambas have their own house in their original place at Chepuwa-9, Thudam but there is no house at Nundhaki-9, Guphapokhari. They have made small hut type shelter in Guphapokhari. It is because they are living there temporarily for livestock. According to them, they secure their food subsistence for 6 months in a year from their own occupation. Alternatively, they go to China for selling Yak, Yak related products, wood and medicinal herbs. Their main occupation is livestock, Yak, and trade between China and Nepal. Thudambas of Guphapokhari trade the goods from Basantapur, a small town of Terhathum district, to Tibet. They move to Tibet during Aswin to Jestha and return back to Guphapokhari. The distance between Thudam and Guphapokhari is around 10 days walk. Thudam lies on the upper northern part of Sankhuwasava and Guphapokhari on the northern eastern part of Sankhuwasava.

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According to Chairperson and Secretary of the Thudam organization, in Thudam there has never been launched any development programme by both government and non-government sectors. Thudambas are unknown about the education for all. They rarely go to VDC because it takes 4 days walk from the village. The VDC is located in Shingsa area. They go to VDC just to take recommendation letter for citizenship certificate. At Guphapokhari, Thudam have formed a cooperative group. They meet once in every 3 months and collect NRs. 25 monthly. Till the date, they have deposited around NRs. 30,000/-. This has made them easier to take loan in cheap interest.


Thudam's original inhabitant is the Chepuwa VDC of Sankhuwasava district. According to them, 25-26 Households (HHs) are existed in the Thudam village and 20-22 HHs are migrated temporarily to Guphapokhari Sankhuwasave. Their main occupation is live stock namely Yak and trade between China and Nepal. They do not have any kind of access to identity as indigenous people, except a few of those who are living in Kathmandu and affiliated to ethnic organization. They lack basic services and have problem of learning due to the language difficulties. Neither the teachers nor the students can understand one another's language. They have hares economic condition. Health services are not reliable. They are not getting any kind of allowances or facilities from the VDC regarding social security. Their political institution is still functioning. They are pastoralists, in order to have access to pasture lands; they have to move from one place to another. They have knowledge to use the herbal plants with the aim of treatment. They have low education and have low access to services. Due to no introduction of any kind of development program at Thudam, no FPIC and full and effective participation is seen. Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table C.5).

9. Recommendations

• NEFIN should reach and launch the program in the concerned community.

• Information about scholarship, trainings, programs etc. provided by NFDIN, NEFIN should be disseminated publicly through DCC-NEFIN as well as IPOs.

• Awareness and educating is necessary.

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Table C.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thudam

Thudam: Indicators Score Status

All/Mostly Some Few None 1. Knowledge Based Accessibility √ Adibasi/Janajati as identity IP rights to self determination √ Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) √ 2. Service Based Accessibility i. Education Availability of primary school √ Enrolment √ Scholarship √ Medium of teaching (mother tongue) √ ii. Health Availability of health post √ General health service √ Immunization √ Antenatal/postnatal care √ Sanitation √ iii. Government social security Elderly citizenship allowance √ Widowed/single women allowance √ Child birth allowance √ EHM-AJ allowance √ 3. Participation Based Accessibility Political parties √ All Party Mechanisms √ IPOs √ 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods Ancestral forest √ Community forest √ Safe drinking water √ Land √ Food √ Wage labour/employment √ Road √ Electricity √ 5. Development programmes Govt. fund for promotion of IPs √ NGOs/INGOs √ CBOs/IPOs √ Total 1 6 8 15

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C.6 LHOMI

1. Introduction

The information is based on the focus group discussion with Lhomis of Chepuwa VDC who were present at the time of survey in Khandbari, Sankhuwasava. Indigenous name of the area of Lhomi settlement is Shingsawa region. Residents of Shingsawa are Lhomis and so they are also called Shingsawa. Sankhuwasave is a mountain district and Shingsawa lies on the far north in remote area of the district. It is about 160 km north and takes more than 7 days walk from the district headquarter. And, the north border of Shingsawa region is Tibet. Lhomis/Shingsawa are considered to be indigenous to this area. They are scattered in four VDCs - Kimathanka, Chepuwa, Hatiya and Pawakhola. Lhomi/Shingsawa are densely populated at Kimathanka and Chepuwa VDCs. It is to note here that Thudam is also the residents of ward 9 in Chepua VDC. The total household of Lhomi is estimated to be 1,053 and the total population of 4,952. At present, some of them have migrated to district headquarter, Khandbari of Sankhuwasave district and Kathmandu valley. Some have temporarily migrated to Darjeeling and Kalimpong. All residents of Chepuwa VDC are Lhomi/Shingsawa, expect a Kami household.


Lhomis are unknown about the definition of Adibasi Janajati that what it really means. They have vague idea that Adibasi means “backward” people. They have some knowledge about Highly Marginalized and Endangered Adibasis as they have heard the term EHM-AJs recently but they are not clear about its meaning. The participants of FGD opined that they need rigorous training about it. In Lhomi community, they do not have any idea whether the indigenous institution exists or not, but they have an ancestral institution Gumba where Lamas receives education about Buddhism. Most of the FGD participants did not know the term “right to self-determination”. Some school teachers and students have superficial idea of right to self-determination. Only one respondent said that right to self-determination means making decision freely by oneself. They identify themselves as Bhote too, but the Tibetans called them as Shingsawa, who follow the Buddhist religion. Those who follow the Christian religion call them as Lhomi. They used to do shifting cultivation (slash and burn/ khoriya kheti) in the past. Etymologically, 'Shing' means forest and 'Sawa' means the community who do the agriculture after cutting down the forest, i.e., slash and burn. So, other people say them as Shingsawa by referring the Jungle Faadera Basne Samudaya.

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i. Education

There are one secondary and seven primary schools in the area of Lhomi settlements. The secondary school is in Chepuwa, one primary school is in Kimathanka, and 6 in Hatiya. Almost all primary school teachers are the Lhomi. The head master of a secondary school is also Lhomi and some other teachers in secondary school are non-Lhomi who came from outside the VDC. The schools are not far from the village which is located in the centre of the village. They have easy access to the schools. All Lhomi school age children go to school. The class is run in mother tongue from class 1-3. But the curriculum is in Nepali language. From class four, the class runs in Nepali language. Lhomi children have a good access in school and feel easy to take education because mostly teachers are Lhomi and all the students are Lhomi. They are receiving scholarship, which is provided by government as well as NFDIN. Education for all programs is directly/indirectly being implemented in Lhomi village. In this regard, the teachers motivate parents and students to enrol their children in the school. Teachers go to the door to door visit/campaign during admission time and convince the parents to send their children to school. Non-formal education (NFE) class for middle aged Lhomi and child education are running for the last two years. They don’t know exactly who run the program but they think that it is from the VDC budget through the District Education Office.

ii. Health

There is one sub-health post in each VDC of Lhomi settlements. The health post is closer to the Lhomi village. The health assistant is Lhomi. They get medicine, such as Citamol and Iodine, from the health post. However, the Lhomis believe in both shamanists and modern treatment. When they got sick, they first go to the Lama for the treatment and then if the problem persists or get complication then they go to the health post as well as hospital in Khandbari. They prefer natural treatment, especially during delivery and snake bites. There are Sudenis (MASIKA) in the Lhomi community. They advise the community members to use first aid. During pregnancy and delivery time they go to the hospital for check up and frequently visit during pregnancy.


Lhomis do not know about the budget for Adibasi Janajati upliftment which is allocated from VDC through the Ministry of Local Development. A Lhomi college student know about the budget.

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All the Lhomi elderly people are getting the old age allowance as per rule, NRs. 500/- per month. They go to the VDC for some services such as child birth registration, marriage registration, and recommendation letters. They get these services easily. Some of the VDC staffs are from Lhomi community and other non-Lhomi staffs have learnt their Lhomi language. They can understand when people speak in Lhomi. The VDC staff do not discriminate them. There is no electricity in the Lhomi village. They use kerosene oil which they bring from the Khandbari and Kimathanka bazaar. Nowadays, some of them have installed solar light in the village and some are still using kerosene for lighting purpose.


Lhomi have some access to the local government. Three main political parties, viz. the Nepali Congress, UCPN-Maoist, CPN-UML are active in the village. In every party, all the leaders and cadres are Lhomis in Chepuwa VDC. Though there are mixed community in the Hatiya VDC, Lhomi are in decision making positions. They participate in village coordination committees.


Lhomis are aware on the right over natural resources (water, forest and land) but they do not know how the rights are gained and secured. They just heard that they have the right over natural resources. Some of the FGD participants said that they still have access to their ancestral forest. Other participants said that they do not have access as before and observation also affirmed it. Nowadays they have to pay levy/tax (Purji Katnu parne) to the National Park whenever they collect herbs etc. They also have to pay levy to the community forestry when they collect fodder, non timber forest product, grass, wood etc. but there is no discrimination on distribution of forest product based on caste/ethnicity. They have access to perform traditional rituals in the forest. Sometimes they poach deer, ghoral but they do not dare to hunt tiger and bear but that are strictly prohibited. In the past, they had full access and control on pasture land but now they do not have such control. Lhomis/Shingsawa are members in Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) committees such as Chhulungma CFUG, Namdung CFUG, Pejungdada CFUG, Makpalung CFUG, and other organizations such as the Gumba Kiduk Samaj, Chandra Surya Club, Thupsethanka Mothers' Group, and Tshilopthanka Mothers' Group and so on. They hold all position in the organization (because Lhomi settlement are homogenous in Chepuwa VDC) except one

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member is Sanmaya Biswokarma in Chhulungma CFUGs Committee who belongs to the Dalit community. In two mother groups, all female Lhomi are members and hold decision making position. Lhomi had access to slash and burn in the past but now such practices has been reduced drastically as they have been made aware by CFUG to conserve forest. Wangdabi, a key informant, said that he and some other people who live in the district headquarter know about the declaration of celebration of 2011 A.D. as a 'Forest Year' but people living in the village have no idea about it. This message should be disseminated at the grassroots level so that all people become aware on forest conservation. Lhomi drink stream and well (kuwa) water. They think that such water is clean for drinking purpose as they have been drinking since time immemorial. Governments have not yet provided any kind of drinking water facility in the village. They cultivate non-irrigated land because of high altitude. There is no paddy field. There is neither traditional nor modern irrigation system. Irrigation is difficult due to adverse geographical location. Nowadays some Lhomis started planting vegetables, such as spinach, and fruits using some water. They have heard that a Japanese has produced paddy in high altitude, as high as 3000 ft in Mustang. If government could manage well irrigation facilities in Lhomi village they also can plant rice, vegetables, and different kinds of fruits as well.


Lhomi do not have access to food provided by the food corporation. They just heard that the rice is distributed for them but they wonder where that rice goes. They have heard that rice quota allocated for them is distributed to another VDC due to negligence of rice contractor. In some cases, the concerned community themselves do not care for it because if they get, they only get 5 kgs, which is not enough to meet their need. Their traditional occupation, slash and burn, has been disappeared these days. However, they still do not rely completely on agriculture using modern technology and skill. Some plants like Alainchi are cultivated as a cash crop. They also cultivate millet, wheat, barley, potato etc one season only. For some, the food produced from their farm is enough to feed their family for about 6 months. Lhomis have access to traditional land since long time. They have been getting ownership on the land and other natural resources (water, forest, pasture land). In the year 2051 B.S., used land was registered to the users by the government. They collect medicinal herbs (Jadibuti) and come down to the south which is called 'Kabela' in Nepali and 'Ginha' in Lhomi. They seasonally migrate in the south, Urlabari, Damak, Biratamod, Chakkarghatti of Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa district during winter, i.e. from

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Mangsir to Fagun. Some of them go to the Darjeeling and Kalimpong in India. They sell and exchange the herbs with money and goods.


In Lhomi village, Shingsawa Kalyan Kendra is running a child care centre (Shishu Syahar Kendra) for the last two years. The child care centre's purpose is to provide care to small children of 3-5 years of age and to teach the children about basic letters of Nepali and English languages. This child care centre has a teacher, provide breakfast, one time egg in a week, first aid treatment of children, medicine, tooth brush etc. The class runs from 10 am to 5 pm. This child care centre is run specially targeting to the Lhomi/Shingsawa children. The East Foundation (TEF), an NGO based in Khandbari, has launched a program for planting and production of various medicinal herbs and its conservation. Sometimes the NGO give training on herbs production and conservation. When the NGO or outside organizations come to work in the village, that time the NGO consult to the Lhomi people through different groups or community based organizations. The main offices of the organization are in Khandbari. The staffs in NGOs are not from Lhomi. But low level staffs are Lhomi in Makalu-Barun National Park and Conservation Area. Till now now no mega project or program is launched in the Lhomi village. The organizations that come to work, they generally consult them before launching the program. They are informed individually. They mention that if any project is implemented in their area, they should know about the project implementation. Sometimes Lhomis go for lobbying to VDC, DDC, NGOs/INGOs. They also said that if any NGO/INGO come to work in their area, they should ask first to the community and take their consent. For example, RRN and Red Panda conservation asked them and took their consent.


Lhomis/Shingsawa consider themselves as Bhote too. They are scattered in four VDCs. Presently, some of them have migrated to district headquarter, Khandbari of Sankhuwasave district and Kathmandu valley. Some have temporarily migrated to Darjeeling and Kalimpong as well. Most of them do not know about IP rights and issues but a very few participants and teachers know it. They have easy access to schools and education. Interestingly, the classes are run in mother tongue from grade 1-3 and scholarship is provided regular. They believe in both shamanist and modern health treatment. However, they prefer fist Lama and then natural treatments.

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Most of the Lhomis do not know about VDC budget for Adibasi Janajati upliftment but old age allowances are regularly being received. Lhomis use kerosene oil since there is no electricity. Some have fixed solar light as well. Lhomis are aware on the right over natural resources (water, forest and land) but they do not know how the rights are gained and secured. They have to pay tax to the national park while collecting herbs. They have also reduced slashing and burning practice to preserve forest. Their farm production is sufficient for about 6 months to feed their family. They have also to rely on collecting medicated herbs and selling in southern part. They are informed and taken their consent before launching the programme. Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table C.6).

9. Recommendations

• In Lhomi schools, they use Lhomi language as medium of instruction by grade three but the curriculum is not made properly so that a curriculum need to develop in Lhomi language.

• Lhomi use drinking water direct from spring and well so that need awareness program to make it safe to drink.

• There need a program to promote and produce medicated herbs.

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Table C.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lhomi

Lhomi: Indicators Score Status


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C.7 DHANUK

1. Introduction

Dhanuk is one of highly marginalized ethnic Nationalities of Nepal as identified by the government. According to 2001 census, total population of Dhanuk is 188,150. Dhanuk population is concentrated mainly in Saptari, Siraha, Dhanusha and Mahottari but also spread in other central and eastern Tarai districts. Information about Dhanuk has been collected in Kanchanpur VDC, ward 1 and 9 in Saptari District. According to the concerned authorities of district development committee (DDC) and some key informants, there are different types of Dhanuks - Mandal, Sirauha, Phudawa, Maghaiya and Sur Dhanuk. Among them Sur Dhanuk are considered to be untouchables. Newar, Magar, Chhetri, Muslim, Shah, Gupta, Paswan, Teli, and Sudi are the main neighbouring residents in the Dhanuk village.


Dhanuk have their own religious organization and recently they have modern organization called Dhanuk Kalyan Sewa Samiti. Their oral history expresses that Dhanuk was migrated from India about long years back. Their surname, Dhanuk, was put after that they were expert in playing archery, which in Nepali is termed as Dhanus, so they were called later 'Dhanuk '. According to focus group discussion, Dhanuks do not have knowledge and understanding about Adibasi/Janajati. Dhanuks are poor, illiterate and unaware. In the study area, there is no indigenous organization. One informant reported that only prosperous and capable Dhanuks have access in that committee, most of them are excluded and still poor and unemployed. Due to unawareness, Dhanuk people do not understand the term, right to self determination.


i. Education

There is a school near by their settlement. Dhanuk small children go to school. They have little bit access to education. Few of the key informants said, however, due to language problem dropout rate is higher among Dhanuk children. Dhanuk do not have access in higher education. It is reported that Dhanuk children do not have access to scholarship. The scholarship provided by government agencies as well as other NGOs is provided only to Dalit children. Dhanuk are also member in school management committee. Dhanuks are considered to be bit advanced in comparison with Dalits.

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ii. Health

It is reported that Dhanuk do not have access to modern health system. There is one health post closed to their village. One informant said that behaviour of service provider is discriminatory and they do not usually give medicine to Dhanuks. Dhanuks have their own religious belief system, traditional healer. When they get sick, Dhanuks prefer Dhami/Jhakri then health post. One of the reasons as they reported is that they are poor and are not able to afford Doctor or clinics.


Dhanuks do not have access to allowance for highly marginalizes group. They are not in the all party system mechanism. As they reported members of all party mechanism include Bahun, Chhetri, Yadav, Jha, and Shaha and they have been using all the resources.


Dhanuks have their own traditional institution called, Maijan. The headman of Maijan bears lots of responsibilities to integrate their community into a traditional religious value, birth-death rituals, marriage process, custom and customary practices, other feast and festivals, etc. There are mainly five political parties exist in their VDCs. The political parties are Nepali Congress, Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), Sadbhawana Party, and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF). At present most of the Dhanuks are member of Forum. The main reason behind it as an informant reported is, in other party, they are dominated and discriminated by hill origin high caste people as they are influential in the party, that in other party influence of high caste Dhanuk people are dominated and discriminated. And, attitude of the members of MJF party towards them is considerable.


Some of the Dhanuks among FGD participants have heard about the indigenous people's rights to natural resources but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in place and how to use the rights. Most of the Dhanuk do not have owned the land, only a very few have their own land. There is no facility of irrigation in the village. There is no government as well as community forest around the village. They use tube-well for drinking water, but they do not know about the quality of water they make from tube-well. One tube-well is used by 3-4 households and only a few Dhanuk households have their private tube-well.

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Dhanuk community is highly excluded in their village area. Firstly, most of the Dhanuk community does not have ownership of land. They do not have access to electricity in their settlement area. Mostly they use kerosene oil for light. Dhanuk works in other's land as agriculture wage labourer. Some of the landless Dhanuks farm other's land as sharecropper. One of the key informants said, adult Dhanuks are frustrated from their life so they leave village. They have to go out of village or country for work. According to them, Dhanuk do not have access to any kind of income generating activities. Most of the Dhanuks feel that due to the poverty no one trusts them in investing money. Dhanuk can survive for only 2-3 month in a year with their production. For rest of the months, they depend on wage labourer. Some of Dhanuk work as rickshaw pooler to survive their daily life.


They do not have access to the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati from Ministry of Local Development, Government of Nepal. They were not getting the budget allowance provided to highly marginalized and endangered group by local government. According to them, they do not understand about free, prior, informed consent (FPIC). They don't know the meaning of full and effective participation and they were not participated in any types of development work.


Dhanuks are residents of southern part of Nepal. They follow Hindu system of cast hierarchy. Accordingly some castes within Dhanuks are considered as untouchable. A huge bulk of Dhanuks is still unknown about Indigenous People’s organizations and movement because of illiteracy and poverty. With reference to basic services, primary education is in their access however, drop out is remarkable in high school, the reasons were told difficulty to understanding Nepalese language and poverty. Additionally, they do not have access in scholarship scheme too, as these scholarship facilities goes only to Dalit children. Similarly, government health facilities are not succeeding to cover these people as these people do not have access to modern health facilities in term of distance, money to buy medicine and the treatment of service providers. They also feel not equally treated by service provider. Traditional institution called "Maijan" is still functional in the community and this institution leads the customary practices of Dhanuks. They do not have active involvement in all party system mechanism however their political affiliation in Madhesi Forum is increasing these

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days because of their loyal behaviour toward them. They do not have clear understanding in IPs rights. Most of the Dhanuks do not have land for their livelihood. Some of them work for landlords, some are sharecroppers, some work as wage labourer and some also go to India for seasonal works. They do not know about the VDC budget allocated for endangered and marginalized Adibasi Janajatis. They have no idea about free prior informed consent as well. Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services, etc. (see Table C.7).

9. Recommendations

• Awareness programme on identity and rights is required for the Dhanuks. • Awareness on education and health is needed. • Income generation activities is needed for their livelihood.

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Table C.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Dhanuk

Dhanuk: Indicators Score Status


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C.8 DANUWAR

1. Introduction

The study team visited at Dudhauli VDC at Sindhuli District. Information about Danuwar has been collected through Focus Group Discussion and Key Informant Interview. Danuwar is one of the marginalized ethnic minorities. They live mainly in inner Tarai area. We have selected field area Dudhauli VDC-4 and 5 Thulo Lakhanpur, Sindhuli District for baseline survey research. According to the key informants, their relationship between other communities are good, they help each other. Their neighbouring castes/ethnic groups are Brahman, Chhetri, Tamang, Tharu, Dalit etc.


According to focus group discussion and key informants, Danuwar have not clear understanding on the Adibasi Janajati. Some of them said having own land, traditional rituals (birth-death), poor and illiterate are endangered Indigenous people. Few of participants know 59 are enlisted Indigenous Peoples (IPs) in Nepal. According to them, they are the people that they live in the village, nearby river, mainly farming and they are located in inner Tarai. According to the FGD, Danuwar have not knowledge and understanding the terms of right to self determination but they were aware about self decision for own self. One of the key informants said to preserve their ethnic identity they need their own language school. Danuwar people were settled in village area, so Danuwar adult people are illiterate, unaware and poor. They do not have access and control in decision making power. They have not knowledge and understanding of FPIC. They claimed that they have the capacity to understand about their rights but they have not given chance to understand or go ahead by few opportunist Danuwar. The people think of dominated by upper level. The other people called them as backward and illiterate. Due to the key informants, especially Tarai Danuwar lost their culture heritage (tradition, custom, legacy, birth right) and adopted Hinduism. Due to influence of Hindus now most of the Danuwar follows Hindu religion and celebrate Hindu festivals too. Some of them say Danuwar of inner Tarai unable to speak their language but they excited to learn.


i. Education

One of key informant said that at present Danuwar have more access to education than before. School is very near from their settlement area. According to focus group discussion

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most of the Danuwar adults are illiterate due to poor economic condition. But immature Danuwar children go to school regularly. One of the key informant said Danuwar small children school enrolment rate is growing but adult dropout rate is very high because of unemployment and poverty. They have to go outside for wage labour. Some of the key informant said Danuwar students are excited to speak and learn on their own language. Recently, village school started to teach them in their own language and three teachers were appointed for this purpose. There are three schools 2 primary and one lower secondary in ward no. 4 and 5. Almost all schools are located in the centre of the village. Highly marginalized scholarship provided by government is getting by Danuwar children. Children have got Rs. 250/- yearly as a HMJ scholarship from the school. Only last year teachers had done door to door program, especially inspiring for girl. Danuwar do not have access to school management committee.

ii. Health

According to FGD and key informants Danuwar have some access to modern health system than before. Due to poverty and unawareness, most of the Danuwar use open fields for toilet purpose. They have not access to good sanitation. There is a health post, which is located very near from their settled area. There are some private clinics too. Danuwar women are aware in the case of imitation. They are regular go to health post, for checking natal and postnatal period. One of them said Danuwar are aware so they frequently went to health post, but medicine are not sufficient for them. Sudeni is the least accessed facility for Danuwar women, the poorly accessed of these facilities may be due to relative scarcity of these services, expensive, and so on. According to key informants, Danuwar also believe on their Traditional healer (Dhami, Jhakri). Few of them said due to low income, when they became sick, mostly they gave first priority and usually they went there for cure. Danuwar also use traditional medicine as-different types of plant, roots, leaves etc.


During FGD and key person Interview Danuwar have their own traditional institution 'Adhikari' to manage their religious values-rituals, customary practices as-birth and death rituals, marriage process, Kulpuja and other feast-festivals etc. According to them this institution still exists in their community. Due to key informants Danuwar have not access and control in Govt. resources (VDC/DDC budget for endanger and HM indigenous peoples). Danuwar do not have full and effective participation in all party mechanism. They are only member and if they raise voice no one heard their accent. One of the key informants said some time VDC organized leadership

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training, motorcycle maintenance training etc., and they call only few member of Danuwar community for participation. They never inform our community to preparing plan. Some of them say, VDC all party mechanism uses HMJ allowance for making road, School etc. According to FGD, There are mainly 4 parties (Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist party of Nepal 'United Marxist Leninist', Rastriya Prajatantra Party) are existed In their VDC, Most of the Danuwar people are member of Communist party of Nepal (UML).


According to FGD, they had heard about the IPs rights to natural resources but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in placed and how to use the rights. Danuwar people have less access to natural resources. Most of the high caste community as- Bahun, Chhetri, Tamang, and Tharu are involved in community forestry committee. Due to the key informants, Danuwar people have their own land; only 5% are dependent in Ailani/Sukumbasi land, so their main occupation is agriculture. Danuwar have access in irrigation system. They have modern irrigation system. It helps Danuwar people to increasing their income. They have still access on the natural place where they worship near by their village area. Due to the key informant, Danuwar people use drinking water liberally without any hesitation now a day. In Danuwar village area some have solar, some have electricity and most of them are using kerosene oil for lighting. Danuwar have not access to Seeds, fertilizer, pesticides, veterinary etc. provided by government and other NGOs. One of the key informant said no one inform us, upper caste and some rich Danuwar were used up.


Mostly Danuwar have their own land so, they are fully dependent in farming and wage labour. They do not have any access to other economic activities. Due to lack of education and poverty, most of the Danuwar, They do not have skill and opportunities; they have to go outside to carry load wage labour. A few number of youths have gone to gulf country. Due to key informant said Danuwar adults think vocational and technical education as motorcycle repairing, leadership, anchoring etc. helped for Danuwar youths to increase their income and chance of employment opportunities but no one was helping this community.

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They do not have access to the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati from Ministry of Local Development, Government of Nepal. Danuwar were getting particularly allowance for highly marginalized ethnic. But they do not have access in all party mechanism. One of the key informants says due to poverty and illiterate, they have not skill of any technology. They have no idea about free, prior informed consent (FPIC).


School is now easy access for Danuwars as the schools are located closed to their settlements. Their children are benefited from scholarship; consequently school enrolment is now encouragingly rising. They have access to health facilities although they believe in traditional and faith healers too. In Danuwar village, sanitation and hygiene is noticeably poor since they do not have toilets at home. They have their traditional institution, called Adhikari, who leads continuation of the customary practices of Danuwar. They do not have effective participation in all party mechanism as well as political parties. They opined that the reasons may be due to poverty, illiteracy and less access to power among them. The social security allowances are normally received but still the VDC funds are not allocated to development of Danuwars. During planning and decision making, they have never been asked for free prier informed consent. Danuwars' main occupation is agriculture but still irrigation facilities, seeds and fertilizers have not been reached to the poor Danuwar. They also involve in wage labourer mostly related to loading and unloading. Nowadays, the new generations are attracted to foreign labour migration, especially designed to gulf countries. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Danuwar (see Table C.8).

9. Recommendation

• Scholarship Program that includes uniform and day meal for school going children. • Awareness Program on health and sanitation.

• Vocational trainings and supporting program in income generation activities.

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Table C.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Danuwar

Danuwar: Indicators Score Status


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C.9 MAJHI

1. Introduction

Majhi is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi Janajati). Majhi population concentrates largely in Ramechhap, Sindhuli, Sindhupalchok, Morang, Jhapa and Sharlahi districts. They are indigenous to the river and mainly the residents of riversides. Their traditional occupations are fishing and boat sailing. It is believed that Majhis were originated from riversides of Tamakosi in Ramechhap and spread to other districts. The 2001 population census recorded the total population of Majhi as 46,676. They are accounted for 792 in the sample VDC, Bhatauli in Ramechhap.


Concerning knowledge and understanding of term and definition, Majhi participants during the discussion have internalized the meaning of Adibasi Janajatis. They express Adibasi Janajati as Matawali people like Magar, Thami, Tamang, Majhi etc. Discussants are also somehow aware of what marginalized and endangered carry the meaning. They try to define marginalized and endangered as those who are small in population and they are culturally as well as endangered. About 40% of FGD participants and all women participants are not familiar with the terms highly marginalized and endangered.


ii. Education

A primary school is at Bhatauli village in 15 minutes walking distance. In the past, the school was almost abundant because it is located in Majhi community and they didn’t have any access to manage even required facilities at school. FGD participants reported their experience that they had completed primary level from the school and went to school in next village, Bahun village, where they always felt embarrassed; everyday teased and beat by Bahun children. “We used to go school with bear feet, not even proper clothes on body let alone nice uniform, feeling humiliating always. It is because we were very poor and our parents never understood how we were treated and what really needed in school”. There are currently about 300 students in the school and the girl students are higher in number as villagers are now aware on girl education. The school teacher said that “these days our children are at school; they somehow complete at least primary level though the dropout begins in secondary level because their parents move to work in Brick Factory in Kathmandu and their children had to move too. At the same time, when they get back to village after some months, children rejoin the school but their performance is weak because they are not regular in the classes. Majhi children are picked up from their village by broker of the brick

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factory. Almost 40% of the Majhi families in the village depend on brick work. Comparatively number of Tamang and Newar children going to school is higher because their parents constantly remain in the village. In primary school, two teachers are appointed in relief quota and one more teacher is about to add soon with VDC resource. Both teachers are Majhi and previously worked as volunteer in the school for three years. Majhi language is not used in school as all students understand Nepalese language. Majhis are now encouraged for educational support in the school, there are currently running Bal Shikshya Karyakram by DEPROSC Nepal (NGO), and they have got financial support to build one block to Bal Shikshya Karyakram. They have appointed an IA passed Majhi lady teacher in the program. Dalit students are getting scholarship which is screened through resource centre. School management committee is occupied by Bahun even though they send their children to private boarding schools in Manthali Bazaar. They are dominant in decision making at the cost of Majhi children.

ii. Health

Health post is located at a distance of 5 minutes walk. Closed to the health post there are 4 Chhetri houses. There are four staffs in health post but none of the Majhis are among them. They usually go to health post and get free medicine during sickness. In the same way, they do believe in faith healers, Dhami/Jhankri and use traditional medicine, such as leaves, roots and barks of different plants and herbs. However, these days modern medicine is being used in their communities as they reported health service providers treat them in good ways. Regarding personal health and sanitation, Majhi villages are not so clean, neat and tidy. They tie up cattle just closed to their main house and public toilets are very dirty even though water is running just close to the toilets. From this point of view, their sanitation level is not satisfactory enough.


The VDC funds are designed and implemented by all party mechanism. A FGD participant said, "actually, there is full participation of Majhi people in budget allocation but still the decision is made by big bosses". We have no place even to file our problem. During the field visit of this study, there was a meeting in VDC regarding budget sharing, so far a participants said lots of people were attending the meeting just to show up their power, and the big share of budget mostly goes to them who has such power and access with. Old age allowances, social security allowance and delivery incentives are regularly distributed to beneficiaries.

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In the past, they used to have their organization called Majhesawa which was the main governing body of their community. They used to collect revenue called Dungepathi in Koshi Ghat. They had judiciary body as well, if there was fighting/quarrelling in village, the members of the institute would be the key persons in local justice court. The collected revenue used to spend in social work and Koshi Puja so far, Majhi people worship Koshi River with great ceremony. Nowadays, this institution does not exist at all. Instead, there is an organization Majhi Utthan Sangh in Bhatauli VDC, which was formed in 2058 and affiliated to NEFIN aiming to betterment of Majhi community. They are representing their community in “Ward Level All Party Mechanism”, however, as they reported, this year's VDC fund allocated for Adibasi Janajati was reallocated for backward group, Pichhada Barga (Backward Class). There is no separated fund for Majhis. They have demanded separate budget for them. Political parties even don’t want to talk about the issues of Janajati. The other indigenous people like Tamang, Newar can easily take advantages in accessing budget in their favour because these people have access in centre level. They also do not have any ideas about the money that allocates to women, children and Dalits.


In the past, they had historical land "KIPAT” nearby Manthali Bazaar, which is no more in existence today. Now, Majhis do not have land. The jungles are transferred into government and again into community forests. Majhi people are allowed to collect fodders and firewood any time in their convenient. There is not enough fodder for cattle in jungle because of deforestation. They do not have any private jungle belongs too. There are drinking water taps in each cluster in village. However, the source of water is seasonal and it works only during the rainy season. During the winter seasons, they have to fetch water from Koshi River that is 15 minutes far from the village. Yet, no effort has been made to solve this problem as there is no alternative source of water. Regarding irrigation, the participants said that before there was Amade Sinchai Yojana designed by centre planning project. However, this is now not in use for several years as the source of water was flooded during summer, and no one has attempted to repair it. They are using traditional Kulo (small canal) instead. But it is reportedly not that much reliable.


Traditional occupation of the Majhi is fishery, boat sailing and agriculture. They also sell fermented rice ‘Jand’, locally made liquor. Nowadays, it has been disappeared as development has severely affected their occupation. Boating has been replaced by suspension

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bridges over the rivers and motor road. There are 70 households in Bhatauli village, they have own houses but not enough land for farming. Only 30 percent of them have food sufficient for a year and the rests can thrive only for 3-6 months. They have to rely on sharecropping in Bahun's land. In addition, they do work as wage earner in Bahun's home and agriculture farm. They also began to migrate for work in Brick Factory in Kathmandu.

7. Access to and Participation in Development Activities

Now days, some NGOs is implementing income generating activities in Bhattauli village. CDS/PAF has provided loan to its member in cattle breeding and small scale of entrepreneurship as well as to farming seasonal vegetables. They have formed women's group and working under the groups. They are involved mainly in income generation activities such as goat raising and buffalo keeping as well as saving and credit programme. In enterprise, women make local liquor/fermented rice (Jand) and sell it in market in Manthali Bazaar. They have also created saving and credit program in women groups collecting Rs 5 rupees monthly from each home. DEPROSC Nepal has supported for child education programme in Majhi community. Rural Health Development Programme (RHDP) is working in health and sanitation sector. Majhis are also involved in Adibasi organization, affiliated with NEFIN. Two FGD participants are chair person and treasurer in Adibasi organization. Regarding informed consent, participants expressed that the programs are generally designed based on donors' interest and the project partner but never asked to them. Anyway as the reported, "we are happy enough for what we are getting till now. We still hope for long term program that could boost up economic condition of Majhi community."


Majhi people are still socially and economically backward. There is discriminatory relationship against Majhis from other dominant groups in the village. Culturally, they worship Koshi Puja, Thikuri Devi (river goddess). They also worship their ancestor and perform some Hindu festivals due to growing influence of Hindus. Majhis have access to education and health services. Enrolment of Majhi children has been encouraging but higher school dropout is frustrating part of their community. The main reason for high dropout is poverty. They do not survive for the whole a year with their land and production. They have to rely on wage labourer and they have begun to send their member to work in brick factory in Kathmandu. This situation does not permit Majhi children to be regular in school.

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Because of poor economic condition and poor access to political power, their participation in decision making level is remarkably lower. There are development activities carried out by some NGO/INGOs in health, sanitation and income generation activities although needed some initiations to improve their livelihood. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Majhi (see Table C.9).

9. Recommendations

• Majority of school children seasonally migrate to Brick factory in Kathmandu because of poverty so that there should be an intervention to hold them in school.

• Generally, a blocked budget allocates to name of Adibasi Janajati which later on goes to them who have power accessed so that such budget should be allocated based on Janajati groups.

• There is not sufficient drinking water during winter seasons so alternative ways should be explored, in the same way, irrigation system is immediate need.

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Table C.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Majhi

Majhi: Indicators Score Status


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C.10 THAMI

1. Introduction

Thami is one of the highly marginalized indigenous peoples mostly populated in Sindhupalchowk, Dolakha and Ramechhap districts of Nepal. They have migrated all most in 16 other districts of Nepal. They are mostly found in the hilly areas only. They are locally known as Thangmi. According to the 2001 Census, their total population is 22,999. In our study sample area, there are 3,993 Thami populations. They speak mother tongue, which is known as the Thangmi Language. In our sample area, i.e. the Piskar VDC in Sindhupalchowk district, the Thami comprises 65% of the total population of the VDC and Newar are 20%, and Bramhin and the Dalits are 10% each. They believe and worship ancestors as well as practice Bon religion. They are influenced by the Hindu religion and celebrate some Hindu festivals, follow some of the Hindu culture and tradition. Their traditional occupation is bamboo products and nettle weaving but main occupation is agriculture. Nevertheless they have their own distinct culture, tradition, norms and values.


With regards to knowledge and understanding about their identity, no one, except two FGD participants, could clearly define and identify highly marginalized and endangered indigenous peoples. Almost all the FGD participants mentioned that they have often heard the term “Adibasi Janajati” through radio and speech by local leaders. They said, “it refers to the groups of peoples having their own distinct cultures, language and identity, such as Thami, Tamang, Rai, Limbu etc”. The elder participants were confused in differentiating marginalized and endangered Adibasi, while the young participants clarified Kusunda, Raute, Surel, Chepang as endangered and Thami, Jirel, Tamangs as marginalized Adibasi Janajati. The participants were aware about the rights of Adibasi/Janajati as they feel that they have been enjoying their rights in political parties and decision making process in local level for about five years. However, nearly two-fourth of participants did not comprehended the term right to self-determination but they have some knowledge about right to access of education and the health services.


i. Education

In the Piskar VDC, there is a high school and +2 located nearby, fifteen minutes of walking distance, in the village. A primary school is located in the southern belt of the village. School

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enrolment of Thami children is significantly higher at the primary level, though the trend is almost decreasing in high school due to prevailing early marriage practice in the community. The parents are extremely worried to find a boy for their daughter on their 13/14 and sooner after marriage Thami girls abandon from schooling. Teenage marriage is high. The participants mentioned poverty and need of working people to work in family farm or daily wages. They also added that Chhetri children comparatively complete high school than Thami children. The chair of school management committee is Thami. Indeed, in executive body, about 30% of positions are hold by Thami people. Out of 12 teachers in the school, only one is a Thami teacher and he was appointed in a “relief quota”. So far, there is no Thami language being used as medium of instruction. They have not felt any language barrier in school as they have now taken for granted that “Nepali language is easy enough to communicate in school and outside.” Some Thami students have been receiving scholarship; there are financial supports for poor and disabled students provided by the Janajati Mahasang. Scholarship for the entire Thami student at primary level is regular. Similarly, Dalit students are also getting money but the participants did not notice the amount they receive. The total numbers of the Thami students who have passed SLC exam from Thami village in Piskar are 6 only and all of them are boys. Among them only one Thami has recently received I. A. degree. One Thami student has pursued education in the Lalita Kala Sangeet Bidhyalaya, but the remaining ones are just hanging around due to lack of job opportunity. One of the FGD participants opined, “Education level has been raising gradually but girls are not as grown up as they are supposed to be; I have never seen them serious in their studies.” Generally, young girls leave home to work in Kathmandu. In informal education, Thami women benefited until 2009 but the program was already cut off. Most of the adults are illiterate. The children do not attend school regularly due to hand to mouth problem and due to poverty they have to collect firewood and work as labourer.

ii. Health

There is a sub-health post in ten minutes walking distance. All the staffs are outsiders; a peon, who belongs to Khatri caste, is local. They practice Dhami (chinta basne). One of the Key Informants said, "As far as I know, our grandfathers never visited health post; they believed on Lama and Jhankri but younger generation takes services from sub-health post." Thus, Thami still believe on the faith healers (dhami jhakri), they frequently go to Dhami to get holy water (Phukeko Pani) if they should get sick seriously then only they visit hospital or health post. They use herbs such as roots, leaves, bark of the plants for medicinal purposes. Nowadays, some villagers pray in the Church as there are about 25% of the villagers converted into Christian religion in the last two years. The participants were teasing and making fun on such practices. All the participants mentioned that they do not have any problem with Auxiliary health assistant and Auxiliary Nurse Midwife, as they admire them their behaviour, treatment and medicine they provide. There are two Thami Female Community Health workers in the entire VDC; one is substituted recently to replace a migrated Chhetri FCHV. Concerning safe

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delivery practice, so far none of the Thami women goes to hospital as there is no birthing centre in the sub-health post, and Barabise, where such service is available, is too far, i.e. about 2 hours long journey by bus from their village. There is no 24 hours bus access in that route. Due to this reasons, no one take pregnant women to any hospital unless they get prolonged labour. However, anti-natal visit is being common among pregnant women. 100% of the children are immunized. The observation revealed that each house have a toilet. The houses are in square shape and cattle were tied inside and around it. Similarly, cow dung was kept in front yard so the sanitation level was in some extent poor.

iii. Government and social security

Almost all FGD participants had information about the budget that are allocated to the Adibasi Janajati from the central level. They felt that Janajati are now getting empowered. A community building is under construction with the budget allocated for the Janajati. Dalits have also benefited from this construction work as they have grill and welding machine in their traditional work place (Aaran). Old age allowance and widowed allowance is regularly distributed. Concerning the maternal incentives, they do not have access to birthing centre in the sub-health post. Barabise bazaar is too far from there. So delivery at is in practice. For this reason, maternal allowance is not effective among the Thami. One third of the FGD participants said that there is no problem in dealing with VDC’s staffs, The VDC secretary office is now in Barabise which was transferred in Barabise Bazaar during emergency (Moist conflict). If anyone of villagers get problem in communicating with them, facilitator assist them.


In the past Thami people had Mulmu and Khami system as traditional organization used to work on common concerns of Thami people. Such organization is rapidly disappearing, indicating a need for its preservation. Chhetris are Ward and VDC chairpersons but Vice-chairpersons are the Thami. At present, local VDC is run by the VDC secretary and power sharing is contested by two major political parties, namely CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist. Nepali Congress and Rastriya Prajatantra parties also have little influence. Thami are equally participating to deciding and making plans and program; the budget is being used generally in drinking water, electricity, and road construction. In the recent budget, they have allocated Rs 1, 00,000 to construct Adibasi community building and asking the VDC Council for more money; they are indeed positively assured. A participant expressed “so far I know, Rs. 30,000 has been allocating in the name of Adibasi Janajati, we were not informed about this matter before (until two years back), now a days we are happy that the concerned authority (VDC Secretary) honestly report to us about such matters.” They have also allocated some money to Dalits and used the money to

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make toilets etc. Basically, when the budget flows in the VDC, two separate political parties discuss on it and development program also severely influenced by them.


There are drinking water tap running for 24 hours, one for four households, supported by (a local NGO. Electricity is made available from the Khimti hydropower project; so they never face power cut off. There are also some other hydro-power projects in neighbouring VDCs. Regarding access to forest, there are some private jungles and three community forests, among them two are always open for fodders and firewood. The participants experienced inadequacy of jungle products due to huge number of users. Thami had traditional irrigations system until one decades ago however, it was dismantled while road was constructed by “food for work” project in 2058 B.S. What is intriguing is that the damaged parts mostly affect Farms of the Thami; while Bahuns are still using the same irrigation system and farming mustard as usual. The damaged irrigation system is in a process of repair in this year.


None of the Thamis is homeless in the Piskar village; they have land of their own. About 25% of the Thami has 20 Ropani, 25% Thami has 10-15 Ropani, 20% Thami has 10 Ropani, and 25% Thami have 1-5 Ropani of land. They are still following traditional method of agriculture. They do not use any advance agro-technology and modern fertilizers such as urea; they use cow dung as usual. The main crops grown by Thami are maize, wheat, millet, mustard, potato and seasonal vegetables, they also raise livestock such as goats, and cows not in professional way as there are not enough grazing lands. They have skill in nettle weaving. Some local NGOs are supporting for sheds distribution, local market creation and cooperatives for the local farmers. Farmers sell their vegetables in local open market (Hat Bazaar) in Thauthali, located in a half an hour walking distance. For cattle, buyer comes to collect and sell it in Lhasa in China and also in Kathmandu. In spite of such activities, however, all participants said that only 5% of the households can manage food for the whole year from their own family farm, remaining 95% of the households have food sufficiency for 3-6 months from agriculture production and rest of the months they work as daily wage labourers. Generally, Thamis work as carpenter and mason in the neighbouring districts, namely Dolakha, Kavre and Kathmandu. In the village, basic wage rate for carpenter and Mistri is Rs. 150 per day. During farming season, Thami practice Parma, which is a labour exchange system. All the villagers, including Bahun, Chhetri and Dalit, work together to plant paddy and millet etc. Thami mainly do share cropping (Adhiya) in the farms of the Chhetris. One of the FGD participant said, Hami Thamiharu Bhaneko Chhetri Ko Khet Kamaune Ho (We are serfs of the Chhetris).

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With regards to development programs, there are some ongoing projects in the Piskar VDC. These are rural road construction and extension, repairing irrigation and Adibasi Block construction. They had a program called “Food for work” on from 2058 B.S. to 2063 B.S. Currently, some local organizations working on agro based program in order to enhance income generation, for instance, TUKI Sangh has been distributing sheds to farmers. However, two-thirds of the participants spelled out that the sheds were not suitable in the weather as the crops did not grow up well and farmers are now hesitated to retry such sheds. They planted potato recently and waiting for its result. Meantime, there is also a cooperative that lend money to farmers, Rs. 10000-15000 with 14% annual interest rate. A participant said that PAF is going to work in Dalit and ethnic communities in this village and they have primarily focused on Dalit first, then Janajatis; and they are piloting soon in two wards in the VDC”. Similarly, the Gramin Mahila Srijanshil Pariwar, in coordination with UNFPA, is working to raise awareness against early age marriage. There is a Youth Information Centre that provide counselling service relating to adolescent health problems. The Solid Nepal and Gramin Hatemalo Karyakram are working in Piskar and some others neighbouring VDC. Concerning to Free Prior Inform Consent, generally, INGOs or NGOs people come to visit key persons of the village before launching the programs, they sit together and talk about the matter. By the time, a SLC passed boy is working in a local NGO in the village, local women groups are formed in order to carry on the program however, and these all NGOs offices are located in Barabise Bazaar. Taking account into access to indigenous organization, they are organized into Thami Sudhar Samaj and Nepal Thami Samaj. The first one was registered a year ago with the initiation of educated Thami youth who felt that they were ignored by their seniors in ideas sharing and planning. The second one Thami Samaj, affiliated with the Adibasi Janajati Mahasang, was established in 2058. This institution carried out training on participation of Thamis in Constituent Assembly (Sambidhan savha ma Thami Jatiko Sahabhagita) in the year 062/063. There are also another organization called Nikko Thami Samaj in Dhuskun and Ramche VDC. Nearly 50% of FGD participants were engaged in Thami organizations, out of 15 participants 2 were chairperson and secretary of “Thami Sudhar Samaj”. The rest were not involved because they are illiterate and not good enough to understand issues of Janajatis. Having several organizations in Thami communities however, coordination among them was not likely strong enough as the chairperson knew nothing about programs of other and Thami organizations don’t let them know their programs too.


Despite of extreme domination by Bramhin and Chhetris, Thamis are now slowly crawling to get access to basic services like education, health, and participation in various plans and programs in the village. Socially they have harmonious relation among other ethnic groups

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such as lending or borrowing money, participation in rituals and farming, development issues like road construction, community building etc. In Thami village, there is an interesting practice of collectivism, especially in social and cultural rites and ceremonies. A young participant strongly said “Our fathers and four fathers lost their lands for a piece of bread.” Based on caste hierarchy, they were considered as lower cast but Newar and Tamangs were in line with them currently such sort of discrimination is diminishing at the village. Regarding livelihood, majority of Thamis depend on agriculture and livestock but still they practice traditional method of farming. Nowadays, there is local market developing in Sindhupalchowk to sell vegetables and cattle due to access of road. Some NGOs are supporting farmers by distributing seeds and fertilizers, it also provides loan to them. Taking account into access to indigenous organizations, there are several Thami organizations however, they don’t have strong coordination among them so needed a mechanism to circle them in. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Thami (see Table C.10).

9. Recommendation:

• Piskar is nearby centre market of Barabise and Lhasa, so that there is a potential market to cattle and vegetable trade that’s why good irrigation is needed.

• Thamis' scattered organizations should be coordinated.

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Table C.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thami

Thami: Indicators Score Status


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C.11 CHEPANG

1. Introduction

Chepang is one of the highly marginalized among 59 indigenous nationalities in Nepal. Makawanpur, Dhading, Chitwan and Gorkha districts are the main habitants of Chepang. According to Population census 2001, total Chepang population is 52,237. According to Chairperson of Nepal Chepang Association (NCA), major population of Chepang live in 21 VDCs – 5 in Gorkha, 6 in Dhading and 18 in Chitwan and Makwanpur district. The baseline study selected a sample of Koiraltar village of Dhusa VDC in Dhading district, where almost half of the total population are Chepang accounting for about 3,000.


None of the FGD participants know about the meaning of Adibasi and Janajatis. However, they are aware of that 'Chepangs are Adibasi'. They are also unaware of the rights to self-determination.


i. Education

There is a primary school, Bhangeri Primary School, in the village. The classes run in the school are from 1 to 3 grades where Chepang, Magar and Biswakarma students are studied. For secondary school they have to go to neighbouring village, located at Bahun gaon. In present days, Chepangs are reportedly much aware of education and almost all of the households send their children to school. A project from Japan (they do not know the name of the project) launched an awareness program on education. After that they started to go to school. In the school, Chepang students are high because of high population of Chepang are there. However, there is no teacher in the school from the Chepang. The medium of teaching is entirely Nepali even though the majority of the students are Chepangs. All the Chepang girls get NRs. 600 as a scholarship once in a year. NEFIN has provided scholarship for 2 Chepang students. Tilak Chepang (NEFIN DCC secretary and NCA advisor) and Jitendra Chepang (Chairman, NCA) report that enrolment of Chepang is encouraging these days. There are 63 young Chepangs who have passed the SLC in the Dhading District. About 75 percent of the Chepang children are enrolled in school. However, drop out rate is also considerably high. High drop out as they reported is mainly due to higher incidence of failure rate among Chepang children. Due to abject poverty, most of the time children have to go for work and

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consequently they are mostly absent in the school, which cause them failure in the examination. One participant said that if there are three sons/daughters in a family, they go to school alternatively because one has to look after younger brother/sister.

ii. Health

There is no health post or clinic in the Chepang village. A sub-health post is in the VDC but it is quite far from Chepang village, which is located at Bahun village. They have to walk one and half hour to reach the sub-health post. They go to health post or clinic for ordinary treatment and they go to Kathmandu for serious treatment. However, they do not prefer to go to health post mainly because of unavailability of the medicine (there are just citamol) as well as skilled doctor. So, they directly go to Hospital or clinic. Another reason why they do not prefer to go to health post is there is no staff from Chepang. The perception on Dhami Jhankri has been changed than before but some old generation people still believe on Dhami Jhankri for satisfaction (Man ko Shanti ko lagi). According to an informant, overall health situation among Chepang is miserable. They reported as:

• 71% Chepang children have malnutrition • Problem of Uterus prolapsed (Aang Khasne Samasya)

• Problem in mouth because they do not brush the teeth • Unsafe maternity (they give birth child in the jungle) • 80% anaemia during delivery

• No vaccination in pregnant – antenatal care • High fertility


They know about the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati. Even though they demand the budget in the VDC, the Sarbadaliya Samiti decides that where the budget should spend. As they reported, budget allocated for Adibasi/Janajati and Dalits was spent in electricity and road construction. When some Chepang activists ask Sarbadaliya Samiti for their budget, they replied, "Do Adibasi/Janajati and Dalits not need these roads and electricity? Do they not walk in the road?" They are getting the elderly allowance, maternity allowance from the VDC. They get maternity allowance NRs. 100 when they go for check up and they get NRs. 1000 when they give birth of child in hospital. However, some are not getting because of they do not know about such allowance.

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The informants reported that access of Chepangs to basic services provided by government such as education, health has been increasing compared to before. Different organizations have launched awareness program for the empowerment of Chepangs and they themselves are learning to fight for their rights.


According to an informant, despite the Chepang population as majority in 21 VDCs, only one VDC (Siddhi) in Chitwan and one VDC (Raksirang) in Makwanpur had Chepang chairperson in the last election. After Maoist political insurgency, some Chepangs are District Committee Member (DCM) in Maoist party in Gorkha, Dhading, and Chitwan and Makawanpur district. Similarly, there are some DCM from CPN-UML in Chitwan, Makawanpur and Dhading. There is only member from Nepali Congress party in Makawanpur.

5. Access to natural resources (Indigenous right)

According to participants, they don't have access on their ancestral forest land. There is no government forest too. They bring all the forest resources (fuel wood, NTFPs, fodder, grass) from Community Forest. But they don’t have access to traditional custom such as shifting cultivation (slash and burn), poaching etc. According to them, they have access to clear drinking water. They drink the water of stream and well (kuwa). They do not have access to irrigation. Community themselves are not able to construct irrigation canal because it needs huge amount of money and no government and non-government sectors are interested in such project. They don’t have traditional irrigation system. Their farm is dependant on rainfall. There is electricity in the village. They have access to electricity. They have own home and land but the land all the households own is small piece, which is not sufficient to produce food for around the year. As they reported, they could rely on their land for no more than 6 months in a year. They do vegetable farming and goods exchange for the food sufficiency for the rest 6 months. They do not have access on seed, fertilizer, agriculture instruments as well as loan and income generation programs. Once PAF have given some money for goat raising.


Some development activities have been carried out in the village such as electricity, drinking water, and road. For road construction, Community Forestry has given the fuel and DDC has given the money for dozer hire. According to informant, they were informed on development activities but were not asked for the participation in decision making.

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Some NGOs are working in Chepang village. Shanti Nepal works on health, RIMS Nepal works on community forestry, and Focus Nepal works on poverty alleviation. According to Chepangs, their participation is satisfactory in these mentioned programs. However, all these offices are located at urban areas and there are no staffs from Chepangs in these NGOs. According to them, The NGOs take free, prior informed consent (FPIC) on their basic services programs.


Chepang is one of the indigenous people residing mainly in Makawanpur, Dhading, Chitwan, and Gorkha district. Around 70% Chepangs follow Christianity and other follow Shamanism. The Chepangs are unknown about the Adibasi Janajati and their right. Almost all have access to basic education not in the higher education. The enrolment rate in primary school is 75% but the dropout rate is higher. Distant primary health facility has caused weak access to health services. They have a problem of malnutrition. They have low level of access in local polytypical body. They have not access to decision making level of local governance such all party mechanism and political parties as well. A few programs have helped them to build up their capacity. In the survey conducted area, there is no ancestral jungle. It has prevented them to practice their original traits. They have access to electricity, water to drink, and they own land. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Chepang (see Table C.11).

9. Recommendations

• Government should launch the programs on education and health for the Chepangs. • Government should guarantee the employment for Chepangs because Chepangs are

unemployment. • Government should allocate separate budget for Chepangs' livelihood. • NGOs should also focus on providing trainings on livelihood and skill development

training • NEFIN has also to focus on the programs on rights on concerned Chepang

communities

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Table C.11: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Chepangs

Chepangs: Indicators Score Status


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C.12 BARAM

1. Introduction

Baramu is also one of the 14 highly marginalized groups among 59 Adibasi Janajatis. Barams are the residents of north-east of the Gorkha district. They report that Takukot, Moseni, Pandrung VDCs are the main ancestral places of Barams. Population Census 2001 recorded 7,383 of total population of Barams. However, Baram informants claim that their population was underreported. The main reasons behind it are – first, Barams in Chhoprak VDC reported themselves as Sunuwar in 2001 census; second, some Barams introduced themselves as Gurung while recruited into Indian Army; and third, Barams in Nuwakot reported them as Tamang instead of Baramu. The Baram population is scattered mainly in four districts, Gorkha, Nuwakot, Dhading and Chitwan.


Barams are very few who know what the Adibasi, Janajati, Highly Marginalized and Endangered Adibasi Janajati are about. They even don’t know that who belong to Adibasi and Janajatis. Few of them report that Adibasi Janajatis are those who have different custom and culture, have ancestral land, own distinct rituals and rites on birth and death. They expressed that they are completely unknown about rights to self-determination and IPs rights over natural resources.


i. Education

VDC profile of Pandrung recorded that overall literacy rate of Barams in the VDC is 74%, which is closer to Bahun/Chhetri (75.1%) and considerable higher than other Janajati population (60%). However, Barams are only 11% who passed the SLC; five-times lower than Bahuns. There is a primary school close to Baram village. It takes 5 minutes walk to reach the school. The school is located at the village where Bahun community resides. Informant report that the school was previously planned to construct in the Baram village. Later, it was built in Bahun's village. Now, Some Bahuns who belong to school management committee tried to sell the land allocated for school in the Baram village. But Barams opposed to sell the land and they are planning to build community house in the land for which Bahuns have not accepted this proposal. Now, all Barams' children go to school. No Barams and Dalits have experience any kind of discrimination based on caste and ethnicity. More than 50% students are Barams out of 118

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total students in that school. However, drop out rate of Baram children is reported to be considerably high. The main reason for drop out is high failure rate of Baram children in grade promotion, which is due to the fact that there is no suitable environment for education in the home among Barams. In the discussion, participants said regarding the school drop out trend of Baram that "Pass Bhaye Das Ma, Fail Bhaye Bus Ma" (literally if they pass the examination, they will study in 10 class, otherwise they leave the village by bus for work). Though Baram have access to education in terms of school, teacher, curriculum but they drop out school and go to work to urban area or Gorkha, Kathmandu and other cities as well as foreign country including India. This saying mostly implies to youth population. One Baram teacher is appointed through private source (niji shrot) in local school. Out of 5 teachers, all are from Bahun community (4 Male, 1 Female). According to Baram participants, new generation does not speak their language, only a few elderly Barams speak and they are seriously worried in extinction of the Baram language. There is no teachers in the school who speak Baram language. Accordingly, the school has not adopted Baram language as medium of teaching. Students are getting scholarship once in a year from the school. Each student gets NRs. 480. But Baram just guess that perhaps they get the scholarship being as Adibasi Janajati. Actually, they don’t know that who are giving the fund for scholarship. Besides, till the date, no programs are initiated for focusing the education of Baram children. According to participants, there are 6-7 teachers from Baram community in Gorkha district. Among them 4 are permanent teachers in the whole district.

ii. Health

Participants in FGD said that there no health post in Baram village. The nearest health post is in the next village, but within VDC. It takes 2 hours walk to go to the health post. There are mixed community live in health post-located village such as Bahun, Gurung, Magar, Baram, Chhetri, Kami etc. Deurali, a small emerging village town, is closer to Pandrung, which needs only 15-20 minutes walk to reach. So, instead of visiting health post, Barams usually go to private clinic in Deurali village when they get ordinary sick. It is mainly because usual unavailability of health personnel as well as medicine in the health post. When the sickness is quite serious, they go to Gorkha bazaar, district headquarter of Gorkha district. Almost all the Baram children are immunized. Baram women are aware of anti-natal and post-natal care. For normal case, they usually do delivery in the village with the help of experienced elderly women and when it is bit serious they go to either health post or clinic in Deurali.

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Barams also believe in traditional healing practices/curing of Shamanism (Dhami/Jhankri, Jharfuk). Mostly old aged people believe and prefer the shamanistic treatment. There are no staffs from Baram community except one Sudeni and one Female Community Health Volunteer (FCHV) in health post. The environment and behaviour of staffs in the health post is good but some times they feel staff do negligence in the treatment of Baram people. Situation of personal hygiene and sanitation is good in Baram Community. They are much aware of personal health and sanitation. Every household has their own toilet. Mostly houses are neat and clean. No human excretions are made outside toilet.


Barams know about the budget coming in VDC for the uplift of Adibasi Ajanta. It has not been long that they know about the budget. They have demanded the budget in the VDC but they have not received the budget till the date and VDC has also not asked that where the budget is spent. Most of the eligible Barams are getting elderly population allowance. Some have not received it because of some technical problems: first, few of them do not have citizenship certificate; and age of some Barams recorded in citizenship certificate is much lower (ineligible) than their actual age. They are unknown about maternity allowance as well as deprived allowance and nobody is receiving such allowances. Currently, in Barams' initiation, DDC has allocated the small budget for the promotion and protection of Barams' culture and tradition. They have planned to spend the budget in collecting traditional costumes and jewelleries.


According to Barams, they don't have their traditional indigenous institution. But they have been performing various ritual functions in communal way since long. Some traditional customs and rituals are still continued in Baram community. They are Parma Pratha, Chandi Puja, Bayu Puja, Kul Puja, etc. They have modern organization named "Nepal Baram Sangh". They believe that this organization is successful to organize Barams in a consolidated way. There is very low participation of Baram in all party mechanism (Sarbadaliya Samiti). Barams feel that they are not much educated in comparison of other community. In the

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discussion, some Barams said that all agendas were taken from all members in all party mechanism but the decision is made inside the room by portfolio. Bahuns influence their agendas in Sarbadaliya meeting because they are very empowered and educated. So, Bahuns have access in every sector. According to participants, no programs have been launched for Adibasi Janajati, Dalit, and Women from Sarbadaliya Samiti. Barams are not able to influence Sarbadaliya Samiti because no body listen their voices. Barams are participated rhetorically but their participation is not meaningful in reality (Sahabhagi garaiyeko jasto dekhiyeko chha tara nirnayama sahabhagi garayidaina). There are mainly three political parties exist in Pandrung - Nepali Congress, CPN (UML), UCPN (Maoist). Barams are only in member in committee of political parties. Their participation in decision making is almost none. They feel that their voices are heard less in the VDC otherwise other environment is good. There are no staffs from Baram and Baram speaker. The available staffs' behaviour is good to the Baram. One key informant, principal of school, opined regarding Baram less access to all aspects that Barams are poor, backward in terms of education and economic status. They are not in the decision making level. They are not concerned about their rights and they just hope that other people would do for them.


According to Baram, there is no ancestral forest, but they do have community forestry (CF). They depend on the community forest for fuel wood, fodder, grass, non-timber forest products as per the rules of CF. In the committee of CFUG, highest number belong to Bahuns followed by Barams. They are drinking natural water but they don’t have easy access to bring it. They have to go little down to fetch the drinking water. It means geographically they don’t have easy access to water resources. There is no irrigation facility (neither traditional kulo nor modern canal) except raining in the monsoon. They have electricity in the village. So, they do not use other energy source such as kerosene, petrol, solar etc.


All Barams own little bit land. They do not work in other's land. They don't take the loan usually. Two reasons they reported for this are – first, the land they have is very few that is

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not accepted by any moneylenders and financial organization (Jagga thorai vayera dhito rakhna pugdaina) and, second, they have their own mother's group functioning as saving and credit for the Baram community. They are able to collect more than Rs. 250,000 and whenever they need they borrow money from the group. They use compost for agriculture. If they need more fertilizer, they bring it from the market. The food security of Baram is 6-7 months annually. For remaining months, they have to rely on other sources mostly work outside the village, such as Gorkha, Kathmandu, India and foreign labour.

7. Development programs by GOs, NGOs and CBOs

It is reported that there is no organizations working for the development of Baram village. Once Care Nepal had given training on Good Governance to the women including Barams in the village but currently no programmes are launched. As Barams reported they have just heard that 9 Bahun households are involved in goat raising program. According to participants regarding Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC), they are not aware of the meaning of FPIC as well as any kind of development projects do not take FPIC. They get to know indirectly only after when it is rumoured in the village that some kind of development program(s) is/are being (or going to be) launched in the village. This means, till the date, Barams have not been informed and consulted for any development activities carried out either by government or non-government sectors. The main reasons behind it are, according to an informant, Barams have no access to and participation at all levels in the concerned service provider organizations whether it is government organizations or non-government. There is a community based organization namely "Baram Mothers' Group". They have balanced of NRs. 250,000 with the regular collection from the community. They use the budget on different topic when they need the economic problems. They have not received any kind of training. According to them, if they could get the training, they would be more efficient. District cooperative does not want to incorporate them, mainly because their mothers' group does not have legal status.


Baramu is also the one of the highly marginalized group among 59 Adibasi Janajati. Their ancestral place is in Takukot and Pandrung VDC of Gorkha district. They have no idea about the categorization of the IPs of Nepal. They have limited access to the basic services. They are unaware of the FPIC. They have access to basic services like education and other a few but have a problem of good health services.

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They have no their own political institution but practice some traditional rituals and customs. They have no ancestral land and forest but they are the users of community forests nearby them. None of the NGOs have implemented works in their village. In overall, this indigenous group is also like other HM groups. In no way, they are far better than other groups. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Barams (see Table C.12).

9. Recommendations

In the discussion, Barams recommended the following points to increase the access of Barams are:

• Local infrastructure development (transportation facilities) should be reached in the Baram village.

• Government should provide free education to the Barams

• Other service provider agencies also should implement special programs (skill development, awareness program, health and sanitation) to the Barams.

• Donor agencies should also focus the income generation or economic development program for uplift of the Baram community.

• NEFIN, NFDIN, JEP should focus program in Barams' concerned place, otherwise the Barams' religion, culture, language, tradition will be endangered.

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Table C.12: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Barams

Barams: Indicators Score Status


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C.13 SIYAR

1. Introduction

Siyar is one of the mountain indigenous people of Nepal. They are resided in Chhekampar and Chhumchet VDCc, upper part of the Gorkha district. Some Siyar are living in Kathmandu too. Mostly young students for higher education and rich people live in Kathmandu. They think of that they are Chhumba not Siyar.


Regarding the definition of Adibasi Janajati, Chairman of Siyar organization said that the first settler of any place or who came first and settle in that place are called the Adibasi and who have different language, custom and culture are called Janajati. According to him, the Local Siyar people do not understand meaning of Adibasi Janajati because of they are uneducated. They express that right to self-determination means the right to decide for own or free to decide for own. Accordingly, they would like to call themselves as Chhumba not Siyar because their identity is not actually Siyar. So, they had given an application to Adibasi Janajati Suchi Parimarjan High Level Task Force for enlisting their identity as Chhumba instead of 'Siyar. The task force has recommended to the Nepal Government accordingly.


i. Education

There are 6 schools (all primary level) in two VDCs. They have to go out for lower secondary and secondary level. For lower secondary, they have to go to Siddhibas near by VDC where mostly Gurungs live and for secondary they have to go district headquarter, Gorkha bazaar. For college study, they have to go to Pokhara and Kathmandu. According to them, school classes are run for hardly 3 months in a year. The main reasons for it are teachers are rarely available at the village and students are also lacked regularly. Most of the time as they reported teacher usually go to district headquarter or Kathmandu either for the purpose of training or for collecting materials and salaries. On the other hand, Chhumba children have to go for work in the field. Some rich families send their children to study in Kathmandu and India and who are not able to afford for education they send their children to become Aani to the Monastery. They opined that they have been loosing their culture, language, kinship relation due to the reason that Chhumba people should leave the village to take the good education.

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ii. Health

There are one health post and one sub-health post in two VDCs. There is 7 post in the health post, one for Heath Assistant, one for Health Worker, one Assistant Nurse Midwife, two for Village Health Worker and two for Peon. Among seven staff in the health post, two are from out of community and village and rest are from the local. The Siyar people go to health post and traditional healing system equally while they get sick. They have traditional Tibetan treatment system which they call Aamchi in which healer diagnose the diseases by touching vein and hand. They use the medicine also the local medicinal herbs.


They are receiving elderly citizenship allowance and delivery incentives. All the children are immunized. They are also getting partially VDC funds for their upliftment.


They have access to and participation in village council. There are no members from other community because only Siyar live in two VDCs (Chhekampar and Chumchet). They have spent the budget to develop local infrastructures such as Monastery, Bridge, and Roads etc. Though Siyar are in Village Council, All local Siyar do not know about the budget allocated in the VDC. Most Siyar do not take care about the budget and development programs.


According to participants, in Siyar village, they have been getting impact of climate change nowadays. Before there was enough water in the stream but nowadays it lacks the water for irrigation. They have their own community forest but now it is under the Manaslu Conservation Area. Now the forests are preserved with combination of traditional forest conservation and modern Community Forestry Users' Group (CFUG). There are many CFUGs in two VDCs. Siyar opined that after implementation of this system it has created the conflict among the community people through CFUGs. Before they had harmonious relationship. The project has formed a committee in order to control illegal poaching of wild animals and illegal cutting of wood and fodder (Chori Sikari Niyantran Samiti). It has made limited use of forest.


It is reported that the main source of Siyar's livelihood is agriculture and livestock. However, from their food production, they do not survive for whole year. They have to rely on alternative sources such as collecting Yarshagumba and others. Some Siyar people are in abroad for earning, which has also supported them to their livelihood. However, those who

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earn the remittance do not live in the village they shift to city to Gorkha, Pokhara and Kathmandu.


In Siyar village, Communication facility is available. Mostly people use v-set phone. Some NGOs are working in the Siyar village. There are Manaslu Conservation Area Project (MCAP), KADURI, FACE Nepal. Kaduri has given 2 micro hydro powers and pipes for drinking water. The aim of MCAP is conservation and sustainable development of the area. Some organizations such as ICIMOD, IUCN have been published some articles, books related to Chhumba ethnic people. An NGO, Face Nepal is working on health sector. According to participants, Development agencies inform, consult and take help from them but don’t participated them in decision making.


Siyar is one of the mountain indigenous people of Nepal. They are resided in Chhekampar and Chumchet VDC, mountain region of Gorkha district. They are found to be interested in organization. Some organizational works have been done but they have no sufficient fund to carry out these works. They feel that their culture has been encroached by two reasons: because of their movements to other places and the languages of learning. Health and energy facilities are partially available in the areas. They have low access on the resources and have felt the impact of climate changes. Access to communication is growing. In their locality, basic infrastructures like communication, energy, schools are partly available. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Siyar/Chhumba (see Table C.13).

9. Recommendations

• Government should promote tourism in Siyar (Chhumba) resided place because there are lots of possibilities of tourism development.

• There are natural beauties having lakes, mountains, different kinds of species of herbs, wild animals, historical religious gumbas (monastery) etc.

• Mahamanab baseko itihas pani raheko, Tibetan Ritual Text

• NEFIN, NFDIN publications should be published in very simple and local language.

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Table C.13: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Siyar

Siyar: Indicators Score Status


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C.14 BOTE

1. Introduction

Bote is categorized into highly marginalized indigenous peoples of Nepal as identified by the Government of Nepal. Botes, like the Majhis, are also riversides dwellers in Tarai and inner Tarai. They are densely populated in Chitwan, Nawalparasi and Tanahu districts. Some Majhis are scattered in other districts such as Gorkha, Lamjung, Palpa, and Sarlahi. Their total population, according to the Census of 2001, is 8,000. The Botes believe that their population has under-enumerated. In Chitwan district alone, there are about 2,433 population, out of this, Patihani VDC has 250 Botes. Botes speak their own mother tongue Bote that belongs to the Indo-European language family. They also speak Khas Nepali language; some of them speak Tharu and Darai languages. Bote children speak Khas Nepali language more because in school they are taught in this language. Like other indigenous peoples, they worship their deities, nature and ancestor. They have adopted Hindu festivals like Dashain and Tihar. Their main occupation is agriculture. They also weave net, build boat and help people to cross the river by boat. They have great aquatic knowledge. A majority of Botes have been displaced from their traditional homeland or ancestral land due to establishment of Wildlife Conservation and National Parks. Also, constructions of modern bridges in nearby river have affected their income sources; which have great impact on their survival and it put their traditional occupation at risk. This report has been prepared based on the collected information through FGDs and KIIs at the Bote Tole ward no 1, Patihani VDC and Jutpani VDC ward no. 1 in Chitawan district.


Some of the participants had knowledge about the term ‘Adibasi Janajati’. They said that those who have their own language, culture, tradition, religion and have been living from time immortal are known as Adibasi Janajati. They also said that they are one of them so as Tharus, Limbus, Rai and so on. FGD participants could not explain meaning of right to self determination although they reported that they have heard about it and understood little, they also questioned that in spite of having privileged on natural resources they don’t have access in river like before as they required license for fishing.

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i. Education

Like other marginalized people, a large number of the Botes are still illiterate. This is now declining because the younger children go to school and elders are aware on education. There are more than a couple of schools, namely the Shree Dhanauji Secondary lower school, the Shree Ganganagar Secondary school and the Amar Higher Secondary School. These schools are located at various locations in the village at Patiyani. The nearest one is 1 kilometer far away from the village. Most of the students who are enrolled in the schools are Bahun, Chhetris and some are Dalits, Tharus and the Botes. Rich people like Bramhin and Chhetris send their children to boarding school but the Botes cannot afford doing so. Therefore, these private schools are beyond their access. Remarkably, only 3 students from Bote communities have passed +2 levels followed by the same numbers in SLC level. Students drop out during the period of class 5 to 8 because they are grown up and go for labour work in carpet factory in Kathmandu. They also help in the household chores and work as agriculture labour. Concern Entire Bote students are benefited from the scholarships provided by the Government; these students get amount Rs. 800/- annually but so far FGD participants reported that it is not sufficient for them to buy uniform and stationeries. Similarly, the key informant, who was principal of the local school, said that the scholarship includes Rs 300/- each to uniform and stationary respectively and admission fee is free at the school. In the school management committee, only one position for advisor is given to a Bote. Only one teacher is from Bote community in the school. There are 9 Bote teachers in total and of them 5 Bote teachers are in Nawalparasi district, 2 Bote teachers are in Tanahu and Chitwan each. Bote language is not used as a medium of instruction in the schools.

ii. Health

Health post is 1 kilometer far from Bote communities in Patihani; it takes half an hour by foot to reach, only 4 to 5 minutes by bus. They depend on faith healer and traditional medicine. These days they have started to visit hospital and health post during illness. There are also some private clinics and hospitals close to the village. Government health service is not easy access to them because there is not a regular doctor in the health post. Nowadays, they prefer to go to private clinic because government hospitals are far away than private clinics. The FGD participants mentioned that they have not experienced any discrimination by service providers during service delivery. There is no Bote as FCHVs and traditional birth attendant in their communities. A Tharu woman has been working as FCHV in Bote village. They do not get information in their mother tongue. They have access to immunization, polio, maternal care, neo natal, post natal, safe delivery and medicine practice but they have no access to basic and primary health. In the buffer zone area, they have access to surgery, lab test and x-ray in subsidize rate. They have access to mobile clinic and ambulance service during emergency but they have to pay money if they should use the service. Indeed, Botes prefer allopathic medicine than Ayurbedic medicine these days. Superstition to witch craft

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has now been eliminated in the village due to various awareness health programs. It shows that Bote are now getting aware on health and other superstitious practice. Nowadays, their personal hygiene and sanitation is remarkably improving as 50% of the Bote households have constructed toilets. Safe delivery practice and safe motherhood practices in health sector is gradually increasing in the communities.


VDC office is in about half an hour walking distance from their resident. They have bitter experience because VDC staffs always ignore them while dealing their cases. During rush hours in VDC office, their cases are always postponed by two to three days. Concern to budgeting, they have heard about the budget which allocate in the name of Adibasi Janajati but still about two third of participants were unknown about the budget that is allocated to IPs. Some participants also reported that they had forwarded application to get access in such budget but their voices were not considered. More interestingly, only one old man is getting old age allowance, the others allowances like widowed, single women, maternity allowance etc are not in accessed. It is because they are not aware about that due to education lacked.


Bote had traditional institution called Chautaria. Mukhiya used to be the Headman who is accountable to maintain justice and peace in the community. He fixes the quarrel, fight, harassment and discrimination in the community. It is now replaced by modern organization called "Nepal Bote Samaj". Botes do not have access to the All-Party Mechanism so far they reported that there is no representation from their community. Till now the committee has not done any remarkable efforts for the Botes. However, they have already received Rs 10.000/- to make a wooden rack in order to preserve their traditional instrument apparatus. In the same time, they have also got another instalment containing Rs. 15,000 for driving training, some Bote men have driving license and worked as driver after obtaining the training. With regards to participation in political parties, majority of Botes are associated to the Maoist party, followed by the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML. These political parties highly influence during planning and budgeting in VDC. Botes are always given lower preference in these parties even being high participation in the parties.


Traditionally, rivers and forest were the main sources of income for the Botes. At present; they have no access to forests and rivers. They have to be a member of community forest to collect fodders and firewood. These forests open twice a year for timbers and wood.

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Additionally, in Chitwan and Nawalparasi districts, establishment of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation Areas in Tarai and inner Tarai region have displaced many Botes from their traditional lands. They also suffer by Nepal army and police, if animals die in the jungle they have to bear legal problem. Indigenous Peoples in these areas suffers more from security providers. The fish Bote catch are snatched by the army and police. Additionally, Botes get a lot of harassment from them. They have access to drinking water; the sources of drinking water are pond, well, pump and river. Concerning to irrigation, there is an irrigation project called "Nepal Purbi Rapti Yojana" and another one is constructed by community is in Chitwan district although Botes don’t have access on it because it was not affordable for them. Similarly, they don’t have enough land of their own however; very few have 4-5 Kattha land so that most of them earn crop sharing land.


Traditionally, Bote are fishermen and boat sailors like Majhis, they make wooden boat but their occupation is severely affected due to construction of suspension and modern bridges over the rivers. They also weave net for fishing and for selling also. Boating in river is now taken by Hotel and Restaurants in that area but they are not allowed to keep boat with them. Most of the them live in extreme poverty due to this there is hand to mouth problem. They work as agricultural labours in the villages. They have food sufficiency for 2 to 3 months in a year. Some of them work in rivers sides to collect sands, carpet industry, domestic helpers, now days they are attracted to work in Dairies and small scale entrepreneurships like local grocery, vendors and meat shop. They also work as labour in construction in Narayanghat and other towns. Some Botes have taken initiations for vegetable farming and other activities like income generation at Bote Tole ward no 1 in Patihani. They are using underground water for off seasonal vegetable through motor, this way; they are now attracted to growing vegetables as well.

7. Access to and Participation in Development Activities

Botes have got financial supports through the VDC to make underground well for vegetable farming. They also get seeds and fertilizer through cooperatives. In regards to involvement of non government organization in development sector, The PAF is working in vegetable farming in their communities. Some of them have benefited by driving training. Recently some students from Denmark had visited their villages near Rapti River to study their culture and settlement; they have donated Rs 3,000/- to the Bote Samaj. NEFIN has also supported them to make toilets at their office. Action aid is also making remarkable

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contribution to Bote communities as it has provided trainings and orientation to education, health and sanitation. As a key informant interviewee mentioned that NEFIN has also made an effective program in their communities through JEP 1 program. Regarding free prior informed consent, they haven’t got any kind of consent in community level from government and non-governmental organization. Although some key informant reported that they are informed in regards but partiality, invitation letter for meeting to political parties about 3 or 4 days earlier but for Adibasi they inform just before the meeting or such information given to them very late.


Botes are socially and culturally distinct then other IPs, but still they have good relation to other societies as they are happy for maintaining such social harmony. They share helping hands during social functions and rituals. Botes has their own language, because of their traditional occupation fishing and boating, they clustery dwelling in riversides of Tarai and inner Tarai. However, their occupation is now replaced by agriculture, daily wages in construction and dairies although very few of them have engaged in small groceries, vendors and meat shops too. Regarding to access to basic services, Bote are now aware on education and health services, their children go to government school but still dropout rate is high in high school level because children are kept at home either to help their parents, family farms or to work in daily wages outside of their village. At present, nearly a dozen of school teachers are produced from the entire Bote communities. Except teaching, they don’t have access to civil service and other jobs. Taking account into health services, as they feel now they are transforming from traditional healing practices to modern medicine, health post is nearby their village but Botes preferred private clinics and hospitals even though not having enough money with them to pay for service and medicine because there is not doctor available 24 hours in government health institutions. They have also maintained clean and neat sanitation in their village; about 50 % of them have toilet facility at home and piped water in Patihani VDC. These days, they immunize their kids and pregnant women and the same time, ANC visit and safe delivery practice are also increasing in their communities. While service delivery in government offices, they have felt ignoring by government officials. They also reported that low access to decision making which led them not able to grab such opportunities. As mentioned that they are still out skirts of government's and other political parties' priorities due to lack of education in their communities. Some INGOs/NGOs have been working in Bote villages for couples of year; PAF is supporting them on vegetable farming by free distributing of seeds and fertilizers. On the

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other hands, Action aid is providing awareness in education, health and sanitation. They also provided vocational trainings like driving and vegetable farming trainings etc. Despite of such programs and supports, they are not growing as much as they need to, so they require special attention to improve their livelihood as well as to preserve, promote and protect their tradition, culture, language and identity. In their own words, they want government and other donor agencies to help their children in education. They also emphasized for their full and effective participation while making program and project for them. The most highlighted issue they raised was that budget should be separate for each group of indigenous peoples; the budget comes in the name of IPs but it goes to those who have power and access to centre. In the conclusion, Botes need an especial attention to improve their livelihood along with education. They also emphasis on FPIC should be taken while launching and implementing any program in their area. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Bote (see Table C.14).

9. Recommendations

• Despite of such programs and supports, they are not growing as much as they needed, so that requires special attention to improve their livelihood. In their own words, they want government and other donor agencies to help their kids in education.

• They also emphasized in their participation while making program and project to them. The most highlighted issue they have raised was separated budget based on each indigenous people, since they said, the budget comes in the name of IPs but it goes to them who have power and access to centre level.

• Botes need an especial attention to improve their livelihood along with education level.

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Table C.14: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bote

Bote: Indicators Score Status


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ANNEX I SURVEY TOOLS

I. Checklist for Focus Group Discussion (FGD) 1. Access to Identity

• What is Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi Janajati)? What is the meaning of Endangered and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajati (EHM-AJ)? Who are EHM-AJs?

• Do you have traditional indigenous institutions? If so, what is the main function? Whether any agency has supported to such institution?

• Are you a member of any Adibasi Janajati organization? If not why? If so, in what position? And what activities are carried out by this organization? If not, why?

• Do you know about right to self-determination? Please brief on it. • What is the meaning of IP right to forest, land and water?

2. Relationship with other Adibasi Janajati and caste groups

• What type of social relationship do you have with other group of people such Bahun, Chhetri, Musalman, etc.?

• What are the similarities and dissimilarities between you and other group of people in the neighbour? What type of behaviour do they do with your community in everyday life?

• What type of social relationship between you and other Adibasi Janajati?

• What are the similarities and dissimilarities between you and other Adibasi Janajatis? What type of behaviour do they do with you in everyday life?


• Is there any Endangered and highly marginalized AJs represented in all party mechanism? If so, how effective is the participation?

• Who are usually dominant in the decision making in all party mechanism? • What sorts of decisions have been made by all party mechanism for Adibasi Janajati,

Dalit, women and other backward people till the date?

• Is there any political party exists in the village? Are you member in these political parties? If so, what position do you hold and what roles do play in decision making process in the committee?

4. Access to Basic Services a. School and education

• Is there primary school located in your community? If not how far it is? Where is it located and who are the residents in that location?

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• Do the children of your community go to school? How is the school environment for your children to get education? Comparatively, which groups (caste/ethnic) of children are more in the school?

• What is medium of teaching in this school? Is there any teacher in school who speak your language? What sort of behaviour the school teachers do with your children?

• Are your children receiving scholarship allocated for endangered and marginalized Adibasi Janajati? If so, what type scholarship is provided?

• Is there any programme that is working for motivation of your children to go to school? If so, what type of programme activities do they have?

b. Health and sanitation

• Do you have health post/sub-health post in the village where your community resides? If not, how far it is? Who are the residents (caste/ethnic) in the place where health post located?

• Where do prefer to go for treatment when you get sick? Whether it is Shamans or Doctors or Health post or Clinics? Why?

• Whether do you go to health post/sub-health post while getting sick? If not, why? Comparatively, which community mostly go to health post/sub-health post?

• How is the environment in health post for your community? Does your community member easily get treatment? Is there any staff from your community? How do the the health staff behave with your community member?

• Are there TBA and FCHV from your community in the village? c. Forest

• Do you have ancestral indigenous forest? If so, do you have ownership and control? • Do you have access to public forest (government, national park, wildlife conservation,

protect area, etc.)? • Do you have access to community forest? • Do you have access to collect Kandamul, slash and burns, hunting and gathering,

ritual performance, etc? d. Drinking water and irrigation

• Do you have access to clean drinking water? • Do you have access to government irrigation plant? • Do you have access to community irrigation plant? • Do you have access to traditional irrigation system?

e. Electricity and energy

• Do you have access to electricity, petroleum, solar energy, etc? f. Food security

• Do you have access to food provided by government?

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g. Income and employment • Do you have access to Government (unregistered, resettlement) and other's land? • Do you have access to Poverty Alleviation Fund programme? • Do you have access to saving and credit and income generation activities? • Do you have access to seed, fertilizer, and other agriculture inputs? • Do you have land owned?

• Do you have house? • How many months do you survive with your income/production?

h. Special programme

• Do you have access to MDGs, EFA and other targeted programmes related to education?

• Do you have access to local governance community development (LGCDP) programmes?

4. Village Development Committee

• Do you have knowledge and access to VDC fund allocated for endangered and highly marginalized AJs to promote and develop culture? Whether you have applied for such fund? If so, how this fund has been utilizing?

• Are you all receiving elderly allowance, endangered and marginalized allowance, delivery incentives, etc? If not why?

• How is the environment for the people from your community in VDC while they go for services? Are there any staff who could speak your language? How do they behave with you?

5. Non-government development activities

• Are there any NGOs/INGOs working in village for the development of your community, that are directly linked with your livelihood? If so, what type of activities do they do?

• Do they inform and get consent from your community prior to design and begin work?

• Are you or your community member participating in such activities? If so, what type of participation?

• Where is the head office of these NGOs/INGOs? Are there any staff from your community?

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II. Checklist for Key Informant Interview 1. In this VDC/district, do the EHM-AJs have access to basic services (such as education,

health, VDC funds and allowances, electricity, agriculture forest, irrigation, drinking water, LGCDP, PAF, EFA, etc.)? Is there any change in access between past and present?

If not, what are the main reasons behind?

2. In this VDC/district, do the EHM-AJs have access to indigenous traditional systems (such

as cultural perform in the forest and river, right to forest land and river, etc.)? Is there any change in access between past and present?

If not, what are the main reasons behind?

3. In this VDC/district, do the government or non-government organizations take Free Prior

Informed Consent (FPIC) from EHM-AJs for any development activities?

If so, when and how do they do? 4. Is there full and effective participation in the programmes and organizations that have

been working for EHM-AJs in this area? If so, in what position and how?

5. What is to be done in order to increase access of EHM-AJs to basic services? Who will be

the main stakeholders and what should they do? Government Service provider such as education, agriculture, forest, drinking, etc. Donor agencies NGOs NEFIN Others

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ANNEX II SUMMARY TABLE OF BASIC INDICATORS

Summary table with percentage distribution of response frequency according to scale scoring

and weighted mean by EHM-AJs

Adibasi Janajatis by category

Percentage of frequency based on score category Weighted

Mean Score

All/ Almost

(3) Some

(2) Few (1)

None (0) Total

Endangered AJs 1. Meche 57 23 13 7 100 2.3 2. Surel 53 23 17 7 100 2.2 3. Lapcha 43 33 10 13 100 2.1 4. Hayu 37 20 37 7 100 1.9 5. Kisan 37 17 30 17 100 1.7 6. Bankaria 33 23 7 37 100 1.5 7. Raji 20 13 33 33 100 1.2 8. Kushbadia 3 10 40 47 100 0.7 9. Kusunda 10 7 27 57 100 0.7 10. Raute 10 3 23 63 100 0.6 Highly Marginalized AJs 11. Thami 47 27 17 10 100 2.1 12. Bote 50 20 20 10 100 2.1 13. Majhi 47 20 20 13 100 2.0 14. Barams 37 23 20 20 100 1.8 15. Lhomi 23 43 13 20 100 1.7 16. Chepangs 37 20 20 23 100 1.7 17. Jhangad 23 33 20 23 100 1.6 18. Siyar 27 23 30 20 100 1.6 19. Munda 23 30 23 23 100 1.5 20. Dhanuk 17 37 30 17 100 1.5 21. Danuwar 37 17 10 37 100 1.5 22. Santhal 13 37 30 20 100 1.4 23. Khadias 30 10 33 27 100 1.4 24. Thudam 3 20 27 50 100 0.8

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ANNEX III LIST OF PARTICIPANTS IN FGD AND KII

1. Lapcha, Ilam Lapcha: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Bir Bahadur Lapcha Chair, Rong Sejung Thee 2 Sama Kot Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 3 Binu Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 4 Lakit Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 5 Yam Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 6 Man Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 7 Chhatra Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 8 Tsering Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 9 Muna Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 10 Kamal Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 11 Chet Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee 12 Bhim Kumari Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee

Lapcha: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Prem Bahadur Lapcha Ex-Chair, Rong Sejung Thee (Lapcha Organization) 2 Bir Bahadur Lapcha Chair, Rong Sejung Thee (Lapcha Organization)

2. Kisan, Jhapa Kisan: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Dagari Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 2 Pukli Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 3 Buni Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 4 Basanti Kisan Joint Secretary, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 5 Parbati Kisan Advisor, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 6 Jivan Kisan Secretary, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 7 Jogi Kisan Chair, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 8 Renuka Kisan Ex. Secretary, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 9 Muna Kisan Ex. Treasurer, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 10 Sangita Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan 11 Mohan Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan

Kisan: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Jogi Kishan Chair, Kisan Samudaya Bikas Ptratisthan 2 Jivan Kishan Student, Treasurer, Kisan Samudaya Bikas Ptratisthan 3 Renuka Kisan Student and staff, Kisan Samudaya Bikas Ptratisthan 4 Muna Kisan Student 12 grade

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3. Meche, Jhapa Meche: FGD Partipants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Bhuwan Lal Meche Secretary, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 2 Biren Meche Joint Secretary, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 3 Binod Meche Member, DCC, NEFIN, Jhapa 4 Kamala Meche Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 5 Sumitra Meche Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 6 Rosani Meche Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 7 Narendra Meche (A) Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 8 Narendra Meche (B) Vice-chair, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat 9 Sarma Lal Meche General people 10 Santosh Kumar Meche '' 11 Rupesh Meche '' 12 Kalpana Meche '' 13 Kul Bahadur Meche '' 14 Soma Meche Student

Meche: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Binod Meche Teacher and Member, Meche Sibiary Affat 2 Rupesh Meche Ex-Chair, Meche Sibiary Affat 3 Biren Meche Member 4 Rosani Meche Staff, NEFIN DCC 5 Amit Khambu Journalist, ANIJ

4. Hayu, Ramechhap Hayu: FGD and KII Participants

SN Name of Participants Position and Associated Organization 1 Ram Bahadur Hayu Member C.D.S.(Bhdrakali Group) 2 Gyan bahadur Hayu Member C.D.S.(Bhdrakali Group) 3 Nar Maya Hayu Chair C.D.S.(Mahakali Group) 4 Dil Kumari Hayu Secretary Hayu Ekata Samaj (DC) 6 Bisnu Maya Hayu Member Cipred vegetable Group 7 Ramesh Kumar Hayu Member (C.C.) Kirant Hayu Sangh 8 Bir Bahadur Hayu Member Prakash Samudayic Sastha 9 Chhatra Bahadur Hayu Secretary Prakash Samudayic Sastha 10 Indra Bahadur Hayu Member C.D.S.(Bhdrakali Group) 11 Dhan Maya Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group) 12 Kopila Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group) 13 Chiritra Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group) 14 Kabita Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group) 15 Januka Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group) 16 Shanti Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)

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5. Surel, Dolakha Surel: FGD and KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Shiva Surel Chair, Surel Utthan Samaj 2 Sabitri Surel Member, Community Forestry 3 Bharat Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj 4 Man Kumari Surel Member, Mother Group 5 Yam Kumari Surel Chair, Mother Group 6 Shiva Maya Surel Member, Mother Group 7 Pramila Surel Treasurer, Mother Group 8 Lal Bahadur Surel Member, Local Cooperative 9 Tirtha Bahadur Surel Secretary, Surel Utthan Samaj 10 Bhim Maya Surel Member, Local Cooperative 11 Anjana Surel Teacher 12 Laxmi Surel Member, Local Cooperative 13 Saraswoti Surel Chair, Drinking Water User Group 14 Dabal Bahadur Surel Farmer 15 Arjun Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj 16 Pashupati Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj 17 Ratna Maya Surel Member, Mother Group 18 Laxman Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj

6. Bankaria, Makwanpur Bankaria: FGD participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Santa Maya Bankaria Bankaria community people 2 Chyanti Bankaria '' 3 Bishnu Bankaria '' 4 Krishna Bankaria '' 5 Goma Bankaria '' 6 Dil Kanchha Bankaria '' 7 Kanchha Bankaria '' 8 Puja Bankaria '' 9 Bimala Bankaria '' 10 Thuli Maya Bankaria '' 11 Maya Bankaria '' 12 Kanchhi Maya Bankaria ''

Bankaria: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Pratap Bista Journalist 2 Bidur Pathak Joint Secretary of VDC (VDC not mentioned by researcher) 3 Badri karki vice-secretary, District Forest Officer, Hetauda 4 Bishnu Ram Praja Vice-chairperson, District Coordination Committee (DCC) 5 Him Sharma Poudel Vice secretary-District Education Committee, Makawanpur 6 Dhruba Sunuwar Headmaster, Sri Chepang Primary School, Makawanpur 7 Santa Maya Bankariya Chairperson , Bankariya Women Group 8 Padam Gurung Vice-Chaiperson, NEFIN DCC Makawanpur

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7. Kushbadia, Rupandehi Kushbadia: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Mukti P. Kushbadia DCC member, Kushbadia Utthan Sangh 2 Nirmal Kushbadia Member 3 Gita Kushbadia '' 4 Mauji Lal Kushbadia '' 5 Rita Kushbadia '' 6 Hari Chandra Kushbadia '' 7 Koili K Kushbadia '' 8 Tribeni Kushbadia '' 9 Rambha Kushbadia '' 10 Usha Kushbadia '' 11 Abhadh Kushbadia ''

Kushbadia: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Mukti P. Kushbadia Teacher and DCC member, Kushbadia Utthan Sangh 2 Hom Bahadur Darlami Chair, NEFIN DCC, Rupandehi 3 Tara Bahadur Karki LDO, Rupandehi 4 Rakesh Srivastab DEO, Rupandehi 5 Lunja Lal Shakya Accountant, District Health Office 6 Prasu Ram Gupta Head Teacher, Patthkhauli Lower Secondary School 7 Dilip Hamal Teacher, , Patthkhauli Lower Secondary School

8. Kusunda, Dang Kusunda: FGD and KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Judda Bdr. Thakuri Secretary, Kusunda Sewa Samaj 2 Dhan Bdr. Kusunda Chairperson, Kusunda Sewa Samaj 3 Prem Bdr. Kusunda Member 4 Gopal Kusunda Member 5 Sunita Kusunda Mamber 6 Dewa Koshi Kusunda Member

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9. Raji, Kailali Raji: FGD and KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Nirmala Raji Raji Salmo Samaj 2 Ganga Raji Volunteer of health post 3 Bhim Bdr. Raji President of Community forest 4 Ram Kisan Raji Member 5 Rupi Raji Student 6 Juna Raji Member 7 GomatiRaji Member 8 Sukhi Raji Member 9 Nar Bdr. Raji Central Member 10 Kansu Ram Raji Member 11 Dhaniram Raji Head master of Primary School 12 Lauti Raji Volunteer of health post 13 Jokha Raji Member 14 Lila Devi Raji Member 15 Bisna Devi Raji Member 16 Jokha Raji Member 17 Laltu Raji Member 18 Bhim Bdr. Raji President of School Committee 19 Belli Devi Raji Member 20 Petari Devi Raji Member 21 Bindu Devi Raji Volunteer of health post 22 Khateri Devi Raji Member 23 Jani Devi Raji Member 24 Bam Bdr. Raji Chaukidar (Guard) 25 Chedu Raji President of Sonpal community forest

10. Raute, Kanchanpur Raute: FGD and KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Kar Bir Raute Member, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh 2 Durga Devi Raute '' 3 Lal Bdr. Raute Member of DCC NEFIN 4 Mohan Raute Student 5 Padam Raute Member, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh 6 Kiri Devi Raute Member, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh 7 Jaya Lal Raute '' 8 Bir Bal Raute '' 9 Amber Raute '' 10 Basant Kumar Gurung Chair, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh

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11. Khadia, Jhapa Khadia: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Shanti Khadia Chair, Khadia Utthan Samuha 2 Ayush Khadia Student 3 Bikram Khadia Labour 4 Dhanu Khadia Student 5 Phul Kumari Khadia 6 Pinkal Khadia Labour 7 Mariam Khadia Student 8 Rupa Khadia Student 9 Sunita Khadia Student 10 Salina Khadia Labour 11 Thumri Khadia Labour 12 Renuka Khadia Student 13 Hira Khadia Labour 14 Sushma Khadia Labour 15 Basanti Khadia Labour 16 Purni Khadia Labour 17 Dasharath Khadia Teacher 18 Rajesh Khadie Office staff

Khadia: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Rajesh Khadiya Staff and member, Khadia Utthan Samuha 2 Dasarath Khadiya Teacher and member, all party mechanism

12. Santhal, Morang Santhal: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Bhaiyaram Baske Santhal Indigenous Uplift Association Nepal (SIUAN) 2 Bishnu Murmu SIUAN 3 Bhagawanlal Beshra SIUAN-activist 4 Manoj Baske SIUAN 5 Shyamlal Baske SIUAN 6 Jugal Murmu Youth Club 7 Surya Narayan Hasda SIUAN-ex secretary 8 Dev Narayan Chaudhari DCC NEFIN, Morang

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Santhal: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organzation 1 Bir Bahadur Lama Nepal Tamang Ghedung, Biratnagar 2 Krishna Bahadur Moktan NEFIN, DCC 3 Dhak Bahadur Magar Lecturer, Morang Campus 4 Vaiya Ram Baske Vice chairperson, Nepal Santhal Utthan Sangh 5 Surya Narayan Hasda General Secretary, Nepal Santhal Utthan Sangh 6 Bishnu Murmu Local Leader, Nepali Congress 7 Dil Bahadur Thebe, Vice Chairman, NEFIN DCC, Morang

13. Jhangad, Sunsari Jhangad: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Sugawati Devi Urawn Member, Nepal Jhangad (Urawn) Kodrem Sudhara 2 Baso Devi Urawn '' 3 Mina Devi Mudiyari '' 4 Ram Kisun Urawn '' 5 Amar Lal Urawn '' 6 Dilip Chaudhari '' 7 Domi Urawn '' 8 Raj Kumar Urawn '' 9 Manish Lal Urawn '' 10 Se Kumar Mudiyari '' 11 Chit Narayan Mudiyari '' 12 Bina Devi Urawn '' 13 Sushila Devi Mudiyari '' 14 Ramesh Kumar Urawn ''

Jhangad: KII participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Raj Kumar Urawn Student +2 2 Amar Lal Urawn Teacher, Boarding School 3 Ramesh Kumar Urawn Student +2 4 Sujendra Tamang NEFIN DCC, Sunsari 5 Prem Kumar Osti District Education Officer

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14. Munda, Morang Munda: FGD and KII participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Lamlesh Mudiyari 2 Kalashu Mudiyari 3 Udaya Kumar Mudiyari 4 Uttam Kumar Mudiyari 5 Kamlesh Mudiyari 6 Parameshwor Mudiyari 7 Krishna Mudiyari 8 Dev Kumar Mudiyari 9 Manoj Kumar Mudiyari 10 Sunita Kumari Mudiyari 11 Keshav Mudiyari 12 Nilu Mudiyari 13 Jina Mudiyari 14 Dhuniya Mudiyari 15 Parwani Mudiyari 16 Pawani Mudiyari 17 Asha Mudiyari 18 Sangeeta Mudiyari 19 Ravindra Mudiyari 20 Anjana Mudiyari 21 Suryawati Mudiyari 22 Surjiwati Mudiyari 23 Lutani Devi Mudiyari

15. Thudam, Sankhuwasava Thudam: FGD and KII Participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Pashang Dorje Sherpa Chair, Thudam Sewa Samaj 2 Thakche Sherpa Secretary, Thudam Sewa Samaj 3 Dawa Bhuti Sherpa Member 4 Tasi Sherpa '' 5 Urgen Sherpa '' 6 Lakpa Sherpa '' 7 Angmu Sherpa ''

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16. Lhomi, Sankhuwasava Lhomi: FGD Participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Kamal Lama Primary School Teacher 2 Tshering Bhote - 3 Rapchung Bhote College Student 4 Tshering Lama - 5 Sichung Bhote (A) College Student 6 Sichung Bhote (B) School Student 7 Jyamu Bhote - 8 Rinjin Bhote - 9 Pimba Nurpu Bhote - 10 Ghangri Bhote - 11 Ikka Bhote Student

Lhomi: KII Participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Tshering Bhote Vice chairperson, Shingsa Kalyan Kendra 2 Wangdabi Bhote Chairperson, Shingsa Kalyan Kendra central committee 3 Kingson Lama Headmaster, Arunodaya Secondary School, Chepuwa 4 Ongmu Lama Treasurer, NEFIN, DCC, Sankhuwasabha 5 Krishna Tamang Chairperson, NEFIN, DCC, Sankhuwasabha

17. Dhanuk, Saptari Dhanuk: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Bulaki Dhanuk Nepal Gangai Welfare Council 2 Rameshwor Dhanuk '' 3 Suphal Dhanuk '' 4 Badri Dhanuk '' 5 Balu Dhanuk '' 6 Mahabir Dhanuk '' 7 Jitan Dhanuk '' 8 Jageshwor Dhanuk '' 9 Suresh Mandal '' 10 Dipesh Mandal '' 11 Ajaya Mandal '' 12 Prakash Mandal '' 13 Kedar Dhanuk '' 14 Ganga Ram Dhanuk '' 15 Raj Kumar Mandal '' 16 Binesh Mandal '' 17 Pramod Mandal ''

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Dhanuk: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Karan Dhanuk Chairperson of Ricksha association 2 Mahabir Dhanuk Community forest committee-Chairperson 3 Dolti Dhanuk Mahila group 4 Mahsdaiya Dhanuk Social Mobilizer/Volunteer 5 Surya Narayan Dhanuk Govt. Service 6 Kumar Man Shrestha Social worker 7 Brija Man Tamang Social worker 8 Madhusudan Prasad Gupta Social worker

18. Danuwar, Sindhuli Danuwar: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Ramawatar Danuwar Danuwar Sewa Samaj 2 Dev Prasad Danuwar 3 Rina Danuwar 4 Sabina Danuwar 5 Pabina Danuwar 6 Jaganwati Danuwar 7 Rabina Danuwar 8 Ilji Danuwar 9 Basuram Danuwar 10 Khusi Lal Danuwar 11 Melina Danuwar 12 Surendra Danuwar 13 Dhanamanti Danuwar 14 Bilashi Danuwar 15 Sabin Danuwar 16 Mahesh Danuwar 17 Umesh Danuwar 18 Nirajan Danuwar 19 Bimala Danuwar 20 Sristika Danuwar 21 Om Danuwar

Danuwar: KII Participants SN Name Positin and Organization 1 Bashudev Gyawali 2 Devendra Parajuli 3 Kul Chandra Bista 4 Dev Prasad Adhikari

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19. Majhi, Ramechhap Majhi: FGD Participants

SN Name of Participants Position and Associated Organization 1 Harka Bahadur Majhi Chair Indra Samajic Garibi Niwaran Kosh 2 Devi Majhi social mobilizer AJ Mahila Samuha 3 Sarita Majhi Member Swablambi saving Group 4 Sidhi Maya Majhi Member Naya Nepal saving Group 6 Lila Majhi Member Indrawati saving Group 7 Kumari Majhi Member Indrawati saving Group 8 Chandra Maya Majhi Member Swablambi saving group 9 Lal Bahadur Majhi Member Swablambi saving group 10 Shree Bahadur Majhi Secretary A.J. Akai Samittee 11 Santa maya Majhi Member Majhi Utthan Sangh 12 Akkal Bahadur Majhi Teacher Durga Devi Primary school 13 Man bahadur Majhi Member Nepal AJ Samanya Parisad 14 Pabitra Majhi Member Nepal AJ Samanya Parisad

20. Thami, Sindhupalchok Thami: FGD and KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Ram Bahadur Thami Nepal Thami Samaj 2 Sudan Thami '' 3 Man bahadur Thami '' 4 Laxman Thami '' 5 Krishna bahadur Thami '' 6 Jagat Bahadur Thami '' 7 Chandra Maya Thami '' 8 Raju Thami '' 9 Kailash Thami '' 10 Chandra Bahadur Thami '' 11 Shyam Kumar Thami '' 12 Bhakta Thami '' 13 Man Kumar Thami '' 14 Baburam Thami '' 15 Dipak Thami '' 16 Gyanu Maya Thami ''

21. Chepang, Dhading Chepang: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Kabi Raj Chepang Nepal Chepang Association 2 Amar Chepang '' 3 Gam Bahadur Chepang '' 4 Ramesh Chepang '' 5 Bindu Chepang '' 6 Kanchhi Chepang ''

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7 Beli Maya Chepang '' 8 Samjhana Chepang '' 9 Bijaya Chepang ''

Chepang: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Tilak Chepang Secretary NEFIN DCC, Dhading 2 Jitendra Chepang Chairperson, Nepal Chepang Association 3 Krishna Bahadur Chepang Nepal Chepang Association 4 Santa Man Chepang Nepal Chepang Association 5 Amar Chepang Nepal Chepang Association

22. Baram, Gorkha Baram: FGD Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Yam Bahadur Baram Community People 2 Min Bahadur Baram ,, 3 Gam Maya Baram ,, 4 Tek Man Baram ,, 5 Krishna Bahadur Baram ,, 6 Prem Kumar Baram ,, 7 Bhadra Kumari Baram Teacher, School 8 Saraswoti Baram Community people 9 Beli Baram ,, 10 Chandra Maya Baram ,, 11 Bhakta Maya Baram ,, 12 Chameli Baram ,, 13 Hasta Bahadur Baram ,, 14 Buddhi Bahadur Baram ,, 15 Shanti Baram ,, 16 Khadka Maya Baram ,, 17 Subhadra Baram ,,

Baram: KII Participants SN Name Position and Organization 1 Ms. Bhadra Kumari Baram School teacher 2 Mr. Ek Bahadur Gurung DCC Chair 3 Mr. Ashok Rana Magar 4 Mr. …. Pandey Local Development Officer

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23. Siyar, Gorkha Siyar: FGD and KII Participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Chundi Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 2 Tanzin Gyalzen Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 3 Gyanjen Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 4 Namgyal Ngodup Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 5 Tanzin Chhodak Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 6 Rinzin Norbu Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 7 Tsering Phuntsok Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 8 Nurbu Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 9 Lopsang Tsering Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 10 Tsering Phinzo Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra 11 Nima Lama Chair, Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra

24. Bote, Chitawan Bote: FGD Participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Mitra Lal Bote Chair, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 2 Raj Kumar Bote Secretary, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 3 Bina Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 4 Shanti Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 5 Samilal Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 6 Suk Bahadur Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 7 Suk Ram Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 8 Sam Rao Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 9 Sanka Bahadur Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa 10 Basudev Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa

Bote: KII Participants

SN Name Position and Organization 1 Padam Bahadur Gurung DCC, Chair 2 Ram Bahadur Gurung District Coordinator 3 Mahendra Dura Chair (student federation) 4 Sawame Bote Member (DDC) 5 Raj Kumar Bote General Secretary (Bote Samaj)