201
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ( 1869-1948) entered the
Indian political scene as a prominent figure only in 19161
but by 1919 he emerged as the most important national
leader. His writings and speeches of this period and ot the
subsequent years cover many subjects such as non-cooperation,
training tor self-government, modem civilization, concept
ot Swadesbi, non-violence as a dogma, policy and principle,
passive resistance and soul-force, Hindu-Muslim unity,
economics of cottage industries and benefits ot an 1nd1~enous
system ot education. His views on all these Sllb~ ects were
a part ot his total philosopey \1hicb was often referred to as
Gandh1sm. In this study we are concerned only with h1s
political philosophy and that too ot the period pr1or to 1922.
In politics, as 1n regard to other matters, he was making
expertments. B.v making a study of the political activities
prior to 1922 we get only a glimpse of his political philosophy
Which evolved later. ~t in the histor.y of ~ India's
struggle tor freedom the non-cooperat!on movement Which the
Indian national Congress launched under Gandhi 1 s leadership
during 1920-21 was a landmark and in the period which we are
covering in th1 s study, i.e., 1905-1921, 1 t came as a climax
to all other earlier political movements.
Gandhi'§ emareens;e AS the Nat1opa1 Lgader
Gandhi was not associated with the political movements
of India before 1918. After a long period ot residence 1D the
Union or South Atr1ca he returned to India in 1915. 1ft ·that
countr.y he experimented with §atyagrftba - literally meaning
the pursuit of truth - in connection with the passive
resistance which he organized against racial discrimination
practised against the 'non-ltbites.' (1) The reports of his
campaigns 1n South Africa reacbecl lndia and earned him a high
reputation among his countrymen for courage and selfless work.
lr:mlediately after his return to this country Gandhi did not
enter active politics, but tried to make a study of the Indian
political situation.
In 1915 there was a lull in the political life ot the
country. As the partition of Bengal was annulled, there was
no tension concerning it. T.be struggle between the Moderates
and the Extremists for the leadership ot the national movement
bad weakened the Congress from Which the Extremists had gone
out. Neither the Moderates nor the Extremists were in a
position to assert themselves as national leaders. Another
political party, which was gradually emerging as a torce, was
the MUslim League which strengthened the separatist trends
among the Indian Muslims.
(1) An eXhaustive account of the work of Gandhi in the Union of South Africa is given by H. s. L. Polak 1n M. K. Oaruibi..t-.§p,eegbas apd WJ:itinga (Madras, 1.917).
The task or a national leader under such circumstances
was to initiate a movement Which could be national in its
real sense and the philosophy of which could assimilate the
fundamental tenets of the various political ~roups inside
the country, thereby making 1t acceptable to a considerable
section of the people. For the success of' such a movement it
vas necessary that it should be designed - consciously or
unconscioas~ - to sat1st,r diverse groups with confl1ct1ng
ldeas and even clashing interests. Gandhi achieved success
to a remarkable extent 1n performtng this Herculean task.
We see in his 't:1rit1ngs and speeches the llbaralism and the
economic content of the philosophy of the Moderates, the
political radicalism and religious outlook which characterized
the Extremists and a readiness to accept the orthodox Muslim's
interpretation of' the events concerning Turkey and Arabia.
One can also see the traces of the influence of the Home
~e League movements led by Annie Besant 1n the political
agitation led by Gandhi dt~r1ng 1919-1920. (2) While, on the
one hand, Gandhi was trying to combine the various strands or
(2) Mrs. Besant t~as interned under the Def'ence ot India Bu1es 1n June 1917 and her arrest created widespread resentment against the Government 1n the COWltey.
thought Which innuenced the people b·~fore he appeared on the .,& ('a. '\'\.C.
Indian political rio14, on the other, he was opening a new
chapter in molern India's political history When he led and
organized the non-cooperation movement of 1920-11. As the
tirst campaign or mass civil disobedience against the alien
Government on a national scale, it set in motion new political .Pu.\'1 cl,\ ~~ees in the country.
Before Gandhi launched the non-cooperation movement
he had added to his rich experience or con· tucting such a
movement 1n South 4 friea by associating himself with the
agitations in Chagarav. (3) and (-.at,ra. (4) They were local
straggles concerned with local issues. rbe movement or 19~0-~1 vas concerned With issues of national importance and as such
it raised some fUndamental issues.
JmmeciiatQ s111seg tor the Non..Coope£At1on Mgyement
As we noted earlier, in one sense the non-cooperation
movement was the climax ot earlier movements. ~ere were also
some immediate caases tor it being launched in 1919 and for
the Shape it took at tbat time. Most prominent among them were
the Rowlatt Act, the J a11anwala Bagh trag ad¥ and the Khilafat
(3) For details ot the Champaran movement refer to D. G. Tendul.ker, Maha1;ma (Ahmedabad, '1951.) I, 242-61.
(4) The story of the movement 1n Ka1ra - a district in Ouj erat - has been described by Gandhi hlmsel.t in a speech de~i vered in Bombay in 1918. Gandhi, n. 1, 279-81.
agitation. As a reSlllt of these developments and the impact ot
the war and of other 1ntemat1onal developments the political
situation in the country was ripe for starting a campaign
against the alien government.
During the world war of 1914-19181 the politically
conscious section of the people of the country gave unconditional
support to the war efforts of the Government and hoped that,
after the war, the people ot India would move towards self
government rapidly. As one of Gandhi's followers, who later
became a prominent political leader, noteda
The war aims Which vere declared to be nothin~t less than making the world sate for democracy t the protectiOB or weak nat1onal1t1es, and the contermEDt of the boon ot self-determination on all peoples naturally roused great hopes in the minds ot the people of India Who began to see in the worlddevastating lfar a chance or their deliverance from the humiliating position or a sub3ect people and a hope or the elevation of their country to the status or an equal partner in the BritiSh Commonwealth. (5)
~t after the war those Who hoped that ln41a would move rapidlY
towards self-government were disappointed. Many events such
as the arrest of some of their leaders gave a rude shock to
them. ~hey were further ag1 tated by the report of the
Committee, headed by S1r Sydney Rovlatt, which investigated
the revolutionary movements 1n the eountry and suggested how
the Government should meet it.
(6) Rajendra Prasad in M. K. Gandhi, Xgung India 1919-22 (Madras, 1922) xxv~xxv1. -
Tbe Report Which was published on 19 July 1918
recommended the continuation or all the provisions or the
Defence or India Act Which, in practice, meant the denial of
eivll rights and liberties to the people. The Defence of
India Act was not very much resented durin~ the ~ar because
1 t was a temporary measure intended to rieal vith an
extraordinary situation. The Bills, based on the Report or the Rovlatt, vere meant to make a permanent chan~e in the
criminal law ot the lando These Bills were brought forward
before the Imperial Legislature on 6 February 1919o Gandhi
not only condemned the Bills in an outright manner, but also
wa~ed tbe British Gover.nment that the nation as such vas not
going to abide b.1 any act Which would deny civil rights.
He stated•
When the Rowlatt B11ls were published, I felt that the, were so restrictive of human liberty that they must be resisted to the utmost. 1 observed too that the opposition to them vas universal among Indlans. 1 submit that no State, ho-..11aver despotic, bas the right to enact laws tfbicb are repugnant to the Whole body or the people, mcb less a government guided by constitutional usage and precedent suctl as the Indian Government. (6)
Notw1tbstandtng the public agitation and the oppositicn rrom
the non-official members or the Legislature, the Bills were
enacted With the ~pport Of the Official majority Commenting
on the Government• s decision' Gandhi said:
(6) -Gandhi 1 no 5, l3e
It ~ occasional resistance be a lighted m$tch, the Rowlatt Legislation and the perslstanee ln retaining lt on the statute book 1 s a thous.QDd matches scattered throughout India. The only way to avoid civic resistance alto~ethar 1s tc w1 thdraw that legi slatlon. ( 7) --
o'"ll ( FJ ~ ' f
Gandhi • s cr1 t1c1 sm or th1 s arbitrary measure was 1n U~e vi th '
the liberal thinking of the Moderates, but his progr~~e ot
protesting against lt was tar from being liberal.
lmplementat ion of Gandb1 1 s programme t o protest against
the Rowlatt Act led to another important development - the
Jall1anwala Bagh tragedy - Which was another reason tor
launching the non-cooperation movement 1n 1919. On ?~ March
1919 GandhJ. appealed to the people to observe 6 April as an
all-India Hartalt to demonstrate resentment ot the people
against the Rowlatt Act. The Harta1 was very successf'tll.
Later many meetings were hold in different parta of the countr,v
and 1n the Pun3ab a few minor riots also took place. The
Government or the PuJ1.1ab, Which was headed by Sir Michael
O'Dwyer took strang action against the po~~lar leaders Who
. organized ·protest meetings 1n that province. Gandbl was served
with an order not to enter the Punjab. t-lhen be ref'tlse4 to
comply with it he was arrested. Dr. K1tchlew and Satyapal,
two popular leaders or the province, were later arrested.
The,e were also tiring at the demonstrators. There was high
tension in the Punjab and on 13 April 1919 1t reached a climax.
(7) D. a. Tendulker, n. 3, 320.
2(..f,
On that day a meeting was held 1n the J all1anwala Bagh 1n
Amr1tsar. ~e following account gives the story of What vas
referred to as the Amr1tsar Massacre and the Jalllanwala Bagh
tragecJJa
On the 13th a meeting was advertised to be held at a vacant space tmown as Jallianwalla Bagh. General D~er prohibited any gathering of men on pain of death and bearing that a meeting was going to be held at Jallianvalla proceeded to the spot vith his troops and machine guns. The place was fUll of' men, women and children as 1 t vas an important Hindu festival day. Within 30 seconds ot his arrival be opened tire which continued tor 10 minutes directing it where the orov4 was thickest. The tire continued t!ll &mU!Wlition was exhausted. Some 5 to 6 hundred people were k1Ued outright and three times tbe number wounded. The place be1Dg surrounded on all sides by hl~h walls no one could escape. There was no warning given before f'1r1ng and no care taken of the dead anci wounded after 1t. Sllbsequentl.7, Martial law was declared in Amr1tsar, Lahore, Gujrat and IAyalpur d1str1cta and 11fhat maY be tltll described as a reign of terror followed. (B)
No other single incident ln the blstory ot modern In41a caused
as much d1osat1staot1on against the Government as the Jalllanwal.a
Bagh tragedy. Even the Government vas compelled to yield to
the public demand to enquire into the justness and propriet~
of the pollee firing and a committee under the cbalrmanahlp
ot Sir Hunter vas appointed for the purpose. BUt before the
Committee began its proceedings, the Government passed an
Indemnity Act tor the protection of lts officers. The Hunter
Comm1ttee was divided ln its findin~s and its report failed
to satisfy Indian public opinion. All these developments
(8) Rajendra Prasad, n. 5 1 XXXi-XXXS.i.
related to the Amr1tsar firing added a stimulus to the non
cooperation movement when it was ~aunched later.
We have dealt with many aspects of the Khilatat
question 1n the last chapter. ~he Khilatat agitation was
another source of strength to the non-cooperation movement.
The terms ot the peace treaty With reference to the Khilafat
were interpreted by many Indian MUslim leaders as a betrayal
of the promise given bJ the British to them. The news ot the
Peace Treaty reached India on the same day 'When the Hunter
Committee's Report was published. Both intensified the
Widespread discontent against the British Government.
In a letter to the lficeroy, Gandhi referred to the . Kh1lafat and the Punjab question (the Amr1tsar firing) and
explained 1n the following manner how they have changed his
a ttl tude towards the Government~
Events that have happened during the past month have confirmed me in the opinion that the Imperial Government have acted in the Khllafat matter 1n an unscruplous, immoral and unjust manner and have been moving from wrong to wrong ~order to defend their immorality. I can retain neither respect, nor attect1on tor such Government.
The attitude of the Imperial and Your Excellency's Government on the ~jab question has given me additional cause t'r grave dissatistaction •••• Your Excellency • s light-hearted treatmeDt of the official crtme, your exoneration of Sir Michael o•Dw,erl Mr. Montagu' s dispatch and, above aU the shame~ ignorance of the Puniab events and callous disregard or the feelings of ndians betrayed by the House of Lords, have filled me with the gravest mlsgiv1Dgs regarding the future of the &lp1re,
have estranged me completely from the present Govemment and have disabled me from tendering, as 1 have hitherto tendered, ow loya1 cooperation. (9)
The Non..CpPPerat;:tgp Movernent apd t,t;a Programme
The stage was thus set f'or inaugurating a new political
campdgn 1n India. Althou~ the events noted above Etave
immediate stimulus to the non-cooperation movement, there
was no doubt that the movement itself was not only a protest
against the Rowlatt Act, the Khilaf"at and the Amritsar firing,
but an expression of the lack of faith 1n the 3ustness of the
British rule and of the consequent ,temand for SwaraJ by Indians.
In his letter to the iflceroy, Which was referred to
earlier, Gandhi made his intention of starting the non
cooperation movement clear. Be said a
In my humble opinion the ordinary method of agitating by way ot petitions, dev..ttations and tbe like is no remedy for moving to repentance a Government so_hopelassly indifferent to the velf'are or its charge as the Government of India has proved to be. • • • l~ve1 therefore, ventured to suggest the rem or Non-Cooperation Which enables those who w1 , to d1 ssoclate themselves from the Government and Which, lf lt is unattended by Violence and undertaken 1n an ordered manner, must compel it to retrace lts steps and· undo the wrongs committed. ( 10)
In tbe last chapter we have referred to the Kbilatat
agitation. The Khilafat Committee, which was eoncemed with
1 t, accepted Gandh1 1 s Non-Cooperat1 on pro~ramme on 28 l-fa,y 1920.
(9) Gandtd, n. s, 219-20.
(10) Ibid.
on 30 June there was a joint Hindu-Muslim Conference at
Allahabad and it lecide<l to resort to Non-Cooperation after
giving a month's notice to th~ Viceroy. The 31st of' August
was observed as the KhUafat day. Maulana Shaukat Ali and
Mo K. Gandhi toured different parts of the count~· and tried
to gather support tor a programme of non-cooperation. When a
special session of the Indian National Congress met in Calcutta
in September 1920 and adopted a resolution ravouring non
cooperation, the movement gathered momentum and strength. 'i'be
annual session of the Congress Which vas held at Nagpur 1n
the same year re.aff1rmed the resolution of non-violent non
cooperation passed at the Calcutta session. T.be pro~ramme ot
the non-cooperation movement revealed that its ultimate aim was
the removal or the British rule in India and such specific
slogans as the repeal. or the Rowl.att Act and the redress or the
Pun3ab grievances were meant to attouse the consciousness ot
tho massos and gather support from them.
This was evident from the fact that the Indian National
Congress in its resolution accepted by the session held in
Calcutta in September 1920 declared• " ••• the only effectual
means to vindicate national honour and to prevent a repetition
ot similar wrongs 1n the future is the establishment of
Swarajya." ( 11) The Congress a1so maintained that there was
"no course left tor the people of India but to approve of and
( 11) l'he Iodiap t!atignAl, Cooeraaa ],g00-23 (Allahabad, 1924) ?.
212
adopt the policy of progressive, non-violent Non-co-operation
inaugurated by Mr. Gandhi until the said wrongs are righted
and Swara3ya 1s established." (12)
The next session of the Congress held 1n Nagpur in
1920 congratulated the nation upon the progr·.:ss made until then
1n working the programme ot non-cooperation. It also declared
that the entire or any part ot the scheme of non-violent non
cooperation, With the renunciation of the voluntary association
with the present Government at ono end and the refUsal to pay
taxes on the other, should be put 1n f'orce at a time to be
determined by either the Indian National Congress or the All
India Congress Committee. To prepare the countr,r for successful
non-cooperation with the British Gover.nment the Congress
suggested tak1Dg effective steps in that behalf by the boycott
of the schools controlled by the Government and by the boycott
of' law courts b7 the lawyers and the litigants. In order to
make India economically independent and selt-conta1Ded, the
Congress cal1ed upon the merchants and traders to carry out
a gradual boycott of foreign trade relations and to encourage
handspinn1ng and han4weav1Dg. (13)
Paggtve Reat§tapga Aftd Satyagrabi
~ch a programme envisaging non-cooperation with the
authorities in many fields was an inno7ation in the Indian
(12) !W·
(13) l.b.W· t 29.
national movement. Gandh1, as the leader Who inaugurated it,
oftan explained lts philosophical basis. ln a statement read
out at the Court during his trial, Gandhi saida
1 hold it to be a virtue to be disaffected towards a Government Which ln 1ts totality has done more harm to India than any previous system. India is less manly under the British rule than she ever was before. Holding ~ch a belief, I consider 1t to be a sin to ha~e affection tor the system. • • • In mJ humble opinion, Non-co-operation with evil ls as much a duty as is co-operation VS.tb good. (14)
Gandhi acknowledged his indebtedness to many great
teachers and books as far as the evolution of the idea ot
non-cooperation with, and resistance to, evil is concerned.
He was inspired by the philosophy of passive resistance
evolved by others. To quote Gandhi himselta
It was the new Testament Vhlch really awakened me to the rightness and value ot Passive Resistance. • • • The §1\afffid G&fil deepened the impression and !olstol s 'The K1Dgdom of God ls Within You• gave it permanent form. ( 15)
According to one of Gandhi's biographers,
Ruskin and ThQreau bavt\.,botb had some share 1n forming his L Gandhl'sJ opinions, Ruskin's •crown of ~11"14 Olive' 'being an especia1 favourite. Last, bat not least, the Passive Resistance Movement in England with regard to education has proved an ob3ect lesson, not on~ to hlm but to his people, of singular force and interest. (16)
(14) Gandhi, n. s, 1063.
(1.5) Joseph J. Doke, ltl• K. QMdbi - An lnd!,an Patriot; !g.,.S.gutb Afz,lga (Madras, 1.909) as.
(16) Ibif!•
Gandhi' s contribution 1n this field was that he tried
to make the method of passive civil resistance work ~~e ~ ~
national scale.
His programme ot action al.so went beyond the traditional
passive resistance. Once he sa1ds
The English expression 'Passive Resistance' hardly denotes the force about Which 1 propose to wr1teo Bttt satxaurMth i.e., truth-force, correctly conve)'s the meaning. Truth-force is soul-force and 1s the opposite or the force or arms. (17)
Ab~t its applicability he sa1da
It 1 s a force that may be used by individuals as well as by communities. It may be used as wen in political as in domestic af'talrs. Its universal applicability is a demonstration ot its permanence and invincibility. (18)
ln the words ot Gandhi,
Passive resistance has been conceived and 1s regarded as the weapon -ot the weak. Whilst it avoids violence, being not open to tbe weakl it does not exclude its use it, in the op1n on of the passive resister, the occasion demands 1t. (19)
Not so Saty.1g:aha. It vas not the 1.1eapon or the weak but
ot those Vho were more fearless and courageou-s than the
soldiers ln the battle field. Explaining this view Oandhl
saS.ds
( 17) Mahatma Gandhi, SJaeeghes yd 1tld, ttoga (Madras, 1929) 192.
(18) !!Wi•t 187.
( 19) Gandhi, n. s, 222.
Non-violence in its dynamic condition means conscious Sllfrering• It does not mean meek submission to the will of the evil-doer! but it means the putting of one's Whole sou against the ld.ll of the tyrant. Working under this law of our being, it is possible tor a single individual to aety the Whole might ot an un3ust empire to save his honour, b1s rel1g1onl his soul and lay the foundation for that emp re's f'all or its regeneration. (20)
Non-y1g1ense as a Porma1 Pplisx and Principle
2 l e'' 1._ ~.
To What extent was non-violence an essential feature
of the programme of' the non-cooperation movement? It is
doubtful that many ot Gandhi' s followers and the Indian
National Congress tully subscribed to Gandhi's ideas ill
regard to this matter. On the one hand the resolution ot
the Congress on Non-cooperation stateda
This Congress desires to lay emphasis on Bon-violence being the integral part of the non-co-operation resolution and invites the attention of the people to the fact that Iton-violence in word and deed is as essential between people themselves, as 1n respect of the Government. ( 21)
On the other hand it did not give an ethical reason for
taking this stand but only maintained that nthe spirit ot
v1 olence 1 s not only contrary to the growth ot a true
spirit of democracy, but actually retards the enforcement
(1f necessary) of the other stages ot non-cooperatian.n (22)
(20) Gandhi, n. s, 262.
(21) lndiap Nati0na1 Cgngresg, n. 11, 31.
(22) Jbld.
21 (;
Manlana Muhammad All, who lias a colleague or Gandhi,
eXplaining hls v1ev on the question or the role of non
vto·l~nee in politics said in 1923a
Warfare, according to the Quran, is an evill••• but persecution is a worse evil and may be put down with the weapons of war. ~en persecution ceases, and every man ls free to act with the sole motive of securing divine goodwill, warfare must cease. These are the limits ot Violence 1n Islam, as I understand it, and I cannot go beyond these limits without 1nfr1ng1ng the Law of God. ~t I have agreed to work with Mahatma Gandhi and our compact 1s that as long as I am associated With him I shall not resort to the use of force even tor purposes ot self-defence. And I have w1111ng~ entered into this compact because l think we can achieve victor.y without violence; that the use of violence for a nation of three hundred and twenty millions or people should be a matter ot reproach to 1t. (23)
Many other followers ot Gandhi - both Hindus and
MUslims- shared MUhammad All's view that violence was
justified under same circumstances, but there were some
advantages 1n accept1ng non-violence as a tactics.
Gandhi was not entirely unaware of' this f'act even 1n
1920. He wrotea
I want lnd1a to recognise that she has a soul that cannot perish and that can rise triumphant above every physical weakness and def'y the physical combination of' a Whole vorld. • • ~ However, being a practical man, I do not wait till India recognizes the practlcab1Uty or the spiritual lite 1n the polltica1 world. 1nd1a considers herself' to be powerless and paralysed before the machine-guns the tanks and the aeroplanes ot the EngUsb. Anl she takes up Non-cooperation out other
(23) Atzal Iqbal, comp.h and ed., ,§elegt wpt1ngq And Speeqhes gt ,Mauleps Mgbamma4 ,1 (Labore, 1944) 279.
21.7
weakness. It must still serve the same purpose, namel.l', bring her delivery from the crushlllg weight ot Br~t1sh injustice, 1t a sufficient number or people practise 1~. (24)
A large number of people practised it. BUt a tev
resorted to violence a1so. l'here were scattered incidents
or violence throughout the non-cooperation movamont. Bnt
When 1t led to a death or some policemen at Chanri Chaura
1n February 1922, Gandhi suspended the movement. He gave
the following reasons&
The tragec%' of Cbaur1 Chaura 1 s really the index finger. It shows the way India may easily go, 1t drastic precatlt.ions be not taken. It we are not to evolve violence oat ot non-violence, it is quite clear that we must hastily. retrace our steps and re-establiSh an atmosphere of peace, re-arrange our programme and not t b1nk of' starting mass C1v11 Disobedience until we are sure of peace being retalfted 1n spite of mass CivU Disobedience being started and in!spite ot Government provocation. ( 25) \
Gandhi also hoped that by the suspension of the movement,
n every Congressman or voman Will not only not feel
disappointed but he or she will f'eel relieved of' the burden
ot unreality and of national sin." (26) Bttt the tact that
many were disappointed and were angry when they heard ot the
suspension or the movement, shoved that they did not subscribe
to Gandhi's 1deaa on non-violence.
(24) Gandhi, n. s, 262.
( 25) ibid. t 997.
(26) JW., 998.
The biographer of Pand.it Motilal Nehru sums up the
reaction of many of Gandhi's followers to the suspension ot
the movement in the following vordsl
~hese decisions were like a clap or thunder to the Mahatma's adherents. ProbablY no one vas closer to him than his faithfUl secretary, ~!abadov Desai 1 but even Desai wrote from Agra gaol (February 15th) that the shock had
'absolutely unb1nge4 1 h1m. La3pat Ra1 addressed a circular letter to the Congress Working Committee in ~ch he described Gandhi as 'one of the greatest men or all ages, all ttmes and all countries. • • • Our derea~ is in proportion to the greatness of our leader • • • Mahatma31 pitched his standard too high. • • • To change the heart or mobs in such a way as to make 1 t impossible tor them to indulge in such brutalities without chang1nJ the hearts ot Governments, that rule over them is an impossibility. • • • In Lucknow gaol the reactions or the Nebrus were equally violent. Motilal was beside himself ~lth anger, while his son vented his despair in a letter which Gandhi described •as a freezing dose.• (27)
Many others who participated 1n tbe non-cooperation movement
were more disillusioned than these leaders. It will not
therefore, be wrong to conclude that the majority ot those
Who participated 1n the non-cooperation movement did not
owe allegiance to the concept ot non-violent struggle as
interpreted by Gandh1. They accepted it on].y as an expedient
measure.
lbt it ls equal1l' significant that Gandhi continued
to be the most important political leader of India even after
ids tak1Dg this decisive step Which went against the dominant
mood of the country • His ab111 ty to retain the leadership
(2?) B. Re Nanda, ;lbe Nehm:u Mgt11al aqd Jawab,erlal . (London, 1962) 201. ---- --
ot the country can be partly attributed to his magnetic
personalltYI but 1t is also due to the realization on the
part of many people in the country that some degree of
restraint on the part or the political a~itators would be
helpful. to the success ot the national movement. In this
period Britain was a Groat Power 1n the world and the
Bri t1s.'l Government 1n Incila possessed overwhelming mill tary
strength. The part1c.pation or the Indian masses in the
national movement was still in the rud1mentar.v stage, except
1l1 some parts of the country. It was, therefore, necessary
to make tactical withdrawals du1'1ng the struggle for freedom.
From this standpoint the saspena1on of the non-cooperation
movement was not an unwise step. Making such W1 thclrawa1s and
the necessary compromise tor the purpose was another legacy
ot the political movements led by Gandhi. Bllt the reasons
he gave for 1 t were couched 1n metaphysical and ethical
terms and were not accepted by the vast number of hl s follovers.
In the realm of ideas he did not, therefore, bequeth a 11 beral
political philosophy althou~b in the field of action he
occasionally functioned as a liberal.
!!Wsott ot Sghoo1th Csmrta and fore1tm Go94a
Another 1 tem or the programme of non-cooperation Which
was at first acceptecl by many or Gandhi's followers but which
was rejected by them later vas the boycott of' schoo~s and
courts. The annual session of the Congress which met at
220
Nagpur ln 1920 called upon the students of the age of slxteen
and above to withdraw without delBJ, irrespective or conse
quence, from institutions owned, aided or 1n any way controlled
by Government and advised them to devote themselves t o some
special service in connection with the non-cooperation movement
or to continue their education in national 1nst1 tutions. It
also cal1ed upon lawyers to make ~reater efforts to suspend
their practice and to devote their attention to national
service inclucling boycott or law courts by litigants and I
fellow lawyers and the settlement or di 9putes by private
arbitration. There was also a call to give up the titles of'
honour give~ b7 tho Government and to boycott legiSlative
bodies. 'rbe official historian of the Congress later summed
the response to these caUsa
The !Jo-vote campaign bad been a remarkable success. Less successful vas the boycott ot courts and colleges, though their prestige vas greatly damaged. Numerous lawyers had lett their profession throughout the country and thrown themselvos heart aDd soul into the movement. An unexpected measure of' response, however, vas noticeable 1B tho field of National Education. Though the number ot students that non-cooperated vas not 1arge1 there was an earnest move towards tlationu Education. (28)
Even thls clalm regarding the success of the boycott of
·educational institutions was highly exaggerated.. The
reallt~ was nearer to the following observation made b.V
c. Y~ Ch1Dtaman1, a critic of' the programme of Non-cooperations
(28) B. P. Sitaramayya.~_.~e Hiat;orx of thg Irufl,ap N atiPPo1 Cpnensa (Bomb~ t 1'd47 I' 21.1.
221
It \1a.G admitted fin the aeport or the Civil Disobed1enc~nquiry Committee consisted ot CongressmEll\..1 that, so far as effort was directed to the weaning of students trom Government scboo1s and colleges, it bas met t1ith poor success, and that the ma3or1ty of the students Who bad come out of Government schools wero obliged to return grad\lall.y to their old sChools; which does not appear exactly to support the cla1m later made in the report that the noncooperation movement has destroyed the prestige ot Government institutions. (29)
'lbe boycott or courts was also not very successful. The
number of lawyers who suspended practice in courts was
insignificant compared to their tull strength. Some of them
went back to their profession later.
The successful boycott ~as the one concerned with
foreign goods. &nphas1z1ng the importance of this boycott
Gandhi salda
India cannot be tree so long as India voluntarily encourages or tolerates the economic drain WhiCh has been going on for the ~st century and a halt. Borcott of foreign goods means no more and no less than boycott of foreign cloth. • • • India has the ability to manufacture all her cloth if her children will work fur it. ( 30)
This boycott was eonnectecl with the "Swadesh1n movement which
was aimed at promoting indigenous goods. Gandhi assoclatad
it with the development ot cottage industries also. Referring
to tbe ~ccess of Gandhi's programme 1n this field one of
his followers wrotea
(29) Ce Y. Ch1nteman1, IndiAn Pp1it;iga Singe the f1utiDI ( Al.lahabad9 1947) 14.0.
(30) Gandhi, n. s, 513.
In the matter of the organization or Swadesh1, the result achieved 1n popular1s1.ng sp1.nning Wheels and tbe use ot Khaddar (hand spun and hand woven cloth) has been marvellous. In homes wtlich had altogether forgotten even the name of Charka (spinning weel) its musical hum can now be board. 1 t has invaded even the parlour or the r1Ch, While it bas given a source or livelihood to lakbs or poor women 1n the country. ( 31)
Although the success or the spinning wheel was spectacular,
it was the growth of Indian industries, which used all the
modern methods of production which led to the ultimate success
ot the Swadesbl movement.
Wb1le suspending the Non-cooperation movement, the
Working Committee of tbe Congress called upon all Congress .
organizations to concentrate their efforts on creating an
atmosphere ot non-violence and further strengthentn~ the
Congress _organ1zat1ons by 1mprovJng the panchayats anct national
education institutions and by stimulating the use or spinning
Wheel and production or Kbaddar. These aspects of the Congress
programme were not as popular as those connected with non
cooperation and political campaigns. Ancl even among those
Who use4 Khaddar many did so because it was a political unltorm
or the Congressmen and not because they had an,- f'a1th 1n
Gandhi's programme of cottage industries and spinning Wheel.
Gat\dhS. t a OpPPaiti,()n tp MQdem CS,yiUiatiPP
This gap between the thinking of' Gandhi and that of a
vast number of' hls pol1tica1 to1lowers arose h-om the tact that
( 31) Ra~encira Prasad, n. s, cxlv.
they dld not agree with his approach towards modern civ1Uzat1on.
In as early as 1908 Gandh1 had thus made clear his understanding
ot the difference between lnd1an civ111zat1on and western
c1v111zat1ons
• • • the aim of the Indian c1v111zat1on is to elevate the moral being , that of the \'lestem e1v111zatlon to propagate immorality. the latter is godless, the former 1s based on a bel1et 1n God. So understanding and so believing 1t behoves on every lover ot India to the old Indian c1 v111zat ion. ( 32)
Gandhi dld not always make th1 s distinction between Indian
c1vU1zat1on and tA~es~ern c1V111zat1on; but he consistently
maintained his opposition to 'modern c1v111sat1on.• In a
letter to a friend be wrote in 1909•
There is no impassable barrier between East and West. (2) !bere 1s no such thinf as Westem or Eurodfan c1v111zat1on, but there . s a modern civ zatlon Wblch is purely material. ( 3) The people ot Europe! before they were touched b,modem eiv111zat on, had much in common vitb the people or the Eastt ••• (4) It 1s not the British people who are ruling India1 but it is modem c1v1llzation, through its ra1lvays1 telegraph, telephone, and almost every invention wtch has been claimed to be a triumph of c1v111zat1on. (6) Bombay, Calcutta and the other chief cities ot India are the real plague-spots. (6) It Br1t1Sb rule were replaced tomorrow by Indian rule based on modern methods, lndla would be no better, except that she would be able to retain some of the moner that 1 s drained a~ to England. • • • (33)
Many of Gandhi's followers did not share these views ot their
leader. Their aim was obviously to establish a modern state
( 32) M. K. Gandb1 9 Hipd Sprpj (Ahmedabad, 1909) 2.
( 33) Tendu1ker9 n. 31 129·30•
and society in India. The sense of direction or the Indian
national movement in general, in spite of some deviations,
was towards the tul.f'ilment of the aspiration of the pol1tically .
conscious people to make lndia modern in every sense or the
term. A question may be asked 1 then why dld they accept the
leadership or Gandhi who re3ected these aspirations? They did
because Gandhi did not demand from his political followers
unqualified allegiance to all his views. During the period ot
a struggle he did demand implicit obedience and discipline
ot the highest order in his ranks. But that was a different
matter.
In this connection lt is vorth noting that Gandhi often
referred to Gokhale as hls political Ouru (teacher) and
Jawaharlal Nehru as h1s political heir and that both these
leaders were tar from belng the champions or ancient civilization. I
They openly acclaimed the merits or modern c1v111zation,
acknoWledged their indebtedness to the West and stated that their
aim was to reorganize Indian society, economy and state on
modern lines.
SRiritpa1 BaSis g( tba Pg1ltica1 AqttzitX _, -
It is also doubtful ~ the vast number or Gandb1 1 s
political followers shared his views an "spiritualization of
pollt1cs.n Gandhi once sa1da "You and I have to act on the
political platform from a spiritual side and tt this 1s done,
we should then conquer the conqueror." ( 34) Gandhi maintained
that the non-cooperation movement was "a struggle of good
against evil and the force behind it was soul force." ( 35)
It is 1n this context that Gandhi considered self-purification
to be the first step in the political strug~les. On one
occaSion he salda
1 have found that we have not yet reached a conscious recognition or our national state. We have not had the discipline necessary for a realization of that state and venture to say that there is nothlng so powertlll as fasting and prayer that would give us the requisite discipline, spirit of self-sacrifice, hum1U ty and resoluteness of will w1 thout which there can be no real progress. (36)
Gandhi himself' displayed a unique sense of selt-d1scip11ne by
his austere way ot lite and inspired others to make sacrifices ' '
for their country. In the type of struggle he conducted, 1n
which an unarmed people was struggling to be t'reo from a
mighty imperial Power, Gandhi's appeal to austerity and selt-
41scipl1ne had some place. And perhaps the most ettect1ve
way ot enforcing austerity and self-discipline among the masses
of the Indian people at that time was through suCh practices
as prayer and tasting because of their association with
religion 1n the minds ot the people.
The immediate effects or Gandhi's statements c onneated
v1th "modern and western c1 vil1zat1ons" and "spir1tua11zat10D
(34) Gandhi, n. 1, 211.
( 35) Doke, n. 15, 89.
( 36) Gandhi, n. s, ss.
of politics" were to raise the pride or the people in their
country and to give them some kind of spiritual stamina in the 0'l'\R_
struggle tor freedom from foreign rule. ~ o·f the long-term
effects of these aspects of Gandh1an philosopey was the
promotion or obscurantist thinking among some sections or the
people. As some of the S,Ymbols Gandhi used had a greater appeal
to the Hindus than to the l-1uslims, they also gave a "Hindu
colour" to the national movement under his leadership. Bat
during 1919-1920 they were not so obvious because of Gandhi's
support to the Khilatat agitation and the decision of the
majority or the MUslim leaders to support the non-cooperation
movement.
For q Indigenou; f1Dd PraetigAl Sgheme of' Eduqat1on
Although the call to boycott sehools sponsored and
supported by the Government did not meet with great suceess,
some ideas ot Gandhi on education did make an impaet on the
Indian mind. Gandhi saida "Education through English had
created a wide gulf between the educated few and the masses.
It had created gulf in the families also. An EngliSh educated
man had no community of feelings and ideas with the lad1es of
the famil.y." (37) According to Gandhi, the then existing system
ot ~ducat1on was undesirable on the following grounds a
OJ i" ,., ~~.!
It is based upon foreign culture to the almost entire exclusion or indigenous culture. (2) It ignores the culture of the heart and the hand and confines itself simplY to the head. (3) Real education is impossible through a foreign medium. (38)
Gandhi advocated the establishment of educational
institutions Which could stand as a "protest against the
Britim1 injustice and as a vindication or national honour,"
which drew its "inspiration from the national ideals of a
united India," and Which stood for the "synthesis of the
different cultures that have come to stay 1n India, that have
influenced Indian lite, and that, in their turn, have them
selves been influenced by the spirit of the soil." (39) In
this respect Gandhi' s ideas on education were similar to those
of the Extremists.
Bllt whilet;. the latter emphasized the importance of
imparting technical education which would be necessary to ·
facilitate the industrialization of India on a large scale,
Gandhi 1~nored 1t. He focussed attention, in addition to religion, politics and history, on vocational training. The
vocational training, which Gandhi envisaged, was suited to
the economy of a pre-dominantly agricultural society in Which
cottage industries, but no heavy industries, fulfilled an
important role.
Although his educational plans had these limitations,
it must be sa1d to his credit that his criticism of the
(38) Gandhi, n. s, 386-7.
( 39) lb1S•t 384-S.
' .~ untaUstlc and bookish system of education vas 3ust1f1ed.
'):/)1
He 1dnta1ned that the f~,
'· introduction or manual. tra1n11lg tdll serve a double purpose 1n a poor country like ours. It will pay for the education of our children and teach thom an occupation on which they can tall back 1n after-lito, lf they choose, tor earning a 11v1ngo Such a system must make our children self'-reUant. Nothing v1U demorallze the nation so much as that we should learn to despise labour. (40)
Another aspect of Gandhi's thinking on this matter was /l?
his ~omprom1s1Dg opposition to the use of the foreign
lang~e as the medium or education. Enumerating lts defects,
he saiti
?oreign medium has caused brain-tag 1 put an mdue strain upon the nerves of' our ch1ldron, Jade them crammers and lmltntors, unfitted ihem tor original. work and thought and d1 sable4 \hem f'or filtrating their learning to the family r the masses. • • • The foreign medium h~s :revented the growth ot our vernaculars. ( 41) ~
This cU.~not mean that condemnation or English language as - .-such. Gbdhi conceded that 1t bas a role to play as a ,. language~f international commerce and diplomacy.
A Pgpul«aBaae fgr the Nat;ippel ligympe§ fll
Gadh1' s views on such subjects as education and ,.. cottage 1~str1es were part of his total philosophy Which ,. was aimed~ creating a decentralized and democratic society
(40) 1andh1, 11. s, 388.
(41) l314•t 389.
1n \'lhich the gulf between the minority of a row learned and w.v
rich people and ma3or1ty ot uneducated and poor people vould J..
not existo He also realized that the inrluence of rel1~Ji01ls
and other traditions on the masses ot the people were ver,v
strong and that the implementation or any programme, t4h1ch
would not take lnto consideration those traditions, would
become an isolated action on the part of' a few leaders tlho
belonged to a mlnori ty. So, unlike many other poll tical
leaders, he thought or now schemes or educational, social
and economic development and ~lated all of them to political
agitation on the part or the massas or the people in a manner
Which was understandable to them and for the redress or such
specific grievances as the Amritsar tragedy, Rovlatt Act and
the Khilatat. The ultimate effect ot some of his speeches
and writings and hls first programme of non-cooperation vas
to glve a popular base to the lndlan national movement e
Although Gandhi did not quote from the \fr1t1ncs or European
political philosophers on democracy, as the earlier Indian
leaders did, his successfUl attempt in bringing a large mass
of the people to the national movement was a great step
towards democrat1a1ng the poll t1ca1 Ute or the country.
DJregtipn Tgwar4a Free4gm
The sense of direction o'f the national movement
under Gandbl' s leadershlp was also undoubtedly towards
strengthening the poll tical forces Which championed freedom -
freedom of the individual and ot the nat1ono
tohen restrictions were made by the Government on the
freedom of speech9 Gandhi wrote in Youpg lndias
swaraj 1 the Kh11afat, the Punjab occupy a suboril1nate place to the 1 ssue sprung upon the country by the Oovemmento \ve must first make good the right of tree speeCh and tree associaticn beforo ttle can make ~ further progress towards our goal. The Go\Terament would kills us it they could by a flank attack. To accept def'eat tn the matter of free speech and tree associatS.cn is to court disaster. lf' the Oovernment is allowed to destroy non-violent act1v1 ties in the country, however dangerous they m~ be to tts exlstonce, even the moderates• vork must come to a etan4s~1U. In the general tnterest, therefor~, we must defend these elementaey rights with our uves. • • • The safest and tbe quieltest vay to def'end these r1~hts is to ignore the restrlctlcm. We must speak the truth under a shower of bullets. We must band together in the taee ot bayonets. No cost 1 s too great tor purcbas1Dg these fundamental rights. ( 4~)
Gandhi's great eontr1but1cn to the national movement
was that by making such fervent appeals to the people, he
could arouse great enthus1aa among them for the cause ot
treedomo He coul.d also inspire them tor malting ftreat sacr1£>1ces
in furtherance of that cause. He himself led tha wq e When
he vas prosecuted by the Government, instead of t1')'1Dg to
defend himself, he salda
Non-violence implies volUntary submission to the penalty tor Non-cooperation ~lth evllo I am here, tberef'ore, to invite and submit eheerf\111¥ to the highest penalty that can be 1nt'licted upon
( 42) l.b14· t 94?.-3.
me tor \fhat in law 1 s a del! berate crime and What appears to me to be the highest duty of' a citizen. (43)
This statement reflected a departure from the attitude
of' the political leaders who preceded Gandhi o \<11th this
open defiance of authority entered a new spirit ln the Ind1an
national movement and politics. No more was 1t easy to curb 21
the det!re• of' the people tor freedom. ,_ Even Oandbl' s lUting f'or law and order and h1s
loyalty to non-violence were qualified b.Y bls desire to
fight tor freedom. On one occasion be salcU " ••• anarchy
under Home Rule vas better than orderlY foreign rule." (44)
lie also said that he "would have .l ndia to become free even
by violence rather than that she shou1d remain S.n bondage.
In slavery she ls a helpless partner 1n the violence of the
sla.ve holder." (45)
As this statement makes lt clear the dominant
ob3ect1ve of' Gandhi's political activities vas the achievement
of the freedom or the country and it was thls ob~ active which
was the reason tor the favourable response of a large section
ot the people to h.ls appeals to them to participate 1n the
political struggl.e. The political campaigns led by Gandhi
opened a new chapter 1n the history of the national movement
by making a spirit or resistance to authority an important
( 43) l..bMo 9 1054e
(44) Gandhi, Do 32, 157e
( 45) Gandhi, n. 5 1 290e
t;' lj' 0': 4; t; ~;
tactor in the public 11feo As the otf'icial historian or the
Congress notesa
Fear bad been cast otf by the people o A sense or self-respect developed in the flationo Congressmen realized tbat service and self-sacrifice ~ere the only means ot winning public confidenceo The prestige too of Government was materially shaken, and people had received good lessons regardiftg the ideology or swaraj o ( 46)
lt seemed that by the inauguration of the non-cooperation
movement of 1919-1921 the Indian National Congress ~eaehed
the point of no return as far as its march towards its
ultimate ob3eetive ot the freedom ot the country was concerned.
It is difficult to assess the impact or Gandhi's
ideology and programme on the lndlan national movement
during 1919-1921 without taldng into consideration how he
influenced it later. It can safely be asserted that he was
the dominant figure in Indian political field trom 1919 upto
bS.s death 1n 1948. Daring this period Gan4hi shifted his
emphasis trom one point ct view to another as occasion demanded
and the response of the politically conscious people of IntU.a
to Gandb18 s lcleology and programme a1so varied from one period
to another. Bu.t the non-cooperation movement or 1919-1921
an4 Gandhi's utterances of tM.s period are s1gn1flcant,
because both bad a determ1ning influence on the character or
the Indian national movement and 1ts political pb1losophyo
( 46) S1 taramana_~ ~g HJ st;org qt the lpdlan Ngrtigna1 Gengragg (Allahabad, 1935 377o
It Will be wrong to assume tbat just because a large
number of people accepted Gandhi's political leadership, they
accepted all bls viovso We noted above nome diver~ence 1n
the thinking ot Gandhi and some of his followers on such
fundamental questions as non-violence, spiritual basis or polltlcal action, modern c1v111zation and the role or cottage
industries in the economic development or the country. But
there was a Wido area of agreement between Gandhi and his
tollower9 on the political objectives or the national movement
and tho programme of action for realizing them.
According to Gandhi and hls followers the ultimate·
ob3oct1·.re ot tbe national movoment was the freedom of the
countr,v and the immediate objectives or sach political programme
as the non-cooperation movement was to redress the sp0eific
grievances connected with the Rowlatt Act, Jall1aDwala Bagh
firings and the Khilaf'at.
A militant struggle - though non-violent 1n form -
was the nature ot the political agitation he led. Here,
again, he got the unquallt"ied allegiance ot his t"ollovers
Who displqed great courage and willingness to maka great
sacr1t1ees tor the countr.y.
Bllt the m1nds of some of them rebelled against Gandhi's
4ec1s1on to suspend the non-cooperation movement on the ~round
that some people became violent and killed same policemen.
The.y had no taltb 1D the inherent virtue of non-violent methodso
But as tactical bf1thdrawals and a display or restraint in the
struggle against a mighty empire by an unarmed people vere not
unwise steps, tbls action of Gandb.l did not lead to the
rejection of Gandhi's leadership b7 his tollo~ers. ln other
words while Qandbi adhered to non-violence as a principle
many ot his followers accepted it as a tactics.
Gandhi's opposition to modern c1v111zation, sometimes
referred to as Western civilization, was not supported by
some of his followers because they wanted to reconstruct
Indian state, econOJQJ and society on mo.;ern linea. But 1t
appealed to a large section or the people ot India, because
by glor1f)'1ng the ancient lndian civilization and holding it
as superior to the modern western c1v111zatian 9 such an
attitude of opposition to the civilization or the allen rulers
gave great selt-contidenee and sense of pride to them. Even
those who differed from Gandhi on this issue realized the
immense mass appeal of the slogans based on such an attitude.
The realization or this tact by t·,em and Gandhi 8 s tolerance
or those, who differed from him so long as they accepted his
leadership in the political sphere, facilitated his emergence
as the supreme national leader durin=t 1919-1921, because
unlike the "Moderates" and the "Extremists", his appeal vas
not confined el ther to those who looked to the West tor
1Dsplrat1on or to the earlier periods or Indian hi story tor
the same purpose.
Gandhi's use or symbo1s 11ke "Ramra.1ya" and h1 s
emphasis on pr~er and fasting made an appeal pr1mar11y to
the Hindu masses. But be tore 1921 1 t did not antagonize many
educated Hindus, Who have no use tor them. because they were
impressed by the tact that they gave d1sc1pl1ne and spiritual
stamina to many of those who participated in the polltlcal
stzuggle.
Some ot Gandhi's wr1t1ngs and speeches on these
matters had no appeal to the MUslims. But a vast number ot
them accepted Gandhi's lead because he gave unqual1 rled
support to them on such issues as the Eb1latat with which
tbcq were concerned. As we noted 1n the earlier chapter
Gandhi's ideas and programme did promote Hindu-MUslim unity
during 1918-1921; however, that unity vas not based on the
concept that Hindus and MLtsl1ms should lose their separate
1denti ties and merge into one poll tical stream• _but on the
view that llindlls and Muslims, tbougb separate .entities, could
jo1n 1n on alliance tor some joint political-action.
Some political workers and leaders, Who were very
active b~tore 19181 could not associate themselves with the • J
national movement under Ganc1h1' s leadership, because the~
could not accept h1s ideas or the wisdom of the political
campaigns he launched. Some of the most prominent among
them were Surendranatb Baner3 ea, B1p1n Chandra Pal,
c. Y. Chintamo~ and Mubamact Al1 Jlnnah. Babindra Nath l'agore,
an emillent poet, Who once associated himself w.tth tbe po11t1oal
movements of Bonga1, was another critic or Gandhi. l'he1r
criticisms were mostly concerned wlth tho intolerance set 1D
motion by Gandhi's militant campaigns, the anarchist ideas
ot Gandb1, the chauvinist alement s in Gandbl 0 s opposi ticn to
modern Western c1v111zat1on and the unscientific nature ot
h1s vie11s regarding the large-scale application of modem
11ldustr1al methods 1n the economic tield.
Although the critics or Gandb1 were weUknown people,
Who possessed tremendous intellectual power, Gandhi could
easily carry the masses with him because be became a ~bol
of the aspirations or the people ror f'reedom and a rallying
point tor poople or different social baek~round and cultural
levels. Gandhi's views on social and economic questions and
the philosophical basis or his political actlcns might have
bad many drawbacks; but, during 1918-1921., all of' them fitted
in with his essential scheme of drawing ol.l the political
Ctlrrents, which preceded him, into the one stream or the .
national. movement and leading 1 t 1n tho form ot a mill tant 9
though non-violent, struggle against the allen Gove~ant.
Gandhi vas pr1mar11)' a man of action and not a
philosopher or political theorist. The legacy ot his
political actions 1n the ideological field bad both positive
and negative si<les. More than any other leader Gan4h1
strengthened the cause ot f'reedom ot the 1nd1viduBl and tho
country by tlghting for it and he promoted the democratic
spirit by reducing the gulf betwean the leader and the
fol1owers by m~ items of bis pol1t1cal programme. But
some of h1 s ideas were also conduct ve to the strengthen1Dg
o~ obscurantism and soma degree of revivalism in the country.,
They wont against the spirit of sc1ent1t1c enquiry and the
ideas or the Ages ot Bnllghtenmant and Reasono Many ot those
Who accepted Gandhi's leadership ln the pollttcal sphere were
not committed to Gandhi's total philosophy. S& " ean!2Qt be
said that--tbe-non-cooperati-cm--movement et ~~19?.1 had -also ~~"M.Pil&.., ~ .. "'b~
the.. some impact as seme ot the aegatlve :;.!ias of Gana&sm
htid. Sc ~ ~~- ~K .... ~~ ....... ~': ~ "t \ql ~- J.. \
d...~\ ~\- -\~ AW... ~ ~ ..J•.IY''\F-...u\- 1- 0-l.l_ ..:Y\u(.-\; cr ~,~-