DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 069 877

AUTHOR Van Maanen, JohnTITLE "Pledging the Police ": A Study of Selected Aspects of

Recruit Socialization in a Large, Urban PoliceDepartment.

INSTITUTION California Univ., Irvine.SPONS AGENCY Office of Naval Research, Washington, D.C.PUB DATE Jul 72NOTE 295p.; Technical Report No. 9

VT 017 492

EDRS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$9.87DESCRIPTORS Behavior Theories; *Changing Attitudes; Cross

Sectional Studies; Doctoral Theses; IndividualDevelopment; Job Satisfaction; Longitudinal Studies;Models; Organizational Climate; *Police; RolePerception; *Socialization; *Urban Areas; *VocationalDevelopment

IDENTIFIERS *Expectancy Theory

ABSTRACTThis modified version of an unpublished doctoral

dissertation examines empirically and experientially the process ofbecoming a policeman. Specifically, the study documents attitudechanges reported by police recruits as they moved through the seriesof experiences and adventures associated with their early careers.Questionnaires were administered longitudinally and cross-sectionallyto police officers in a large, urban police department. Thequestionnaires focused upon the motivation, commitment andsatisfaction of patrolmen. Viewed through the uexpectancy theory"perspective, these attitudes represent linkages by which peopleconnect themselves to their employing organization. (Several pagesmay be light.) (Author/AG)

U.S DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH.EDUCATION & WELFAREOFFICE OF EDUCATION

THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPROOUCEO EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROMTHE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGINATING IT POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STATE() 00 NOT NECESSARILYREPRESENT OFFICIAL OFFICE OF EOU,CATION POSITION OR POLICY

"FLEXING THE POLICE": A ST! OY OF SELECTEn ACFECTS

OF RECRUIT SOCIALFATION F' A LARGE, ORM POLICE DEPARTmFMT

JOHN VAN MAANEN

Ultivex6.ity oi Cati.gon..ixt, I.tvine

Technical Report No. 9

July, 1972

INDIVIDUAL-ORGMHZATIONAL LINKAGES

Project Directors

Robert DubinLyman W. Porter

llftii eAs Ca Li.6o:tivi.o.CaV.6onitt 92664

Prepared under ONR Contract N00014-69-A-0200-9001

NR Number 151-315

fiLsttibut i on o 5 th,i)s document Ls untimited.Rcpt.° ductAlo n tiri tuhote on in paAt penmit-ted

O.t any pwrpoise a .the litvited States Gov vt.nment.

FILMED FROM BEST AVAILABLE COPY

This report is a modified version of an unpublished

doctoral dissertation at the University of California,

Irvine. For the purposes here, the introductory

chapters of the dissertation--dealing with a review of

the relevant literaturehave been deleted. For a more

elaborate discussion of the theoretical concerns rnlated

to the organizational socialization process, the reader

is referred to Technical ReportNo. 10, "BREAKING -Dr:

A CONSTDERATOM OF OROANIZATIOMA, AnALIZATION.

References to the deleted char.',:ees appc.ar in the

text of this report with underlined chapter numbers.

Al]. other chapter number references are to chapters

of this report.

The appendices of the dissertation have also been

removed. References to appendices in the text of this

report are references to the appendices in the original

dissertation.

ii

4

List of Tables

List of Figures

Chapter I -

Chapter II -

Chapter III -

Chapter IV -

Chapter V -

References

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Theoretical Perspectives and Research Aims 1

Methodology 48

Results 112

Discussion: Learning the Policeman's Lot . . . .

Considerations, Limitations and Directions . . . 229

262

iii

LIST OF TABLES

TablePage

2-1 Training sequence68

2-2 Basic Survey Design70

2-3 Training Location per Administration Period. 71

2-4 Response Rates72

1-5 Relevant History During Research75

2-6 Response Rates - Experienced Officers 79

1-1 Ideal Type Police Officer: Inner- or Outer-Directed. . . 120

1-2 Correlations of Job-Behavior Measures and Job-Attitudes

136

3-3 Correlations Between Job-Behavior Measures andOrganizational Commitment 146

1-4 Correlations of Job-Behavior Measures and JobAttitudes

163

1-5 Recruit Intercorrelations Among the MajorAttitudinal Variables

174

3-6 Experienced Officer Intercorrelations Among theMajor Attitudinal Variables 175

iv

Figure

1 -1

3-1

I 3-2

3-3

3-4

3-S

3-6

3-7

3-8

3-9

3-10

3-11

3-12

3-13

3-14

3-1S

3-16

3-17

1

e

LIST OF FIGURES

Page

Porter-Lawler Model 21

Expectancies 124

Outcome Values 126

Motivational Force 128

Expectancies (According to Reward Sources) 130

Motivational (According to Reward Sources) 132

CorrelationsEvaluation

MotivationalRecruits:

(Motivational Force Scores and Sergeants'of Job Performance. Across Time - Recruits)

Force Comparison (High vs. Low RankedSergeants' Evaluation of Job Performance)

137

139

Organizational Commitment 143

Correlations (Organizational Commitment Scores andSergeants' Evaluation of Job Effort Across Time -

Recruits) 147

Organizational Comparison (High vs. Low RankedRecruits: Sergeants' Evaluation of Job Effort)

Need Fulfillment

Need Fulfillment (According to Need Category) . .

Need Importance

Need Importance (According to Need Category) .

Need Dissatisfaction

Need Dissatisfaction (According to Need Category)

Need Dissatisfaction Comparison (High vs. Low RankedRecruits: Sergeants' Evaluation of Job Performance)

148

152

154

156

157

158

160

166

Figure

5-1 Comparison of Organizational Commitment Mean ScoresBy Job Tenure 234

5-2

5-3;

5-4

Page

ti

Comparison of Organizational Co::,mitment Mean ScoresAcross Occupations 235

Comparison of Need Fulfillment Attitudes AcrossOccupations and Organizations 239

Comparison of Need Dissatisfaction Attitudes AcrossOccupations and Organizations 240

vi

1

"A man's work is as good a clue as any tdthe course of his life, his social beingand identity."

Everett C. Hughes (1958)Preface

CHAPTER I

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ANDRESEARCH AIMS

Chapter I attempted to describe briefly certain occupational and

I organizational considerations of the setting in which police work is

conducted. On the other hand, Chapter I was devbted to an examination

of the theoretical perspectives involved in the study of the sociali-

zation processes generally. The purpose of this chapter is to pro-

. vide a broad rationale for the attitudinal approach used in this

study and to present the general questions to which the research was

directed.

The police environment was depicted as bureaucratic, isolated

and dominated -- especially at the lower levels -- by a strong sub-

; cultural ethos. The task itself was pictured as possessing an enor-

mous amount of personal discretion resulting largely from amorphous

and often conflicting objectives associated with policing an urban

area. The patrol function was viewed as requiring individual officers

to perform a wide variety of roles under, at best, conditions of

loose supervision. Using a dramaturgic metaphor, Reiss (1971) sum-

marized the multifaceted aspects of the patrolman's critical job. He

stated:

2

"Patrol work usually begins when a person moves ontoa social stage with an unknown cast ofcharacters.The settings, members of the cast and the plot arenever quite the same from one time to the next. Yet,the patrolman must be prepared to act in all of them."(P. 3)

To date, most research efforts have been directed toward the

delineation of the relationships among the police actors and their

public (i.e.: non-police) audiences, or have concentrated upon the

description of the actors, stage-setting and script which comprise

the "on-stage" performance of the police drama. Little attention has

been paid to the orientation of the performers to their particular

roles viewed from a "backstage" perspective. Clearly, for any pro-

duction to materialize there must be casting sessions, rehearsals,

directors, stage-hands and -- most importantly -- some form(s) of

compensation provided the actors which will insure the continued

performance of the production. Essentially, this study represents

an investigation into the formation and shape of police attitudes

concerning the various "off-stage" attributes of the occupation.

Chapter I noted that little is known about the job-related atti-

tudes of police officers. More specifically, less is known about the

development of such attitude. Hence, an exploratory probe into this

area has substantive value in and of itself. However, police officers

are members of organizations which can be classified within a larger

typology of structures. Consequently, data resulting from this study

has relevance beyond the formal organizational boundry as it applies

to issues related to personal change (or stability) in adulthood.

3

This chapter is organised into five main section. The first,

"Thinking, Feeling and Acting" considers the relationship between

attitudes and behavior. The second section examines the specific

theoretical perspectives involved in the examination of the motiva-

tional attitudes and delineates the research questions to which a

'portion of this study was directed. Similarly, the third and fourth

sections discuss the theoretical concerns and present the research

questions involved in the investigation of commitment and job-satis-

faction attitudes. The last section summarizes the research interests

involved in this study and lists the more general research questions

to which the questionnaire portion of the investigation was directed.

A. Thinking, Feeling and Acting

The historical beginning of the concept of attitude have been

traced by Allport (1935) to three main

turn of the century: (1) the findings

sources occurring before the

of Lange and associates in

1888 in the area of experimental psychology: (2) the psychoanalytic

emphasis upon individual differences: and (3) the sociological

theories hypothesizing an association between attitudes and cultural

or social influences. However, it was not until Thomas and Znani.ecki

(1918) published the Polish Peasant in Europe and America that the

concept of attitude became a major variable in social science

research -- although, by 1935, Allport was able to claim that atti-

tudes were the most distinctive and indispensable concept involved in

social science research. However, despite numerous definitions and

redefinitions, the nature and characteristics of attitudes are still

.

debated. In fact,ROkeach, in 196S, after an extensive review of

attitude theory, concluded pessimistically:

"...despite the central position of attitudes insocial psychology and personality, the c:,neepthas been plagued with ambiguity." (p. 110)

To illustrate this persistent ambiguity revolving around the

attitude concept, several definitions of attitude are presented below.

These definitions are attributable to three of the moFt prolific

researchers in this area:

Kretch and Crutchfield (1948)"...an enduring erganization of motivational,emotional, perspectual and cognitive pro-cesses with respect to some aspect of theindividual's world." (p. 152)

Sherif and Sherif (1969)"...the individual's set of categories forevaluating a domain of social stimuli whichhe has established as he learns about thedomain and which relate him to subsetswithin the domain with varying degrees ofpositive and negative affect." (p. 336-337)

Allport (1935)...a mental and neural state of readiness,

organized through experience and exertinga directive or dynamic influence upon theindividual's response to all objects andsituations to which it is related." (p. 801)

Using Allport's definition, McGuire (1968) delineated five major

, areas of disagreement among the various theoretical perspectives re-

lated to the attitude concept. First, he noted that the psychological

locality of attitudes was unclear. Second, there was disagreement as

to whether attitudes should be defined as responses or predispositions

10

5

to respond. Third, NcGuire observed that there aul'Aguity regard-

ing the ovganizatioh of attitudes. Fourth, theorists were ::::.bivalent

as to the extent to which attitudes are learned. Finally, he pointed

out that there were opposing positions concerning the extent to which

attitudes should be viewed as playing a "directive-knowledge or a

dynamic-motivational function." (McGuire, 1968, p. 302)

Such dilemmas have caused many critics of the attitude concept

to suggest that it be discarded (boob, 1947; Blumer, 195S). Yet, as

Porter and Lawler (1968) state:

"Attitudes have traditionally been studied by psycho-logists because they can provide important insightsinto human cognitive processes and, ultimatel:i be-cause they can contribute to the ;,;t.prediction of human behavior." (p. 2)

Consequently, as Katz and Scotland (1959) argued, it appears that

rather than doing away with the concept -- which has been shown to

be related to behavior across a number of situations -- a more flexi-

ble attitude concept is necessary.

For the purpose of this study, attitudes arc conceived to consist

of all learned predispositions to respond to an object or class of

objects (English and. English, 1958). Furthermore, attitudes are

vit:wr- as consisting of a cognitive component (representing a person's

knowledge of the object OP class of objects -- "thinking"), an

affective component (representing a person's emotional relationship

toward the object or class of objects -- "feeling"), and a conative

component (representing a person's behavioral tendency toward the

object of class of objects -- "acting"). Hence, attitudes are con-

ceived of here as simultaneously implying a person's belief, evalua-

tion and predisposition to engage in some type of behavior toward

some object or class of objects.

There has been continuing speculation on the issue of the

"function of attitudes." Some researchers have emphasized the ego-,

! defensive/irrational aspects of attitudes (Freud, 1930; Lasswell,

1930; Alorno et al., 1950). Others have noted the position function

of attitudes which emphasized the purpose to the individual of holding

certain attitudes. Katz (1960) advocated this latter perspective d

I argued persuasively that attitudes serve a variety of functions.

Smith, Bruner and White (1956) have taken essentially the same posi-

tion as Katz (1960), noting that attitudes are fundamentally abstrac-,

I tions which represent an attempt to understand and explain the

i thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of individuals. Rokeach (1968)

lucidly explains this approach via its implications for the indivi-

dual. He states:

"An attitude can be likened to a miniture theory inscience, having similar functions and similar virtuesand vices. An attitude, like a theory, is a frame-of-reference, saves time because it provides us a basisfor induction and deduction, organizes knowledge andhas implications for the real world, and changes inthe face of new evidence." (p. 131)

Despite the lack of conceptual consistency among attitudinal

theorists, research has proceeded at a rapid rate. Much effort has

been exerted toward the area of attitude measurement. This e:,,panding

12

7

area of theoretical interest has revealed a number of sensitive

issues. For example, Kiesler, Collins and Miller (1969) stated after

an extensive literature review:

"...despite the behavioral and theoreticalpressure in the direction of a behaviorallydefined attitude, attitudes are almost uni-versally measured by paper-and-pencil orverbal report techniques." (p. 22)

However, despite the "universality" of questionnaires and interviews

to measure attitudes, social scientists still retain a theory which

specifies behavioral implications for attitudes:

While evidence of congruency between attitudes and behavior has

been drawn largely from validations of attitude instruments, there

have been indications which suggest some inconsistency between the

two. Perhaps the most cited example of attitude-behavior inconsis-

tency was LaPiere's (1934) research involving a Chinese couple who

were discriminated against by restaurant owners. Yet, the fact that

knowledge of attitudes in themselves does not effectively predict

behavior, the work of researchers from diverse theoretical perspec-

tives has shown the usefulness of attitudes conceived of as under-

lying predispositions -- which enter along with other influences into

the calculus of behavior (Hovland, 1961; Sherif and Sherif, 1964;

Kelman, 1966). Consequently, attitudes are useful for predicting

behavior, but such forcasting usually lacks precision. Kiesler,

Collins and Miller (1969) elaborated on this point. They stated:

"...our notions that a particular attitude correlateswith'a particular behavior may be incorrect, notbecause of a general failure of attitudes to have anyrelationship to behavior, but because our intuitivenotions about which attitudinal factors are correlatedwith which behavioral factors are incorrect."

In an attempt to specify more explicitly the relationships be-

tween attitudes and behaviors, attention has been directed toward the

areas of attitude and behavioral change. A number of theories have

been postulated. While there are areas of conflict among the various

theories (e.g.: learning theory vs. congruency theory, or functional

theory vs. perceptual theory, etc.), they tend xo make the same pre-

dictions about attitude change and its association with behavior more

often than not (McGuire, 1968).

The theoretical underpinnings of attitude change are based

largely upon consistency theory. As mentioned in Chapter II,

Newcomb (1958) summarized the field by noting that virtually all

theories in the area postulate a basic "strain toward consistency."

Zajonc (1960) illustrates succinctly the main assumptions involved

in this perspective. He states:

"...the concept of consistency underscores andpresumes human rationality. It holds that behaviorand attitudes are not only consistent to objectiveobservers, but that individuals try to appear con-sistent to themselves." (p. 280)

Heider (1944) has been considered the originator of the idea of

consistency. His theory predicts that individuals adjust their

attitudes in order to keep them in maximum harmony with one another.

Attitude change occurs when an individual in an unstable (or

. 14

unbalanced) state -- holding conflicting attitudes -- adjusts his

attitudes to reestablish a state of balance. Cartwright and Harary

(1956) qualified Heider's approach and applied it to groups. Abelson

and Rosenberg (1958) simplified the basic model, while others (e.g.:

Feather, 1964; Newcomb, 1961; Osgood, 1960) presented variations of

the original Heider model.

Related to the above perspectives used to explain attitude change

is Festinger's (1957, 1964) more general theory of cognitive dis-

; sonance. Essentially, dissonance theory predicts a force toward

symmetry among the cognitive, affective and behavioral elements of

attitudes. These elements are defined as bits of knowledge, or

opinions, or beliefs about one's self, about one's behavior and about

one's situation. According to Festinger (1957), knowledge, beliefs

and values organize themselves to meaningful ways and when a person

experiences dissonance among elements which have been made salient

.(or mobilized) for the individual, a state of psychological tension

is created. This state is uncomfortable to the person and he is

motivated to reduce dissonance and achieve consonance by altering

certain elements associated with the cognitive, affective or be-

havioral aspect of his attitude structure. The person experiencing

dissonance not only is expected to reduce the associated tensions,

but also is expected to avoid situations and information that tend

to increase dissonance.

_ 15

10

Basically, dissonance theory is in agreement with most theories

of attitude change -- although some other theories are more refined

and precise about predictions (also more limited in scope). Yet, at

the bottom of all attitude theories one finds a general acceptance

of the hedonistic principle of behavior. Katz (1960) best illustrates

this commonality. He notes:

...people strive to maximize the rewards in theirexternal environment and to minimize the penalties.The child develops favorable attitudes toward theobjects in his world which are associated with thesatisfaction of his needs and unfavorable attitudesto objects which thwart or punish him." (p. 171)

As the above indicates, there is an abundance of literature con-

cerned with the generic topic of attitude. Yet, most of the litera-

1 ture discussed above was devoted primarily to theory development.

Attention is now directed to the literature applicable more specifi-

cally to the topic of this research.

Without question, one of the most frequently examined topics in

social science research has been the interaction between workers and

the workplace. As pointed out in Chapter II, the importance of under-

standing this area of human behavior cannot be understated. Porter

and Lawler (1963) remarked:

"Work has always been and continues to be the majornonfamily activity that is undertaken by most humanbeings. For most people, their work is more thanjust eight hours out of their working life, it is away of life that largely determines where they willlive, with whom they will associate, and even whattheir children will become." (p. 1)

16

11

Furthermore, they noted:

"Because of the centrality of work, it seems tobe particularly appropriate that the study of therelationships between attitudes and performancefocus on the work situation. Information gainedfrom the work situation should be especiallyuseful in understanding the attitude-behaviorrelationship elsewhere." (pp. 1-2)

Interest in the attitudes of workers and their relationship to

behavior can be traced largely to the stimulus provided by the

Hawthorne studies of the late 1930's (Roethlisberger and Dickson,

1939). Since this initial plunge into the area, most research has

served to emphasize the importance of a person's attitudes about work

and the workplace. In particular, the work of Lewin, Lippitt and

White (1939) and Coch and French (1948) resulted in the legitimization

of the study of employee attitudes and their relationship to human

performance as an area of proper scientific endeavor.

A number of systematic reviews have pointed out the rapid growth

of this research area (Smith, Kendall and Hulin, 1969; Vroom, 1964;

Herzberg et al., 1957). While much of the early research tended to

focus on nonmanagement personnel -- the line worker -- the focus has

shifted gradually to include the job-attitudes of management person-

nel (Triandis, 1959a, b; Porter, 1961a, b, 1962, 1963; Vroom, 1965;

Porter and Lawler, 1965, 1968). This relatively recent research area

has considerable importance for it represents a concern with a

different psychological environment from that of the factory worker.

In a survey of the literature, Vroom (1964) noted that most of

the research involved with job attitudes has been directed toward

such topics as morale, vocational interest, leadership and the work

itself. However, he notes that a major problem in the area has been

"circularity." By this accusation, Vroom meant that most investi-

gations have placed too little emphasis upon the necessity of obtain-

ing independent measurements in order to validate the various

attitudinal concepts. Unfortunately, such criticism is valid today --

with the relevant literature exhibiting a tendency to pile one ad hoc

definition upon another and then using these operational definitions

of attitudinal variables to validate one another. Consequently, one

purpose of this research was to provide evidence for or against the

usefulness of certain attitudinal constructs by examining their

association with job behavior indicators obtained from independent

sources.

.Probably the most serious criticism of the work attitude liter-

ature revolves around the atheoretical nature of most of the research.

In fact, Porter and Lawler (1968) refer to the area as "the dust-

bowl of empiricism." In general, while the number of empirically-

based studies is quite large, such efforts have been almost devoid

of theoretical speculation. The exceptions to this rule are con-

spicuous (Brayfield and Crockett, 1955; Herzberg et al., 1957;

Triandis, 1959a, b; Vroom, 1964; Porter and Lawler, 1968). Comment-

ing upon this gap, Porter and Lawler stated:

. 18

12

13

"It is our view that only with a testable theory

can substantial progress be made in understanding

the relationships between attitudes and perfor-

mance. Past experience indicates that the

atheoretical approach produces at best a number

of small isolated findinzs that do not fit to-

gether in any meaningful pattern, and thus, such

findings provide little basis upon which to extra-

polate to other situations." (p. 6)

As discussed previously, this study was devoted largely to the

delineation of the job attitudes of police officers and it was hoped

that these attitudes would be related to the on-the-job behavior of

the officers. Furthermore, the selection of the attitude areas which

were to be investigated was based upon certain developing theoretical

perspectives associated with the hypothesized linkages between atti-

tudes and behavior. While each particular attitudinal variable

(motivation, commitment and satisfaction) was considered to be con-

ceptually distinct, an underlying theoretical model provided the

rubric by which attitudinal and behavioral variables were inter-

connected. This model is referred to as expectancy theory.

The roots of expectancy theory can be located in the work of

Tolman (1932) and Lewin (1938). Essentially, the theory is a future-

looking, ahistorical approach to explaining human behavior. It

emphasizes a conception of behavior which relies upon a person's

"expectations" or "anticipations" about the probability of certain

events. In a sense, these expectations take the form of beliefs

which relate the likelihood that a particular action will be followed

by a particular outcome. Additionally, expectancy theory assumes

14

that people have a preference ordering among outcomes. Hence, some

outcomes may be viewed as negative and some outcomes as positive.

The work of Fishbein (1961, 1963) has contributed significantly

to the development of expectancy theory. He proposed a theory of the

relation,hips between beliefs about an object and the attitudes to-

ward that object. Consistent with Osgood et al., (1957), attitudes

are defined as the evaluative dimension of a concept (e.g.: whether

' the concept was good or bad).1 Beliefs are defined as the probability

dimension of a concept (e.g.: is the concept probable?). Fishbein

(1963) outlines his theory as follows:

"(1) an individual holds many beliefs about anygiven object, i.e.: many different characteristics,attributes, values, goals, and objects are posi-tively or negatively associated with a given object,(2) associated with each of these related objects isa mediating evaluative response; i.e.: an attitude;(3) these evaluative responses summate; (4) throughthe mediation process, the summated evaluativeresponse is associated with the attitude object, andthus (5) on future occasions the attitude object willelicit this summated evaluative response, i.e.: theattitude." (p. 233)

Consequently, according to the theory, an individual's attitude to-

ward any concept is a function of his beliefs about that concept

(i.e.: the probability that the concept is associated with other

1

As stated, Fishbein's use of the term "attitude"parallels the evaluative dimension associated with outcomes. In thisstudy, the term "attitude" is defined more broadly and includes be-liefs and behavioral predispositions, as well as evaluations.

15

objects, concepts, or goals) and the evaluative aspect associated with

those beliefs. Fishbein's formulation it: very similar to consistency

theories proposed by others (e.g.: Vroom, 1964; Atkinson, 1964;

Rosenberg, 1960, 1956; Zajonac, 1960; Peak, 1955; Rotter, 1965, 1955,

1954; Edwards, 1954).

In recent years, the usefulness of expectancy theory for under-

standing work behavior has been demonstrated. In simplified fashion,

the theory as used in work-related research, postulates that the

strength of the tendency for an individual to behave in a particular

manner is a function of: (a) the degree to which he expects certain

outcomes to result from the particular behavior, times (b) the attrac-

tiveness to him the expected result. The theory is frequently

summarized by the equation F = E x V (i.e.: Motivational force equals

expectancy times valence). Since there are a number of potential out-

!comes related to any given action, most expectancy theorists sum the1

E x V factor across the total number of potential outcomes (n) and

obtain an overall estimate of the strength of the tendency to act,

this yields:n

F = E E. X V.

A number of studies have verified the ability of expectancy

theory to predict successfully employee performance. One of the first

studies to utilize an expectancy theory approach was Georgopulus,

Malbney and Jones (1957). Hypothesizing that productivity was a

16

function of "path-goal" perceptions (i.e.: instrumentality -- the

belief that certain outcomes will result from certain behaviors) and

level of need (i.e.: valence -- the attractiveness attached to a

particular outcome, the researchers discovered that those subjects

who were classified as high producers (by the use of self-reports)

had significantly higher levels of instrumentality and valence than

those subjects classified as low-producers. Similarly, Vroom (1964),

Galbraith and Cummings (1967), Lawler (1966), Porter and Lawler

(1967), Hackman and Porter (1968), Gurin and Gurin (1971) have found

expectancy theory to be an effective and relevant guide for predicting

human behavior in organizational settings.

Attention is now focused upon the attitude variables to which

this research was directed. The primary objective was to obtain a

substantial amount of descriptive data. As such, the study was

decidedly non-hypotheses-testing in nature. The attitudes which were

selected for examination were those which seemed especially signifi-

cant for understanding the psychological environment of any parti-

cular organizational or occupational grouping. In the following

discussion, a section is devoted to each attitude variable. The

sections are divided basically into two parts -- the first part deals

briefly with the theoretical issues involved in the definition and

import of the variable and the second part delineates the set of

research questions addressed to that variable.

22

17

B. Work Motivation

The above' discussion described the origins and concerns

of the theory underlying the particular conceptual model used

in this study. In this research with its longitudinal emphasis,

it was considered essential to have a dynamic model of motivation

which allowed for attitudinal readjustments as a response to

the work environment. Porter and Lawler (1968) developed such

a model. Furthermore, the usefulness of their paradigm has

been demonstrated in a number of other situations (e.g.:

Lawler, 1968; Hackman and Porter, 1968; Porter and Boulian,

1971; Porter, Van Maanen and Crampon, 1972; Porter and Smith,

1971, etc.).

18

Essentially, the Porter-Lawler model suggests that an

individual is motivated to work hard to the degree that he

perceives high effort-outcome probabilities (i.e.: the extent

to which the person believes that certain outcomes are

associated with effort) and the degree to which he values the

various outcomes available in the situation. Furthermore,

the model postulates that the association between effort and

performance is conditioned by both the individual's abilities

and role perceptions.2

2Porter and Lawler refer to abilities as the relatively

stable or enduring individual characteristics -- intelligence,manual dexterity, personality traits and so on. On the otherhand, they use role perceptions to refer to the manner in whichthe individual defines his job -- the types of activities theperson believes he should engage in to perform at a certain level.Hence, if the individual's perceptions are congruent with hisrelevant supervisors in the organization, his efforts will beapplied where it "counts" for successful performance. Thesedistinctions are used throughout the remainder of this report.

24

19

The variables -- beliefs, values, abilities, role perceptions

and effort -- may be viewed fundamentally as "input" variables.

They describe a set of attitudinal and behavioral characteristics

which largely determine a person's success or failure in a partic-

ular setting. Of course, through time and experience the variables

may be modified to reflect a more accurate perception of the work

environment. However, such modifications are based upon the "output"

:variables which complete the hypothesized loop -- performance,

irewards, equity of rewards and satisfaction.

The performance variable concerns the individual's level-of-

;achievement in the work situation. As such, it is that aspect of an

employee's behavior that the organization (i.e.: as represented by

;one's supervisor, peers or subordinates) deems relevant for the accom-

plishment of organizational goals. Performance also has intrinsic

value to the individual, implying that the person himself is capable

!and indeed does evaluate his own performance.

The outcome variable refers to the returns to the individual as

a result of his performance. Such returns may be provided by a

;variety of sources -- himself included. While these returns may be

:desirable or undesirable, the position taken here is that those

outcomes which the individual views as desirable (i.e.: rewards)

are more important for predictive purposes since they are capable of

directing behavior toward specific goals. Rewards in this paradigm

are classified as either intrinsic or extrinsic. Intrinsic rewards

20

are related to subjective states within the individual resulting

from his own performance (e.g.: feelings of accomplishment, self-

respect, etc.). On the other hand, extrinsic rewards are provided

by others in the environment (e.g.: pay raises, compliments from

one's superiors or work colleagues, etc.).

Associated with the rewards resulting from performance is a

variable which represents the level or amount of rewards the individ-

ual feels he should receive. The perceived equity a person attaches

to rewards coming from the various sources influences the degree of

'satisfaction the individual receives from his organizational member-

ship. Hence, satisfaction is a derivative variable. It is defined

here as the degree to which the amount of rewards the individual

receives meets or exceeds the amount of rewards the person feels are

fair. A further discussion of the satisfaction variable is presented

in Section 0 of this chapter.

Figure 1-1 presents the above variables involved in the motiva-

tion model and diagrams the interrelationships which are believed to

animate the paradigm. Yet, Figure 1-1 does not specify exactly how

the value of reward and the effort-reward probability interact to

produce effort. Consistent with the expectancy theory perspective,

the view here is that the effect is multiplicative rather than

additive. As Porter and Lawler indicated, "each variable is a

necessary but not sufficient condition for effort to result."

FIGURE

-1

PORTER-LAWLER THEORET7.CAL MODEL

VALUES 11

111.

BELIEFS

EFFORT

ABLITIES

AND

TRAITS

ROLE

CONCEPTS

INTRINSIC

REWARDS

PERFORMANCE

SATISFACTION

Underlying the entire theoretical system is the assumed pos-

itive relationship between effort and performance. In other words,

it is expected that in most cases, increased effort will lead to

increased performance. However, since this relationship is con-

:ditioned by a multiplicative-type interaction between effort and

both abilities and role perceptions, it is unlikely that the effort-

: performance relationship can ever be perfect.

The model also points out a hypothesized relationship between

performance and reward. In work situations a desired outcome nor-

mally -- but not necessarily -- is associated with performance. The

fact that the relationship is imperfect is denoted in Figure 1-1 by

the wavy line. Indeed, the connection perceived by the individual

between his performance and his rewards is crucial to the motiva-

tional model. However, in many organizations, "extrinsic" rewards

are not tied to performance. For example, in some public service

bureaucracies governed tightly by civil service regulations, there

is little connection between the two variables. Yet, rewards may be

"intrinsic" -- involving the person's feelings in relation to his

task performance. Consequently, "intrinsic" rewards may be related

to performance and the connection perceived by the individual depends

primarily upon the nature and structure of the individual's task

within the organization.

The relationship between the rewards-actually-received by the

individual and the values placed on the particular rewards available

23

in the work situation is at present only speculative. However, some

empirically-based research suggests that the value component of the

motivational equation remains relatively constant -- the few changes

that have been detected were slow to evolve and occurred over the

long-run organizational experience of the individual (Schein, 1961,

1962, 1965; Porter and Lawler, 1968; Porter, Van Maanen and Crampon,

1972).

A striking complimentary relationship between Brim's concep-

tualization of the socialization process and the above motivational

theory also provides some insight on the empirical stability of the

job-related rewards. Essentially, the argument is that since the

values (i.e.: what individuals desire to get out of their jobs)

and basic motives (i.e.: why people work) individuals bring with

them to their jobs have been shown to be remarkably similar; and that

the intrinsic rewards available in the work situation have been

shown to be the most attractive3 (providing the setting and task

provide the potential for such "intrinsic" rewards); the reward

factors are stable because they are associated with the individual's

self-defining ("I-Me") relationships. Hence, such factors reflect

cultural universals -- such as one's desire to satisfy the expec-

tations of others -- which have been parcelled into more explicit

3

Herzberg et al., 1957; Guest, 1960; Schein, 1963, 1967;Blauner, 1964; Dunnette, Avery and Banas, 1969; Berlew and Hall, 1966;

. Porter and Lawler, 1968.

24

norms like "getting along with one's fellow-workers" or "accomplishing

something worthwhile." Since, such values (norms) were implanted

relatively early in one's lifetime and are crucial to one's identity,

it should be expected that little change -- at least in the short-run

-- would occur to these values.4

in this study, the motivational attitudes of police officers were

considered vital to the description of the "backstage" considerations

involved in the police role. Consequently, the research first sought

to characterize the motivational attitudes of police officers as they

progressed from their initiation into the police role through various

phases of the early police career -- as well as characterizing the

motivational attitudes of veteran officers representing later stages

of the police career. Second, the study attempted to provide infor-

mation on the rewards available in the police milieu which were viewed

as most attractive by both the neophytes and experienced officer.

Third, since the occupant of the police role is called upon to play

a variety of parts (e.g.: administrative, investigative, social

service, etc.), this research endeavored to specify the activities

that police actors felt were the most related to the various rewards.

4However, as Brim noted, it is not impossible for one to

drastically alter his self-definition -- although such occurrenceg are

rare and can usually be traced to a "climatic or catastrophic" event

(e.g., divorce, job changes, death of a loved one, etc.).

30

25

Finally, the investigation sought to differentiate the motivational

attitudes of the police actors according to their respective standing

on each of a number of job-behavior and demographic dimensions.

C. Organizational Commitment

The notion of commitment has been fashionable in organizational

theory and research for a considerable time'. It has been used --

often indiscriminately -- as a descriptive variable to denote a form

of behavior, as an independent variable to account for certain kinds

of individual (or group) behavior and as a dependent variable result-

ing from a variety of structural or independent characteristics. Yet,

despite the popularity of the term, very little attention has been

directed toward the formal analysis of the concept or toward locating

the concept within the current theories concerned with individual

behavior in organizational settings. With few exceptions, commitment

has been employed in an ad hoc manner as a "catch-all" term and

provided with a number of "common-sense" definitions. The result has

been, predictably, wide-spread ambiguity concerning the concept's

meaning, reference and its social and psychological origins.

In this study, the term organizational commitment was preferred

to occupational commitment since it specifically identifies the object

f commitment. Furthermore, it was perceived as an individual vari-

able in that it refers to an attitude state. Broadly, the concept

alludes to a problem shared by all collectives; how to meet objectives

r

26

in such a manner that the participants become attached positively to

the organization -- members who can be characterized as devoted, loyal,

faithful, supportive, dedicated or loving. Although a great deal of

effort has been directed toward this problem, researchers have ex-

hibited a distinct lack of consensus when it comes to delineating the

essential features of organizational commitment. Under various

semantic guises.(e.g.: loyalty, involvement, identification,

institutionalization, etc.), the concept has been defined as:

"the cathetic evaluative orientation of an actorto an object characterized in terms of intensityand direction."

(Etzioni, 1961, p. 9)

"the integration of the expectations of actors ina relevant interactive system of roles with ashared-normative pattern of values."

(Parsons and Shills,1962, p. 20)

"a broad, inclusive, somewhat loose concept, em-bracing a number of various interrelated phenomena...especially perceptions of similarity with the organi-zation, and attitudes and behavior supporting theorganization and one's ties to it."

(Patchen, 1970, p. 159)

"A willingness of social actors to give their energyand loyalty to social systems, the attachment ofpersonality systems to social relations which areseen as self-expressive."

(Kanter, 1968, p. 499)

The common thread running through these definitions is that com-

mitment implies a person gives something extra to the organization --

above and beyond that which is required for participation.-_-- _---

17

Furthermore, the definitions emphasize that commitment to the organi-

zation is a process. Hence, the concept refers to a sort of modus

operandi by which individual interests become linked to the carrying

out of organized patterns of behavior. As such, those persons who

are committed to the organization will act in a consistent fashion --

rejecting behavioral alternatives that do not correspond to the norms

and expectations of the organization. In other words, such indivi-

duals find that by behaving in a manner compatible with the organi-

zation's values, they are also expressing their own values. Porter

and Smith (1970) provide the working definition of the term as used

in this study. They state:

"(Organizational Commitment) ... refers to the nature

of an individual's relationship to an organization

such that a highly committed person will indicate:

(1) a strong desire to remain a member of the

particular organization, (2) a willingness to exerthigh levels of effort on behalf of the organization,

and (3) a definite belief in and acceptance of the

values and goals of the organization." (p. 2)

As defined in this manner, it is apparent that the term is

closely related to the motivational variable discussed previously.

However, highly motivated individuals are assumed to work hard mainly

because of the rewards perceived to result from their effort. On the

other hand, persons highly committed to the organization are assumed

to work hard not only because of the rewards available in the setting,

but also because they share the goals and values of the organization

itself -- in effect, such highly committed persons desire to contri-

bute to the success of the organization for reasons in addition to

18

personal gain. Such individuals will tend to expresS feelings of

oneness with the organization and behave in a manner which will be

perceived as fulfilling simultaneously both organizational and in-

dividual goals.

Recalling the brief discussion of Kelman's (1958) paradigm con-

cerning the processes in which people may adopt organizationally

relevant behaviors, the above distinction between motivation and corn-

mitment may be further refined. Compliance was viewed as a condition

under which the individual accepted organizational influence

because it enabled him to gain specific rewards. This state

solely

can be

typified as one in which the individual is motivated, but not cm-

:mitted to the organization -- since his basis for participation is

unrelated to the social system's goals, the individual would be

likely to leave the organization if he perceived more rewards avail-

able to him in an alternative setting. Identification refers to the

condition under which an individual's participation is based upon his

desire to be accepted by a group or individual within the organization.

This situation implies that the individual is motivated strictly by

the rewards of fellowship -- however, his commitment is limited to

.the individual or group which provide the person with a satisfying or

self-defining -- relationship. Finally, internalization represents

the state in which participation is based upon an acceptance of the

ideas and behaviors which comprise the individual's role in the

organization. Consequently, it may be inferred that the individual

29

is both motivated and committed to the organization when his basis

for participation has been internalized.

While Kelman's analysis is admittedly an oversimplification of

the types of linkages between the organization and the individual, it

does suggest that organizational commitment refers to the underlying

mechanisms which bind a person to a social system. Along these

lines, Simon et al. (1950) noted that commitment to the organization

may be based upon policies, values and goals, or be based upon

interpersonal attachments. Similarly, Coleman (1957) noted that there

is a distinction between the "idea-oriented" and the "group-oriented"

forms of commitment. This point is particularly important for

organizational analysis since it suggests that if the basis for

participation is in some way changed (e.g.: goals altered or certain

key individuals leave the organization), the formerly-committed mem-

ber may resign or withdraw from the organization.

The existing literature concerned with organizational commitment

has been confined largely to the examination of two rather specialized

types of employees -- low-level industrial workers and highly-trained

professionals.5 In the case of the blue-collar employees, researchers

have found that they often exhibit positive feelings toward the

S

It should be noted that several recent studies conductedby Porter and associates somewhat offsets this bias in the literature.Chapters II and V discuss briefly some of these studies.

30

company in spite of certain omnipresent alienating task features of

their work environment (Guest, 1960; Blauner, 1964). While workers

may not have been committed to their employing organization in the

sense in which it has been defined here, it has also been demonstrated

that rank-and-file workers who express strong attachment and posi.ve

feelings toward their union were not necessarily uncommitted to their

respective companies (Purcerl, 1954; Lipset et al. 1956; Coleman,

1964). Similarly, research which has been conducted with scientists

and other professionals has indicated that a "dual alligence" is not

uncommon (Kornhauser, 1962; Glaser, 1964, Wilensky, 1964).

Essentially, for both types of employees, the question of com-

mitment revolves around the "situational adjustment" of individuals

to their organizational setting. From a sociological perspective, a

person who joins an organization is emmersed immediately in an

environment where various groups both inside and outside the or-

ganization -- compete for his loyalty. To the individual, the problem

is one of selecting a role model from among the available alternatives

which will be useful for him as a sort of behavioral guide. For lack

of a better term, reference group is used here to signify this choice.

1 It is an audience -- real, shared or imagined -- to whom the indivi-

dual assigns certain values. Hence, the individual adopts the frame-

of-reference attributed to his reference group as a mechanism for

defining and interpreting his particular organizational role. Yet,

as Shibutani (1962) suggested, for each person there are as many

31

possible reference groups as there are channels of communication the

person regularly uses. Clearly, the individual's selection of a

reference gibup (or several reference groups) has important conse-.

quences involving the development of organizational commitment. At

the extremes, one may choose a reference group which either does or

does not embrace the values of the employing organization.

Following Merton's (1957) classic analysis of cc,mmunity leaders,

Gouldner (1957a, b) postulated that organizations -- particularly

professional organizations -- are populated by a mix of two types of

employees. At one polar position of an idealized continuum is the

"cosmopolitan" who is more committed to his specialized role (i.e.:

his "profession") than he

other polar position

organization than he

is to the organization itself. At the

is the "local" who is more committed to the

is to his specialized role. For the "cosmopoli-

tan," his reference group is located outside the organization which

may make attempts to bind the individual to the organizational values

frustrating. On the other hand, the "local," by definition, has

selected the organization as his reference group and clearly supports

its values and norms.

Related intimately to Gouldner's (1957a, b) typology is the

distinction between manifest and latent roles. For the purpose of

this discussion, manifest roles refer to those behaviors which the

organization considers necessary, indeed crucial, if an individual

is to participate in the organization. Latent roles, however, rarely

are fully recognized by the organization and therefore are considered

irrelevant. It should be noted that there is no necessary conflict

between the two. In fact, in some organizations both roles may be

mutually reinforcing. Hoever, there exists evidence which indicates

that the individual's latent roles may clash with his organizationally-

defined manifest roles and produce a set of problems for both the

individual and the organization (Gouldner, 19S7a, b; Blau and Scott,

1962; Glaser, 1964; Kornhauser, 1962; Feltz and Andrews, 1966;

Abramson, 1966). For example, Burchard (1954) found that military

chaplains felt tane between the cross-pressures of professional and

organizational norms regarding their choice of a "proper" role.

Attempting to deal with this sometimes confusing issue, Becker

and Greer (1966) have noted that latent roles will rarely affect the

individual's organizational behavior unless they are in some way

mobilized or made salient. In other words, latent roles are often

not in conflict with the manifest roles. Thus, the "local-cosmopoli-

tan" question need not be resolved in an "either-or" fashion. A

number of studies have questioned the inevitability of the inverse

relationship of "locals-to-cosmopolitans" (Bennis et al., 1957;

Wilensky, 1964; Glaser, 1964; Avery, 1968). In many cases, the

individual learns to adjust both to the organiz.lional demands and

the demands of his outside reference group. Avery (1968) found that

through a process he labelled "enculturation," professional scientists

were able to transform themselves into industrial researchers by

33

connecting their technical competence to that of the organization in

a manner which was mutually satisfactory.

Importantly, organizational commitment should not be viewed as

a prerequisite or necessary condition for one's effectual partici-

pation in an organization. Certainly, a person may engage in a

career(s) -- perhaps very successfully -- without ever being com-

mitted to his employing organization(s). Furthermore, organizations

vary widely as to the extent of commitment demanded of their members.

Up to this point, the implicit assumption has been that the person's

important reference groups (regarding his job attitudes and behaviors)

are tied intimately to his occupational or organizational roles.

However, some evidence suggests that this may not always be the case.

For example, Dubin (1956) inferred that for three out of four

industrial workers (surveyed via an attitude questionnaire), the

workplace was not a "central life interest." In a later study,

Tausky and Dubin (1965) claimed that career perspectives were

"anchored" to positions established independently of the organization.

To explain the consistency of work behavior, Dubin (1956) argued

persuasively that for many workers, adequate social behavior occurs

in the workplace because it was mandatory, not because it was im-

portant to him or because he perceived a similarity of values between

himself and his employing organization.

Turning to the subject of this study, it is apparent that

occupational commitment (i.e.: "Police work") is a large component

34

of organizational commitment (i.e.: "Department X") within the police

environment -- one must first join an organization which, in turn,

locates him within the police community generally. Without organiza-

tional membership, however, a person is not part of the police occupa-

tion. To some degree, one would expect any police officer to exhibit

some commitment to his calling regardless of his commitment to the

specific police department for which he works. Hence, in the police

world, occupational commitment probably represents a baseline for the

development of any organizational commitment. In other words, if one

does not display some degree of attachment to his occupation (i.e.: a

desire to continue in his role and a basic belief in the occupational

values), the term organizational commitment is indeed meaningless in

the context of the police organization since police work is essential-

ly the same task regardless of one's department -- especially at the

patrolman level. Thus, for the purpose of this study, organizational

commitment implies some degree of occupational commitment. Yet, while

the dividing line between the two is particularly nebulous in this

case, the use of the term organizational commitment assumes that one

may or may not express positive feelings toward his employing organi-

zation independently of his feelings toward the police role.

r

As noted, one of the main thrusts of this study was directed to

the development and change of police officers organizational commit-

ment attitudes during their early career experience. Hence, the first

purpose of this portion of the research effort was to measure the

degree to which individuals, who were attracted to and selected for

the police role, expressed positive feelings toward their employing

.organization -- and to determine whether or not any changes occur over

time. The second objective was to compare these attitudes with the

organizational commitment attitudes of officers with more organiza-

tional experience. Third, since police organizations have been typi-

fied so generally as stressing group solidarity or cohesion (especial-

ly at the patrolman level), it was deemed important to determine if

such solidarity was associated with organizational commitment.6 The

fourth objective was to determine whether or not there was a relation-

ship between job behavior and organizational commitment. In other

words, were the highly-committed members perceived by their superiors

as better police officers than their lower-committed counterparts.

Finally, it was considered important to ascertain the extent to which

6As will be discussed in the following chapter, there

existed a series of related studies on this variable which permitteda direct comparison of findings.

. 41

3f

36

an individual's organizational commitment was related to each of a

number-of demographic characteristics.

These considerations -- or questions -- were felt to be congruent

with the "backstage" metaphor used to describe the overall objective

of the research. The perspective taken here is that organizational

commitment provides the perceptual linkage between the police actor

and his supporting departmental cast.

D. Job Satisfaction

The foregoing discussion has identified two major variables

(motivation and commitment) which were investigated in this study.

Generally, these variables provide the basic individual inputs into

the organizational system -- the motivational attitudes specify the

degree to which individuals express a desire to work hard in order

to gain the rewards of organizational membership; the commitment

attitudes suggest the degree to which individuals are willing to

contribute to the organization beyond that which is required for

membership. Conceptually, by investigating the major individual

"output" variable -- satisfaction -- closure of the theoretical

system is presumably obtained.

Returning to the Porter and Lawler (1968) model presented

earlier, satisfaction was defined as the extent to which the rewards-

actually-received (both intrinsic and extrinsic) meet or exceed the

perceived equitable level of rewards. The model indicates that

37

satisfaction is perceived as a dependent variable and not a casual

variable -- although this assumption certainly does not exclude the

possibility that an individual's feelings of satisfaction can in turn

influence future effort and performance.

As indicated, satisfaction as it is used here, is a derivative

variable. Thus, high satisfaction may not necessarily result from

high levels of reward. Depending upon the difference between one's

perceived equitable rewards and the rewards perceived to have been

actually obtained in the setting, an individual may be located any-

where on a dissatisfied-to-satisfied continuum (see Porter and Lawler,

1968, pp. 36-38).

In general, the relationship between effort and satisfaction

would be expected to be weaker than that of performance and satis-

faction since organizations most often claim to reward performance

rather than effort. However, if the organization in fact does reward

effort as much as or possibly more than -- performance, a weaker

effort-satisfaction relationship would not be expected.

As Figure 1-1 illustrated, satisfaction was perceived to affect

the individual's behavior via its effect upon the value of the various

rewards in the system. Yet, the nature of the affect -- whether

satisfaction increases or decrea!es the value of the rewards --

remains open to conjecture. It was noted in Section B that some re-

search suggested that the values remain relatively stable. For

1 example, a study conducted by Porter, Van Maanen and Crampon (1972)

1

38

found that the values a sample of newly-hired engineers attached to

various outcomes (i.e.: rewards) available in the job-situation

remained remarkably constant across a twelve-month measurement period.

To explain this finding, the authors stated:

"Such stability, of course, is not suprisingand is in fact expected in most employmentsituations. This is because it can be assumedthat the values that employees attach to out-comes are ordinarily well formed outside of

and prior to entering the work situation. This

is not to say that such values could not bealtered under unusual circumstances, but ratherthat under fairly normal employment conditions .

values attached to outcomes would be relativelyunaffected by the day-to-day happenings in anorganization." (p. 16)

This particular conception of job satisfaction utilized for this

study seems to fit the available research literature quite well.

While most researchers in the 30's and 40's held to the tacit assump-

tion that effective job performance was enhanced by high worker

satisfaction, the more recent studies have shattered conclusively

the earlier supposition. In fact, virtually all systematic state-

ments since 1955 have concluded that there is no compelling evidence

to indicate a simple or even appreciable relationship exists between

satisfaction and performance (Brayfield and Crockett, 1955;

39

Herzberg et al., 1957; Vroom, 1.c64; Smith and Cranne.y, 1968; Smith

et al., 1969).7

Most research to date has emphasized the "intrinsic" job factors

as the most important determinants of job satisfaction -- those

factors pertaining to the work itself (Guest, 1960; Schein, 1962, 1963,

1968b; Locke, 1965; Porter and Lawler, 1968, etc.). This position is

summarized effectively by Korman (1968). He states:

"All things being equal, individuals will choose,

adjust their behavior to, and, find satisfying,

those behavioral roles which will maximize their

sense of cognitive balance or consistency. This

implies that individuals will tend to find most

satisfying those job and task roles which are

consistent with their self-cognitions." (p. 485)

Yet, all things are rarely equal, hence, qualifications are

necessary when discussing job satisfaction. It is clear that some

tasks simply do not have the potential for supplying the individual

with rewarding "intrinsic" experiences. Roy (1960) observed that

on certain jobs, the "game of work" could not be played, the task

7Some evidente, however, does exist which would support

a relationship between satisfaction and both absenteeism and turnover.

Essentially, several studies note a trend for the more satisfied

worker to be less likely to quit or play hookey than their less

satisfied counterparts. Intuitively, both these measures appear to

reflect a somewhat higher level of worker motivation -- for whatever

purpose -- on the part of the more satisfied individuals. Yet,

apparently, such effort was only partially.(and inconsequentially)

related to performance in these cases ([hayfield and Crockett, 1955;

Vroom, 1964).

40

being far too dull. Consequently, in some situations, "extrinsic"

considerations (e.g.: the work group, pay, supervision, security,

etc.) account for individual satisfaction. As Centers and Bugental

(1966) pointed out, members at higher organizational levels are

usually afforded tasks which are richer and more "intrinsically"

rewarding than members at lower levels.

Vroom (1964) has noted that both "intrinsic" and "extrinsic"

considerations enter into the satisfaction equation on most jobs.

Yet, these variables do not among themselves explain much of the ob-

served job satisfaction variance. He notes that while one alternative

theory is that the relationship depends strictly on the individual

(i.e.: some people like to work and others don't), it is probably the

case that the interaction between the person and the job accounts for

the complexity of the findings (i.e.: some people like some jobs).

Although this contention has been somewhat neglected in the litera-

ture, it has received some support (Porter, 1961; Vroom, 1966; Schein,

1967; Hall, Schneider and Nygren, 1967a, b; Vroom and Deci, 1971).

The position taken in this study is teat under certain condi-

tions, job satisfaction may indeed be related to job performance.

Vroom's (1964) conclusion is especially relevant in this context.

He stated:

"...job satisfaction is closely affected by theamount of rewards that people derive from theirjobs and that level of performance is closelyaffected by the basis for attainment of rewards.Individuals are satisfied with their jobs to the

41

extent to which their jobs provide them withwhat they desire, and they perform effectivelyin them to the extent that effective performanceleads to the attainment of what they desire."(p. 264)

Hence, one objective of this study was to determine the extent to

which these conditions did or did not exist in the studied police

department.

The conception of job satisfaction utilized in this study depends

heavily upon Maslow's (1954) theory concerning need prepotency.

Essentially, a need refers to the individual's desire or aversion for

a large class of outcomes. Each class of outcomes consists of ele-

ments representing preferences -- the affective orientation of an

individual to a specific outcome. Hence, a need connotes a pre-

ference for a class of outcomes consisting of any number of specific

potential outcomes. .

Underlying Maslow's (1954) theory are five basic human needs

arranged hypothetically in hierarchical fashion according to their

relative prepotency -- security, social, esteem, autonomy and self-

actualization. Basically, these five needs may be classified into

higher-order (esteem, autonomy and self-actualization) and lower-

order (security and social) needs. Generally, higher-order needs

reflect the "intrinsic" aspects of work roles, while the lower-level

needs reflect "extrinsic" aspects. According to the theory, there

should be substantial individual differences in the strength of the

higher-order needs and the differences should be positively related

42

to the degree to which the lower-level needs have been satisfied.

Maslow felt that only when the lower-level needs were satisfied would

the higher-level needs emerge; however, when the lower-order needs

have not been satisfied, the higher-order needs will be inactive.

A number of studies have confirmed the usefulness of using

Maslow's paradigm. In general, the degree to which individuals are

able to satisfy. higher-order needs (e.g.: opportunity to use one's

valued abilities, feelings of self-esteem, opportunity to participate

in the setting of goals, etc.) has been shown to vary inversely with

the intensity of other deprivations experienced by the individual

(Vroom, 1964; Davis, 1948; Pellegrin and Coates, 1957). or example,

one study found that perceived differences in need satisfaction have

been related to job-level in a direction consistent with Maslow's

model. The results of this study showed: (1) vertical level of an

individual's position within management had a strong relationship to

the extent of the perceived satisfaction of the higher-order needs;

(2) for the lower-order needs there were no systematic differences

in satisfaction across job level; and (3) among the five need cate-

gories, self-actualization and autonomy were consistantly regarded

as the least fulfilled need at all job levels (Porter, 1962).

More importantly, research conducted to date -- primarily with

management personnel -- indicates that if performance is in any way

related to job satisfaction, it is more likely that such relationships

are associated with the satisfaction of the higher-order needs than

48

43

with the lower-level needs (Porter and Lawler, 1963). In a study con-

centrating upon police officers -- whose working environment has been

characterized as particularly varied -- there exist ample opportuni-

ties to satisfy higher-order needs (e.g.: autonomy in decision

making, etc.), as well as lower-level needs (e.g.: security, etc.).

Furthermore, since "extrinsic" rewards are noticeably tied to job-

features having, little to do with an officer's performance (i.e.:

seniority), the intrinsic rewards of police work may become relatively

more important vis-a-vis one's expressed job satisfaction. In other

words, there may be a greater opportunity for the individual officer

to feel differentially "intrinsically" rewarded rather than "differ-

entially "extrinsically" rewarded -- although "extrinsic" rewards are

provided for all organizational members at some minimal level.

Regarding this particular attitude area, the main intent of the

research was merely to provide a mapping of the police officer's

satisfaction attitudes. As noted, satisfaction was considered to be

a function of both the individual's perceived level of fulfillment

and his perceived equity of such fulfillment for each of five need

categories. Hence, the absolute level and the changes reported in

each of the satisfaction components were of interest. Additionally,

it was deemed relevant that an indication of the importance of each

need be determined in order to more fully understand the relationship

involved in the question, "what do police officers want from their

jobs?"

9

11%

44

Again, the emphasis was upon the longitudinal feature of this

study. As with the other two attitudinal areas, interest was also

placed upon determining the extent to which the satisfaction attitudes

were associated with the job-behavior measures, the demographic

variables and the other attitude variables. Finally, comparative

data were used to contrast the need satisfaction attitudes of the

police officers with other occupational groupings.

To conclude this section, it should again be stressed that the

fundamental premise throughout this research has been that the

"backstage" considerations of the police role -- as reflected by

their work-related attitudes -- are important determinants of their

"on-stage" performance. The conceptual material presented in this

chapter attempted to provide a set of expectations concerning the

relationships among the variables. The theory is grounded upon

current empirical evidence and believed to be based solidly on psycho-

logical and sociological theory. Thus, the task here was to determine

the extent to which such expectations were met and to note the impli-

cations of such findings upon police behavior, the police organization

and ultimately the citizenry.

Summary

The preceding discussion indicates that the research effort fo-

cused upon the police officer's perceptions of three distinct aspects

of their relationship with the organization -- motivation, commitment

50

45

and satisfaction. As will be detailed more explicit* in the follow-

ing chapter, each of these three attitudinal areas was examined by

use of a questionnaire administered longitudinally to the recruits

and administered cross-sectionally to veteran officers. The longi-

tudinal emphasis is particularly important since the literature pro-

vides little in the way of directly applicable findings. It appears

that the most important deficiency in the relevant research to date

is not the fact that police organizations have rarely been examined,

but rather that job-attitudes have not been studied on a developmental

basis. In 1957, Herzberg and his associates stated:

"There are no studies which focus on changesin job attitudes during the first year of job

tenure." (p. 12)

Unfortunately, with only a handful of exceptions, this conclusion is

still applicable today.8

As pointed out in the previous chapter,

,this represents a serious liability to the field of organizational

theory since the first-year of work is viewed as such a critical

period. Hence, it would seem that this research is particularly use-

ful in gaining a greater comprehension of the employee-organization

relationships.

8

A search of the literature since 1957 revealed only afew studies that could remotely be considered of this type. For ex-

ample, see: Lortie, 1959; Becker et al., 1961; Schein, 1961, 1962,1967; Glaser, 1964; Berlew and Hall, 1966; Davis, 1968; Lawler, 1969;

Porter et al., 1972

51

As noted, the research waf, to be primarily explora-

46

tory. The main goal was simply to p!.-ocide a description of the

perceived environmental milieu reported by the police offiCers, How-

ever, independent judgments :ere collected on the police subject's

job behavior which allowed for the analysis of potential relationships

among the attitudinal and behavioral. !:leasures, urthermorc, since

data was available on three attitudinal areas, it was possible to

compare the course of each attitudinal area across time with that of

the other areas. Additionally, an analysis of the potential associa-

tions among the attitudinal, behavioral and demographic variables

across time was conducted. This pai.ticulac concern was perceived as

especially important since it provides some serviceable empirical

evidence as to the relative effect.-- over time -- of the job upon

the attitudes of the police officers toward their unique social sys-

tem. Finally, since several of the questionnaires were standardized,

comparisons were made with samples ,xelected freu, other occupational

groupings. The main concerns are summarized below in the form of

research questions.

1. tquit arc the job-reiated attitudes of policeofficers when they first encounter the departmentand in what manner do these atri tudes change asthe recruits pas::; through their formal academytraining and their early experiences "on-the-street?"Relatedly, how do these attitudes compare with themore experienced officers in the department?

2. To what degree are the job-related attitudes of

ihe police recruits and veteran officers associatedwith independent assessments of their job behavior?

52

47

3. To what extent are the job-related attitudes ofthe police recruits and veteran officers associatedwith their standing on some general backgroundcharacteristics?

4. How do the job-related attitudes of the policerecruits and veteran officers compare with job-related attitudes of individuals representingother occupational groupings?

Although these questions represent the main thrust of the re-

search, certain.other questions were unavoidably involved in the re-

search effort (e.g.: to what degree do the attitudinal variables

relate to each other?, etc.). However, these additional research

questions were: (1) logical derivatives (i.e.: subsets) of the

four-above questions; (2) aimed expressly at the clarification of

various methodological issues; or (3) limited in scope and designed

to provide supplemental information related to the attitude model

(e.g.: level-of-aspiration, role perception). These questions will

be raised and, hopefully, answered satisfactorily in appropriate

locations throughout the remainder of this document

9While the purpose of this research was not to test

explicitly the validity of the theoretical model, most of the topics

considered in this chapter will be confronted again in Chapters IV

and V when the implications of the data analysis are discussed.

52

of intimate knowledge concerning the day-to-day behavior of police-

men. Further, the experience proved an invaluable aid in the anal-

ysis of the quantitative data.

In addition to the above phenomenological approach, both formally

and informally structured interviews were administered to a wide

variety of subjects. Ranging from the high-echelon members of the

Department (the "brass") to the patrolman on the beat, the interviews

were designed to illuminate specific concerns of the research. The

interviews concentrated upon: the selection and training of local

police officers, promotional opportunities for organizational members,

various sources of intrinsic and extrinsic rewards for local police

officers, problems newly recruited officers have in adjusting to the

demands of the occupation, various organizational uncertainties

involved in police work, and so on. Furthermore, interviews were

conducted with many subjects outside the formal umbrella of the

organization. These subjects included officers who had resigned

from the Department (both voluntarily and involuntarily) and with

various individuals assumed to have some measure of expertise re-

: garding local police issues (e.g.: members of the local press, rep-

resentatives of the local ACLU chapter, members of the Human Rights

Commission, etc.). Although a great deal of the data cannot be

assimilated and reported in this document, such data have proven to

be helpful in this researcher's understanding of the policeman's

occupational and organizational milieu.

53

The findings to be reported in the following chapters are

primarily the results of a questionnaire survey administered to line

officers in a large, urban police department. The reliance upon

this type of data rather than the interview or ethnographic data

was determined largely by the convenience and standardization af-

forded the questionnaire approach.

In choosing the attitude areas to be examined, care was taken

to select variables that have demonstrated relationships with an in-

dividual's job performance in past studies. These attitude areas

are presumed to be associatedwithjeb performance across tasks,

occupations and organizations.

The selection of what type of measures of job performance (i.e.:

job behavior) to use was a more difficult problem. Given the unique

and socially important nature of the policeman's duties, ratings

which are based solely on organizational criteria are not completely

satisfactory. Furthermore, police departments are sorely lacking in

adequate criteria for the purpose of evaluating the performance of

individual members -- particularly those members least visible, the

patrolmen. Additionally, the criteria used by the superior in oval-

uating the job performance of his subordinates may be unrelated to

what the community standards are regarding job performance (e.g.:

number of arrests, miles logged, number of traffic tickets, vs.

"keeping the peace").

54

However, given these explicit limitations, it was decided to

focus upon the Sergeant's rating of a patrolman as an indicator of

patrolman performance. Departmental ratings were not made available,

so an instrument was designed to elicit these performance ratings.

Despite the restrictions of such an approach, it was felt that re-

gardless of the "true" performance of the patrolman, vis-a-vis the

citizenry, it was of sufficient import to seek to establish relation-

ships between the patrolman's attitudinal and demographic charac-

teristics and the organizational assessment of his performance (as

provided by the appropriate Sergeant). The preceding chapters

suggested that the relevant determinants of police behavior are, to

a large extent, internal, job-related factors -- such as reward

mechanisms, organizational sanctions, peer pressures and 'so on.

Thus, the selection of the job performance measure was consistent

I with the "backstage" viewpoint taken in this study.

1The descriptive nature of this research concentrates heavily

upon the various aspects of the recruit socialization process. As

such, a longitudinal study was deemed to be the best method for in-

vestigating recruit changes-over-time.2 In this case, a longitudinal

study refers to the administration of questionnaires to the same sub-

jects at two or more points in time.

2

For a more elaborate discussion of the merits of panelstudies, see: Rosenberg, Thielens and Lazarsfeld, 1951; Feltz andAndrews, 1964, Yee and Gage, 1968; Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet,1962.

55

Some cross-sectional data were utilized. Basic to the concerns

of this study was the attempt to obtain as broad a picture of the

occupational perspectives of the patrolman as possible. Since the

majority of patrolmen are not "rookies," cross-sectional data --

based on the same instruments administered to the recruit groups --

were obtained for patrolman with 2 5, and 10 years of experience on

the force. The cross-sectional approach was justified from the

standpoint that it was likely for groups with longer seniority and

greater experience to have a more stable attitude profile than the

recruit groups. These more experienced officers had already been

socialized into the policeman's occupational world and it was improb-

able that they would demonstrate much variability over the relatively

short duration of the study.

Since the data in this study came exclusively from a single

organization, problems of generalization are encountered. For

tunately, several of the measuring instruments used in this study

have also been used in other studies. Although the samples of the

various studies are not drawn from the same underlying population,

comparisons between results obtained in the various studies may

provide important baseline information as well as highlighting areas

in which the police sample significantly diverges from previous

findings.

Hopefully, the above discussion makes clear the reliance upon

the questionnaire data for the reported results of this study. The

56_ .

other data-collection techniques were viewed as helpful means for

providing "insight-stimulating" experiences as well as providing a

useful check on the survey data. Such cross-validation serves a

necessary and important role in the research process. While it is

beyond the scope of this report to e.ocument fully the data gained in

the participant-observation and interview phases of the research,

such data will be used to illustrate and support various question-

naire findings when appropriate.

The reader may properly question the impact of this researcher's

ubiquitous presence on the subjects' responses to the survey mate-,

rials. While this question cannot be answered in an entirely satis-

fying manner, it is felt due to the non-threatening nature of the

instruments and the emphasis placed upon confidentiality, the

"outside-investigator" influence was minimized. It could of course

be argued that members of such a secretive and cohesive occupation

would respond to the questionnaires in only a socially-desirable

style, thus placing the organization in the best possible light.

However, if this were true, it would seem that it would operate in

only one direction -- one of accentuating the positive and elimi-

nating the negative. Hence, a conservative interpretation of the

results would hold that the data represented the attitudes of police-

men viewing their Department at its best. However, while the re-

sponses may not reflect the most cynical beliefs of police officers,

57

I believe most of the responses are typical of the organizationally-

relevant attitudes which were expressed verbally to the researcher

during the course of the study.

Finally, some consideration must be given to the ethical issues

involved in the research. Most of these issues revolve around the

participant-observation phase of the study. As noted, I spent a

considerable arount of time as a "backseat" observer on routine

patrol. This raises questions concerning my influence vis-a-vis

citizen-suspect-prisoner contacts the patrolmen had while under

observation. However, it was difficult to imagine that patrolmen

would treat their contacts more harshly or with less regard to their

civil rights because of my presence in their patrol unit. At the

same time, it was also difficult to imagine that patrolmen would

be less competent or have less concern for the quality of their

performance while in my presence. Hence, it was unlikely that the

"outsider" influenced either the severity of police behavior or

the effectiveness of police performance.

A further concern involves the amount of assistance a partici-

pant-observer should provide the patrolmen in the performance of

their work activities. Unfortunately, there are no simple answers

to this question. My behavior varied according to my own personal

standards and the particular contextual setting. For example,

I would assist patrolmen with their paperwork, aid in the inter-

; viewing of witnesses at the scene of a traffic accident, or help

58

the officers "cool down" a family disturbance. On the other hand,

I did not allow myself to be instrumental on a narcotics "pinch,"

nor be used as an accomplice of the police on, say, a prostitution

raid. Predictably, the vast majority of time was spent observing

the routine activities of patrolmen -- service calls -- and simply

riding throughout the city conversing with the officers.

Perhaps a more serious ethical consideration concerns the re-

: searcher's responsibility to the many patrolmen who were observed.

As noted by virtually all serious social scientists concerned with

police behavior, the police do engage in illegal activities. I

found illegal conduct among patrolmen to be infrequent, but none-

theless present. However, the major interest was not the behavior

of a single patrolman per se, but with his behavior as it relates to

a more general police behavior pattern. During this research,

: behavior was observed which might result in the official reprimand of

a patrolman by his superior or result in sanctions imposed by the

community-at-large. Yet, as a researcher committed to the protection

of the integrity of his subjects, the identity of any patrolman

involved in the study shall remain confidential.

Following the same line of reasoning, the name of the community

in which this study was conducted has been kept anonymous. The

pseudonym "Union City" will be used to refer to the actual community

. where the research was undertaken. Although some readers may

59

identify Union City due to certain undisguisable chai.acteristics,

the purpose is not to bare details of self-incriminating conduct.

The main reason for anonymity is to emphasize the objective of this

study. The goal is not to analyze police work-attitudes and condi-

' tions in one specific department, rather, the goal is to accentuate

the data as they apply to police organizations generally.

The remainder of this chapter describes certain contextual

difficulties and methodological procedures involved in this study.

Section B presents a distilled discussion of certain historical

events which occurred during the course of this research. Section C

outlines the questionnaire study design and summarizes the demo-

graphic characteristics of the sample. Sections D and E outline the

attitude questionnaires and the job performance measures respectively.

Finally, Section F specifies the methods involved in the analysis

of the data. The interested reader is referred to Appendices A

through D for a detailed examination of the setting, the studied

police organization and the explicit sample characteristics.

B. Historical Context

This study took place in a large, urban municipality between

May and December, 1970. Union City is the economic and geographical

center for a sprawling metropolitan area populated by more than one

million persons.

The Union City Police Department employs well over one thousand

uniformed personnel, of which, over eighty-percent are patrolmen.

. -___ __.-.-

60

At the time of this study, the overall "style" of policing in Union

City could best be regarded, using the term coined by Wilson (196S),

as approaching the "legalistic" style. The Union City Department

can be characterized as one which was stressing increasingly the

1

importance of the command structure in rder to maximize the police

admipistrator's control of the patrolman's behavior. The organiza-

tional context values technical efficiency and pressures the officers

'o produce.3 Research and Planning was a growing Division and the

umber of specialized divisions was increasing. Citizen complaintsili

ere hri d form Ily and the Department tod, created a specialized

DiViSi p to ccO'cluct the investigiAioni, in 1969. In most ways, the

:.,

DepArtm3rwfits the "legalistic" category.

3The "production ethie was very apparent in Union City.ror example, all patrol officers assigned to a motorized unit wererequired to write at least one traffic citation per shift--onlyt!:e so-caller.k "hazardous" violations counted tot9rd an officer'squota. On many occasions, this researcher observed Sergeants en-forcing this quota by checking their subordinates weekly total oftraffic citations.

Wilson .(1968) considered the pressure to produce indica-tive of a "legalistic" department. He noted:

"Because he has an unambiguous performancemeasure, the police administrator can obaii-;almost any level of ticketing he wishes 4ith-out necessarily altering the way the policeconceive their function, as when Lickingis delegatee to a specialized traffic. en-,forcement mit. A legalistic department willtypically go beyond this; however, and putall patrolmen, not just traffic specialists,under some pressure to produce." (p. 174)(Cont. neU. page)

66

61

However, lurking in the not too distant past, was the Depart-

ment's history as a "watchman" style police force. As recent Grand

Jury testimony indicated, the police in Union City had, for years,

tolerated gambling and generally had encouraged the privatization of

the law. Professional goals were not accentuated and many situations

which called for police attention were ignored. However, as Wilson

pointed out, the present "legalistic" style may have been an unavoid-

able consequence which grew out of community dissatisfaction with

The enforced "quota" system for traffic tickets in UnionCity was reported to be instituted relatively recently. Most officerswith more than two years experience on the force, remembered a timewhen patrol officers were not required to issue a set number oftraffic citations.

Wilson also notes the tendency for "legalistic" policedepartments to make more arrests in law enforcement situations (thosesituations where it is clear that a law has been violated, e.g.,larceny) than "watchman" style departments. He also states that"watchman" style departments are more likely to arrest in order-maintenance situations (those situations in which a law must be in-terpreted and standards of "right" conduct determined, e.g., dis-orderly conduct). If these hypotheses are true (and he presentsimpressive data to support them), then one would expect the arrestrates of Union City to reflect the postulated shift in emphasis --from the "watchman" style to the "legalistic" style. A simple com-parison between the 1960 and 1969 arrest rates (per 100,000 resi-dents) does, indeed, reflect the trend toward theof policing.

legalistic style

1960 1969

Larceny 114.4 206.4Disorderly Conduct 340.0 92.9

(Source: Union City Police Department Annual Reports(1960 and 1969)

For a further discussion of these characteristics, seeChapter 8 in Wilson (1968) pp. 227-277.

the "watchman" style of policing. Wilson stated:

"The administration of these (legalistic) departmentswants high arrest rates and ticketing rates not onlybecause it is right, but also to reduce the prospect(or the suspicion) of corruption, to protect themselvesagainst criticism that they are not doing their jobor are deciding for themselves what laws are good orbad, and to achieve, by means of the law, certainlarger social objectives. Almost invariably a legalis-tic department was once a corrupt or favor-doingdepartment." (p. 180)

As discussed in Chapter I, there is a growing tendency in most

cities to "professionalize" the police -- reflected, in part, by a

move toward the legalistic style of policing. Hence, in certain

respects, the generalizable nature of the findings of this study is

I enhanced. This, however, is not to say that local peculiarities are

non-existent, but, rather to indicate that the Union City Police

Department is representative of many other large departments in the

United States.

Before describing the study design some mention must be made con-

cerning certain uncontrollable circumstances encountered during the

data-collection phase of the research. As in all organizational

field studies, both external and internal events can seriously impair

the generalizability of the findings. In the case of this study,

several significant occurrences bear comment.

In virtually all major police departments, the day-to-day working

environment can best be described as turbulent. Increasingly, police

work is carried out in the throes of controversy. Union City is no

exception. From the beginning of the study to the final day spent in

62

63

the field, Union City's Police Department was a focal point for the

local news media -- also attracting a considerable amount of national

attention. Yet, most of the external events are common to all police

departments and, while not routine, are considered by most policemen

to be unavoidable aspects of the job -- headline crimes, citizen

protests, allegations of police brutality, police homicide, etc. As

such, they require no further discussion. However, during the course

of this study, the Union City Police Department became immersed in

one of the

to surface

operations

most sensational public disclosures of police misconduct

in recent years. The effects of the

and personnel of the Department were

disclosures

extensive.

upon

For

the

example, when the research effort was begun, the Department was

headed by a popular Acting Chief-of-Police who was expected soon to

be named the permanent Chief. Yet, when the data-collection phase

was complete, the Department was headed by its fourth Chief-of-Police

in seven months.

The ostensible cause of the internal chaos was a Grand Jury in-

vestigation into an alleged payoff system operative between members

of the Union City Police Department and various downtown business

establishments. During a brief mid-summer period, a Grand Jury

handed down criminal indictments against a number of Union City

policemen. Several of the officers were eventually sentenced to

serve jail terms -- including an ex-Chief-of-Police.

64

Testimony indicated that the payoff system had historical roots

going as far back as thirty years. Although the disclosures did not

occur until 1970, the payoff system was believed to have been

effectively terminated in 1968 The head of a special Task Force

charged with investigating the implications of the Grand Jury testi-

mony noted:

"The Task Force found no evidence of payoff activityduring the past two years. The grafting actionceased in 1968 ... no vestige of it remains."(Local newspaper story, Sept. 18, 1970)

As a result of the "scandal" testimony, two, high ranking police

officials from outside the Department were installed sequentially as

interim Chiefs-of-Police. During this two-month period, a "blue'

ribbon" Mayor's committee searched for a permanent Chief-of-Police.

The search culminated in the late-summer appointment of a new--and

presumably -- permanent Chief-of-Police. The permanent Chief was

selected from outside the ranks of the Union City Police Department.

The effect of the scandal reports appearing in the local head-

lines upon the job-related attitudes of the officers is difficult to

assess. One police official stated at the height of the publicity:

"The Union City cop is in a quandary. He's obviously

set back, personally and in image. This is a trying

time of confusion and uncertainty, but I honestly

feel the man on the beat knows he has a job to dotoday, just as he did when he signed up. He should

be used to adversity by now." (Local newspaper story,

July 28, 1970).

In the wake of the investigations, several controversial orders

were issued by both interim Chiefs of Police which may have had

65

major affects upon the attitudes of the officers. Policemen were

ordered to refrain from accepting any gratuities -- including the

symbolic free-cup-of-coffee. All policemen were required, under

threat of dismissal, to submit to a polygraph examination. 4 Even

the shift rotation was temporarily halted. Other orders were issued

which attempted to break up traditional patterns of everyday activity

within the Department -- coffee machines were removed from the main

assembly room, wall calendars were ordered to be removed, weight-

control was initiated, etc. One popular officer was suspended for

three-days for using the word "nigger" over the police radio -- a

somewhat common occurrence prior to the arrival of the first interim

Chief. Additionally, several changes were made in the structural

arrangements of the Department, along with many personnel transfers.

Finally, after two-months of Departmental disruption, the newly-

appointed permanent Chief of Police arrived and took command. With

his appointment, the Department began to reestablish a degree of

stability, although most of the revised policies remained in effect.

One of the new Chief's first official actions was to reassure the

men that "there will be no new changes forthcoming." And, several

4The polygraph order was later ruled unconstitutional bya District Court. Hence, the order was never implemented. Interest-ingly, the Union City Chapter of the American Civil Liberties Asso-ciation led the fight against the order.

66

weeks after the change of command, the special Task Force investi-

gating the Department was disbanded officially.

The total impact of the summer's events upon the recruit attitudes

was probably modified by the subjects' lack of experience in the

Department. Also, many of the subjects were in the relative isolation

of the Training Academy during the Departmental oscillation.

However, a cursory examination of the data indicated that in some

areas the historical occurrences cannot be ignored. In fact, the

consideration of the "history-effects" became an additional feature

of this study.

C. Sample

1. Longitudinal Study Design -- Recruits

Four regularly scheduled recruit classes (termed Basic Training

Classes by the Department) were selected for the longitudinal portion

of this study. All recruits in each of the four classes received

questionnaire packets on the first administration -- a total of 136

recruits.

Each recruit group represented a different stage in the formal

socialization process. ,Originally, the study was designed to approx-

imate a modified version of Solomon's (1949) four-group approach.

However, certain unpredictable circumstances intervened to prevent

this more rigorous design. For example: training policies Were

altered after the research was initiated; training facilities became

overcrowded and one group was prevented from following its planned

67

training sequence; maintenance of "goodwill" between the researcher

and the Department required that certain changes be made in the study

design; various administrative duties involved in the research had to

be simplified in order to complete all phases of the study; avail-

ability of recruit-subjects demanded modifications in the design etc.

However, since the major research problem -- access -- had already

been solved, the operational difficulties were considered to be of

minor importance. Furthermore, the study was exploratory in nature

and, as such, sophisticated research design could hardly be regarded

as an inflexible condition.

Due to these confounding circumstances, each of the four groups

had a different departmental history at each administration period.

In other words, each group had a somewhat unique training pattern

compared to the other recruit groups in the sample. Table 2-1

summarizes the training sequence for each group. The sequence column

is in chronological order from top-to-bottom starting with the group

with the most experience.

68

TABLE 2-1

TRAINING SEQUENCE

GROUP NUMBER 'LENGTH SEQUENCE FOLLOWED

I 18-weeks 6-weeks in Academy (classroom instruction)6-weeks in FTO program ("street" experience)6-weeks in Academy

II* 18-weeks 6-weeks in Academy6-weeks in FTO program6-weeks in Academy

III 22-weeks 6-weeks in Academy10-weeks in FTO program6-weeks in Academy

IV 24-weeks 12-weeks in Academy12-weeks in FTO program

Group II represents the "interdisciplinary" recruit class

(see Appendix B)

69

After completing the Basic Training course outlined in Table 2-1,

most recruits were assigned to the Patrol Division and delegated a

specific district, sector and beat. At this stage, the recruits were

usually given the opportunity to select a permanent patrol partner.5

They were also assigned to one of five shifts. The shift assignments

i were normally rotated once every three months.

1

Many of the partnerships formed just after Basic Train-

: ing continue for years. These long-standing partnerships are general-

;ly respected by the Department and are not dissolved arbitrarily.

The termination of a lengthy partnership usually occurs when one

1member is either promoted to Sergeant or transferred (on request) out

of the Patrol Division.

The importance of the partner relationship is revealed in the

following quote from a training officer charged with teaching patrolpractices.

"In this profession, the biggest asset a cophas is his partner. You rely on each otherfor everything, including your life. If you've

got a good partner, your work will show it.It makes all the difference in the world howyou get along with your partner. For example,

you can tell when guys aren't getting along

by just counting the number of arrests ortickets they're making. In fact, most guysknow their partner better than they know theirwife." (quoted from a training class lecture,July 29, 1970)

70

Table 2-2 presents the basic survey design according to adminis-

tration number (1 through 5) and according to the length of Depart-

mental experience for each of the recruit groups (0 months through

9 months). To the left of the group designation is the date of the

first administration -- the remaining questionnaires for each group

were administered on the same date in each of the four following

months. For example, Group I subjects received questionnaires on the

following dates: June 10; July 10, August 10; September 10; and

October 10, 1970.

TABLE 2-2

BASIC SURVEY DESIGN

Months in Department

Date (1st Adm.) Group 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

June 10June 10June 10 IIIJuly 20 IV

0zE-8

1 2 3 4 5

1 2 3 4 5

1 2 3 4 5

1 2 3 4 5

Table 2-3 summarizes each group's training sequence and locates

the group at each administration period according to its training

position.6

6Basic Training in the Union City Police Department is

considered to include all Academy instruction plus the FTO portion oftraining. In addition, each recruit serves a formal probationaryperiod of one year -- measured from a recruit's hiring date. Duringthe crucial probationary period, an officer may be dismissed for anyreason and is without the right of a formal review.

TABLE 2-3

TRAINING LOCATION PER ADMINISTRATION PERIOD

Group

Administration Number

1 2 3 4 5

I

III

III

IV

be0.H0

oH 0.14

U0

S

A2

FTO

A1

S

A2

FTO

A1

S

S

A2

A1

S

S

A2

FTO

S

S

S

FTO

where: A1: Academy without FTO experience

A2: Academy with FTO experience

FTO: "Street" training with FieldTraining Officer

S: Regular "street" officer withown beat and partner

71

TABLE 2-4

RESPONSE RATES

GROUP NUMBER OF SUBJECTS

1

ADMINISTRATION NUMBER

2 3 4

I 41 73% 60% 56% 33% 31%

II00

16 100% 94% 69% 75% 630

M 04.) 0

III C0 0 39 93% 80% 100% 88% 76%

$4 0IV as 40 1000 85% 83% 78% 62%

Total Number of Subjects 136 134 133 133 131

Total Returned . 90% 78% 80% 68% 57%

The attrition in the sample is due almost entirely to individ-

uals leaving the study but remaining in the organization. As Table

2-4 shows, only five subjects left the Department during the study

period. For various indeterminable reasons, a number of subjects

dropped out of the study. An attempt was made in the analysis to

determine if there were any systematic attitude or demographic dif-

ferences between the group of subjects who

the group of subjects who quit the study.

The small number of subjects in Group

"interdisciplinary" characteristic of that

remained in the study and

II results from the

recruit class. As denoted

in Appendix B, members of that particular Academy class were selected

from various police agencies within the general geographical areas

surrounding Union City. In total, the class numbered 27

16 recruits from the Union City Police Department.-

recruits --

72

73

study.7

itemstems appeared at regular intervals during the study

period and again stressed the confidentiality of the responses. The

bulletin announcements were believed to have helped reassure the

subjects that the Department was indeed cooperating with the research

effort and considered the study of some importance.

The response rates were somewhat disappointing -- notably from

the group most advanced in the socialization process.8 Table 2-4

displays the response rate at each administration period and indicates

the number of potential respondents for the sum of the.subjects in the

four groups at each period.

7The General Information Bulletin is distributed approx-imately hree times per week and is generally read by most everyone

in the t :artment. Its purpose is to keep the officers aware ofpolicy changes, personnel shifts, social events and so on.

8This researcher was able to distribute questionnairespersonally on at least two occasions to Groups II, III and IV. As

noted, these administrations occurred while the particular groupswere undergoing classroom instruction at.the Police Academy. At the

time this study was undertaken, Group I had just been assigned to"street" duty and personal contact was impossible. Presumably, this

lack of face-to-face contact made the research effort appear moreremote to members of Group I and may have been a large contributingfactor in the dismal response rate for the group.

74

Most of the questionnaire packets were distributed to the recruit

sample via Departmental mail. Each recruit also received an addressed

envelope in which to return the questionnaire directly to the re-

searcher. However, if the subject ,vas located in the Academy phase

of training (A1 or A2), the questionnaire packet was distributed to

the subject during a class period. The subjects were instructed to

take the packet home, fill-out the questionnaires and return the

completed questionnaires to the Academy where they would be collected

by this researcher. In most cases, tae vestionnaires were returned

to the researcher within four or five days from the time of distribu-

tion.

Each set of questionnaires was accompanied by a letter from the

researcher requesting each subject's cooperation in the study.

However, it was pointed out to the subjects that their participation

was voluntary and, in no way, would the Department (or the researcher)

pressure them to cooperate. The letter also stressed that the infor-

mation supplied by the subject would be held strictly confidential

and no one in the Police Department would ever sec anyone's individ-

ual responses.

In addition, several items were placed in the General Information

Bulletin urging the participation of all subjects included in the

study.

80

'5

In the last section, reference was made to the publicity sur-

rounding the Grand Jury investigations, the interim Chiefs of Police,

and the major policy revisions that occurred during this study.

Table 2-5 presents the sequence of the major events according to the

administration period and length of experience for each group.

TABLE 2-5

RELEVANT HISTORY DURING RESEARCH

GROUP

MONTHS IN ORGANIZATION

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

I

II

III

IV

0z

A Bi C

where:

1.1--13-2 3P-E4

1 13- 2 -C- 3 12 .t 4

A B C DE1 -- 2 3 -- 4 5

D E2 -- 3 4 5

A: Grand Jury findings made publicB: First Interim Chief-of-Police namedC: Major policy revisionsD: Second Interim Chief-of-Police namedE: Permanent Chief-of-Police named

5

2. Demographic Summary -- Recruits

A detailed description of each examined demographic characteris-

tic is presented in Appendix C. This background information is not

displayed here primarily because of a persistent pattern of non-

association with the attitude dimensions studied in this research

76

(See Chapter IV). However, from the reported recruit characteristics,

a coarse profile of the Union City recruit can be constructed. The

following is a generalized representation of the "typical" recruit.

The Union City "green pea" is about 24 years old, in good

physical condition and presumably has an unblemished personal history

regarding his relations with societal "authorities" (i.e.: dis-

ciplinary officials representing the school, military, community and

so on). He is married (probably with at least one child) and con-

siders Union City or one of the surrounding communities to be his

hometown. Overwhelmingly, the "average" recruit is white.

There is a positive likelihood that he has attended college,

although it is doubtful that he has made much progress toward a

degree. If he has gone to college, his major would have probably

been police science or one of the social sciences.

The "typical" recruit's family background is middle-class, how-

ever, most of his work experience has been in occupations distinctly

below the middle-class level and required little in the way of

supervisory-type duties. If he has performed leadership functions,

it is likely that such experience resulted from his enlistment in one

of the armed services -- probably the army. In the service, the

"average" recruit advanced several ranks and, with an approximate

probability of one-third, endured a tour-of-duty in a combat zone.

Significantly, he joined the Department shortly after being

discharged from the military.

77

For most recruits, the first day at the police training Academy

represents their initial experience as a member of the police world.

However, there is a 25% chance that a recruit has previously been ex-

posed to the occupation -- either as a military policeman, a police

cadet, or a police officer in another city.

Following Basic Training, the "average" recruit is assigned

the busy central precinct in the Patrol Division. Generally, he

fers this assignment in light of the limited intradepartmental

opportunities for transfers at this stage of his career. However, he

is desirous of "making-rank" via the civil service system and within

ten years expects to be promoted to, at least, Sergeant.

The above description is admittedly a rough characterization,

but it does portray the conventional nature of the Union City police

recruit. Without question, the "average" Union City police recruit

has conformed to the norms of this society and appears far more

similar to police recruits from other departments than he is dis-

similar (See Appendix C for comparative data). If anything, the

Union City Police Department appears to be attracting a slightly

better recruit than other departments -- from the perspective of the

police professed "profession" ideal which stresses education, class

background and the acceptance of the civil service promotional

ladder as a career choice.

to

pre-

78

3. Cross Sectional Study Design -- Experienced Officers

Three groups of experienced police officers characterizing

different stages of the police officer career were selected for the

cross-sectional portion of this study. The groups were designated

V, VI and VII and the members of each group had approximately two,

five and ten years of experience with the Union City Police Depart-

ment respectively.

Each group represented several police academy classes selected

from a particular time period. For example, subjects in Group V all

passed through recruit school approximately two years prior to the

study.9 Subjects were selected in this manner because of the avail-

abilityof the Training Division records.

The response rates for the three groups were disappointing.

However, it was expected that the participation of the older, more

experienced police officers would be more difficult to obtain than

the participation of the newly recruited officers. Table 2-6 presents

the sample size and the response rates for each of the three groups.

9Each group represented all the officers who were

trained in a particular one-year period. For example, the subjectsselected in Group VII were all trained (Basic Training) betweenJan. S and Dec. 9, 1959. Hence, each subject had at least 10 1/2years of experience at the time of this study.

84

1

TABLE 2-6

79

GROUP

RESPONSE RATES -- EXPERIENCED OFFICERS

YEARS OF QUESTIONNAIRES QUESTIONNAIRESEXPERIENCE MAILED RETURNED

%

V 2 57 35 61%

VI 5 SO 25 50%

VII 10 44 21 48%

TOTAL 151 81 54%

As the table indicates, the likelihood of.a subject participating

in the study decreases as the subject's experience with the Department

increases. Although it cannot be tested explicitly, it is probable

that the more experienced an officer, the more suspicious and dis-

trusting the officer toward the questioning by an "outsider" -- a

manifestation of the presumed "caste" characteristic discussed pre-

viously. Two correlates of the hypothesized hostility to an outsider

would certainly be caution and avoidance. Unfortunately, it was

impossible to collect data which would have allowed for the deter-

mination of any significant differences (attitudinal or demographic)

between those experienced officers who did and did not participate

in the study.

As noted, Group V subjects all had approximately two years ex-

perience on the force. They all held the rank of "police officer"

(N.35) and most were assigned to a particular precinct within the

Patrol Division. Group VI subjects (five-years experience, N=25)

were also predominantly "police officers" (92%), although only 24%

were assigned to the Patrol Division.- Group VII subjects (ten-years

experience, N=21) consisted of 670 "police officers" and 33%

1 sergeants. Approximately 20% of the subjects in Group VII were

assigned to the Patrol Division.

The noticeably different rank distribution in Group VII resulted

from the greater tendency of sergeants to participate inthe study.

While only 19% (N=44) of the original questionnaire packets were

mailed to sergeants in Group VII, 87.5% of these sergeants returned

questionnaires. On the other hand, only 37% of the "police officers"

in Group VII returned their questionnaire packets. Overall, in both

Group's VI and VII, 82% of the sergeants participated in the study

(9 of 11), while only 51% of the "police officers" participated (72

of 140). While the major objective of this study was to examine the

attitudes of patrolmen, it was necessary to include the small per-

centage of ranking officers (11%, N=81). This was due to the small

sample size of the experienced officer groups. Unfortunately, with

only 9 officers representing the sergeant's rank, it was impossible

80

1

81

.to test meaningfully for demographic or attitudinal differences be-

tween the "police officers" and the sergeants.10

All experienced subjects were sent a questionnaire packet via

Departmental mail in early October, 1971 -- well after the installa-

tion of the permanent Chief-of-Police. As with the recruit sample,

each subject received an addressed envelope in which to return the

10

It is likely that subjects in the two ranks (sergeants

and police officers) are very similar. Seven of the nine partici-pating sergeants were assigned to the Patrol Division where their

duties closely resemble those of the police officers. Sergeants still

ride patrol and are subject to much of the same internal and externalpressures as the patrolmen. Furthermore, the Police Guild explicitlyrecognizes the similarities of interest between the two adjoining

positions. For example, only sergeants and police officers areallowed to join the Guild. When a member is promoted to lieutenant,

his membership is cancelled. Essentially, a rank of lieutenant andabove is considered to be a management position, while the sergeantrank is considered to be part of the rank-and-file. Like most fore-

men in industrial settings, sergeants are believed to be more similar

to their subordinates than they are to their superiors.

Additionally, a cursory examination of the sergeant's attitudinal

responses did not show any systematic variation from the police

officer subjects -- for the appropriate sample groups. This was true

for the demographic data also.

Finally, this approach is consistent with the scarce police-; related research in the literature. Watson and Sterling (1969)

grouped patrol sergeants with patrol officers. Administrators were

considered to include only those officers who rank at the level of

' lieutenant or above. Wilson (1967) used police sergeants as subjects

in his study of police officer morale. Generally, most researchers

;in this area have concluded that the differences in perspectivebetween police officers and sergeants are very slight indeed.

82

questionnaires directly to the researcher. The majority of the sub-

jects returned the completed packet within one or two weeks after the

original mailing.

Appendix D presents the distributions for each demographic

characteristic. As with the recruit sample, it was possible to con-

struct a rough profile of the "average" veteran officer. Following

below is a crude representatizm of the experienced officer.

4. Demographic Summary -- Veteran Officers

The "typical" experienced officer in the Union City Police De-

partment is white, married and has several children. However, there

is some evidence indicating that his marital situation becomes less

stable as he progresses through his police career. For structural

reasons, the "average" experienced police officer began his Union

City career at an older age than his counterpart joining the Depart-

ment today. Interestingly, the veteran officer is more likely to

have attended college than a new recruit, although the possession of

a four-year degree is rare for recruits and experienced officers

alike. Again, if an experienced officer has attended college, it is

probable that he majored in police science.

The family background of the experienced officer is very similar

to the "average" recruit -- predominately middle-class. However, the

experienced officer is more likely to have worked in a higher-status

occupation prior to joining the force than a new recruit. Yet, his

prior occupational experience was still likely to have been below

83

the status of a police officer. Compared to the new recruits, there

is less of a chance that the experienced officer had the opportunity

to engage in police work prior to his joining the Union City Depart-

ment.

There is a high probability that the experienced officer served

in the military. However, it was unlikely that he was abe to

advance to the Sergeant's rank (E-5) or beyond.

Generally, the experienced officer will have spent several years

in the Patrol Division assigned to one of the three precincts. Yet,

it is very unlikely that he will have remained in the Patrol Division

for much longer than five years. By his fifth year on the force,

the "average" officer will have transferred from Patrol to a more

specialized Division or assignment. As with the recruits, the

veterans are desirous of advancing in rank through the civil service

promotional system.

D. Attitude Measures

The objective of this section is to describe briefly the various

attitudinal instruments used in this study. As noted, the work atti-

tude data were obtained by means of questionnaires. The attitude

questionnaires concentrated upon the police subjects' perceptions and

affective responses toward different features of their work situation.

Each of the instruments focused upon one of three related, but con-

ceptually distinct, attitude areas. Specifically, the respective

attitudinal questionnaires contained 91 items relevant to aspects of

the police subjects' perceived organizational ecology. The following

is a list of the questionnaires used in the study:

S4

1. Motivational F)rce Questionnaire

2. Organizational Commitment Questionnaire

3. Need Fulfillment and Need Satisfaction Questionnaire

4. Demographic Questionnaire

On the basis of multiple observations during actual "testing"

periods, few subjects required more than one-half hour to complete

the questionnaires. However, the police recruits took considerably

less time on the later administrations -- after having become familiar

with the general format of the various questionnaires. At the same

time, the assumption was made that the comparatively large number of

items and the one-month time lag between administrations helped to

minimize a "memory factor" as a source of systematic error.

All instruments, with the exception of the Demographic Question-

naire, were pretested in a small pilot study conducted by this re-

searcher. Twenty-one police officers, selected from a conveniently

located police department, completed the attitude questionnaires.

Each of the subjects was subsequently interviewed to determine his

reaction to the instruments. Information gathered by the pilot study

was particularly useful for the purpose of adjusting and, in some

cases, eliminating certain ambiguous items from the questionnaires.

Hence, the questionnaires utilized in this study were comprised of

items which were, at least, understandable to police officers.

The remainder of this section will be devoted to a separate

description of each attitudinal questionnaire. Additionally, the

85

Demographic Questionnaire will be discussed with special attention

being paid to an item considered attitudinal in nature. All

questionnaires are presented in their original format in Appendix E.

MOTIVATIONAL FORCE QUESTIONNAIRE:

The measurement of motivation was based on the postulateg of

expectancy theory as outlined in the preceding chapter. The specific

work attitude data used to determine subject motivation were obtained

by means of a 60-item questionnaire. The questionnaire was concerned

with the likelihood of effort leading to various outcomes, and the

values or attractiveness placed on the outcOmes.by members of the

sample. The questionnaire was modeled along the lines of an instru-

ment developed by Porter, Van Maanen and Crampon (1972) and was

divided into two parts.

PART I (EXPECTANCY BELIEFS). The first part of the questionnaire

was designed to measure the subject's beliefs concerning the likeli-

hood of effort leading to the obtainment of various job-related out-

comes. A subject was asked to indicate the extent to which he

expected a particular reward to result from his "working especially

hard" on a particular activity.

Part I contained 35 items. Each item asked the subject about

one of five specific rewards or outcomes. The particular outcomes

were:1. Receiving favorable responses from the community2. Receiving favorable responses from the Department3. Receiving favorable responses from the supervisor4. Receiving favorable responses from peers5. Receiving greater personal satisfaction

86

The subject was asked whether "working especially hard" on a

specific activity would lead to the above rewards. Seven activities

were utilized in the construction of the questionnaire. The activi-

ties were designed to represent the major areas of the total job-

related activity space for patrol officers. The seven activities and

their' corresponding definitions -- as presented to the subjects --

arc given in Appendix E.11

Each of the 35 items in Part I consisted of asking the respondent

to indicate on a seven-point Likert-type scale, the likelihood of one

of the types of job behavior (i.e.: "working especially hard" in one

of the seven activity areas) leading to one of five rewards.

other words, each question in Part 1 asked:

"If a person works especially hard on ACTIVITY X,will he receive REWARD Y?"

where: X = 1, 2 7 and Y = 1, 2 ... 5

Examples of the questions in Part I are as follows:

"If a patrolman works especially hard in his field in-vestigation activities, he is more likely to receivefavorable responses from his Department than if hedoes not work especially hard.

Not at Moderately Very

All True True True

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

11In constructing the list of activities, numerous

sources were consulted. Among the more important were: Wilson, 0.W.,

1963; Bristow, 1968; Webster, 1970 and the President's Commission onLaw Enforcement and the Administration of Justice, 1967.

87

"If a patrolman works especially hard in his routine

control activities, he is more likely to receive

greater personal satisfaction, than if he does not

work especially hard.

Not at Moderately Very

All True True True

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

PART II (VALUES OR OUTCOMES). The second part of the Motiva-

tional Force Questionnaire contained 25-items each dealing with the

value the respondents placed on a particular job-related outcome.

Five of the outcomes were identical to those utilized in Part I and

were the only rewards used in the computation of motivational force.

The remaining 20 outcomes were each preclassified as examples of one

,of the five major rewards -- four items corresponding to selected

components of each major reward.

The respondents were asked to rate each of the 25 consequences

on a seven-point Likert-type scale ranging from a negative three (-3:

"dislike very much") to a positive three (+3: "like very much"). An

example of a question from Part II of the questionnaire is given

below.

"Having greater opportunity to form close friendships.

Dislike Neither Like

Very dislike Very

much nor like much

-3 -2 -1 0 1 1 3

(MOTIVATIONAL FORCE). in accordance with the general formu-

lation of expectancy theory, it was possible to obtain a summary

88

estimate of motivational force for an individual (-r group) by com-

bining multiplicatively beliefs (expectancies) and values (valences)

across the appropriate items. Thus:

MF. = 5 E. VE jk k

j=1 k=1

where: MF. = Motivational Force for individual i.

E.k Expectancy that activity j will leadto outcome k.

Vk

Valence for outcome k.

The sample mean of motivational force for any particular sub-

grouping of subjects was calculated as follows:

n

MFh = i=1MFi

where:

MFh

= Motivational Force for subgroup h.

n = Number of individuals in subgroup h.

Hence, with the questionnaire used in this study, an overall

measure of motivational force was determined by summing the belief

strength times the outcome value across the 35-relevant pairs of

items. The twenty remaining outcomes not used in the calculation of

motivational force were examined individually or within the context

of their related "major" outcome. Only the five rewards which were

S9

included in the expectancy items were involved in the motivational

force computation.

The general formulation of expectancy theory allows for the calcu-

lation of a summary motivational force score for each of the five

'rewards -- summed across the seven different acti "ities. The parti-

cular computational formulas are presented below:

and

7

MF = E E V

ik ijk ikj=1

where:

MFhk

where:

M Fik = Motivational force for individual itoward outcome (reward) k.

Eijk = Expectaticy that activity j will leadto outcome k (for individual i).

Vik Value of outcome k (for individual i).

n

= E MF.ik

i=i

n

MFhk Motivational force sample mean forsubgroup h toward outcome k.

n = Number of individuals in subgroup h.

Similarly, a summary motivational force measure was calculated for

each of the seven activities -- summed across the five rewards. The

computational formulas are identical to the ones presented above --

;with the substitution of a fixed activity and a variable valence.

90

For the purpose of scoring the respondents expectancy data

(theEifs), the seven-point Likerr-type scale was shifted downward to

embrace zero as the lowest possible response. Hence, the coded re-

sponse set included values from zero ("not at all true") to six ("very

true"). Consequently, the multiplicative motivational force score

could range from a negative eighteen to a positive eighteen.

Outcomes that the majority of the sample considered unattractive

(disliked) received reversed scoring on both beliefs and values.

Thus, for each outcome, a higher belief times value score (MF) indi-

cated greater motivational force. The summed motivational force score

was interpreted as the operational definition of performance moti-

vation -- the degree to which an.individual wants to work especially

I hard to gain desired outcomes (i.e.: rewards).

The Motivational Force questionnaire was developed by this

researcher for thc specific purpose of examining police officers'

work attitudes. While the general format was similar to the instru-

ment developed by Porter, Van Maanen and Crampon (1972), the question-

naire utilized in this study differed from the other instrument in

several ways.

First, the motivation instrument included specific job-related

tasks as part of the expectancy items. In the past, the expectancy

portion of the questionnaire asked the respondents to indicate only

whether they felt "working especially hard" would lead to a specific

reward. No attempt was made to determine the particWar tasks within

91

the job environment that the subjects would be willing to devote their

energies toward. However, in a study involving individuals who per-

form a wide variety of tasks on the,job, it was considered crucial to

determine which particular tasks weie believed to lead to desirable

: outcomes when one "works especially hard."

Second, the rewards were expanded to include one additional

source. Previously, work-related rewards were limited to four sources

-- the organization, supervisor, peers, and personal reward sources.

However, the public nature of the police occupation required that the

community be included as a potential reward source.

Third, the outcome variables involved in the motivational force

calculations were generalized. As noted earlier, rather than asking

a subject to evaluate a specific outcome (e.g.: Being admired and

respected by your fellow patrolmen, etc.), generic outcomes were used

(e.g.: Receiving favorable responses from your fellow patrolmen,

etc.). Essentially, this alternative formulation was employed because

of the difficulty involved in selecting specific outcome variables for

the questionnaire. In other words, while it was relatively easy to

identify the salient, generic job-related reward sources, it would

have been exceedingly difficult to develop an approximation of an

inclusive listing of particular rewards. Furthermore, an astronomical

number of questions would have been required to remain consistent to

the theoretical demands of the computations.

Finally, a choice of effort ("work especially hard") leading to

rewards was preferred to the alternative, performance ("perform

especially well") leading to rewards. The stem "perform especially

well" has been used in several studies for the expectancy portion of

the questionnaire. However, in this study, "work especially hard" was

considered more meaningful and interpretable in view of the multiple

connotations which may accompany "performance" in public service

occupations.

OWANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT QUESTIONNAIRE;

The measurement of organizational commitment was accomplished

through the use of a 1S item questionnaire developed by Porter and

Smith (1970). Each item consisted of a short statement believed to

be related to a particular aspect of overall organizational commitment

(see Chapter I). Subjects were asked to respond to each item on a

seven-point, Likert-type scale -- ranging from "Strongly Agree" to

"Strongly Disagree."

Since a person's commitment to any organization is a complex and

multifaceted phenomenon, the 15 items cover several aspects of the

relationship between the individual and the organization. The ques-

tionnaire is presented in Appendix E.

Six of the items on the questionnaire were stated in a negative

manner. This was done in order to break-up a subject's response

pattern. However, the six items were again reversed during the scor-

ing of the questionnaire for the data analysis. Consequently, all

15 items were handled as if they were positively worded.

93

The analysis of the data from this questionnaire was based on an

individual subject's total score obtained by summing his responses

across all of the items and dividing by the number of items to which

the subject responded. Thus, an individual's level of organizational

;commitment was operationally defined as his mean score for the commit-

.

ment questionnaire and was computed as follows:12

15

C. = E x../ for all i = I, 2, 3...Nn

j=1

where: = Level of organizational commitment for

ththe individual.

thx. = the response of the

. individual to

ththe j--- item on the questionnaire.

thn = number of items the i..-- individual

answered.

Also, for any particular subgroup of the total sample (or the

total sample itself), the overall level of commitment was computed by:

12If a subject failed to answer an item, his score for

that item was zero. However, this method does hot affect the mean

score for that individual since the mean score was based solely on the

total number of items to which each subject responded.

94

C

N= E

i=1

where:overall level of commitment for a parti-cular subgroup (c,g.: total sample,

Group V, Recruit's with college atten-dance, etc.)

C. = level of organizational commitment for1 .th1 individual in particular subgroup.

N = Number of persons in a particular sub-group,

This questionnaire has proven valuable in a number of past

studies (Porter and Smith, 1970; Porter and Boulian, 1971; Porter and

Dubin, 1971). The instrument has demonstrated its ability to dis-

criminate successfully between subjects' with high commitment and

subjects' with low commitment and the discrimination has been shown

to have behavioral correlates.

NEED FULFILLMENT AND NEED SATISFACTION QUESTIONNAIRE:

The measurement of need fulfillment and need satisfaction was

accomplished through the use of a 16 item questionnaire developed by.

Porter (1961) and based upon Maslow's (1954) "hierarchy of needs"

theory -- see Chapter I. Each item contained a short statement

describing a job characteristic followed by three questions concerning

that particular characteristic. The instructions and the individual

items comprising the questionnaire are presented in Appendix E.

Each characteristic was believed to be associated with one of the

five "Maslowian" needs. However, three of the characteristics (ites)

95

do not fit a particular need type and were considered "dummy"

characteristics -- inserted either to break up response patterns or

to provide additional information.

The analysis of the data was based upon responses to the three

questions asked of each characteristic. The three questions asked

were:

A) How much (of the characteristic) do you now have in your job?

B) How much (of the characteristic) should you have in your job?

C) How important is this (characteristic) to you?

The subjects' responses to the first question (A) was taken as an

indication of the perceived level of need fulfillment. Consequently,

an individual's need fulfillment was operationally defined as his mean

score on either: (1) a cluster of characteristics representing a

particular need, or (2) all need-related characteristics (total need

fulfillment -- 13 items).

The difference between the subjects' responses to the second

question (B: perceived equitable amount) and the responses to the

first question (A: perceived reality) were taken as a measurement of

need dissatisfaction. Hence, the lower the difference score, the

less dissatisfied a subject. On the other hand, if the difference

between the "should be" and "is now" question was high, the greater

the subjects' dissatisfaction with that particular characteristic.

As with the need fulfillment question, a subject's level of dis-

satisfaction was operationally defined as the mean difference score

96

on either: (1) a cluster of characteristics representing a particular

need; or (2) all need-related characteristics (total need dissatis-

faction 13 items).

This method of calculating perceived.need satisfaction has two

presumed advantages: The first concerns the advantage of not asking

the subjects directly about their perceived satisfaction. The in-

direct measure somewhat reduces any tendency for a subject to use a

simple response set to determine his answer. It is more difficult,

although not impossible, for the subjects to manipulate their satis-

faction measure to conform to what they think the researcher wants.

Second, this method of measuring sr.tisfaction is considered -a more

conservative measure than a single question concerning obtained

satisfaction. In effect, the method asked the respondents how

satisfied they were in terms of what they expected from their police

officer position.

Finally, the third question (C) was utilized as a measurement of

the subjects' perceived importance of that particular characteristic.

Again, the operational definition of need importance to a subject

was merely by mean score on either: (1) a cluster of characteristics

representing a particular need; or (2) all need-related character-

istics (total need importance score -- 13 items).

This need satisfaction instrument has been used in a number of

studies (Porter, 1961, 1962, 1963, 1964; Haire, Ghiselli and Porter,

1966; Eran, 1966; Miller, 1966; Porter and Mitchell, 1967; Porter and

Lawler, 1968;and Lefkowitz, 1971). The Questionnaire has demonstrated

97

an ability to discriminate among relatively satisfied and relatively

dissatisfied subjects. The studies have also shown some tendency for

subjects' ranked higher on a measure of job performance by their

superiors to be more likely to express less need dissatisfaction and

more need fulfillment.

While the data supporting the above studies relied primarily on

management-type respondents, the questionnaire was believed to be

appropriate for police - patrolmen subjects. As emphasized earlier, a

police officer works in a rich and varied environment. There certain-

ly exist abundant opportunities to satisfy higher-order needs

(autonomy in decision-making, opportunity for individual growth and

the like) as well as lower- order- -needs (feelings of security, oppor-

tunities to form close friendships and the like). Furthermore, as

Porter and Lawler (1968.) pointed out, performance differences among

subjects were more likely to be related to attitudes concerned with

higher-level than with lower-level needs. Thus, an instrument which

concentrated upon police officers' perceptions of the higher-order

needs was considered essential for this study.

DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE (INNER- AND OTHER-DIRECTED POLICE OFFICER)

Section D of this Chapter presented a brief summary of the sample

population. This portrait was based upon the subjects' responses to

a 21 item demographic questionnaire. 18 of the items dealt with

information strictly outside the attitude sphere. Two of the remain-

ing questions -- desired assignment and desired rank -- are discussed

98

in Appendices C and D. The other question concerned the subjects'

perceptions about the "ideal" police officer and is discussed below.

An important movement in the organizational behavior literature

characterizes modern-industrial man as either inner- or other-directed

(Reisman, 1950; Whyte, 1956; Porter, 1964; Porter and Henry, 1964;

Porter and Mitchell, 1967; Olson, 1970a,b). The inner-directed man

has been portrayed as behaving according to his personal code of what

:constitutes appropriate action. Hence, the ideal inner-directed

.person works best by himself, on his own terms. When he comes in

contact with others, he is most comfortable controlling and directing

their activities.

On the other hand, the other-directed person is depicted as an

even-tempered, agreeable sort, who enjoys carrying out prescribed

duties. The other-directed individual reacts quickly and effectively

to the needs of others. Furthermore, he is sensitive and receptive

to clues originating from the social environment regarding the best

line of action under the conditions present.

In an attempt to distinguish between inner- and other-directed

police officers, an item was included on the Demographic Questionnaire

which contrasted respondent preferences for the ideal police officer

type. The item was based upon Olson's (1970b) modification of an

instrument developed and used by Porter (1964). The question used in

this study asked the subjects to select one of two trait clusters on

the basis of what he thought a policeman should be. The item is

presented below:

104.2;:nn0A1Pv4ej

Below are two groups of words which have beenused to describe the kind of person policemenshould be. Which group come closest to des-cribing the kind of person you believe apoliceman should be? (Choose only one group)

1. 2. .

Forceful CooperativeImaginative Adaptable

Independent CautiousSelf-Confident AgreeableDecisive Tactful

99

The two clusters were intented to examine a composite of the

theoretical attributes underlying the inner- and other-directed dis-

tinction. Cluster 1 represented the inner-directed police officer who

is "his own boss", while Cluster 2 represented the other-directed

. police officer who responds to perceived social expectations. The

distinction was not meant to be invidious, nor was meant to accurately

describe a whole "personality" system, for no pure types exist. How-

ever, the assumption was that each type exists in terms of general

behavioral tendancies and a subject's preference for either type was

reflected by the question response.

Three of the four recruit groups were asked this question during

the Academy phase of training (before going on the "street" with an

FTO) and again after training (following the accumulation of some

experience with "real" police work) -- Groups III and IV were asked

this question at Administration Periods 1 and 4. Responses were

100

summed across individuals and a percentage score corresponding to each

cluster was calculated for each group.13

E. Job Performance Measures

A primary concern of this research was with the multivaceted

aspects of a police officer's performance on the "street". Hen, e,

global ratings, as opposed to some summary index based upon a number

'of specific behaviNrs, were used. Aside from convenience considera-

tions, the choice of global ratings appeared appropriate since police

organizations typically devote few resources or expend much effort

toward either the "subjective" or "objective" evaluation of its

members.14

There are several findingsin the literature concerned with per-

formance ratings' indicating that global ratings are reliable and offer

a good approximation of the more extensive rating alternatives (see

Whitlock, 1963). Porter and Lawler (1968) have pointed out that the

past studies indicate:

13Groups I, V, VI and VII were also asked this question.

Since all these groups had at least some experience in the field, they

were administered the item on only one occasion.

14It was clear that some "objective" or quantitative

indicators of performance did exist (number of traffic tickets issued,

number of arrests, miles logged, etc.). However, these records were

not available to this researcher nor were the yearly performance

ratings. Consequently, the design and administration of a performance

evaluation specific for this research was necessitated.

101

...simple global performance ratingsirly yield a reasonable approximationof what would be obtained by using a'Kira extensive critical incident orother type of check list." (P. 43)

Additionally, Lawler (1968) found that global superior ratings of

a subject's performance substantially met the robust requirements of

convergent and discriminant validity as outlined by Campbell and Fiske

(1959). Consequently, global performance ratings can be both reliable

and valid measures of behavior.

For this study, three measures of job performance were obtained

on the majority of subjects in the recruit sample. Two global

measures of job performance were obtained by distributing a rating

form to the immediate supervisors (sergeants) of the recruits to whom

attitude questionnaires were administered. The third measure was ob-

tained from the Training Division and dealt with each subject's per-

formance in the Police Academy.

The global rating forms were distributed by a Lieute:tant from -Lhe

Administration Division of the Union City Department. The Lieutenant

was instructed to assure verbally each sergeant involved in the study

that the ratings were to be used solely for research purposes. Along

with the rating 'Irm, each sergeant was provided a preaddressed

envelope and instructions requesting the return of the completed

ratings directly to this researcher.

The rating forms were distributed to sergeants of all subjects

in the recruit sample (Groups I, II, III and IV) and to the sergeants

, of the 2-year experienced group (Group V). In all, 166 rating forms

102

were distributed and 152 were completed and returned (920). Ratings

were not obtained for the 5-year and 10-year groups because of the

relatively small number of patrolmen in these groups.

The ratings were distributed in early December, 1970. Thus, each

sergeant had an opportunity to observe a particular recruit for at

least two-months. The forms asked each sergeant to rate his sub-

ordinate on: how well the officer was performing on his job; and how

much effort was the officer putting forth on the job. Each patrolman

was listed by name at the tr7 of the rating sheet. The ratings were

:made on an eight-point, Likert-type scale. For the performance rating,

the scale ranged from "performance outstanding" (8) to "performance

does not meet minimum requirements" (1). Similarly, on the effort

ratings, the scale ranged from "effort outstanding" (8) to "effort

does not meet minimum requirements" (1).

The Pearsonian correlation between the effort and performance

ratings was +0.87 (N=118) for the recruit sample, and +0.60 (N=31) for

the two-year experience group. These correlations indicate substan-

tial association between the two supervisors' ratings. That is, police

officers who were rated high on the quality of job performance were

also rated high by their superior on effort put forth. However, the

relationship is not perfect. This finding is in accord with the

Porter-Lawler (1968) model discussed in Chapter I. The model

suggested that although effort expended is a major factor contributing

to job performance, it is not the only one. Other factors, such as

abilities, assignments, role perceptions, etc. break up the link

. . _

103

between effort and performance.

In addition to the supervisors' ratings, all subjects were ranked

according to their final "academic" standing in their respective

Academy training classes. These rankings were obtained from the

Training Division and represent the evaluation (by the training staff)

of the recruit's performance in his respective Basic Training class.

Each subject's Academy rank was based on his overall classroom per-

formance.15

A subject's performance on the "non-academic" tasks (fire-

arm training, driving instruction, etc.) was not included in his over-

all class score.

The obtained rankings were converted to standard scores for the

purpose of the data analysis. Interestingly, the correlation between

a subject's Academy rank and his sergeant's evaluation of his field

performance was +0.13 for the recruits (N=117), and +0.02 for the

experienced Group (N=31). Similarly, the correlation between a sub-

ject's Academy rank and his supervisor's rating of effort in the field

was +0.11 for the recruits and +0.06 for the experienced group. These

correlations were obtained after standardizing the superior's rating

of performance and effort and were all Spearman Rank-Difference

15

As such, the ranks are based upon tests, notebooks,papers and other written work turned in by the recruits during theirstay at the Academy. The weighting scheme used by the TrainingDivision to rank each class was identical for each of the four sampledrecruit groups. In fact, the weighting scheme does not appear tohave undergone any appreciable change over the last ten years.

104

coefficients. Needless to say, none of these rank correlations was

significant at the .05 level.

The lack of a significant level of association between the

measures of job ("street") behavior and Academy rankings indicate the

criteria on which the Training Division evaluates and rates police

recruits do not correspond to the criteria used by the field sergeants.

Hence, this lack of correlation suggests that for most Union City

recruits, their performance in the Police Academy was unrelated to

their eventual "street" performance -- as judged by their sergeant.

Finally, although the superior's evaluations do not approach the

type of "objective" measurement represented by the Academy rankings,

both are engrossing measures. The sergeants' evaluations are parti-

.i cularly significant from the perspective of factors which may affect

a patrolman's later career -- promotions, transfers, terminations,

etc. The "academic" rankings are of interest because they represent

one of the few bases on which the individual may compare himself with

others in the Department. Furthermore, the Academy evaluations are

indicative of the extent to which the police officer is familiar with

certain technical aspects of his job (e.g., criminal codes, traffic

laws, etc.). All three measures will be used extensively in the

following Chapter.

F. Description of the Data Analysis Methods

As noted, one objective of this research was to delineate the

major trends across time for the job related attitudes of the police

recruits. As such, the data analysis was not designed to provide for

105

sophisticated tests of a priori hypotheses. Rather, the data analysis

was arranged so that efficient, yet simple indicators of the relation-

ships were used. Given the exploratory nature of the study, the

difficulties encountered during the field portion of the research and

the high cost involved in gaining greater statistical precision, the

techniques described below are thought to be reasonably appropriate.

The significance of differences in group means on the attitude

questionnaires across time were determined by use of the simple

analysis of variance technique. This method provided a relatively

clear-cut test regarding the likelihood of the change in group means

over time. Hence, the F-test allowed the researcher to state within1

limits of confidence, whether or not the differences in mean scores

icould be attributed to random fluctuations. For the purpose of this

study, if the F-ratio was significant at the .05 level, the impli-;

cation was that the between-time variation was greater than could be

expected on the basis of chance.

To assess the degree of relationship among the numerous variables

examined in this study, the Pearsonian correlation coefficient was

used. In most cases, the significance of the correlation was tested

by use of a t-statistic with N-2 degrees-of-freedom. Hence, if a

sample t reached the .05 level-of-confidence, the conclusion was made

the relationship was not a chance deviation from zero -- implying that

some degree of association existed between the two variables.

106

Most data collected by means of survey questionnaire instruments,

including the ones used in this study, are basically ordinal in

nature. The use of the product-moment correlation coefficient re-

quires that the data to be analyzed meet interval measurement assump-

; tions. However, when response distributions are reasonably normal

as they were in this study--the product-moment coefficient may be used

with ordinal data without seriously jeopardizing the results.

Additionally, the product-moment correlation coefficient assumes that

the relationship between any two variables is linear in form. At

best, only some data in this study approximate linearity. However,

in an exploratory study where little or nothing is known concerning

the relationship among variables, the linearity assumption does not

appear to be prohibitive. The purpose here is merely to begin the

investigation of a number of possible associations and not to define

categorically the shape of the relationship.

Where appropriate, other correlational techniques were utilized.

For example, whenever a dichotomous variable was to be correlated with

a continuous variable, a biserial correlation coefficient was computed

and a t-test (applicable for small samples of less than 100) used to

determine statistical significance. Or, when a measure of the

relationship between two dichotomous variables was desired, the phi-

coefficient was used and its statistical probability was checked by

use of a chi-square test.

Because of the number of comparisons made in this study, it is

probable that some t values reached statistical significance by chance

112;

107

alone. Hence, it is important that the findings fit into an overall

pattern. For the most part, the results from the various tests for

significance of differences between means are not reported -- although

in several cases they did reach statistical significance. This

idecision was based upon the exploratory nature of this research.

Essentially, the consistancy of a relationship across time was felt

to deserve more attention in this research report than the outcome of

a specific statistical test.

The effects of the historically-relevant occurences upon the

subjects' responses to the various attitude questionnaires were

examined by.use of a technique labelled "stepwise multiple regression".

The result of this analysis is an equation for predicting a criterion

score (e.g., variation from an individual's mean commitment score,

etc.) on the basis of a number of predictor scores (e.g., where the

! subject was located in the training sequence, whether or not the sub-

± ject completed the questionnaire before the police revisions, etc.).

For the purposes of this study, this procedure -- which adds one

'variable to the predictor equation at a time and thus provides a

number of intermediate regression equations as well as the complete

equation -- was deemed most appropriate.

The result of a stepwise regression yields a multiple correlation

coefficient which is an estimate of the relationship of the dependent

variable with all the predictor variables taken together. The

significance of the multiple correlation coefficient is tested by use

of an F-test. The coefficient is interpreted as the proportion of the

3

108

criterion variance which is predictable from the knowledge of the

predictor, in this case, the "history" variables. Additionally beta

coefficients (8) are calculated for each of the dependent variables.

The betas are interpreted as an indication of the contribution of the

associated predictor variable to the criterion value. The signifi-

cance of each beta is determined by use of the t-test. Finally, a

standard error of estimate is calculated for each regression equation

which indicates the range of variation between observed scores and

predicted scores. Thus, the standard error of estimate ascertains

the accuracy of a predicted criterion value.

The criterion variable for each of the regressions was con-

tinuous. Specifically, the criterion was a subject's score on a

dependent variable (e.g., organizational commitment) for a particular

administration minus the subject's mean score on that variable over

all administrations in which he participated. Hence, the criterion

variable represented the level-of-change -- from a subject's mean

score -- which would be expected in the dependent variable at a

particular time period. Since the absolute value of the difference

was not used, directionality (above or below the mean) could be

inferred.

The change score criterion was used primarily because of the

dilemma individual differences posed in the analysis of the "history-

related" affects. If, for example, absolute scores at each time

period were used as the criterion value, individual differences

inherent in the attitude score would "wash out" most time-related

109

affects. If, for example, absolute scores at each time period were

used as the criterion value, individual differences inherent in the

attitude score would "wash out" most time-related shifts (i.e., high

scorers would cancel out low scorers). However, when the "change-

from-mean" scores were used, the analysis hinges upon the level and

direction of the "rises" and "drops" of a subject's reported scores --

a more meaningful indicator of the affects resulting presumably from

intervening "history-related" variables.

The independent or predictor variables in the regression formu-

lation numbered ten and were concerned with such historically-relevant

variables as: the subject's position in the training cycle, member-

ship in the "inter-disciplinary" training group; the subject's

position vis-a-vis the policy changes in the Department, particular

administration number for the questionnaire, and the time the subject

had spent in the organization. Eight of the variables were dichoto-

mous and the remaining two were graduated, discrete variables.

In general, only the significance of the multiple correlation

coefficient was of concern. The research question was primarily one

of determining the extent to which the "history" variables were

related to individual response changes. If no relationship is found,

then the variables (assuming the measures -- dependent variables --

are both reliable valid) may be ignored in later data analysis.

On the other hand, if the relationship is significant, then attention

must be paid to the particular variable (s) which appear to be most

influential regarding the level-of-change in the criterion variable.

Furthermore, all predictor variables are subject to a t-test which, if

significant, is interpreted to-mean that the contribution of that

particular independent variable to the criterion explains a signifi-

cant portion of the total variance.

The stepwise procedure progressively includes variables in the

predictor equation according to the contribution each makes toward

accounting for the criterion variance -- e.g., the independent

variable making the largest contribution to the criterion variance is

selected first for inclusion in the predictor equation followed by the

independent variable making the second largest contribution and so on.

The selection process continues until all variables are included in

the equation. Furthermore, at each stage, a determination is made

of the increase in the multiple repression coefficient corrected

for statistical bias -- due to the additional variable. Hence, a

related objective of the analysis was to select those "test" or

independent variables which best predict the criterion.

Mule the data do not strictly meet all the rigorous assumptions

of the multiple regression model, the data do approximate the more

important assumptions (i.e., not highly skewed, approximate normal

distributions about the various means and can be viewed as a linear

function without seriously damaging the results). Hence, the techni-

que is valuable from the standpoint of determining broad trends

resulting from the uncontrollable environmental events. Furthermore,

since the study aims for description, not prediction, the use of

116

110

111

multiple regression solely as an analytic tool was helpful from the

perspective of handling a relatively large number of variables

simultaneously and indicating their effect (both in isolation and in

interaction) upon a dependent variable.16

In summary, the use of sophisticated statistical techniques was

not deemed crucial to the data analysis. Essentially, the purpose of

the research was to locate broad trends and suggest areas where

future research may prove particularly fruitful. Since the study

was conducted under confounding circumstances, a complex and elegant

statistical design appeared inappropriate. In view of the large

number of variables investigated in this study, the techniques of

analysis were chosen primarily for practical reasons. Aside from the

ease of communicating the results, the ready availability of computer

programs for generating correlation coefficients, multiple regressions

and the analysis of variance made the approach explained here the

most efficient and effective method of dealing with the data.

16

I would like to extend a special thanks to Professors'Jerome Kirk and Alex Mood for their professional aid and comfortduring all phases of this project. In particular, their counselfurnished invaluable as....i.stance in the conceptualization of themultiple - regression analysis.

112

"The coop was a short distance -

off his post ... Paul knocked; the dooropened in a moment and he steppedinside.

"Where you been?" asked the copwho had let him in.

"Out on post," said Paul."You rookies -- don't you know

you can get in trouble out there!"

Gene Radano, Walking the Beat, p. 46

CHAPTER III

RESULTS

This chapter presents the results obtained from the questionnaire

portion of the research. In most cases no attempt has been made to

distinguish among the various Training Academy classes (Groups I, II,

III, IV) because either: (1) there were no significant differences

among groups; or (2) there were too few subjects in a particular

group to test for statistical significance in a meaningful manner.

As mentioned, the questionnaire study was considered strictly

exploratory in nature. Hence, data analysis was designed to discover

broad attitude trends rather than to test specific hypotheses. In

this chapter, the results are summarized in such a form as to high-

light these trends, providing the reader with a basic understanding

of the overall attitude picture reported by the sample population.

In the preceding chapter, the response rates of the various re-

cruit groups were delineated. A cursory examination of these re-

sponse rates shows the relatively small sample size for Group I

-J

113

questionnaire administrations four and five -- representing the eighth

and ninth month of police experience for those subjects. Consequently,

due to this disappointing percentage of returned questionnaires, re-

sults from these two time periods have been omitted from the presenta-

tion of results. This analysis then is concerned only with the data

collected -- for the longitudinal portion of the study -- from the

recruits at day one through the end of the seventh month on the job

(to through t7).

As noted in Chapter II, an analysis-was made of the job attitudes

of those recruits who quit the study and those who remained in the

study.1

The examination revealed very few significant differences

between "leavers" and "stayers" was not consistent on any of the

1 questionnaire measures. Thus, no empirical basis was present upon

1 which to separate the two groups.2 With respect to the available data,

1

Individuals were placed into either the "leaver" or"stayer" group on the basis of the number of administration periods inwhich they participated. A number of separate investigations wereconducted which compared all possible combinations of groupings. Forexample, in one case, the questionnaire responses of those who parti-cipated in one or two administrations were contrasted with the res-ponses of those who participated in all five administrations; inanother case, the questionnaire responses of those who participatedin one, two or three administrations were contrasted with theresponses of those who participated in four or five administrations;and so on.

2

The significance of the difference between groups ateach time period was determined by use of the t-test at the .05 level.

119

114

the job attitudes of those recruits who participated conscientiously

in the study were indistinguishable from those recruits who did not

except, of course, when it came to returning questionnaires:

This chapter is divided into six sections. The first deals with

the results of the regression analysis outlined in Chapter II.

The second section discusses the inner-other directed patrolman.

In some respects, the findings documented in this section can be

viewed as a model for the results to follow. The third, fourth

and fifth sections present the findings associated with the motivat-

ional force, organizational commitment and need satisfaction

questionnaires respectively. Finally, the sixth section attempts

briefly to interrelate the questionnaires. The comparison of the

Union City findings with results obtained in other studies using

similar (or identical) questionnaires is postponed until Chapter V.

A. History Effects -- Multiple Regression Analysis

To summarize briefly the rationale contained in the preceding

chapter, multiple regression was used in the date analysis largely

for the purpose of gaining additional information beyond what the

more conventional data analysis techniques could supply. By use

of multiple regression, it was hoped some insight could be obtained

into attitude changes which resulted presumably from a number of

uncontrollable circumstances occurring while this study was in

progress. Since the goal of this research was to acquire as general

a picture of the work-related attitudes of police recruits as possible

the extraneous sources of attitude distortion operting on the Union

City sample needed to be delineated.' Consequently, given the

inability of the research design to handle the unpredictable external

factors, the analysis portion of the research process had to attempt

to describe what effects, if any, such occurences had on the data.

Of the four separate multiple regressions which were anoyied,

three failed to show a significant relationship to the subjects'

variation in attitude score. These regressions concerned the

criteria: (1) Beliefs (Path-Goal Questionnaire, Part I); (2)

Motivational Force (Path-Goal Questionnaire -- multiplicative com-

bination of beliefs and values); and (3) Need Dissatisfaction

("How much should there be" minus "How much is there now"). None

of the three were able to explain more than .06 (R2) of the criterion

variance. Furthermore, none of the F-values calculated for the de-

termination of the significance of the multiple correlation coef-

ficients reached even the .10 level when all predictors were

taken into account. Hence, there was no basis for asserting that a

subject's variation from his overall mean could be explained by the

additive combination of the various exogenous variables.

3The use of the term "attitude distortion" is intendedsimply to convey a connection between the dependent variable and anintervening variable representing an extraneous condition (e.g.,subject completed the questionnaire prior to the policy changes inthe Department, subject a member of the "interdisciplinary" group,etc.) Basically, the examination of the intervening variablesserves as some protection against a spurious interpretation of thedata.

116

Deviations from a subject's mean level of organizational commit-

ment was the only criterion variable which was associated significant-

ly with the predictor variables. Yet, only 21 percent of the variance

in the change scores was explainable when all factors related to the

subjects' organizational history were included. Furthermore, only

one predictor coefficient was different significantly from zero --

the coefficient associated with the "before policy.change" variable

(X1). In fact, this variable was the first to enter the regreSsion

:equation of the stepwise procedure and its presence alone accounted

ifor virtually all of the total explained variance. The addition of

the other nine variables contributed only a very small increase in

the percentage of explained variance. Specifically, this analysis

itends to show that the policy revisions and the accompaning organi-

izational irregularities had the major effect of reducing a recruit's

!commitment to the department. Additionally, it is interesting to

(note that the publicity surrounding the Grand Jury disclosure of the

"payoff system" and the indictments of the Union City policy officials

occurred during the early stages of the study -- before the policy

changes. It is precisely at this point that the recruits' reported

their highest level of organizational commitment. Only after the

internal vicissitudes did the subjects alter their commitment attitudes.

While the predictor equations failed to show a significant

association with the other three criterion variables, an inspection

of the stepwise procedure and the simple correlations between the

117

test variables and each criterion variable provided additional

insight pertaining to certain aspects of the research problems.

Both the stepwise procedure (which allows the assessment of the

importance of each predictor variable relative to the other

predictors) and the significance (whether or not the magnitude

of the simple correlation (r) statistically exceeds zero) were

helpful aids in the evaluation of the overall pattern of the data

although in three cases the interaction effects presumably "washed-

out" or suppressed various relationships when the predictors were

combined.

In the case of attitude changes regarding beliefs (expectancies)

and motivational force, the first variable to enter the regression

equation was Xp( "befuze policy changes") and it's contribution to

the explained variance, when the effects of the other variables

were controlled was significant. The correlation coefficients

indicated that both beliefs and motivational force scores were

significantly higher if a subject completed the questionnaire before

the policy changes occurred.

Regarding the need dissatisfaction measure, the first variable

to enter the regression analysis was X5 ("subject completed the

questionnaire during his FTO portion of training"). The simple

correlation coefficient associated with X5 was significant and

suggests that the subjects were most satisfied with their job

at this point in their early careers. Yet, Xs's impact upon the

criterion value was significant only when the other predictors were

118

ignored. When the other variables were included, the.relation-

ship disappears.

In the following sections, a description of the response

patterns of the recruit subjects was undertaken which largely dis-

regards most "test" variables examined via the multiple regression

technique. Futhermore, the mean values of the various dependent

variables were of prime importance rather than the level of change,

In most cases, the relationships were approached from the "experience"

perspective, with time-in-the-organization as the underlying in-

dependent variable. Because departmental experience was the least

ambiguous variable and converged approximately with the training

patterns of the recruits, it represented the logical choice --

particularly in light of the minimal effect of the policy changes on

most of the dependent variables investigated in this study. Also,

the multiple regressions indicated the "time" variable entered

each stepwise procedure on either the second or third iteration.

Additionally, the simple correlation between time-in-organization

and three of the criterion variables reached the .10 level of

significance (organizational commitment, motivational force and be-

liefs). The correlations were negative indicating the difference

scores (criteria) were moving from positive to negative. In other

words, there was a definite tendancy for the mean scores on each

of the attitude measures to decrease as the recruits accumulated

experience on the job.

119

The finding that policy revisions were related to the decrease

in means does not limit the use of time-in-organization as a central

feature of the following analysis. The omnipresence of the "before

policy changes" variable (as an interesting variable affecting the

dependent variable -- regardless of the experience a subject may have

had in the department) in the regression analysis merely indicates

that attitudes were likely to undergo a larger alteration during

the policy change period than at any other examined time period.

In short, the presence of this extraneous factor appears to amplify

(or accelerate) the relationship between time-in-organization

and the various dependent variables. Since the policy change period

was truncated (although the lasting effect cannot be estimated

accurately by this study), time-in-organization appeared to be the

best independent variable upon which to organize and base the results.

B. A Paradigm: The Inner- and Other-Directed Police Officer

A brief rationale was presented in the last chapter regarding

an item appearing on the Demographic Questionnaire. The question

asked the respondents to select one of two trait cluSters which

they believed best represented the "kind of person a policeman

should be." As noted, it was possible to ask two out of the four

.recruit groups this question during their initial training (Academy)

phase and again after they had accumulated some "street" experience.

.As Table 3-1 indicates, there was a rather dramatic shift in the

recruit perceptions. Indeed, the shift operated overwhelmingly

120

TABLE 3-1

IDEAL TYPE POLICE OFFICER

INNER- OR OTHER- DIRECTED

AFTER TRAINING

"ON-THE-STREET"

Inner-Directed

Otner-Directed

TD R Inner- N=30 N=5 N=35

U A DirectedR I

I NN I Other- N=17 N=14 N=31

G N Directed.G.

N=47 N=19

Total N=66

X2 = 6.21*

Significant at 0.02 level

* X2 value was calculated according to the Yates''correction factor used when one or more of theexpected frequencies falls below ten (McNemar,1969, p. 262).

11

in one direction -- toward the inner-directed traits. While only

fifty-three percent of the recruits sampled in the Academy selected

the cluster of inner-directed traits, over seventy percent selected

this cluster after having worked for a short time in the "real

world" of policing. Apparently, the occupational milieu is such

that most officers come to believe that the take-charge, aggressive-

type is best suited for a police career.

This finding was almost duplicated by the remainder of the

subject groupings -- where the item was asked on only one occasion.

Sixty-nine percent (N=26) of the police recruits' having had

five-months of experience on the force (Group I) preferred the cluster

of traits associated with the inner-directed officer as the

archtype policeman. Sixty-six percent (N=35) of the two-year

experienced sample selected the inner-directed cluster and fully

eighty-eight percent (N=25) of the five-year experienced sample

felt the inner-directed traits best represented the "ideal"

policeman. However, the ten-year experienced sample showed a

reversal of this trend. The subjects in this group opted for the

other-directed cluster (57 1: N=21) . Yet, when the sergeants, which

ccmprised about one third of the subjects in the group, were removed

122

from consideration, the inner-directed cluster was again preferred

by the patrolmen (57%; N=14) .4

While it would be easy to overestimate the importance of these

results, the sole purpose here has merely been to illustrate the

fact that the occupational experience of police officers does alter

.their attitudes -- in this case, a subject's perceptions about

the type of person a policeman should be. While the attitudes of

patrolmen may approach homogeneity during later stages of their

police career (eliminating for the moment, the attitudes of the

ten-year groups, most of whom were not patrolmen), recruits enter

the department with attitudes representative of a wider range of

job beliefs. Hence, this particular question exemplifies attitude

change and illustrates the change-across-time perspective taken

in the remainder of this chapter. Such a perspective views the

data from a dynamic standpoint emphasizing attitude change

attributed to the socialization of newcomers into the occupational

world of the urban police.

4No analysis was conducted of the potential relation-

ships which may have existed between either the demographic orjob behavior variables and the inner-or other-directed preferencesexpressed by the subjects. As noted, this item was preceived asuseful insofar as it illustrated the propensity of the recruits toalter their a priori attitudes during their early career experiences.

Furthermore, the sample sizes associated with certain cells inTable 5-1, as well as the extreme dichotomies displayed by the

2-year and 5-year experienced officer groups prohibited the cal-culation of meaningful correlations (see McNemer, Pp. 218-221).

C. Motivational Force Questionnaire

Belief and Value Changes over Time:

This section is divided into three major subsections: The

first is concerned with the means for the three attitude measures --

belief, outcome value and motivational force. The second subsection

examines the same three measures in regard to the five sources of

outcomes (i.e., rewards) -- department, immediate supervisor, peer,

self and community. The third sub-section deals with two of the

attitude measures (expectancy and motivational force) in terms of the

i seven activities which formed the belief items of the questionnaire.

Across all outcomes. The expectancy score for each time period

represents the mean response given the 35 items on the questionnaire.

Hence, it indicates the average level of expectancy (or belief)

that effort leads to the various outcomes. Figure 3-1 illustrates

a significant decrease in the mean belief score.5

Data from the

two-year experienced group (Group V) show a further decrease from

the seven-month level and represents the lowest belief score for

all groups in the sample. The data from the five-year and ten-year

experienced groups display an increase from the two-year group --

although the means for all the cross-sectional groups were

statistically non-significant when tested with the t7 mean of the

Tests of significance for the logitudinal sample weremade by using an analysis of variance test at the .05 level of con-

. fidence.

124

FIGURE 3-1

7.0ECPECTANCI ES

5.5

4.0 .

3.5I

ir0 1 2 3 .4 5 6 7 -2 5 10

MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT YEARS VI? TliDEPART:41:2;T

125

longitudinal sample. However, they were significantly lower than

the t0mean.6 The overall decrease implies that over the time periods

covered by this study, the members of the sample (recruits) low-

ered their belief that working especially hard on the job would

lead to desirable outcomes.

The average value the recruit sample placed on the five major

outcomes is illustrated in Figure 3-2. Although there was a decline

in the values placed on the five rewards, the decrease did not

reach statistical significance. The average value the long-

itudinal sample placed on all twenty-five outcomes is also given

in Figure 3-2. Again, the slight decrease did not reach statistical

significance. Data from Groups V, VI and VII shows some further

decay, although the means for these groups were all statistically

non-significant from either the recruit mean at t7or t

0'This

finding implies that the attractiveness of the various outcomes

remained relatively constant over time. Such stability was not

surprising. In fact, it was expected that the values the neophyte

police officers attached to the various outcomes potentially

available in the employment setting would remain relatively con-

stant over the measurement period. Ordinarily, it can be assumed

6Tests of significance among the three cross-sectionalgroups and the various groups representing patricular time periodsin the longitudinal sample were made by using a t-test at the .05level of significance.

FIGURE 3-2

OUTCO:Z VALUES

+3.0

. .. ..

+2O

C0M

VA+1 .0

U

S.

0

1

. .........

0

-3.0

4

C.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2 5 10MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT YEARS WITH

DEPARTMENT

132

5 Major .Outcomes25 Outcomes (Total) 11

126

127

that these employee values are well formed outside of and prior

to the entering of a particular work situation and are relatively

unaffected by the day-to-day happenings in an organization (see

Chapter II).

By combining the respondents' beliefs and values, a measurement

of motivational force was obtained. A high score was assumed to

indicate a strong desire on the part of the subject to "work

especially hard" in order to obtain valued outcomes. Figure 3-3

shows the motivational force values for the recruit sample decreased

significantly from the first day to the end of the seventh month on

the job. The veteran officers display a lower mean motivational

force than the recruits. However, only for the two-year experienced

sample was the difference between the recruit score at t7and the

experienced officer score significant (although all veteran groups

were significantly lower than the recruits at to). The overall

decrease was primarily (but not totally) due to the decrease in the

belief that the amount of the effort exerted would lead to valued

outcomes -- rather than the slight decrease in the attractiveness

of the five outcomes.

By source of outcome Shifting now to an examination of the

three attitude measures (effort-outcome beliefs, outcome values and

motivational force) in terms of the five sources of outcomes --

community, department, pecrs, supervisor and self -- it is possible

to isolate some of the factors that lead to the changes discussed

133 .r

128

+18.0 FIGURE 3-3

+12.0

+11.0

M0T

V +10.0ATI0N'A

+9.0

FI0R

MOTIVATIONA1, POROE

-18.0

3 4 2

MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT

, 134

YEARS WITHDEPARTMENT

129

above. As Figure 3-4 indicates, the subjects' perCeived the

highest probability of effort leading to rewards supplied by the

individual himself.. Outcomes supplied by the Department and the

supervisor both began relatively high but trailed-off significantly

and rapidly during the first seven-months. These beliefs remained

relatively low through the two-year period, however, the downward

trend was offset by the groups representing five and ten-years of

experience. Outcomes supplied by peers and the community were

viewed as less strongly tied to the amount of effort exerted by

the officers. Of the five outcomes, beliefs concerning effort

leading to outcomes supplied by the community were the only ones

not showing a statistically significant decrease during the first

seven months on the job.

Regarding changes between the seventh month and the two-year

experienced group, only reactions from fellow-workers and reactions

from the community failed to show a significant decrease -- although

all reward sources showed a significant decrease from the day-one

sample. Differences among the experienced subjects did not display

statistical significance.

The attractiveness values placed on personal reactions were

consistently higher than the values placed on the other four sources

of outcomes. Only the value placed on Departmental reactions

changed significantly across time for the recruit sample. No

significant changes were recorded between the experienced and

13,

7.0

6.0

5.0

FIGURE 3-4

EXPECTANCIES

(According to Reward Source)

4 4:6

FS

3.0

2.0

- 44444

DEPARTMENTAL REACTIONS

SUPERVISOR REACTIONS.

'PEER REACTIONS

PERSONAL REACTIONS

COMMUNITY REACTIONS

I

f.

I

I

1.

1

:Iso.

I It

.1,ot

IttI

I III. I

sot

:I1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2

1,yet

.1I1

II

Oil

I.1 1

5MONTHS WITH DEPARTIENT YEARS WITH

DEPARTMENT

136

:1101

:11se

.1S

al;Set

130

131

recruit groups. The lowest values were found with superior,

fellow-worker and Departmental reactions. Yet, all five outcomes

were evaluated relatively highly -- all remained above the positive

2.0 level on the -3.0 to +3.0 scale.

The relationships between the motivational force score and each

of the five sources of outcomes were approximately the same as those

for the belief scores. Again, personal reactions were associated

with the highest values in terms of motivational force:', Departmental

reactions showed the sharpest decline. Reactions from peers

received the smallest motivational force scores. Decreases in

motivational force scores were similar to their expectancy scores

for fellow-workers, supervisor and personal reactions. Community

reactions showed the smallest decrease and failed to reach significance

as did personal reactions. The decrease for the other three reward

sources did reach statistical significance for the longitudinal

sample. The experienced officer groups displayed motiviational

force scores statistically different from the t0 recruit sample,

although not statistically different from the recruits at t7.

Figure 3-5 illustrates the motivational force patterns of the

sample.

By activities. Turning now to look at two of the attitude

measures in terms of the seven activities incorporated into the

belief items -- field investigation, inspection, routine control,

service, administrative, community relations and self-development

137

+18.0

+17.0

1

+16.0

+15.0

T+13 0

II/ I

A+12.0

14

+11.0

Li:.

L+10:6--

F I

0 +9.0

1

E +8.0

I+7.0

0

18.0

FIGURE 5-5

MOTIVATIONAL FORCE

(According to Reward Sources)

::+110 --s P

DEPARTMENTAL REACTIONSSUPERVISOR REACTIONSPEER REACTIONSPERSONAL REACTIONSCOMMUNITY REACTIONS

lI.11

gl

1

I

e.

Ri.

1 : .14

1--/),/ h'1 2 3 4 5 6 5 10MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT YEARS WITH

DEPARTMENT

138

132

activities'-- it is possible to determine which of the activity

factors were the major contributors to the absolute level and

the change-in-level reported for the expectancy means and the

motivational force means. The subjects overwhelmingly selected

field investigation activities as being most likely to lead to

favorable responses. Administrative activities were perceived to be

least likely to lead to positive outcomes. Self-development, in-

spection routine control and service activities were all closely

grouped together but significantly below the level of field in-

vestigation activities. Community relations and self-developmental

activities displayed the largest downward change in attitudes over

the seven-month measurement period, while field investigation and

service activities showed the smallest decline -- although all

seven activities dropped significantly from the first day through

t7.7

The two-year cross-sectional group followed approximately the

same belief pattern established by the recruit sample. However,

service activities occupied the lowest expectancy position (service

activities and routine control activities were the only ones signi-

ficantly different from their respective values at t7).

7Because of the number of activities (7), a graphicpresentation of these results is not presented.

139

133

134

Following the pattern established throughout the analysis of this

questionnaire, the more-experienced groups (five-year and ten-year

groups) showed an increase in the belief that effort leads to

positive responses over the two-year sample on all seven activities.

However, the levels of the expectancies were still considerably

below the attitudes reported by the recruits on their first day of

work.

Regarding motivational force and the seven activities, the same

basic pattern which characterized the belief profile holds. Field

investigation activities continued to hold the top motivational

force position for both the recruits and experienced officers.

Service activities, routine control activities, inspection activities

and administrative activities occupied the lowest motivational

prepotency positions, while community relations activities and self-

developmental activities held the middle group across most time

periods. The decreases in levels of motivational force mirrowed

approximately the changes recorded for the expectancy scores

Relationships between Belief and Value Attitudes and Job Behavior

Measures:

The relationship between the three attitude measures distilled

from the questionnaire -- beliefs, values and motivational force --

and the performance and effort ratings made by the supervisors and

135

the standardized Academy performance measures were ascertained

by the use of correlation coefficients.8

The three attitude measures and the supervisors' evaluation

of performance and effort showed a consistent pattern of low asso-

ciation throughout the time periods covered by this study. However,

while most of the correlations did not reach the .05 level of

significance, the directionality of the relationships illuminates

some rather suprising results. As depicted in Table 1-2, the

positive relationship between job attitudes and the evaluation

of job performance on the street which was evident during the

recruits' very early career stages (to and t1) vanished rapidly.

In fact, as Figure 3-6 illustrates, the relationship became inverted

with those recruits having the least favorable -- although possibly

more realistic -- attitudes being rated as better performers in

the field. Apparently, this indicates that those poliCe officers

who cling to high expectations and high values (over all categories)

are least likely to be perceived as good performers in the field

by their particular patrol sergeants.

8Correlations termed significant in this section differfrom zero at the .05 level of confidence.

136

TABLE 3-2

CORRELATIONS OF JOB-BEHAVIOR MEASURESAND JOB-ATTITIMS

A. CORRELATIONS OF JOB ATTITUDES AND SERGEANTS EVALUATION OF JOBPERFORMANCE IN THE FIELD

t0 tl t2 t3 t4 t5 t6 t7

2-Years

BELIEFS .32* .23 .05 .02 .01 .12 -.04 -.24 .05

VALUES .20 .25 .09 -.14 .02 .03 .24* -.S3** .09

MOTIVATIONAL .36** .21 .07 -.06 .04 .01 -.22* -.41** .06

FORCEN = 33 29 62 72 70 68 59 29 31

B. CORRELATIONS OF JOB ATTITUDES AND SERGEANTS EVALUATION OF AMOUNT

OF EFFORT EXERTED IN TILE FIELD

t0 tl t2 t3 t4 t5 t6 t7

2-Years

BELIEFS .29* .31* .09 .05 .06 .02 .05 .00 .06

VALUES .17 .14 -.04 -.09 .05 -.13 -.34**-.28 .02

MOTIVATIONAL .29* .24 .02 -.02 .02 -.07 -.22* -.09 .08

FORCE

N = 33 29 62 72 70 68 59 29 31

C. CORRELATIONS OF JOB ATTITUDES AND ACADEMY RANKINGS OF PERFORMANCE

t0 tl t2 t3 t4 t5 t6 t7 2-Years 5-Years

BELIEFS -.27* -.30*-.05 .03 -.03 .04 .11 .12 -.23 -.28

VALUES .17 .08 .16 -.11 .10 -.15 .09 .07 -.05 -.09

MOTIVATIONAL .00 -.11 .03 -.07 .02 -.12 .01 .01 -.14 -.30

FORCEN= 40 34 60. 78 78 74 65 32 3S 25

*Significant at the 0.10 level of confidence**Significant at the 0.05 level of confidence***No Academy correlations are presented for the 10-year sample because

of the small number of subjects in this group and because of the

relatively small Academy classes in which these subjects partici-

pated. This omission will be continued on all similar tables which

follow.

142

+1.0

+0.8

+0.6

1

+0.4

0R +0.2

L 0A

I 0.20NS 0.4

0.6

0.8

1.0

FIGURE 3-6

CORRELATIONS

(Motivational Force Scoresand Sergeants' ,,aluazionof Joo l'orformance Acrosslime -- xecruits)

2 4Months with Department

143

137

r

Following the same pattern, the correlations between the

superiors' ratings of effort in the field and the recruits' job

attitudes show a deteriorating association -- moving from a positive

relationship at to and tl, to a negative association at t6 and t7.

As was the case for the correlation with the performance ratings,

beliefs assessed at to and t1 were all positively -- if not signi-

ficantly -- related to the ratings. Interestingly, beliefs assessed

at t6 and t7 were not correlated as strongly with the ratings

(effort and performance) as either the values the recruits' placed

on the various outcomes or the overall motivational force scores.

When the recruit sample is divided into high (superior eval-

uations of 5 and above) and low (superior evaluations of 4 and

below) rated groups, the dramatic shift in attitudes is readily

apparent (see Figure 3-7). This trend is highly visible regardless

of the type of behavior rated (performance or effort) or regardless

of the particular set of attitudes being examined (belief, values or

motivational force).

The correlation of superior ratings and the attitudes of the

two-year experienced group (the only experienced group for which

sergeant ratings were obtained) showed no significant correlations

on either performance or effort evaluations. Typically, the

correlations for this group were close to zero.

When the Academy rankings of performance are correlated with

the beliefs of the recruit subjects, the direction of the above

144

138

+18.0

+15.0

[+14.0

t I

T+11.dp

v I

A+12.0

II0+11 0

A I

L+10.0

FO +9.0R

I

E +8.0

1

+ .0

FIGURE 3-7

MOTIVATIONAL FORCE COMPARISON

(High vs. Low Ranked Recruits:Bergearil.s1 :stalual-.3.on of dooNriormance)

HIGH RANKED RECRUITS

LOW RANKED RECRUITS

1. .4. t

139

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

MONTHS WITH DEPAMENT

18.0

140

trend is reversed. In other words, the recruit subjects with low

effort-reward experiences early in their police experience (t0 and

t1) are likely to be ranked higher in their respective Academy

classes than those recruits' with more positive beliefs regarding

effort leading to favorable rewards. However, this negative

association fades considerably as the recruits move through their

first seven months on the job. Yet, there is a slight indication

(although not statistically significant)that the early trend

showing a negative relationship between expectancies and Academy

rank continues to exist at later periods in the police officers'

career. The .two-year and five-year experienced groups reported a

negative correlation between expectancies and Academy rank.

Correlations between values and Academy rank or motivational

force and Academy rank usually fell below those correlations

obtained with the belief scores. This was true both of the exper-

ienced officer sample and the recruit sample.

Relationships between Belief and Value Attitudes and the DemographicCharacteristics:

The relationships between the three summary attitude measures

(beliefs, values and motivational force scores) and the various

demographic characteristics (see Appendices C and D) were determined

by use of correlation coefficients.9 For the purpose of analyzing

the recruit panel data, the coefficients were calculated separately

at each investigated time period. For the experienced officers, the

coefficients were based upon the combined responses of all subjects

involved in the single administration portion of this research.

In general, the inspection of the demographic data indicated

few characteristics were associated with expectations, values or

motivational force scores reported by subjects. Those relationships

which did appear occured early in a recruit's career and were

short-lived, playing an insignificant role in the subject's attitude

responses after he had accumulated several months of Departmental

experience.10

9The Pearsonian correlation was used in most cases.

However, where called for, a point-biserial or biserial coefficient

was calculated. The significance of the correlations were determined

by t-tests at the .05 level-of confidence -- unless otherwise

indicated.

10As discussed in Chapter Ii an item designated "desired

rank" or "level of aspiration" (see Appendices C and D for full

discussion of this variable) was included on the demographic in-

strument. This item was the only one on the questionnaire which

appeared to be related to the subjects' motivational attitudes across

time. The pattern of association went from a positive relationship

at t0 and t1 to a negative relationship at t6 and t7. However,

intuitively there is a marked similarity between one's level

of aspiration and one's motivational attitudes. Consequently, it is

difficult to single out this finding as of more than passing interest.

141

142

D. Organizational Commitment Questionnaire

Changes over Time:

The Organizational Commitment Questionnaire was the only instru-

went used in this study which seemingly tapped attitude changes

attributable directly to the turbulant departmental environment.

It was noted in a preceding section of this chapter that the subjects

in the longitudinal portion of this study displayed a significantly

high-level of organizational commitment prior to the policy revisions

than immediately following the departmental policy changes.

However, as it was pointed out, the "shake-up" in the chain of command

and the internally-controversial orders which followed, accounted for

only about twenty-percent of the overall variance in the fluctuation

of the recruit subjects' commitment levels. Hence, this section

will explore the general organizational commitment trends displayed

by the Union City officers over the time period covered by this

study and will ignore, for the most part, the change in commitment

scores attributable to the chaos which existed for a brief period

in the department.

Figure 3-8 demonstrates a significant decrease in organizational

commitment for the recruit subjects across time.11 This decrease

11The test for significance on the longitudinal datawas made by using an analysis of variance F-test at the .05 level.

0R

A

I 6.5

ATI0NAL

FIGURE 3-8

ORGAHI ZAT I 0::AL CO= T:a:NT

4.5

2 3 4 5 6

MONTHS WITH DEPART4ENT

2 5 10

YEARS WITHDEPARTMENT

144

is relatively constant except for the small, non-significant in-

crease reported at ts. The slight positive jump at t5 can be

accounted for by the inclusion of Group 1 subjects at t5 who had

yet to experience the impending organizational disruption. The

experienced officer groups all had mean commitment scores different

significantly from the recruit scores at t0 -- although none of the

veteran officer group means were significantly lower than the

recruit scores reported after t2.12

The falling pattern in organizational commitment scores appears

to be somewhat offset by the tenth year, however, when the sergeants'

scores are eliminated for the ten-year group, the mean of their

commitment scores becomes slightly lower than the five year group.

While it can not be proven conclusively here, it is likely that

the commitment attitudes expressed by the experienced officers would

be even lower if it were not for the probable turnover of those

persons least committed to the organiation. In other words,

the least commited persons may be assumed to have already left

the organization.

Relationship between Organizational Commitment and Job Behavior

Measures:

G44anizational commitment scores and the Patrol Sergeants'

12For the cross-sectional groups, tests of significance were

made by using t-test at the .05 107,31.

145

evaluations of job performance in the field showed a Uniform,

positive relationship across all examined time periods.13 Further-

more, the correlations recorded at t3, t4 and is all reached a

statistically significant level of association (see Table 3-3).

These coefficients correspond generally to the periods following

a recruit's introduction to the "street". The same positive relation-

ship holds for the correlation of the sergeants' evaluations of

effort exerted in the field and the recruits' commitment. In

fact, the association appears to be somewhat stronger than the

performance measure. As Figure 3-9 shows, the relationship is most

closely tied to the time periods following the officers' early

"street" experiences (with his FTO partner). Hence, those recruits'

who ,orted being more committed to the organization were more

likely to be perceived as better police officers by their immediate

supervisors than those recruits' less committed to the organization.

Figure 3-10 illustrates the mean commitment scores for the high

and low rated subjects regarding their supervisors' evaluation of

effort exerted in the field.

13Correlation's. termed significant in this section

differ from zero at the .05 level of confidence,

151

I

TABLE 3-3

CORRELATIONS BETWEEN JOB-BEHAVIOR MEASURES

AND ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT

t0

t1

t2

t3

t4

t5

t6

t7

2-years

Performance

Ratings

.05

.24

.18

.30**

.30**

.32**

.07

.19

.26

N=

33

29

62

72

70

67

57

28

32

Effort

Ratings

.06

.28

23*

.41**

.37**

.27**

.17

.21

.13

N=

33

29

62

72

70

67

57

28

32

Academy

Ratings

-.24

-.21

-.21

-.07

,.09

--.07

.10

.29

-.23

N=

40

34

69

78

78

74

65

32

35

5-years

NA

NA

.01

*Significant at the 0.10 level

of confidence

**

Significant at the 0.05 level of

confidence

'FIGURE 3-9.

CORRELATIONS

(Organizational Comrnitment Scoresana o:

lalort AcrcEs necrultz)

.0 I

:

R+0.2RELA V

1 2. 3 4 5 6 7T 1

1-0.2

S-0.4

-0:8

Months with Department

153

147

0RGANIATIN0

AL

0MM

TMENT

7.0

6.5

6.o.....

FIGURE 3-10

ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT COMPARISON

(High vs. Low Rankei Recruits:Sergeants' z,valuatic:: o. :,00

IP* -11

12M1111

HIGH RANKED RECRUITS

LOW RANKED RECRUITS

5.0

4.5

0

,... °kik.

.sa

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT

148

149

The relationship between Academy performance and organizational

commitment did not reach significance at any of the particular time

' periods. However, the directionality between the two variables

seems to suggest that, if anything, those recruits who are in the

Academy stage of training and are doing well "academically" are likely

to have a lower commitment to the organization than those recruits

who are doing less well. This trend fades as many of the high-

ranked recruits' appear to undergo attitude changes after the

Academy and become more committed to the organization.

Relationships between Organizational Commitment and Demographic

Characteristics:

As with the Motivational Force Questionnaire, the relation-

ships between the various demographic characteristics of the

sample and the organizational commitment measure were investigated

by the use of correlation coefficients.14 Again, correlations were

calculated for each time period for the longitudinal subjects,

while the coefficients applicable to the veteran officers were

based upon the combined responses of all subjects' involved in

the single administration.

14The Pearsonian coreelation coefficient was used in

most cases. However, where appropriate, either the biserial or

point-biscrial coefficient was used. The significance of the co-

efficients was tested via the t statistic and correlations termed

significant differed from zero at the .05 level of confidence

unless otherwise indicated.

Similar to the motivational force analysis, the demographic

characteristics of the recruits and veteran officers did not appear

to be related consequentially to the level of organizational

commitment reported by the officers. The few demographic factors

that did indicate some association with the commitment attitudes

lasted a short period -- occuring early in a recruits' career

(i.e., to or t1) and then fading. Only in the cases of marital

status and "level-of-aspiration" did positive correlational relation-

ships persist.

E. Need Satisfaction Questionnaire

As delineated in the preceding chapter, this questionnaire

was designed to tap three conceptually distinct attitude areas --

need fulfillment, need importance and need dissatisfaction. Con-

sequently, summary statistics were calculated for the three dimensions

on both: (1) all the need-related items in combination, and (2)

the cluster of items representing each of the five particular needs

(i.e., security, social, esteem, autonomy and self-actualization

needs). Corresponding to each of the above 18 categories, sets

of summary statistics included scores for the eight administration

periods associated with the recruit sample and for the single

administration period associated with the experienced officer

Sample. In all, there were 198 separate scores which comprised the

baseline date for this questionnaire. Additionally, for each

: of the 198 measures, a correlational examination was conducted to

explore the possible relationships with both the job behavior and

demographic data. Clearly, it would be impossible to document fully

the results of this analysis without expanding preposterously the

length of this report. Thus, the following presentation represents

only a broad description of the full inquiry.

As with the preceding sections of this chapter, the following

results are organized into three major areas: (1) changes in need

satisfaction attitudes across time; (2) relationships between

need satisfaction attitudes and job behavior measures; and (3)

relationships between need satisfaction attitudes and demographic

variables. Additionally, thb three factors of the need satisfaction

instrument (i.e., need fulfillment, need importance and need

dissatisfaction) are discussed separately under each heading.

Changes Across Time:

Need Fulfillment. When all 13 needs were combined, the

recruits' response pattern showed a significant increase in the

level of fulfillment from t0 and15

As Figure 3-11 illustrates,

the recruits' reported their lowest level of fulfillment during their

early classroom training period and their highest level of ful-

fillment during their first few months on the "street" (in the FTO

15 For the analysis of this questionnaire, all testsof significance for the longitudinal sample were made by using theanalysis of variance test at the .05 confidence level. For thecross-sectional groups, t-tests at the .05 level were used totest differences between sample groups.

151

NEED

FULFILLM

ENT

FI GUR E 3 -11

NEED FUL PI LLMENT

3 4 5MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT

2 5YEARS WITHDEPARTMENT

153

phase of training). However, the veteran officers' responses in-

dicated the fulfillment expressed by the recruits was relatively

short,lived. While the mean scores for all eNperienoalgroups fell

significantly below the levels established by the recruits at t3

through t7, they were not significantly lower than the entering

attitudes of the recruits (t0 ' 1

t or t ).

When the total scores are divided into their component parts,

it is apparent the changes in the recruits' reported fulfillment

levels were attributable largely to the significant increases in the

security, autonomy and esteem categories. Only the recruits' self-

actualization attitudes failed to increase across time. Depicted

in Figure -12 is the relative level of fulfillment of each need

vis-a-vis the others. As shown, the recruits' viewed their social

and self-actualization needs as those which were most fulfilled.

The esteem and autonomy needs were seen as least fulfilled.

Essentially, a similar pattern of need fulfillment was reported

by the experienced officers. One exception, however, was a shift

downward in the fulfillment of self-actualization needs leaving

the social needs as the most fulfilled. Again, esteem and autonomy

needs were perceived as being the least fulfilled.

Need Importance. The importance attached by the subjects to the

cluster of all needs representing the five categories remained vir-

tually stable across all investigated time periods. Although the

experienced officers' reported somewhat lower levels of need

7.0

6.5

FIGURE 3-12

NEED FULFILL:7NT

(Accordinc; to Need Caterery)

l'\. ./. .....-... ,....,.;6.0 w,,/ .. .....-.... ...z....4.

1

III 1/I

I

...."1-::....--.....,-.0"

L

N /

EE 5:5, i

D.. Is. ,.,

FU

.6....L ".

F1 5 0 ".... ...... /

1-......

LL.

Mi../

E:ii

NT I

45

4 0

1

SECURITYSOCIALESTEEMAUTONWYSELF-ACTUALIZATIO:;-----

2 3 4 5 6, 7MONTHS WITH DEPAhMENT

154

I1

sI I

1 1 1II I

I 1

II I

II I

I // 1I.

It 1 ill I

.1I 1 Ile

1I j 1 ; II

1. diI

1 I

I 1:1 1

II ce 1 1

I1:1 I I I'

: 1

I:I. :11 1

1 1111 s 1IsI I CI. la

fat 1.1 i 11.,11

I

1

1,18:11 1.1 1' : IIs il1 iiWd s.. t.':1. 01

1

1:15.

2 5 10YEARS WITHDEPARCZNT

155

importance, in no case did the decrease represent a statistically

significant departure from the attitudes expressed by the recruits.

Figure 3-13 presents this persistent response pattern.

When these attitudes are broken-down into the five need cate-

gories, again no significant changes are detected among any of the

need areas -- for either the recruits or the experienced officers.

Yet, as Figure 3-14 points out, the subjects' reported consistent

differences in the levels of importance they attached to the various

needs. Generally, the recruits' viewed the self-actualizing dimension

as the most important. Thii was followed closely by the social and

security categories. Least important to the recruits were the

autonomy and esteem variables. The need ordering was essentially

the same for the veteran officers -- although security became

relatively more important and challenged the self-actualization

needs as the attitude area of foremost importance.

Need Dissatisfaction. The expressed level of dissatisfaction

related to all 13 needs also remained relatively constant across

time. Recruits appeared most dissatisfied during their early

Academy training and least dissatisfied during their early field

experiences. However, the difference between the highest and lowest

levels of dissatisfaction did not reach statistical significance.

As Figure 3-1S delineates, the experienced officers reported

fairly large differences between levels of dissatisfaction -- with

the S-year veterans reporting less need dissatisfaction than either

156

7.0

6,5

NEE 1

6I', I

I

P0

A 5.5N

5 ..0

4

0

FIGURE 3-13

NEED IMPORTANCE

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2 5

MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT YEARS t'IITHDEPAR::MENT

7.0

N

D 1N. ------\ ......,'"..- 116.5 sS -...'........MPO .

. - -R. , , ...

.......- -

--,

FIGURE 3 -14

NEED IV.PORTANCE

(According to Need Category)

A

n6.0

E

5.5

5.0

4.5

0

.......

SECURITY.000 SOCIAL

ESTEE:1mama. AUTO=Y

SELF-ACTUALIZATION

I

I.1

I.1

el

I:1

1:1

10.1 1:1i

I'

IRA

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2 5 10

MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENTDEARS WEPARTMENITH

T

157

NEED

ISSATISFAC

I0N

FIGURE 3-15

NEED DISSATISFACTION+3.0

+2.0

+1.5

158

+0.5

-3.0

3 4 5 6MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT

164

1

2 7 10

YEARS WITHDEPARTMENT

159

the 2-year or 10-year groups (significant at the .10 level). However,

the relatively low level of dissatisfaction of the 5-year group was

only statistically different from one set of recruit responses -- t1

at the .10 level.

The response patterns of the neophyte and veteran officer

groups for each of the five needs is shown in Figure 3-16. As

illustrated, the officers were most dissatisfied with their perceived

amounts of esteem, security and autonomy. The subjects were least

dissatisfied with the social and self-actualization aspects of their

occupation. The experienced officers' expressed somewhat more

dissatisfaction in the need categories of esteem, autonomy and self-

actualization than the recruits at t0 through t7. Yet, these

differences were generally not of sufficient magnitude to reach

significance.

In summary, a rather uniform attitude picture was present in the

distribution of responses to the need satisfaction instrument.

Although the importance of the needs to the recruits remained statis-

tically stable, they viewed their Academy training as considerably

less fulfilling and slightly less satisfying compared to their early

"street" experiences. The experienced officers, with the possible

exception of the 5-year group, reported a rather salient decline in

fulfillment and satisfaction when contrasted to the recruit responses.

Only the importance of the needs remained approximately at the same

level for both newcomers and experienced officers.

165

+3.0

NEED DISSATISFACTION

(AccordinG to Need Cater,ory)NEED

FIGURE 3-16

D+2 . 0

ISSAT

8+1.5

A

0

/ 1..'''"*° ..-"*"`.......... ............iV

.. . . ... ,..... "" ...% I

0

V

-3.0

1 ' II : t

I s: I

.

1/ih 1 I

! I 1 7:

II II. I

II 1I 4

iie I

I :iiII I '

I. 44 I IIt1; 11:: I

I4II

. II

41111IIII: .

I I1III

.

IJr il I :oil

411 :egg PrII . fl......v........._L_..._±.L...111IIII: I

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 : 2 5 10MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT YEARS WITH

SECURITY DEPARTMENT

SOCIAL

ESTEEM ..

AUTONOMY

SELF - ACTUALIZATION

160

When the needs were examined individually, the self-actualization

and social clusters were viewed as the least dissatisfying. Most

dissatisfaction was indicated with the fulfillment of the officers'

esteem and autonomy needs -- although these were considered to be

least important. Expressed fulfillment and satisfaction with the

security need represented a somewhat paradoxical situation. While

the level of fulfillment increased significantly across time, the

relatively high dissatisfaction measurement remained unchanged -- as

did the Importance attached to the particular need. Apparently, with

each increment of fulfillment, the subjects' increased concomitantly

the desire for security. The same situation was present for the

esteem needs, although to a lesser extent.

Relationships between Need Satisfaction Attitudes and Job Behavior

Measures:

Need Fulfillment. Essentially, there was no appreciable rela-

tionship between the subjects' expressed levels of need fulfillment

and their two field evaluations (performance and effort). As Table

3-4 indicates, only 2 of the 18 correlations reached significant

levels -- although most were positive.16

Looking at the component needs which comprised the fulfillment

portion of the questionnaire, a similar pattern of non-association

16The correlations reported here were calculated and

tested for significance in the same manner as they were-in the pre-ceding sections (see Footnote 8 of this chapter).

.... _ _

161

162

was found. Three of the five need categories showed virtually no

relationship with the supervisors' evaluations (esteem, autonomy and

self-actualization). However, there was a slight, but noticeable

relationship.between the two ratings and the expressed fulfillment

of security and social needs. In the first case, those recruits and

veteran officers who reported lower levels or security fulfillment

tended to be given higher effort and performance ratings. In the

second case, those recruits and experienced officers who expressed

I higher levels of social need fulfillment tended to have higher effort

and performance evaluations.

When the Academy rankings were correlated with total need

fulfillment scores, an enduring and negative relationship was readily

visible. Table 3-4 suggests that those recruits and veteran officers

who did well during their formal Academy training were more likely

to express lower levels of fulfillment than those officers who did

less well in the Academy. In terms of specific needs, four of the

five were associated in a negative direction with Academy rankings

(although, in most cases, the magnitude of the correlations was small

relative to the statistics based upon the total scores). Only self-

actualization attitudes were related in a positive direction with the

Academy .standings.

Need Importance. The relationships between the sergeants'

ratings of effort and performance and the importance the subjects'

placed on all needs demonstrated a rather interesting pattern. For

168

163

TABLE 3 -4

CORRELATIONS OF JOB BEHAVIOR MEASURESAND JOB ATTITUDES

A. CORRELATIONS OF JOB ATTITUDES AND SERGEANTS EVALUATION OF JOB

PERFORMANCE IN FRE FIELD

t0 tl t2 t3 t4 t5 t6

t7

2-Years

NEED FULFILLMENT -.03 .02 -.10 .10 .18 .30**-.08 .12 .24

NEED IMPORTANCE .16 .02 .05 -.18 -.11 -.16 -.32**-.35** -.11

NEED DISSATISFACTION -.02 -.19 .13 .19* -.25**-.41**-.33**-.56** -.20

N = 33 28 61 72 66 68 59 29 31

B. CORRELATIONS OF JOB ATTITUDES AND SERGEANTS EVALUATION OF AMOUNT

OF EFFORT EXERTED IN THE FIELD

t0 tl t2 t3 t4 t5 t6

t7

2-Years

NEED FULFILLMENT .10 .27* .08 .09 .12 .18 -.09 .08 .21

NEED IMPORTANCE .33* .11 .14 -.03 -.18 -.15 -.33**-.37** -.07

NEED DISSATISFACTION .05 -.11 .01 -.15 -.25**-.25**-.28**-.48** -.24*

N = 33 28 61 72 66 68 59 29 31

C. CORRELATIONS OF JOB ATTITUDES AND ACADEMY RANKINGS OF PERFORMANCE

t0 tl t2 t3 t4 tS,

t6

t7

2-Years 5-Years

NEED FULFILLMENT -.05 .04 -.28**.11 -.33**-.31**-.18 .02 -.26* -.23

NEED IMPORTANCE -.10 -.13 -.19*-.21* -.28**-.33**-.21* -.18 -.26* -.11

NEED DISSATISFACTION -.01 -.08 .29**.07 .31**-.19* .07 -.14 .20 -.23

N = 40 34 69 78 78 74 65 32 35 25

* Significant at the .10 level of confidence

** Significant at the .05 level of confidence

164

both evaluations, the associated correlations moved from a positive

value during the early months of the recruits' careers to a negative

value in the later-months (see Table 3-4). Apparently, fothose

subjects who were favorably rated by their respective field super-

visors, the importance of the various needs decreased over time.

Furthermore, the negative association between the ratings and need

importance attitudes carried over to the experienced officer sample --

although the absolute value of the correlation was considerably less

than the t3 through t7 correlations.

It appeared the above summated attitudes were most affected by

the changes in the importance attached to the esteem and autonomy

needs. The recruits' demonstrated striking attitude shifts between

t0and t7. Evidently, the high rated recruits originally entered the

Department valuing both esteem and autonomy, however, they came to

place less importance on these elusive needs as time progressed. No

significant changes were detected for the security, social and self-

actualization needs, nor were the correlations attached to these

three categories consistent in direction.

When the Academy rankings were correlated with the need impor-

tance attitudes, a clear negative relationship was found (see Table

3-4). Over half the correlations were significant at the .10 level

or better and the remaining correlations were all in the same direc-.

tion. Hence, there was a positive likelihood that those who did

well in the training Academy placed less importance upon the various

needs than those who did less well. Again, the esteem and autonomy

needs appeared to contribute most heavily to the negative relation-

ship. However, all needs were associated generally with negative

loadings across all time periods.

Need Dissatisfaction. Of the three separate measurements linked

to the questionnaire, need dissatisfaction showed the strongest and

most consistent relationship with the field evaluations. Of the 18

separate correlations, 10 were significant at the .10 level or better.

The persistent association is negative indicating the higher-rated

subjects were less dissatisfied than the lower-rated subjects.

Figure 3-17 illustrates the relationship_by plotting the high and low

performance groups. A similar pattern existed for the high and low

effort groups.

The examination of the individual parts of the dissatisfaction

index revealed that none of the isolated needs were related signifi-

1.*

cantvly to the ratings. However, most correlations were negatively

associated with the superiors' evaluations.

The total level of dissatisfaction expressed by both recruits

and experienced officers was related generally in a positive manner

to the Academy rankings -- although the association measures fluctu-

; ated widely. Apparently, the subjects who were judged as high per-

'formers in the Academy were more likely to be dissatisfied than those

individuals who were low performers. The correlations associated

with each of the five need categories showed little stability and

were usually of low magnitude.

165

+3.0

+2 0

FIGURE 3 -17

NEED DISSATISFACTION CO PARISON

(High vs. Low Ranked Recruits:SerLeants' ol Jco

i'eriormance)

N *. High Ranked RecruitsEL

Low Ranked Recruitsa...J.,

D

D

+1.5.4

SI

..*

.

ATI ...

.. a

SP

S

F . .A +1.0 .

,..

C V.4

414.

0 fa , . 'TI0N

+0.5

0

3.0

1 2 3 4 5 6

MONTHS WITH DEPARTMENT

172

166

ti

In summary, need dissatisfaction was most related to the field

ratings of the officers' performance and effort. More so than either

the subjects' expressed fulfillment or importance, dissatisfaction

attitudes give an indication of how well the individual is doing from

the departmental perspective. Generally, the more dissatisfied the

person, the lower his field ratings.

Somewhat surprisingly, the importance placed by the subjects

upon the sum total of the 13 needs was associated with both superior

ratings in a dynamic fashion. During their first few months on the

job, the high-rated officers. had a tendency to place more value upon

the needs than their low-rated counterparts. Yet, this positive

relationship changed dramatically as the subjects moved into the

"street" -- with the association becoming negative by the third month.

There was little sign of association between the expressed

absolute level of fulfillment and the field evaluations. In short,

it was the dissatisfaction index, based upon the relative level of

need fulfillment which was the most powerful predictor of the eval-

uations.

The rankings of the subjects' performance in the training

Academy were negatively related to the absolute level of fulfillment

and the importance of the total needs. At the same time? there was

a positive relationship detected between the class rankings and the

dissatisfaction measure.

. 173

167

16S

When the total need fulfillment, importance or dissatisfaction

scores were reduced and divided into their five component parts, none

of the individual needs, taken alone, produced as high levels of

association with the job behavior measures as the summated scores.

However, as noted, some individual need categories were related --

albeit weakly -- to the behavior indices.

Relationships between Need Satisfaction Attitudes and the DemographicCharacteristics:

The examination of the relationships between the demographic

variables and the various parts of the need satisfaction question-

naire was conducted simply by a straight-forward analysis of the

correlation coefficients.17

As described in earlier sections, the

coefficients for the longitudinal sample were calculated at each time

period (to through t7) on each of the relevant satisfaction measures.

Again, the coefficients for the experienced officer groups were

based upon the combined responses of all veteran subjects.

As was true with the other instruments, a very small percentage

of the total relationships examined reached statistical significance.

Typically,the few demographic variables which appeared to be asso-

ciated with the attitudes were limited to the time periods represent-

ing the early career phase -- fading into relative obscurity with th1

17In most cases, the Pearsonian correlation coefficient

was used. However, when appropriate, a point-biserial or biserialcoefficient was calculated. Tests of significance were based, unlessotherwise specified, upon the .05 level.

.. 17411.....14 C..

1 69

passage of time and the recruits' resulting accumulation of depart-

mental experience (e.g., at to and tl, the subjects with experience

in more prestigous occupations were likely to express greater dis-

satisfaction with the security and esteem areas than the recruits

with less prestigous occupational histories. However, the associa-

tion did not last past t3. A similar situation was visible for the

"level-of-education" variable and dissatisfaction).

F. Post Script: Interrelationships

Despite the foregoing general findings, there still remain

several unanswered questions pertaining to the interrelationships

among the many variables of interest in this research. First, it is

not clear whether or not any association existed between the demo-

graphic factors and thrb three job behavior measures. Up to this

point, the investigatit has focused strictly upon the association

between attitudes and behavior. When the demographic features of the

sample were examined, the unstated assumption was that the background

characteristics were related to job behavior only via the modifier

role they might play upon the attitudes. The first part of this

section presents briefly the results of an analysis of the relation-

ship (or lack of relationship) between the demographic variables

and the job behavior indices. Second, the findings reported thus

far have not indicated the manner in which the responses to the

questionnaire measures were interrelated. While the validity of

such comparisons can be questioned seriously on methodological

170

grounds, it seemed worthwhile to provide the reader with an idea of

.how the attitude measures "went together".18

Consequently, the second

part of this section examines the interrelationships among the various

parts of the three attitude questionnaires.

Of all the demographic characteristics, only the military exper-

ience variable was significantly related to the jdo behavior evalua-

tions made by the patrol sergeants regarding the recruits' field

performance. For the neophytes, the positive pointbiserial correla-

ition between the two variables indicated ..hat those who served in the

military were more likely to be evaluated as better performers than

;those recruits without military service. however, since almost 80-

ipercent of the recruits' reported having been in the military, this

finding is of little interest. It appears the background character-

iistics -- when taken in isolation -- were not associated in any

;important manner with the performance and effort evaluations.1

demographic variables may have had in combination on either of the two

ratings, a stepwise multiple regression analysis was performed using

In an attempt to search out any possible additive effects the

18The most important issue raised by this type of analysis

concerns the absence of an independent measurement on any of the

correlated questionnaire measures. Even if the various indices wereperfectly reliable measures of the underlying variables -- which theyclearly are not -- any inference about the relationships among measuresmust necessarily be based upon the comparison of responses from the

same subject. Consequently, such comparisons are subject to unanswer-

able validity questions revolving about the presence or absence of

instrument and individual biases.

171

each subjects' ranking as the criterion variable. In all, seven

independent variables were selected to be included in the regressions

(age, educational level, prior occupation, father's occupation,

military experience, prior police experience and rank aspiration).

Separate samples drawn from those subjects' reporting at t0, t2, t4,

t6, and two-years were used for each analysis. None of the regres

sions yielded a significant F-ratio, nor were able to account fo

much of the variance on the dependent variable (i.e., rating of

performance or effort). Thus, even when the "effects" of mor

one demographic variable were allowed, there was no relatio

between background characteristics and superior ratings.

The correlations between the recruits' performance

and the various demographic factors were also low. Wh

regressions (using Academy rank as the criterion) s

important relationship, a positive association was

variables representing educational level and pri

However, such correlations should not be surpr

construction of the Academy rank -- based en

of periodic examinations stressing federal

traffic regulations, first aid, police

Thus, those subjects with more educati

culty absorbing and feeding-back info

classroom than those with less educ

with previous police experience (

p

either

e than

nship

in the Academy

ile none of the

uggested an

observed for the

or police experience.

ising in light of the

tirely upon the results

, state and local laws,

ocedures, and so on.

n apparently had less diffi-

rmation presented in the

ation. Similarly, those officers

hence, exposed to much of the

172

material presented in the Academy prior to entering the Union City

Department) had less difficulty in the classroom than those without

such experience.

While a few demographic variables were associated with the job

behavior measures, such relationships were, at best, only marginal

and largely devoid of theoretical import. Consequently, there is no

basis to assert that the background variables possessed by police

recruits were important determinants of their consequent job

behavior -- as measured by sergeant evaluations.

Examining the plethora of interrelationships among the various

attitude measures used in this study, the recruit sample showed

considerably less congruence among their attitudes than the veteran

officers. Tables 3-5 and 3-6 illustrate the interrelationships

between the major attitude variables used in this study. Consequently,

as the officers moved through the stages of a police career, their

job attitudes associated with the dimensions examined in this study

were likely to become increasingly more related.

In conclusion, while most of the attitude measures used in this

study have been shown to be associated with one another, they were

by no means synonymous (i.e., measuring the same variable). As

discussed in Chapter II, some correlation among instruments was

expected on a purely theoretical basis. For example, one would

predict those subjects who express more motivation would also report

more commitment (see Tables 3-5 and 3-6). Yet, with the exception

178

173

of those indices taken from the same questionnaire, the attitude

intercorrelations for the recruits were relatively low-- intercorrela-

tions for the veteran officers were higher but by no means perfect.

Consequently, there is enough variation among questionnaire responses

to indicate the attitude variables were conceptually and, too a large

extent, empirically distinct.

TABLE 3-5

RECRUIT INTERCORRELATIONS AMONG THE MAJOR ATTITUDINAL

VARIABLES -- MEAN CORRELATIONS ACROSS S TIME PERIODS.

- oM .4-1

C 4-)

o 4.) U..-4 4-4 C C) cc:

4-4 c c.) c.) 44ct C) E C o

tll 1 N a .-. C3 -4144 orl 4,..) 01 4J 4)C) VI r1 > C) Co^ 4 $.1 CC

H J CC E -V 14-) -V 0 -7.; t/1

....I tO E 0 .-.1 0 C... 0 V)C) 8 s.., 0 C) ...

_ 0 E 0 ..-4

co LI. 0 L.) z U. Z 1-4 Z C

Beliefs * .37 .38 .68 .32 .34 .30 -.17

Goals - Total * .89 .84' .17 .16 .30 .03

S Main ;oats * .76 .17 .21 .31 -.04

Motivational * .23 .25 .33 -.05

Force

Organizational * .41 .17 -.31

Commitment

Need.28 -.54

Fulfillment

Need* .05

Importance

Need

Dissatisfaction

. 180

175

TABLE ;-6

EXPERIENCED OFFICER INTERCORRELATIONSAMONG THE MAJOR ATTITUDINAL VARIABLES

cO

-I r -1

m N - c 4..,

J., o oo CC c CC

E-. O o L...

. mo 4..,I ,.,

'4., c o 4..,

C) o > 0) CC

.4 I....I cC 4 C.1 CC E ..0 .0 0 '0 tr.f.i CC 4-1 la 0 E C..) 0) G. Cl LC

o o o o sr 0 w a w E o -4m (7 :-." gl- Z Z 7. a

Beliefs

Goals - Total

S Main Goals

MotivationalForce

OrganizationalCommitment

NeedFulfillment

Need

Importance

NeedDissatisfaction

* .48 .49

.91

.83

.77

.70

.43

.43

.45

.42

*

.51

.37

.38

.48

.60

.52

.61

.68

.58

.57

.60

-.37

-.03

-.04

-.15

-.34

-.72

-.14

176

"Police work turned out to be something

I hadn't expected. You have to sacrificeyour principles to stay on the job. Thelonger you're in, the more you'll do for

that pension. When I came on I wasidealistic and wanted to work really hard.I found out fast that such ideas aren'tvery practical around here. If you want

to get ahead in this department, you haveto keep your mouth shut and keep a low

profile."

Union City Police Officer(December 11, 1970)

CHAPTER IV

DISCUSSION: LEARNING THE POLICEMAN'S LOT

A recurrent theme throughout this document is simply

that police work must be viewed as an occupation among occupations

one which shares the same essential ingredients as any other

job in this society. While a policeman must cope with more

demands, more pressures, and more hostility than, say, the

manager, the schoolteacher, or the factory worker; a neophyte

policeman must learn the characteristic behavior patterns

and supportive attitudes of his occupation in much the same

manner as a new member of any organizational system. In short,

the new member learns by his experience -- whether it be

real or imagined.

Organizational socialization is the process by which

such learning takes place. It is a continuing process Qccurring

throughout an individual's career. Yet, some periods must be

182 ,

177

---considered more important than others. The initiation period,

for example, has been depicted as the most stressful for

the person as well as being the most critical period regarding

the individual's later career. Hence, "learning" is mandatory

if a person is to shed successfully the recruit label denoting

his marginal position within the organization and become

a fully functioning and accepted member.

By virtue of his own choice, a recruit to the police

milieu becomes immersed in a "life career". The sooner he learns

the ropes of his chosen career the more comfortable and adept

he is likely to feel. This research focused deliberately on

describing the job attitude changes during the early career

phases of policemen with the hope that a number of theoretiCal

interesting findings could be established. As Chapter III pointed

out, the results of this study are not disappointing. Indeed,

a great deal has been learned about the "psychological contract"

governing the behavior of individuals, in this case, policemen,

within their employing organization.1

This chapter is designed to complement the statistical

findings with an analysis of the participant-observation data.

Although the two methods are somewhat at odds with each other

1It should be noted that the purpose of this research was not toexamine the patrolman's "on the street" behavior per se. Yet, animportant -- indeed, crucial -- determinant of his occupational"style" is the set of job related perceptions the patrolman comesto possess regarding the behavior he believes appropriate to gaindesired occupational rewards -- the quid pro an for his energies.

178

-- as will he discussed in the following chapters -- an attempt

is made here to place the empirical findings of the questionnaire

analysis in the context of direct observation. This tactic

emphasizes the experiential side of this study and provides

the reader with a particular "feel" for the situation responsible

for the unique attitude mapping presented in another chapter.

Therefore, rather than directing attention specifically to

the statistically significant separate findings, this discussion

highlights the consistent "themes" appearing throughout the results.

The following discussion represents a distilled characterization

of the recruit socialization process. The organization of

this chapter follows the paradigm adopted in Chapter 1 to

describe temporal aspects of organizational socialization.2

The data are drawn exclusively from the results of this particular

research effort and as such represent only one organization

and a relatively small sample of policemen.3

2The reader will note that all recruits are treated as if they

followed the same training pattern. Although this is a distortionof the actual situation in Union City, the relative homogeneity of

the recruits' responses to the police environment allows for the

generalization of the data. For example, regardless of whether or

not a recruit returned to the Police Academy after his FTO stage

of training, his "street" experiences had a significant impactupon his attitudes, Those recruits who did return to the Academy(as part of their formal training program) were not likely torevert to older attitude patterns. It was my observation thatthe second stage of the Police Academy for the "street-wise"recruits was a time of marked forbearance. In fact, most recruitswere "counting the days" until they could again return to "real"

police work.

3Sec Chapter v for a more elaborate treatment of the metho/do-.logical difficulties involved in this research.

179

A. PRE-ENTRY: CHOICE

What sort of young man is attracted to and selected for

a police career? In Chapter I, a brief review of the literature

noted that while personal characteristics cannot be viewed

as entirely independent of the police system itself, the research

, indicated that police work seems to attract local, family-

oriented, working class whites interested primarily in the

security and salary aspects of the occupation. The literature

also stressed a general inability (or reluctance) on the part

of the police departments to recruit and hire college-trained

individuals. Furthermore, recruits to the occupation have

been characterized as upwardly-mobile with the research indicating

that persons who became policemen tend to rank their job as

slightly more prestigious than other occupations they had considered.4

4The basis for this "upwardly mobile" thesis however is questionable.Indeed, several alternative interpretations for the data areavailable. For example, post decisional dissonance, socialconsistency or even social influence explanations are equallyacceptable interpretations.

180

More importantly, the authoritarian syndrome which has

popularly been ascribed to persons selecting police careers

has not been supported by research. Generally, the available

research supports the contention that the police occupation

is viewed by recruits as simply one job among many and considered

roughly along the same dimensions as any potential job-choice.

This research can add little to the above portrait. However,

several qualifications are in order which perhaps provide a greater

understanding of this particular choice process.

First, the upwardly-mobile theory should be modified to

include community characteristics (See Appendices C and D).

From the Union City data, to classify the typical recruit as

a product of a lower or working class home distorts the representative

nature of the police department. At least in Union City, the

socio-economic background distribution (i.e., father's occupation)

of the recruits compared more favorably to the community's

occupational character than it did with the socio-economic

background distribution among personnel of several other police

departments. Hence, it appears likely that the representative

nature of many police organizations has been understated by

ignoring the locale of the particular department.5

'While this is true for the socio-economic distribution, the UnionI City Department is flatly unrepresentative of the racial make upof the community. As with most other major police departments,

i blacks, chicanos and other racial minorities are woefully absentfrom the Union City police personnel rolls.

. 186

181

Second, the security and salary aspects of the police

job as the crucial recruiting factors may have been biased

by the preponderance of lower and working class recruits in

other samples. On the basis of fifty interviews conducted

during the Academy phase of the recruits' training, this researcher

found that the out-of-doors and adventurous qualities of the

occupation were perceived as among the most influential factors

attracting men from this community into police service.6

In

every case, the recruits stressed the non-routine aspects of

police work as one of the most important factors in selecting

the occupation. While security and salary concerns are undoubtedly

important as providing a guaranteed-minimum of economic stability,

it is the added inducement of the perceived task that seems

to entice men toward a police career.

Third, these interviews uncovered a rather pervasive "meaningful-

work" theme. In ninety percent (N = SO) of the interviews,

the recruit alluded to the opportunity afforded by a police

career to perform in an occupation which was perceived as

6These interviews were open-ended and purposely informal --although it was understood by all subjects that the generaltopic of the discussion was "why they had decided to becomepolice officers". As such, the "themes" which came out ofany particular interview were mentioned first by the interviewee.

187

182

"consequential" or "important to society". Below are several.

excerpts from written autobiographies collected during the

course of this study which exemplify these concerns.7

"I had decided that sales was my type of work and

I was making a comfortabie )iving. For two years

I worked in this capacity but found I was beginning

to dislike the work. After a great deal of thought,

I chose to join the police department, The idea

of law enforcement had always intrigued me. Basi-

cally it's the type of job that is challenging andgives me the chance to do something important for

society."

Another recruit, a college graduate and somewhat more

articulate stated:

"The principal motivating factor towards my pur-suing a police career is the challenge inherentin law enforcement work. It is a field whichoffers both human contact and the opportunity forpersonal achievement without the academic sterilityof many professions . . in this occupation, oneis able to make a substantial contribution to thewelfare of the community."

The fourth consideration again comes from the interview

phase of this research and involves the reasons the recruits

mentioned for first becoming interested in a police career.

Sixty percent noted specifically that their primary social

networks included Union City police officers. While kinship

or generational biases were shown not to be of major importance

These autobiographies were written for class presentation duringthe first week of Academy training. As such, they are subject tosocial desireability, personal aggrandizement, and other biasingfactors. However, it is the feeling of this researcher that theyindeed do represent basic-motives behind a police career and cer-tainly are typical of statements recorded during the interview phaseof this research.

18:

in the Union City Department (see Appendices C and D), it is

notable that such a large proportion of recruitt: stated explicitly

that their exposure to the police career occurred through either

family or friends --:in other words, most recruits first gave

serious thought to the police occupation via a "friendship"

link with an active Union City policeman.8

One recruit noted:

"My reasons for wanting to be a police officer

are simple. my parents have a few good friendsthat have been on the department for some timeand I have practically grown up around police-

men. I used to listen to their stories and talkand thought it would be a pretty good job."

Another recruit summarized his reasons for joining the

department as follows:

"I had been thinking about police work for abouta year, but never really looked into it until I

quit school. I have a brother-in-law on theforce who I talked with a lot of times aboutbeing a Union City cop . . . I felt that the

job would be a rewarding and satisfying job, thepay appeared to be adequate and I felt the job

would be anything but boring."

What comes out.of these interviews is a feeling that most

police officers have not chosen their career casually. Perhaps

some men originally took the qualifying examination for patrolman

8The other recruits stated that they had become interested in policework in college (by taking law enforcement classes -- approximatelyfifteen percent) or the military (through special police recruitingprograms -- approximately fifteen percent). Only ten percentfailed to report a specific social interaction factor whichoriginally interested them in a police career in Union City.

184

lightly, but it is unlikely many men proceeded through the

entire screening process -- often taking up to six months --

without becoming seriously interested and desirous of a police

career.

The screening factor involved in police selection is an

undeniably significant feature of the career. From the filling

out of the application blank at City Hall to the telephone

call which informs a potential recruit of his acceptance into

the department, the individual is subject to a series of events

which serve to impress an aspiring policeman with a sense of

being accepted into an "elite" organization. As such, the

various screening devices -- if successfully surmounted --

are likely to increase the person's self-esteem as well as

buttressing his choice of career. This anticipatory stage

would seem to increase the individual's evaluation of the police

organization as an important place to work.

To summarize, police work must be viewed as an occupation

attractive to men for more than salary and security reasons.

Clearly, the perceived adventuresome, non-routine features

of police work are significant inducements. Furthermore, most

recruits based their choice on considerable information gleaned

from either family or friends involved intimately with the

occupation. Finally, the occupational choice becomes fixed

via a long and rigorous selection procedure during which an

individual has ample opportunity to change his mind.

185

The survey data collected in this study supports this overall

picture. Basically, the results depict the recruit at day

one (t0) of his police career to be highly motivated to work

hard and highly committed to his chosen organization relative

to his later career.9

In terms of the "path -goal" attitudes,

the results at t0

indicate the recruit's expectations (beliefs)

that hard work will lead to valued rewards determine the relatively

high motivational state. While all rewards, except those originating

in the community, were viewed as being strongly associated

with hard work, it was the perceived personal rewards which

provided the most input into a recruit's overall motivation.

In light of the popular conception of police work, it is not

surprising that field investigation activities were perceived

as being the most important activities in terms of receiving

valued rewards.

Individuals who were more motivated at t0received slightly

higher performance and effort field rankings following their

Academy graduation. In terms of background characteristics,

few significant correlations were recorded with the motivational

profile of the entering officers. Also, there appeared to be

little or no relationship between the t0

motivational attitudes

of the recruits and their final standing on the Police Academy

academic rankings.

9In a subsequent chapter, the data collected in this study are

; contrasted with comparable data representing other occupations.

186

It is apparent from the results that the police recruits.

enter the organization very strongly committed to the norms

and values they perceive to represent the Union City Police

Department. However, there was some indication these recruits

viewed their department as very similar to other police organizations

at day one. Furthermore, there was only a slight tendency

for those who were initially more committed (at t0) to be rated

high in effort and performance by their respective patrol sergeant

when they entered the field setting (i.e., the "street"). The

relationships among the t0 commitment attitudes and both the

Academy rankings and the demographic variables were generally

weak.

In terms of satisfaction attitudes, most of the recruits

at their initiation into the police system were dissatisfied

relative to measures gathered later in their careers. Apparently,

their dissatisfaction was due to the neophytes' recruit status.

The newcomers at day one were most dissatisfied with their

self-actualization needs. This finding should not be considered

unusual in light of the recruit's marginal status within the

department. Also, the department literature, as well as the

orientation session, stressed the Police Academy as a period

of evaluation and testing (i.e., a recruit must prove himself

capable of being a policeman during his Academy experience

or be dismissed from the force). As noted, the recruits soon

1877----learn this condition was, in actuality, not true; but they

were relatively apprehensive at their introduction to the organi:ation

and tended to absorb the departmental "mythology".

The satisfaction attitudes of the recruits at induction

must also be viewed from the standpoint of a widespread organizational

aggrandizement which occurs during the recruitment and selection

process. As in most organizations, the police department is

depicted to individuals who have yet to take the oath of office

in its most favorable light. As indicated, a potential recruit

is made to feel as if he were important and valued by the organization.

1However, upon the administration of the oath, the person's

1 status within the department is reversed drastically. While

the individual may feel upon swearing allegiance to the organization

that "he's finally made it", the department instantaneously

informs him that until he has served his probationary period

he can be dropped from the membership rolls without warning,

explanation, or appeal at any time. It is perhaps ironic

that in a period of a few minutes, a person's position vis-

a-vis the organization can be altered so dramatically. Although

this feature is common to most organizations, in the paramilitary

environment of the police world, the shift is particularly

startling to the individual. The phenomenon is akin to the

Induction of a volunteer in the military or the induction of

188

a college football star into the world of professional football.

In each case, the newcomer is likely to begin wondering about

his organizational choice and be somewhat dissatisfied with

his new status at the bottom of the occupational status ladder.

Consequently, with their status reversed (from important

to unimportant) and a confrontation with the Police Academy

next on their career agenda, it is not surprising that the

recruits at t0were most dissatisfied with the degree to

which security needs were fulfilled. Additionally, as shall

be discussed in greater length later in this chapter, the

police occupation has an inherent hazard or danger factor

which would seem to place a limit upon the amount of satisfaction

or fulfillment one may express regarding this need.

The foregoing discussion assumes that the recruits were

capable of evaluating the degree to which their organizational

position presently satisfied their needs. To a limited extent,

this view is tenable. However, the import of the satisfaction

attitudes at day one is obfuscated by the crude job perspectives

normally held by newcomers to any'organization. Aside from

the recruits' restricted association with the police milieu,

the perfunctory nature of the information formally "passed

down" to a newcomer casts large doubt upon both the reliability

and validity of the measure at to. Hence, the meaning and

the determinants of the recruits' reported satisfaction attitudes

at entrance must be considered problematic.

194i.;).°:.

What seems most important about the induction attitudes

of the police recruits is their high level of motivation

and commitment -- relative to their later career. Indeed,

the Union City Police Department was able to attract and

select men who entered the organization with a reservoir of

positive attitudes toward hard work and a strong level of

organizational support. Although it was somewhat surprising

that there did not appear to be more than a weak relationship

among any of the background characteristics and the various

attitude measures at entrance, it must be kept in mind that

on two of the measures, virtually 411 persons expressed high

positive attitudes and thus it could not be expected that

the demographic variables would be able to provide much aid

in discriminating among responses.

The emerging profile of the recruit standing at the brink

of his police career is a favorable one from the department's

perspective. Yet, there is some noticeable apprehension

and some dissatisfaction expressed by the recuits relative

to later in their career. Apparently, this sober note in

an otherwise enthusiastic profile is due to the

recruits' anticipations and expectations concerning their

forthcoming adventure at the Police Academy. What happens

to the recruit and his associated attitudes upon this encounter

at the Academy is where attention is now focused.

_1,41185

189

190

B., ENTRY: ENCOUNTER

When the recruit first dons the symbols of office --

the badge, handcuffs, nightstick and gun -. he experiences

the first of a series of events which will eventually isolate

him from his non-police peers and place him well within a subculture

characterized by intense colleague bonds, The police organization

has often been described by those economically and emotionally

dependent upon it as "one big family". Indeed, co-workers

are known as "brother officers". One Union City patrolman,

a 15-year veteran of the "streets", phrased this occupational

chardcteristic in the following manner:

"This job is the only job I can think of whereyou really have to depend on others no matterwhat you do. If it isn't the ass-hole publicthat's after you, it's the IID across the street,or the brass upstairs. No matter what happensout there, somebody can find something wrongwith what you did and screw you. If it wasn'tfor the patrol guys backing each other up all thetime, you wouldn't last ten minutes on this job. . . I guess since we have to protect .,achother on the job, this kind of concern carriesover to our off-duty time too . . . Everyoneof my friends either works for the Departmentor used to work for the Department. These peoplereally care about me . . . like when I'm sick orsomething needs to be done in the house, theseguys are always around to see what they can do. . . you know, I'd do just about anything forthem too!"10

10The IID the officer was referring to is the department's Internal

Investigation Division which is housed in a municipal buildingacross the street from the police department's central precinct,

1.S61,41,- 4 1sk ,

191

This fraternal-like regard existing among fellow patrolmen

pervades the entire institution. The well-documented "code

of secrecy" shrouding virtually every police department is

but one of the more salient manifestations of this in-group

solidarity. It is not surprising that the first axiom learned

by a recruit is the "no rat rule" fellow officers

are to be supported under all conditions.

Wearing a uniform which distinguishes the novice from

a "real" policeman,11

the recruit is subjected to a training

process which will later become one of his major career remembrances.

By observing and listening closely to the police stories

and style; the recruit begins to absorb the tradition which

typifies the department. The learning of this "organizational

history" is largely informal (i.e., not part of the Academy

lesson plans). Yet, the recruit's ability to assimilate

the relevant history will, in large measure, determine the

speed of his adjustment to police life. The clumsy term

"organizational history" is simply meant to imply that there

11Significantly, a recruit is not even allowed to carry a loaded

weapon during the classroom portion of his Academy training. He

must wait until graduation night before being permitted to "loadhis weapon". To the recruit, such policies are demeaning. Yet,

the policies "stigmatizing" the recruits-as-recruits (e.g.,*different uniforms, old and battered batons, allocation of parkingspaces, special scarfs, etc.) were exceedingly effective methodsof impressing upon the recruits that they were not yet Union CityPolice Officers.

192

exists within the departmental environment a set of personalities,

past events and implied relationships the recruit is eventually

expected to learn. The correlates of this history are attitudes

toward certain persons, places and things which are the "objective

reality" of police work. While this history lesson is presented

largely in an informal manner, it is the most important aspect

of a policeman's early career. By vicariously sharing the

exploits of his predecessors, a recruit gradually builds

a common language and a shared set of interests which will

attach him to the organization until he too has police experiences ,

to relate.

Granted, the formal Academy consists mainly of a didactic

sort of instrumental-training. However, the recruit's overwhelming

eagerness to hear what police work is "really like" results

literally in hours upon hours of "war stories" (alternatively

called "sea stories" by a few officers) told by veteran policemen.

It is throughthese "war stories" that the Department's history

is communicated. Furthermore, via this learning the meaning

and emotional reality of police work begins to take shape

for the individual. One recruit, when asked about what he

hoped to learn in the Academy, responded as follows:

"I want them to tell me what police work is allabout. I could care less about the outsidespeakers or the guys they bring out here fromupstairs who haven't been on the street for thelast twenty years. What I want is for somebodywho's going to shoot straight and give me the'lowdown on how I'm supposed to survive out there."

718 L;

193

Unfortunately, for the recruit, the Academy provides

far too little of this kind of preparation. A departmental

survey (N = 92) conducted during the participant- observation

phase of this research revealed that over 95 percent of the

sampled patrolmen felt they were given too little practical

instruction in patrol procedures.12

Yet, the function of the police Acader6 in the socialization

process appears to go considerably beyond the transmitting

of "knowledge about" the police role. The Academy experience

must also be seen as the "puberty rites" or "rites-de-passage"

associated with occupation.

For most Union City recruits, the first real contact

with the police world occurs at the Academy. Surrounded

by thirty to forty contemporaries, the recruit is introduced

to the harsh and often arbitrary discipline of the organization.

The initiation process is demanding. Absolute obedience

to departmental rules, rigorous physical training, dull lectures

devoted to various technical aspects of the occupation and

a ritualistic concern for detail characterizes the Academy.

Only the recruit's classmates aid his struggle to avoid punishments

and provide him an outlet from the monotony of the long days.

A recruit soon learns that to be one minute late to a class;

12The survey asked the officers to name the most and least helpful

portion of the training and to name the part of the Academy trainingwhich they felt should be expanded.

199

194

or to utter a careless word in formation; or to be "caught"

walking -- not running -- between the parking lot and the

locker room may result in a "gig" costing a man an extra

day of work or the time it may take to write a long essay

on a topic such as "The Importance of Keeping a Neat Appearance".

In all aspects of the Academy life, the recruits are

expected to demonstrate class solidarity. The training staff

actively promotes group cohesion through the use of group

rewards and punishments, interclass competition and cajoling

the recruits -- at every conceivable opportunity -- to "show

some unity". Predictably, such tactics work -- partial evidence

is suggested by the number of well-attended Academy class

reunions held year after year within the department. To most

of the veteran police officers on the force, their police

Academy experiences resulted in a career-long source of identification

and provided the opportunity to develop a number of lasting

friendships. It is no exaggeration to state that the "in-

the-same-boat" collective consciousness which arises when

groups are processed serially through a harsh set of experiences

was perhaps as refined in the Union City Police Department

as in other institutions such as military academies, fraternities

or medical schools.

13The two examples on the next page show how the Academy discipline

cannot be overstated. Shown are two of the dreaded "gigs" whichwere among the twenty-odd gigs issued during this researcher'sAcademy ("Training Class 67, Sir!") experience -- 12 weeks.

195

L

REPRESENTATIVE TRAINING ACADEMY "GIGS"

Sample #1

FROM: Officer Smith, Academy Staff

TO: Recruit Jones, A. A. #9000

SUBJECT: Classroom Conduct

You were observed displaying un-officer like conduct in anAcademy class in-session. You openly yawned (without making anyeffort to minimize or conceal the fact), (this happened twice),you were looking out the window constantly, andspent time drawing

on your notebook cover. You will report to Sergeant Doe in theCommunications Division on Saturday, August 15, for an extra 3hours of duty.

Sample #2

(This "gig" was directed to this researcher during the first weekof training).

FROM: Officer Bull, Academy StaffTO: Recruit Van Maanen, J. E. #7425SUBJECT: Dirty Weapon at Inspection

I have been informed that you presented a very dirty weaponto the inspecting Lieutenant at formal inspection this morning.As per standing orders, you are directed to submit a 500 word paperon "The Importance of Keeping My Weapon Clean", no later than Monday,27 July. Direct paper through your class president to Officer Smith.

196

One Of the results of such "stress" training is that

the recruit soon learns that it is the peer group rather

than the "brass" which will support him and which he, in

turn, must support. By such mechanisms as degradation, submission

and substitution, the recruit school serves to detach a newcomer

from his old attitudes and acquaintances. The long hour:',

new friends and the ordeal aspects of the Academy gradually

impress upon the recruit that he must now identify with a new

group -- the police. That this process is not complete,

however, is illustrated by an experience of a recruit during

his sixth week of training -- before his introduction to

the "street". This particular recruit told his classmates

the following:

"Last night as I was driving home from the Academy,I-stopped to get some gas . . As soon as I hadshut off the engine some dude comes running up tome flapping his arms and yelling like crazy aboutbeing robbed. Here I am, sitting in my car with mygun on and the ole buzzer (badge) staring him rightin the face . Wow! . . I had no idea what Ishould do; so I told him to call the cops and gotaway from there as fast as I could . . What getsme is that it never did dawn on me that I WAS A COPuntil I'd started to drive away."

To this researcher, the Academy training serves to prepare

the recruits to change,. Through a variety of methods, the

recruit begins to absorb the subcultural ethos and to "think

'like a policeman". Importantly, a recruit in. the Academy

soon learns the formal rules and regulations are applied

inconsistently. That is sanctioned in one case with a "gig"

is ignored in another case. To the recruits, Academy rules become-. _ .--------

197.

prescriptions of normative behavior which are to be coped

with fornally, but informally dismissed. The newcomer learns

that when "The Department" notices his behavior, it usually

results in a sanction, not a reward. The ethos becomes "stay

low and avoi4 trouble." Even questioning behavior is discouraged.

In Academy classes, the instructors admonished the recruits

to "keep your mouth shut and listen". If a recruit was so

bold as to question an instructbr, he must first preface

his remarks by stating, "Sir, Recruit 'Doe' would like to

ask a question." The instructor then has the option of ignoring

the recruit or recognizing him. Hence, by suggestion and

situational adjustments the neophyte policemen begin to

their entering definitions Of the police role and setting.

As noted in Chapter II, the formai content of the training

. Academy is almost exclusively weighted in, favor of the technical

aspects of police work. Recruits are required to turn in

typed notebooks each week containing lengthy summaries of

course material. A few outside speakers are invited to the

Academy but, overwhelmingly, the classroom time is filled

by Union City policemen describing the more tedious aspects

of the job. Witvut question, as the Academy period stretches

on, the recruits become more and more anxious to engage in

"real" police work.

Following the Academy phase of training, a newcomer

is introduced tc the realities of the "street" vis-a-vis

his Field Training Officer. It is during this period of

1N3'a "fSr

socialization that the "reality shock" encompassing full

recognition of being a policeman is likely to occur. Through

the eyes of his experienced FTO, the recruit learns the ins

and outs of the police role. Here he learns what kinds of

behavior are appropriate and expected of a patrolman within

the social setting. His instructors in this phase are almost

exclusively his fellow patrolmen working the same precinct

and shift. While his Sergeant may occasionally offer tips

on how to handle himself on the "street", the supervisor

is more notable for his absence than for his presence. When

the Sergeant does seek out the recruit, it is probably to

inquire as to how many hazardous traffic violations the "green-

pea" had written tLat week (i.e., in Union City, each patrolman

was expected to write at least one hazardous or "moving" violation

per shift) or to remind the recruit to keep his hat on when

out of the patrol car. As a matter of formal policy, the

department expects the FTO to handle all recruit uncertainties.

This traditional feature of police work -- patrolmen training

patrolmen --insures continuity from class to class of police

officers regardless of the content of Academy instruction

(which changes very slowly itself).

It was my observation that the recruit's reception into

the Patrol Division was one of consideration. As near as

interviewing and personal experience can attest, there was

no hazing or rejection of the recruit by the veteran officers.

199

In all cases, the recruits were fully accepted into the on-

going police system with tolerance and much advice. If anyone

in the department was likely to react negatively to a recruit,

it was the supervisor, not the on-line patrolmen.

During the protracted hours spent on patrol with his

Field Training Officer, the recruit is instructed as to the

"real" nature of police work. To the newcomer, the first

few weeks on patrol are an extremely trying period. The

recruit is slightly fearful and ill prepared -- by the Academy

for both the routine and eccentricities of "real" police

work. He may know the criminal code and the rudimentaries

of arrest, but the fledgling patrolman is generally perplexed

and ill at ease in their application. Yet, beside him in

the patrol. unit is his "partner", a veteran. Hence, the

FTO is the answer to the "breaking-in" dilemma. By observing,

listening and mimicking, the neophyte policeman learns how

to deal with the objects of his occupation -- the traffic

violator, the hippie, the drunk, the "brass" and the police

system itself.14

While the recruit is busy absorbing a myriad of novel

experiences, his FTO is appraising the newcomer's reaction

to certain situations. Although each FTO stresses slightly

14For some excellent descriptions of the importance and. symbolic

meaning of a patrolman's first partner, see Radono, Walking theBeat, 1968; Wambaugh, The New Centurions, 1970; and Walker, Notesfrom the Bottom of the World: A Policeman's Journal, 1969.

200

different activities when introducing the newcomer to the

"street" (e.g., a few FTO's were notorious "alley cruisers",

some were "ticket men", others emphasized "getting burglars",

etc.), the training officer's main concern was in how the

recruit would handle the "hot call" -- the "in progress" or

"on view" or "help the officer" situation which experience

tells the FTO may result in violence. The "hot call" represents

everything the policeman feels he is prepared for. In short,

it calls for "police work". Such calls are anticipated by

patrolmen with both pleasure and anxiety and the recruit's

performance on such calls is in a very real sense, the "measure

of the man". While "hot calls" are relatively rare on a day-

to-day basis, their occurrence signals a behavioral test

for the recruit. To pass, he must have "balls". By placing

himself in a vulnerable position and pluckily "backing up"

his FTO, a recruit demonstrates his inclination to share

the risks of police work. The required behaviors vary from

event to event; however, contingent upon the ex-post-facto

evaluation of the situation (e.g., was a weapon involved?

did the officers have to fight the man? how many other patrolmen

were on the spot?, etc.) and the recruit's response in the

situation (e.g., did he get out of the car quickly? did he

hesitate to help his partner? did he appear visibly fearful?,

etc.), a newcomer makes a departmental reputation which will

206

201

follow him for the remainder of his career. While some FTO's..

promote these "climactic" events,1S

most wait quietly for

such situations to occur. Certainly varying definitions

of appropriate behavior in these "knife-edge" situations

exist from patrolman to patrolman, but the critical element

is the recruit's demonstrated willingness to place himself

in a precarious position while aiding a "brother" officer.

In the police world, such behavior is demanded from a recruit.

Although this analysis is woefully incomplete for a number

of reasons (e.g., the inherent difficulties involved in collecting

data on a large sample of cases), the behaviorally-demonstrated

commitment to one's fellow officers involved in such events

is a particularly important stage in the socialization process.

To the recruit, he has experienced a test and it provides

him with the first of many shared experiences which he can

relate to other officers. To the FTO, he has watched his

man in a "police work" situation and now knows a great deal

more about his occupational companion.

1SSeveral FTOs in Union City were departmental celebrities for their

training techniques. For example, one officer made it a ritual tohave his recruit write parking citations in front of the localBlack Panther Party headquarters. Another was prominent for requiringhis recruit to "shake-out" certain "trouble" bars in the roughersection of the city (i.e., check identifications, make street-searches and possibly roust out customers, a la The FrenchConnection).

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202

Aside from the "back up" test applied to all recruits,

the other most powerful experience in a recruit's yoUng career

is his first arrest. Virtually all policemen recall the

individual, the location and the situation surrounding their

first arrest. One five-year veteran patrolman stated in

an interview with this researcher:

"That first arrest is really something. I guessthat's because it's what we're trained to do. In

my case, I'd been out there for a couple of weeksbut we hadn't done much . . . I think we'd made somechippies, like stand-ups or DWI's, but my partnernever let me handle the arrest part. Then one nighthe tells me that if anything happens I'm gonna be onmy own and gotta do the whole arrest bit, from thestreet to the sixth floor (the jail) . . . well, weget a man-with-gun call and I'd just finishedwriting it down when I look up and see this ass-holewalking down the street with a shotgun slung overhis arm . . . like he's going hunting right in themiddle of town. I'm tell'en you, I was scaredshitless, but I knew this was it. Either I madethe arrest or I'd look like an idiot. Anyway, Ididn't freeze and went over to the guy. I snatchedthe gun and told him he was under arrest . . . I

don't really know what I'd expected him to do, butI sure was relieved when he turns out to be realcooperative . . . I suppose I can remember my firstfour or five arrests, but after that they juststart to blur together."

It is such situations that determines one's success

in the department. The fact that they occur somewhat at

the discretion of the FTO underscores the orderliness of

the socialization process. In effect, these "climactic" situations

'graphically denote to the recruit his new status and role

within the organization. He is now a cop!

2C8

203

Clearly, it is during the FTO phase of the recruit's

career that he is most susceptible to attitude change. The

newcomer is self-conscious and truly in need of guidelines.

Through "war stories" told by fellow officers -- conspicuously,

his FTO -- the recruit begins to adopt the perspectives of

his occupational associates. Critical to this process is

the neophyte's own developing repertoire of experiences which

are interpreted to him via his more experienced colleagues.

In a sense, the "reality shock" of being involved "in the

action" is absorbed and defined by the recruit's fellow officers.

During this phase of training the recruit becomes in fact

a policeman with a distinctive set of attitudes characterizing

his new identity.

The above impressionistic account of the recruit socialization

process implies that there are two sequences of importance

during the "encounter" period. The first phase involves

a recruit's introduction and resultant adaptation to the

Academy and the second phase occurs when the newcomer is

initiated into the Patrol Division. In a sense, the

Academy phase serves to "unfreeze" the recruit and make

him amenable to the rapid socialization required once he

204

enters the actual participation period of his early ca:wer.16'

Attention is now focused on a discussion of the set of

job-related attitudes which are associated with this critical

encounter between the individual and the organization.

It is apparent that the early stages of the recruit's

police career are marked by some rather vivid attitude changes

(t1 through ts). First, motivational attitudes drop considerably.

In fact, four of the five reward categories (rewards which

presumably may result from "working especially hard") fell

sharply from their level at day one -- i.e., beliefs regarding

favorable reactions from the department, the supervisor,

the community and fellow officers. Only personal rewards

remained fairly stable. This would certainly seem to indicate

a growing realization on the part of the recruits that indeed

"working especially hard" was not linked to most of the system

rewards. The only reward a recruit could reasonably expect

to obtain for his effort was greater personal satisfaction.

16Inkeles (1969) suggested that socialization processes may often he

characterized by a "second wave". He describes this phenomenon asfollows:

"The second-wave in the socialization process occurs whereand when the individual learns the detailed role contentswhich are socially necessary to behave in a previouslyacquired basic disposition and where new dispositions andsocial skills couldn't have been learned earlier." (p. 152)

As outlined above, his observations are particularly pertinent whendiscussing the police recruit socialization process.

205---- - -In terms of activities, only by working hard in the area

of "field investigation" did the recruits' perceive any consistent

relationship with the available rewards by the end of their

fifth month on the job (ts).

Some association was detected between the sergeants'

evaluation of effort and performance displayed by the recruits

in the field and the recruits' expressed motivational attitudes

(t1 through ts). Yet, if anything, those recruits who were

least motivated tended to be ranked as the better patrolmen.

While a little zealousness may be tolerated early in one's

career -- maybe even expected -- such attitudes must soon

be altered if the recruit is to succeed in the police milieu

(as evidenced by the superiors' evaluations). Hence, the

tenderfoot patrolman learns that "working especially hard"

is not the proper behavioral predisposition and is discouraged

(either by non-reinforcement or by negative reinforcement)

by his peers and superior from behaving in such a manner.

The observation that personal rewards are still believed

to result from effort would seem to place the recruit in

a paradoxical position. On one hand, "working especially

hard" will not bring favorable rewards from the "system", yet,

on the other hand, it will bring personal satisfaction. The

response to this situation is discussed in the following

section.

21.E

206

The organizational commitment attitudes of the recruits

also declined. However, unlike the motivational correlations,

the sergeants tended to perceive those recruits who expressed

more commitment to the organization to be the better officers

(in terms of both effort and performance). This association

was particularly apparent during the recruit's initial "street"

experience (ts through ts). This finding appears of major

import since high commitment implies a relatively unquestioning

belief and acceptance of the organizational system. The

appurtenant literature has speculated that loyalty and dedication --

as behavioral correlates of a "conformance-to-authority" syndrome --

are the principal behaviors an apprentice policeman must

demonstrate in order to be accepted within the police system.

This finding provides important empirical confirmation on

this organizational dimension.

The recruits' expressed need fulfillment and need satisfaction

attitudes increased conspicuously as they passed through

their Academy and FTO phases of training (ti through t5). Indeed,

the satisfaction indices registered the most positive level

at the end of the fifth month -- after all recruits were

regularly assigned patrolmen. This is not surprising in

view of the limited opportunities to satisfy certain needs

during the Academy period of the recruits' careers. In general,

the job satisfaction literature indicates that as one is

accepted into the work group, his satisfaction increased.

As noted, considerable grumbling was observed among the recruits

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207

while they were assigned to the Academy -- due both to the

nature of the Academy itself and to their nominal status

as police officers. Hence, it should be expected the expressed

satisfaction would increase as the newcomers began actually

to act as policemen.

The five need categories retained approximately the

same importance ordering throughout the first seven months

on the job.17 However, the degree of perceived fulfillment

of all needs except self-actualization jumped rather spectacularly

as the recruits gained "street" experience (t3 through t5).

The dissatisfaction index showed a slight decrease as the

recruits moved through the Academy and out to the "street" --

although hardly as dramatic as the increase in fulfillment

attitudes. On the basis of these findings, the neophytes

are still relatively deprived. In other words, although

the individuals report more need fulfillment, they concomitantly

express a desire for higher levels of fulfillment. This

may well be an indication of the "street-learning" experience

when the recruits are first exposed to the "policeman's lot".18

17Self-actualization needs were viewed as most important. These

were followed by security, social, autonomy, and esteem needs res-pectively (discussed in a later Chapter).

18Rather than repeating the job characteristics of police work as

outlined in Chapter I, the term "policeman's lot" is used here toindicate the relatively low status, the paradoxical role require-ments, the danger aspect of the occupation, the degrading nature("dirty work") of many of the tasks given to the patrolman, etc.

208

Yet, as the following chapters will point out the expressed

dissatisfaction of the folice. recruits was considerably less

than that expressed by persons representing other occupational

groupings. Thus, it appears, at least during the early stages

of the police career, the patrolman's job provides ample

satisfaction -- particularly in the social and self- actualizing

need areas.

The relationship between need satisfaction attitudes

and the job behavior measures was somewhat unexpected. For

the most part, those recruits who were the most satisfied

with their occupation after completing the training phases

of their career were more likely to be perceived by their

sergeants as better policemen (at least from the effort and

performance standpoint) than their less satisfied counterparts.

Also, these high-rated recruits were more likely to place

less importance on the set of needs as time progresses. However,

as another chapter specifies, the decrease in importance

for the high-rated recruits was concentrated in the areas

of esteem and autonomy needs -- the two least fulfilled needs.

Consequently, the data suggest that those recruits who quickly

adjust to the situation -- by devaluing certain hypothesized

needs -- are usually more satisfied with their role and are

perceived to be better patrolmen than those officers who continue

to perceive their esteem and autonomy needs to be important.

. 214

209

Finally, the single item dealing with role perceptions

presents a rather interesting shift in recruit perceptions.

The data suggest that although one may enter the department

with a so-called "other-directed" or "people-oriented" view

of the occupation, the resulting experience is such that

he becomes increasingly drawn to the less sensitive, "inner-

directed" normative role model. Clearly, this finding is

in accord with this researcher's field observations. Recruits

were continually admonished to "be aggressive", "don't back

down", "show balls". It is little wonder the recruits select

the "independent, imaginative, forceful, self-confident and

decisive" trait cluster as the ideal type of patrolman, their

motivational attitudes suggest that it is the "cooperative,

adaptable, cautious, agreeable and tactful" officer who best

survives in the system. Essentially, the motivational responses

insinuate that a "don't make waves" philosophy exists in

the department and this philosophy would appear to best correspond

to the "other-directed" ideal type. This outcome suggests

some degree of role strain and conflict associated with the

police role. The following section attempts to describe

the conventional manner in which a recruit manages this strain

as he finally begins to automatically "think like a policeman".

215

IC: CONTINUANCE: METAMORPHOSIS

210

This section is concerned broadly with what Becker et

al. (1961) labeled "the final perspective". As such, interest

here is with the set of attitudes portraying the adjustment

recruits have made to their occupational and organizational

setting. The specific focus is upon the perceptions the

recruits come to possess of certain "backstage" aspects of

their police careers.

To review, the recruits' early careers (to through t5)

were marked by both declining motivation and commitment on

one hand, and increasing satisfaction on the other. Furthermore,

each attitude area was shown to be at least tentatively associated

with the job behavior indices used in this study. Consequently,

the emphasis of the following discussion is upon the reasons

which seem to be the most powerful explanations for the apparent

job-attitude configuration of the "final perspective".

As noted earlier, one of the major motivating factors

behind the recruit's decision to become a policeman was the

adventure or romance he felt would characterize the occupation.

Yet, the young officer while acquiring a familiarity with

the job soon learns the work consists primarily of performing

routine service and administrative tasks a clerk in a patrol

car. This finding seems well-established in the police-

related literature and this researcher's observations confirm

these reports. The overwhelming evidence depicts the patrolman's

role as predominantly an "order taker" -- a reactive member of

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211

a service organization. In fact, most officers remarked

that they never realized the extent to which they would be

"married to the radio" until they had worked the "street"

for several weeks. Reiss (1971) summarized the crucial answer

to the question "what do the police do" in the following

manner:

"We estimate that, of the total hours cars wereassigned to duty, only 14 percent of the timewas spent on dispatch, leaving 86 percent of thetime for routine preventative patrol. Actually,less than 1 percent of the time on patrol isspent in handling on-view matters. And only 1percent of the time on routine preventativepatrol is spent handling criminal and non-criminalincidents. Overall, 99 percent of the time inpreventative patrol nets no criminal or non-criminal incidents." (p. 95)

Importantly, of the 14 percent of the time spent on

dispatched calls, only about 20 percent of those were classified

as criminal incidents (Reiss, 1971, p. 95). Without doubt,

the patrolmanls task is more often wearisome and tedious

than glamorous and exciting.

Yet, there is the unpredictable aspect of the occupation

and this side of police work cannot be overlooked. In fact,

the unexpected elements of working patrol seem to provide

at least a modicum of self-esteem and stimulation for the

officers. One Union City patrolman with five years experience

commented succinctly on this feature. He noted:

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212

"Most of the time being a cop is the dullest jobin the world . . . what we do is pretty far awayfrom the stuff you see on Dragnet or Adam 12 . . .

but what I like about the job is that you neverknow what's gonna happen out there. For instance,me and my partner will be working a late Sundayshift in the north end and expecting everythingto be real peaceful and quiet, then, all of asudden, Hell breaks loose . . . Even on thequietest night something interesting usuallyhappens."

Again, Reiss (1971) noted perceptually the "atypical

routine" enjoyed by patrolmen. After examining the police

"straight eight" -- the tour of duty -- he stated:

"No tour of duty is typical except in the sensethat the modal tour of duty does not .involve thearrest of a person." (p. 19)

In my opinion, the unpredictable aspect of patrol work

has too often been understated or disregarded by students

of police behavior. To classify the police task as mundane

and monotonous ignores the psychological omnipresence of

the potential "good pinch". In large measure, the policeman's

opportunity to exercise "heroically" his perceived police

abilities gives meaning to his occupational role regardless

of the infrequency of such opportunities. Operationally,

this does not imply the patrolmen are always alert and working

hard to make the "good pinch". Rather, it suggests simply

that the unexpected is one of the few aspects of the job

that helps maintain a patrolman's self-image of performing

an important task and allows for the crystallization of his

personal identity as a policeman.'

213

Still, one of the ironies of police work is that recruits.

were attracted to the occupation, by and large, via the unrealistic

expectation that the work role would consist of self-motivating

activities. However, they soon discover in most of the "real

world" activities of policing that such self-motivating tasks

are few and far between. Once a recruit has mastered the

various technical and social skills of routine policing (e.g.,

"learning the district", developing a set of mutual understandings

with his partner, knowing how and when to fill out the various

report forms, etc.), there is little left to learn about

his occupation which can be conveyed by formal or informal

instruction. The recruit must then sit back and wait, absorbing

the subjective side of pclice work and let his experiences

accumulate. The wife of one recruit noted the frustrating

aspect of her husband's introduction into poli.ze work. She

said:

"It seems to me that being a policeman must be verydiscouraging. They spend all that time teaching themen to use the gun and the club and then they makethem go out and do very uninteresting work."

The crucial and definitive nature of a recruit's early

career experiences as the determining factors involved in

his resultant outlook and adjustment within the department

is highlighted by a cursory glance at the turnover statistics

219.1

214

for the Union City organization.19 During an 18 month period.

from January, 1969 through June, 1970, 108 men separted

from the department (i.e., retired, dismissed, resigned or

retired-disability). Of these, 16 percent had less than

one year of experience while twelve percent of the separations

were recorded for those police officers with less than two

years, but more than one year of experience. As expected,

the largest group to leave were those officers retiring after

twenty or more years of experience -- 41 percent of all separations.

If one considers the less-than-two-year group and the 20-

or- more -year group simultaneously, almost 70 percent of all

departmental separations are accounted for:, Thus, if an

officer is to quit the department before retirement, he enerally

does so very early in his career. The data would suggest

adjustment to and acceptance of the police milieu by a recruit

is not a gradual process, but one of swift accomodation.20

19The separation data were collected by this researcher via the

records of the Union City Police Officer's Guild. This organizationhad data on every individual assigned a badge number by the Depart-ment. The separation category also included officers later re-hiredby the Department. Surprisingly, 13 of the 108 separatees wererehired. It should be noted the "separatee" category did not includeofficers given sick leave, military leave, or any temporary leavestatus.

20

As another chapter indicates, the Union City turnover situationcannot be considered unique. In fact, this "love it or leave it"phenomenon is fairly typical in many organizations (see Steers,1971).

220

215

The relatively few dismissals recorded in the department..

obscures somewhat the system's acceptance of a recruit. While

a recruit may resign, it does not necessarily indicate he

did so without pressure. As another section illustrates,

it is less a. question of the recruit accepting the police

system than it is a question of the police system (formal

and informal) accepting him. While a "gung-ho" spirit may

be tolerated initially, the data indicate the recruit must

soon learn such attitudes are not long tolerated. Neiderhoffer's

(1967) remarks concerning a rookie's early days in the field

are revealing in this regard. He stated:

"For a month or so, he (the recruit) receivesleniency and sympathy for routine mistakes. Afterthat he is on trial and carefully watched to seehow he measures up to the challenge of patrolwork. His reputation is made in the next fewweeks and will shadow him for the rest of hiscareer." (p. SS)

Therefore, the recruit is expected to learn fast or

"get out" for deviations from the work ethic prevalent in

the department will normally be met with rather harsh informal --

or possibly formal -- sanctions.21

Schein (1963a) suggested that for a newcomer to any

occupation, "copini with the emotional reality of the job"

was the most difficult problem to be resolved. In police

work, the coping behavior would appear to consist of the

21For an excellent description of the informal sanctions available

to the patrolmen, see Westley, 1951, pp. 154-190.

g

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216

"learning of complacency". In other words, the young patrolman

discovers the most satisfying solution to the labyrinth of

hierarchy, the red tape, the myriad of rules and regulations

and the "dirty work" that characterizes his organization

is to adopt the group norm which stresses "stay out of trouble".

And the best way in which he can "stay out of trouble" is'

to minimize the set of activities he pursues. One Union

City veteran patrolman explained:

"The only way to survive on this job is to keepfrom breaking your ass. If you try too hardyou're sure to get in trouble . . . either somecivic-minded creep is going to get outraged andyou'll wind up with another complaint in yourfile, or the brass will come down on you forbreaking some rule br something and you get yourpay docked . . ."

The above quotation suggests that disenchantment has

two edges. One, the police officer's disenchantment with

the general public -- which has been well-substantiated in

the literature (see Chapter I) ; and two, the disenchantment

with the police department itself. In short, a recruit begins

to realize (through proverb and experience) it is his relationship

with fellow officers which protects his interests and allows

him to continue on the job -- without their support he would

be lost.

Westley (1951) observed that the rules and regulations

which typify police departmental efforts to control the behavior

of their members are normally so numerous and patently unenforceable

that no one will (or could) ever obey all the canons of conduct.

217

This situation was evidenced in Union City where, for example,.

patrolmen were supposedly prohibited from: smoking when in

contact with the public; borrowing money from another police

officer; criticizing orders from superior officers; accepting

any "gratuity" regardless how small -- from either a fellow

officer or a citizen; seeking "notoriety"; and so on. The

result of such departmental proscriptions -- which delve

deep into a patrolman's private life -- is to place the individual

in great need of colleague support. An indication of the

frequency in which much more serious departmental rules are

violated is again provided by Reiss (1971). His team of

field researchers reported that four out of every ten police

officers were observed in one or more violations of the departmental

rules.22

The existence of such regulations -- associated

with their widespread violation -- makes most officers extremely

susceptible to departmental discipline. Hence, it should

not be surprising that the Union City department -- as represented

by the ranking supervisory personnel -- is viewed by the

patrolmen as "punitively oriented".

In many ways, the patrolmen represent what Goffman (1959)

called a "team". In Goffmanesque, a "team" is:

22Serious violations of the rules were defined by the researchers

to include (1) drinking and sleeping while on duty; (2) neglect ofduty by unauthorized time away from duty for other than policematters; and (3) falsification of information on police matters.Reiss's data is roughly comparable to my observations on a,considerably smaller number of cases (Reiss, 1971, p. 165).

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218

"A set of individuals whose intimate co-operation isrequired if a given projected definition of thesituation is to be maintained." (p. 104)

Basically, the -ituational definition to be maintained

in the patrol setting is "all-is-well-and-there-are-no-problems".

Consequently, a recruit learns that to be protected from

his own rule violations, he must in turn protect others.

The following illustration will hopefully help to emphasize

this important point.

An analysis conducted by this researcher of over 200

departmental report forms filled out by FTOs and concerned

with the performance of their respective recruit-partners

revealed only one instance where a negative evaluation was

submitted. Uniformly, all forms were characterized by high

praise for the recruit. The topics the.FTOs chose to elaborate

upon were typified by such areas as: the recruit's driving

skill; the recruit's pleasing personality; the recruit's

stable home life; and so on. The point is simply that in

only one case was an FTO report filed which might result

in a negative reaction from the department. It should be

clear that such behavior does not pass unnoticed by the recruit.

Indeed, he learns rapidly the importance and value of his

"team" as well as the corresponding collective definition of

219

the police situation. The following case study deals with

the one "negative" instance. (regarding FTO reports) identified

in the above paragraph. It is presented here because it

illustrates a number of points covered thus far in the Chapter.23

An example of the manner in which the "team" worked

is given below. It is concerned with an incident which occurred

to a recruit during his first tour of duty on the "street".

The material is quoted from this researcher's field notes:

". . . approximately 12:30 that night we wererequested by another unit to meet at the corner

of 1st and Main. The other unit was working anadjacent district and the officer driving wasapparently 'solo' . . . He parked the 'black-and-white' in an alley and walked over the driver'sside of our unit. Talking to the PTO, he statedthat a ticket he had just written -- involvingsome 'obnoxious little niggers' -- might not'stand-up' unless he had some collaborating sig-natures . . . Both the FTO and the recruit signedthe ticket (with the FTO signing first and thenhanding the clipboard to the recruit) . . . at

no time did we observe the reputed offenders.The 'solo' officer told us that he would explainthe 'essentials' of the situation later."(October 23, 1970)

While this is only one of six similar incidents observed

by this researcher (i.e., falsification of information), it

is notable because it occurred during the recruit's first night

23The report forms which provided the data for the above analysis

were distributed weekly to each FTO. Two hundred three completedforms were returned to the Training Division -- about 83%. These

reports were traditional features of the recruit socializationprocess in Union City. In the one atypical case (see next page)the set of report forms and memos track certain factors which leadto a recruit's dismissal (formally denoted as a "resignation")from the force.

220

CASE StUDY: RECRUIT SMITH

In the one atypical case, the following set of report forms andmemos track certain factors which led to a recruit's dismissal(formally denoted as a "resignation") from the force.

FIELD TRAINING OFFICERS' WEEKLY PROGRESS REPORT (Abstracts)

Week 1: "This report can't be given much credence. The recruithas been with me only two days."

Week 2: "Cooperation, loyalty and judgement marked lowbecause of one instance where he froze while Ian arrest resulting in minor injury to myself.seems unable to apply any of the skills taughtAcademy."

Week 3: "Recruit has shown improvement this week."

Week 4: "Recruit resigned."

specificallywas makingRecruitin the

INTRADEPARTMENTAL COMMUNICATIONS (Following incident in Week 2)

To:

From:

Subject:

Major (Patrol Division)CaptainRecruit Smith

"Officer Smith was assigned to me October from the Academy. I

understand he had difficulty getting through and was considered amarginal recruit. You may note that his FTO reports are veryunsatisfactory. There is no conflict in personalities between theFTO and the recruit."

To: Tn Whom It May ConcernFrom: Training Staff OfficerSubject: Recruit Smith

"The fact that Smith was not cut out to be a policeman was obviousearly in basic training. I have nothing more concrete than myopinion (after 5 years experience, 1 year in training). Afterhaving almost daily contact with Smith, he regularly displayedimmaturity when he spoke, seemed to lack confidence )eyond the norm,and showed poor judgment while operating a city vehicle."

226, .

01)

221

CASE STUDY: RECRUIT SMITH (Continued)

To:

From:Subject:

Patrol SergeantRecruit Smith's FTORecruit Smith

"Recruit Smith has been inadequate in almost every aspect .of patrol.He seems to lack the bearing and common sense necessary to becomea police officer. He hasn't shown much of anything learned in theAcademy. I have to re-write just about every report he has written.Lack of maturity is the biggest obstacle. He has'also had bigpersonal problems with his Vietnamese wife. She has been in thehospital with mental problems since she arrived. Smith has decidedto send her back to Vietnam.

Recruit Smith finished the Academy phase of training rankedapproximately at the midpoint of his graduating class on the academicscale. His "firing range" scores were above average. However, hewas exceedingly unpopular with his classmates and received the"Ass-hole-of-the-Week" award five of the ten weeks it was given(i.e., the award was given to a recruit in each Academy class oncea week -- by class vote). Ostensibly, the "Ass-hole" was therecruit who had made the most obvious mistake during training --such as: forgetting his gun or hat; being caught speeding to orfrom the Academy; allowing his shotgun to accidentally fire whileinside a "range" building; etc.). The point here is simply thatthe recruit was dismissed for his inability to get along with hisfellow patrolmen, not for any of the ex-post-facto rationales usedto justify his forced resignation.

222

on the "street". It would seem that by increasing the recruWs

vulnerability to sanction, the importance and worth Of the

"team" is made quite salient to the newcomer. Clearly, had

the recruit refused to sign the citation, he would have encountered

difficulties with his FTO (who signed first) and probably

other patrolmen. In most respects, the act of signing represented

a behavioral commitment to one's fellow officers.

To summarize, the adjustment of a newcomer to the police

milieu is one which follows the "line of least resistance".

By becoming similar in attitudes and behavior to his peers,

the recruit avoids censure by the department, his supervisor

and, most important, his "brother officers". To some recruits,

this solution is relatively satisfying, to others, it is

not. However, it is clear that the police system does enact

major changes upon virtually all who enter.

To what attitude pattern is the recruit expected to

conform? In the area of motivation, it appears after five

months on the job the only activity in which the patrolmen

perceive any substantial likelihood of receiving valued rewards

is through their field investigation tasks. Within the context

of this study, fieli investigation activities were defined

as "those activities which would usually result in an arrest."

In line with the preceding discussion, it is precisely these

activities which account for the smallest amount of the patrolman's

time. Service and administrative activities which hiVe

been shown to account for the largest amount of working

time -- were viewed in this "final perspective" as the areas .

in which "working especially hard" was least likely to lead

223

to favorable rewards. Community relations and self-development

activities -- originally relatively high -- plunged downward

across time and approached the low level of path-goal probability

established for service and administrative activities.

What seems to account for this motivational pattern

would be a peculiar intradependent combination of: (1) punishment-

centered and particularistic supervision concerned primarily

with "mistakes" made by patrolmen; (2) institutionalized

external rewards having nothing whatsoever to do with the

everyday world of policing; (3) perceived public antagonism

toward the police; (4) a subcultural ethos stressing the

"keep a low profile" dictum; (5) an internalized perception

of "real police work" consisting of only preventing "crime"

and apprehending "criminals" or, to put it in the everyday

vernacular of patrolmen, "preventing the assholes from taking

over the city"; and (6) conflicting role demands placed on

patrolmen in which successful or good performance is viewed

differentially by the various auJiences which witness police

work.

To some degree, the above factors have all been commented

upon previously in the literature. What this research adds

to the above picture is that these features reduce the officers'

motivation not because the police learn to discount the rewards

attached to the various outcomes, but rather because the

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224

patrolmen see little probability of achieving these rewards

in their situation. The logical situational solution is

for the officers to organize their activities in such a way

that there is little likelihood of their being sanctioned

from any of their audiences. Clearly, the low visibility

of the patrolman's role allows for such a response. This

pervasive adjustment is epitomized in the "lie low" suggestion

so frequently heard inside the Union City Police Department.

That the supervisors tend to rank favorably the recruits

expressing the most conforming attitudes (vis-a-vis the experienced

officers) demonstrates the utility of lowering one's motivational

attitudes.

In terms of expressed organizational commitment, much

the same declining pattern is'visible. This apparently coincides

with the systematic disenchantment felt by the recruits regarding

the organization's ability to occupy a meaningful supportive

position in the everyday world of the patrolmen. The fact

that declining commitment attitudes do not lead to a higher

turnover rate in the department can be attributed partially

to the occupational base of the officers' commitment. There

is a considerable "sunk-cost" in a recruit's five month Union

City career -- he has served part of his probationary period,

completed the Academy, formed certain attachments and friendships

with others on the department, and familiarized himself with

various aspects of the organization's operations.. To leave

Union City for another police organization which the recruit

225

7-believes would mirror the characteristics of his present

department is viewed as a general waste of time.24

Furthermore,

while commitment declines relative to the entering attitudes,

the patrolmen -- even at the lowest absolute point (five

years) -- still display a positive orientation toward the

department. As the succeeding chapters will indicate, the

police occupation (as represented by the Union City sample)

is characterized by greater organizational commitment than

a number of other studied occupations.

As one would expect, the commitment attitudes are most

important -- in terms of the superior's evaluations -- during

the early days in the field. Organizational commitment appears

to be unrelated to one's evaluation at a later period, although

commitment is still apparent.. It seems reasonable to assume

that supervision is most concerned with a patrolman's observed

and reported commitment only when he first enters the "street"

24Those officers in this sample who had worked previously for

another police organization gave particularly idiosyncratic res-ponses when quizzed about the reasons they had for leaving theirformer departments. For example, one officer wanted to he closerto his family. Another wanted to be in Union City because of theready access to recreational facilities. Significantly, none ofthe officers (N = 16) gave an organizationally-relevant responseas the major reason for seeking employment in Union City (i.e., aresponse which featured a positive evaluation of the organizationalcharacteristics of the Union City Police Department -- such as thepay, supervision or, more generally, that it was a "good depart-ment"). The admittedly subjective view of this researcher is that the,recruits wanted to be in Union City for personal, non-occupationalreasons. Their a priori knowledge of the department was scanty,and usually based on second-hand knowledge. Furthermore., overfifty percent of these "recruit" patrolmen applied to other localpolice departments before taking the Union City job.

1226

setting. In later periods of a patrolman's career, this aspect

is probably taken for granted since the person has already

demonstrated his commitment behaviorally by remaining with

the department and enduring the requisite induction processes.

The increasing amount of satisfaction reported by the

recruits implies that once "on the street",.the men find

the occupation rewarding. However, the relatively high satisfaction

expressed by the newcomers is short lived. The data indicate

that by the second year in the department, the patrolmen express

considerably more dissatisfaction and less fulfillment of

needs. These attitudes can be attributed to the dissatisfaction

expressed in the relative level of fulfillment with the esteem,

security and autonomy needs. As expected, the police occupation

apparently offers one the most opportunity to satisfy the

social and self-actualization needs. This finding would

seem to be consistent with a picture of patrol work as embodying

intense social bonds and providing predominantly personal

satisfactions -- involving subjective feelings of performing

an important and worthwhile task. The fact that esteem needs

are seen as considerably unfulfilled would indicate the patrolmen

do not perceive others as recognizing the worth of their

occupation.

On the surface, the dissatisfaction reported by the

patrolmen with the degree to which their autonomy needs are

fulfilled would seem to contradict much of the literature

which portrays the patrolman's task as requiring an inordinate

227

amount of discretion in the field. However, this difference

is probably more artificial than real. Most patrolmen

feel "handcuffed" or constrained by a wide variety of

audiences - including their own department. As noted,

the recruit soon perceives that the independence he

once thought would characterize the job is limited in

far too many ways.

The relationship among the supervisor's evaluations

and the job satisfaction attitudes suggests that those

officers who are relatively more satisfied with their

jobs are likely to be ranked as better policemen (i.e.,

from the standpoint of their effort and performance)

than those recruits who were relatively dissatisfied.

Furthermore, those patrolmen to whom needs were satisfied,

were likely to place less importance on those needs than

228

the more dissatisfied patrolmen. Thus, the implication is

clear. Those officers who !'hang loose" and don't expect too

much are the more successful policemen from the department's

perspective.25

The attitudes discussed above will be further scrutinized

in the following chapter. However, the overall picture gained

in this research would indicate that the following bit of

advice given to a Union City recruit by his FTO represents

a very astute analysis of how to insure continuance in the

department. He stated:

"There's two things I always tell the new guyscoming on the force. First, I tell 'em to forgeteverything they've learned in the Academy 'causethis is where you'll learn to be a cop; and second,I tell them that being first don't mean shitaround here except a headache. Take it easy, that'sour motto."

25This characterization of a recruit socialization ignores deviant

cases. Most certainly, a few recruits avoided the systematic out-comes which define the process generally. However, the purposehere was to describe the more salient features of the patrolman'sinitiation period and to point out the "modal" recruit responseto these features. Wambaugh (1972) -- in his fictionalized accountof Bumper Morgan, a veteran Los Angeles beatcop -- provides anappropriate comment regarding differential responses to the policemilieu. While this example deals with the "stickman" philosophyto policing, it illuminates the "either-or" adjustment tendency aswell as pointing out the relatively low probability that a recruitwill reject the team's definition of his role.

"I'd always tried to teach young cops that youcan't be a varsity letterman when you deal withthose barfbags. Or rather, you could be, andyou'd probably be the one who became captain orChief of Police or something, but you can betthere'd always have to be guys like me out onthe street to make them look good up there inthat ivory tower . . ."Trhe Blue Knight,p. 68).

229

CHAPTER V

CONSIDERATIONS, LIMITATIONSAND DIRECTIONS

This chapter attempts to gain closure on the concerns involved

in this study by examining further the results presented in

Chapter III in terms of: (1) variable-specific findings reported

in studies of other organizations; (2) the tenets of the Porter-

Lawler (1968) expectancy model; (3) methodological difficulties

encountered in this research; and (4) suggnsted avenues for future

examination. While these considerations are somewhat independent,

they do share a common bond in that each area broadly investigates

issues involved with the generalization of the study results.

A. Representative Nature of the Findings

In this brief section, an attempt is made to place the Union

City findings within an expanded context involving several other

occupations. As a later portion of this chapter indicates, serious

methodological questions are involved when data originating from

only one organization provide the empirical base for conclusions

thought to have wider implications. Essentially, the extent to

which case study connotations may be avoided depends upon:

230

(1) the representativeness of the study results vis-a-vis general

findings based upon "comparable other" organizations -- in this

case, other police departments; and (2) the availability of

variable-specific data to which occupational or organizational

contrasts may be made. As noted, the results of this study are

roughly consistent with the more general empirical work to date

concerned with police organizations. Hence, the following

section is devoted primarily to the examination of cross-

organizational comparisons among the variables of interest in

this study.

The inappropriateness of the norm groups is recognized.

The data are presented to enable only the most tenuous compari-

sons. However, such comparisons are felt to establish a some-

what stronger position concerning the validity of the measuring

instruments used in this study -- in the sense that the

operational definitions of the variables examined in this research

were able to discriminate different attitude patterns among varied

work settings.

As in Chapter IV, the following discussion does not refer to the

statistical significance of the differences among comparison groups.

The purpose here is merely to provide the reader with a feel for

the nature of the Union City data by pointing out any consistencies

. Amonaro

231

or inconsistencies it appears to have with similar data drawn from

other occupational samples. Furthermore, the exploratory purpose of

this research, as well as the inappropriateness of the comparative

samples, restrict the usefulness of tests for statistical signifi-

cance. Thus, it is to the more general attitude patterns or "themes"

found in other research that this section is devoted.

Motivational Attitudes

It was noted in Chapter IT that the motivational-force instrument

used in this study was a unique questionnaire incorporating the

"activity space" of the police occupation. Hence, it is impossible

to compare strictly the results of this research with findings in

other studies. However, since the instrument was based upon the

expectancy model of motivation and was patterned after another

questionnaire used in two other organizational studies -- concerned,

at least partially, with socialization processes -- some interesting

comparative observations can be made here.

In general, the pattern of motivational attitudes observed

among police recruits (i.e., dropping from high to low over the early

career period) is comparable with the results of one study and in

marked contrast with the findings of the other. In the first case,

Porter, Van Maanen and Crampon (1971) found that among newly-recruited

engineers in a large manufacturing concern, motivational attitudes

dropped consistently and significantly over the period representing

the first 12 months on the job. Furthermore, the drop was attributed

a

232

primarily to a change in expectancies (i.e., instrumentalities)

rather than values (i.e., desirabiliti.es of the various rewards).

The authors noted the drop set in almost immediately and continued

steadily through the first six months. However, the declining pattern

leveled off by the end of 'the first year. Among the tentative con-

clusions reached in this study was that the company's relative lack

of attention to providing supportive experiences (i.e., supportive

from the standpoint of reinforcing the motivational beliefs held by

the newhires at entrance) accounted for the decline. In terms of

job behavior, this study reported "modest" support for the theoreti-

cal position which hypothesizes a positive association between moti-

vational attitudes and job performance.)

The other longitudinal study -- utilizing an identical question-

naire as the above research -- was concerned with management trainees

in a large retailing concern (Porter and Smith, 1972). Here, the

motivational attitudes of the newcomers to the organization increased

over time. In fact, the results indicated that the motivational

scores which represented day one of employment for the trainees were

the lowest scores recorded during the entire 15-month period monitored

by the researchers. The authors in explaining the attitude disposi-

tion of the sample noted the existence of a carefully planned and

1 By "modest" support, the authors meant that the corre-lations among the motivational attitudes reported by members of theirsample and the associated superior evaluations of job performance wereconsistently positive -- although the correlations rarely exceededthe .25 level.

233

executed training program designed to integrate and familiarize the

novice with the entire organization. Porter and Smith (1972) felt

that this feature probably was the major reason for the positive

motivational pattern. As with the previous, study, "modest" support

was found for the presumed positive association between job perfor-

mance and the motivational attitudes.

What these studies add to the Union City portrait is a wider

perspective of the development of motivational attitudes among organ-

izational newcomers. As the second study discussed above indicated,

the "reality shock" which characterizes entrance to most organizations

is not necessarily associated with disenchantment or declining moti-

vation. The fact that the motivational attitudes were only partially

related to measures of job behavior further emphasizes the complex

nature of the performance of individuals within organizations.

Organizational Commitment Attitudes

It was noted in ChapterIl that the same commitment questionnaire

used in this study has been administered across several occupations

and organizations. Hence, unlike the path-goal instrument, explicit

comparative observations are possible.

Figure 5-1 illustrates the commitment attitudes reported by the

Union City patrolmen and commitment attitudes reported by samples

representing three different occupations. The table depicts the

changing attitude patterns associated with job tenure. Figure 5-2

shows the occupation distribution of organizational commitment among

0 R C

G Atd

Zm

A 0 A

7.0

6.0

5.0

4.0 II

Lc.

.)

tot6

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Management Trainees

N= 179

154

ö'd

FIGURE 5,1

COMPARISON CF ORGANIZATIONAL

SCOI:ES ACROSS

0CCUPAT1016 1---il'7jr013 TENURE.

A

less than

1-3

3-5

5-10

1-year

yrs

yrs

yrs

Public Utility Em lo ees

46

157

tt,

25

10

0yrs

yrs

yrs

Union City Police

4355

3527

21

7.0

FIGURE 5-2

6.0

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AT

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0N

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COMPARISON OF ORGANIZATIONAL COMMITMENT

MEAN SCORES ACROSS OCCUPATIONS

r.;

1r:

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128

43

130

38

19

600 405

142

55

35

236

among nine occupations without regard -- in most cases -- to organi-

zational tenure.

What is of interest in both of these tables is the relatively

high level of expressed organizational commitment apparent in the

Union City Police sample. Furthermore, while the declining pattern

is similar to the Public Utility sample in Figure 5-1 -- a somewhat

comparable occupation to police work in terms of both the stable

"lifetime-career" aspects and the general demographic characteristics

of those selected into the occupation -- the police are noticeably

more committed to their organization. Additionally, Figure 5-2 shows

the strong level of organizational commitment demonstrated by police

vis-a-vis the eight other occupations.

The only comparative occupation in which correlations between

organizational commitment and superiors' ratings of job performance

were available was the study dealing with management trainees (Porter

and Smith, 1972). In this examination, the authors reported a posi-

tive and significant relationship between the two variables.2

While the cross-organizational comparisons are only suggestive,

they do depict the police as highly attached to their Department.

Essentially, this finding is in accord with my field observations.

2The authors reported that correlations were "typically

around .20" during the first 12-months -- commitment attitudes weremonitored at day one, 2-weeks, 2-months, 4-months, 6-months, 9-monthsand 12-months. Superior ratings were obtained from the trainees'supervisors at 3-months, 6-months, 9-months, and 12-months.

237

For example, some "bitching" among fellow-officers about the depart-

ment is permissible, but to discuss such matters with "civilians" is

reprehensible. To "outsiders", the Department is always presented

auspiciously. To some degree, this institutional rule is a corollary

of the "no-snitch" dictum. However, to be committed to the organiza-

tion is virtually an occupational requirement for police work. Those

who do not demonstrate this characteristic both attitudinally and

behaviorally will likely find themselves ostracized within the Depart-

ment or perhaps more drastically, pressured to resign. As one veteran

patrolman in Union City told this researcher:

"Either you like this department or you don't...If you don't like it, get out. We've got itbad enough without guy's going around bad-mouthing the organization. Sure, there's somethings I don't like around here, but do youthink I'd of stuck it out for five years ifI wasn't proud to be a cop in this town? I

think everybody around here feels pretty muchthe same way I do ..."

Consequently, the high level of organizational commitment which

characterizes the Union City Department may help to explain the low

turnover, intraorganizational solidarity and the strong career bonds

typifing police organizations generally.

Joh Satisfaction Attitudes

As noted, the need satisfaction instrument used in this study

was -- for all intended purposes -- identical to a questionnaire

administered in several other studies (see Chapter II. Furthermore,

the need satisfaction instrument has been used in a study of

243

238

another police department (Lefkowitz, 1971).3 While none of these

comparative studies were conducted on a longitudinal basis, interest

here lies primarily in contrasting different patterns of job satis-

faction attitudes. Since the subjects in the other studies were all

organizational veterans of varying tenure, only the Union City results

representing all experienced groups (combining the 2, 5 and 10 year

sample groups) and the six-month experienced recruit sample are con-

sidered in the comparisons. Figures 5-3 and 5-4 illustrate the com-

parative findings.

Regarding need fulfillment (Figure 5-3), the attitude pattern

expressed by the Union City veteran officers compares favorably with

the reported need fulfillment attitudes in two other organizations --

A

the armed service organization and the other police department."

.Although the absolute levels are different, the same pattern of need

fulfillment emerges. In one case, the military subjects appear

slightly more fulfilled in most areas, yet they follow approximately

the same need fulfillment distribution (i.e., regarding the fulfill-

ment of each need separately) as the Union City veteran officers.

In the other case, while the distribution reported by the Dayton

3The Dayton, Ohio Police Department was the subject or-ganization for Lefkowitz's (1971) study. The Dayton Police Depart-ment has an approximate strength of 425 sworn officers. The sample

consisted of 312 subjects, of which over eighty-percent were patrol-

men4The military data comes from a study conducted by Porter

and Mitchell (1967). The data which are used here comes from 231staff-sergeants in the United States Air Force.

is

U

1.

F

I

L

L

N

7.0

6.5

6 0

5 5Union

FIGURE 5-3

COMPARISON OF NEEDFULFILLMENT ATTITUDES ACROSS

OCCUPATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS

0/Managers

Union Citypiterans/

5*(1Military Sir._,

Dayton Polj.ce

4 5

40

e

O

.7/

/

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C

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O / 0 e\ \ /O \ / C

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SECURITY SOCIAL ESTEEM AUTONOMY SELF

NEED CATEGORY

239

+3.0

.11 jrEED +2.0

ISS

Dayton PoliceC.d.

D

A .

T +1.5 Militury SergeantsI k.\ !S .

FIGURE 5-4

COMPARISON OF NEEDDISSATISFAC1'10;' ACROSS-WOU2ATIO::6 U.::GA:41ZA-21C.;6.

..O.

09

111

.

AC

T

+1.00

1

+0.5

-3.0

Union City.. Veteranit.0,\

if

Union City Resruits\

1 No/

Managers \ ..o

/

k.-4-- -- /s.

.

SECURITY SOCIAL ESTEEM AUTONOMY SELF

NEED CATEGORY

46

240

241

Police is similar to the Union City distribution, the expressed level

of fulfillment is somewhat lower than the Union City level. Signif-

icantly, all three samples reported most fulfillment in the social

need category. Apparently, the major discrepency between the two

police samples and the military sample is the relative positioning

of the autonomy and esteem needs. Both police samples reported that

the esteem and autonomy areas were the least fulfilled vis-a-vis the

other needs.

On the other hand, the managerial sample shown in Figure 5-3

shows a "declining pattern" of need fulfillment (i.e., relatively

high fulfillment in the lower-order needs to lower levels of fulfill-

,

ment in the higher-order needs) except for a small jump in fulfillment

in the self-actualization area. The comparison suggests that man-

agers are able to experience more fulfillment of the security needs,

yet less fulfillment of their social needs than police generally.

However, the managerial sample falls between the fulfillment levels

reported by the two police samples when the higher-order needs are

considered.

Of particular interest in Figure 5-3 is the extremely high level

of need fulfillment expressed by the Union City recruits who had spent

5Data for the managerial sample comes from a study con-ducted by Porter and Lawler (1968). The 260 subjects represent across-section of managers from civil service divisions of state gov-ernments, private manufacturing and privately-owned utility companies.

242

only six months on the job. In all areas, this group of newcomers

exceeded the other comparison groups. Furthermore, the high level

of fulfillment in the self-actualization need category would again

suggest that the personal and involving characteristics of a recruit's

early career provide for considerable need fulfillment.

As Figure 5-4 illustrates, the dissatisfactions expressed by

both the military and the police groups follow generally the same

response pattern.6 However, the Dayton Police sample, unlike the

military and the Union City sample, expressed somewhat less dissatis-

faction with the degree to which their security needs were satisfied

relative to their other needs -- particularly the higher-ordered

needs.

The only study -- aside from the Union City research -- in which

a correlational examination between job satisfaction attitudes and

independent judgements of job performance was conducted was the Porter

and Lawler (1968) managerial study. Similar to the Union City find-

ings, managerial performance was associated in a positive direction

with expressed job satisfaction.

Finally, some mention should be given to the apparent discrep-

ancies between the levels the Dayton Police sample reported regarding

need fulfillment and dissatisfaction and the levels the Union City

sample expressed in these attitude categories. On the surface, it

6Comparison data were not available concerning the needimportance factor involved in the questionnaire.

243

appears as if the Dayton Police are less satisfied and less fulfilled

than their Union City counterparts. While it can not be demonstrated

conclusively, it seems to this researcher that this conclusion would

not be fully warranted for two reasons. First, Lefkowitz (1971)

reports that the average officer in his sample had been on the force

for 11.4 years. This is in marked contrast to the Union City sample

of experienced officers which had an average tenure of just under

5 years. Hence, the extra 6 or so years the Dayton officer had spent

with the Department may well account for the observed differences.

Second, Lefkowitz (1971) reported almost an 80-percent rate-of-return

with his sample, whereas, in Union City, only 54-percent of the exper-

ienced officers returned the questionnaire. It would seem that the

question of self-selection (i.e., with the more satisfied officers in

Union City being more likely to return the questionnaire) can not be

overruled. At any rate, the question as to whether or not the atti-

,tude discrepancies reflect real organizational differences can not be

answered in a definitive manner here. However, the observed differ-

ences do suggest a fruitful topic for further research.

B. Recruit Socialization: The.Expectancy Model

As discussed previously, the purpose of this research was not to

test the efficacy of the expectancy model. Rather, the theoretical

paradigm was viewed as providing a useful way of thinking about the

multifaceted aspects of human behavior in organizational settings.

However, in light of the somewhat surprising results, a further

-.11111111,-

244

examination and interpretation of the model is presented below -- as

viewed through the more general findings of this research.

To review, the expectancy model suggests that an individual with-

in an organization will work hard to the extent he perceives his

effort leading to the attainment of one or more personal goals. For

example, if a worker views high productivity as a path leading to,

say, higher pay and higher pay is an important objective for that

worker, he will tend to be a high producer. In general, the more

effort exerted by the individual, the better his performance -- as

viewed by both the organization (i.e., relevant superiors) and him-

self. However, the link between effort and performance may be modi-

fied by both the individual's role perceptions concerning his organ-

izational mission and the person's cluster of abilities and traits

relevant for his organizational task. Hence, the model hinges upon

the perceptual-situational association between performance and

rewards. To the degree that the individual perceives that he is, in

fact, receiving rewards -- which are valuable and equitable to him --

the person will tend to feel satisfied with his work.

How does this model fit when applied to the Union City results?

No simple answer will suffice; however, it does appear plausible that

the studied environment represents a somewhat unique situation -- one

in which the above process model must he seen as truncated. Essen-

tially, the data would seem to support the model to the extent that

few perceptual linkages exist between effort and performance and

245

between performance and rewards. Basically, the police milieu is

such that a patrolman's level of effort (or performance) on the vast

majority of his everyday tasks is not related in any meaningful manner

to the available intrinsic or extrinsic rewards.

In part, this situation arises because of the difficulty involved

for the patrolman (and the department) to evaluate the quality -- or

even the appropriateness -- of his performance in most situations.

Furthermore, as Chapter 6 suggested, this conceptual discontinuity

arises through the recruit socialization process which transmits an

"activity specific" definition of the police task. Activities not

considered by the socializing agents to be part of the "police work"

bundle are not likely to be viewed by the recruits as providing

meaningful rewards. This seems to create a situation in which

intrinsic rewards are tied to relatively rare occurrences. In short,

all activities, events and situations in the police world are viewed

in light of the opportunity they may provide the patrolman to perform

"real police work".

It has already been noted that most extrinsic rewards in the

police setting are tied to factors having.little or nothing to do with

the patrolman's effort or performance on the job -- promotion, pay,

etc. Furthermore, the extrinsic rewards that infrequently are

available to a patrolman -- departmental commendations, favorable

publicity and the like -- arise normally from a performance specifi-

cally defined as "good police work" (e.g., the isolated "good pinch",

25

246

! saving a life, etc.). As with the intrinsic rewards, the recruit

soon learns that only a small number of tasks are likely to be re-

warded extrinsically.7

Importantly, the only extrinsic reward continuously available in

the world of patrolmen revolves around the social features of the

occupation -- fellowship with one's colleagues. Since these social

rewards are contingent upon the individual's acceptance of the pre-

vailing work ethic of his co-workers, it is little wonder that the

novice patrolman quickly recognizes that in only a few narrowly-

construed activities will his effort result in the obtainment of

valued rewards.

Georgopoulous, Mahoney and Jones (1957), in a pioneering attempt

to utilize expectancy theory to predict job performance noted that

such an approach "deliberately emphasizes tne role of the rational

aspects in human behavior." They stated:

"... only a modest portion of the variance inproductivity was explained in path-goal terms

7

The dearth of extrinsic rewards available to the "blue-coats" on the street has been commented upon by most observers ofpolice behavior. Even in the case of the "good pinch", a patrolman isunlikely to receive any extrinsic reward. Again, Wambaugh (1972)drives this point home with startling clarity. He states:

"Let's see somebody honor some copper becausethe guy made thirty good felony pinches a monthfor ten years and sent a couple hundred guys toSan Quentin. Nobody ever gives an award to him.Even his sergeant ain't gonna appreciate that, buthe'll get on his ass for not writing a trafficticket everyday..." (p. 88 -- The Blue Knight)

247

... other social psychological variables, e.g.,group norms, also have a determining influenceon productivity, especially in situations wherecooperative effort is essential." (Pp. 3521

The results of this study would seem to bear out the Georgo-

poulous et al., observations. Indeed, the observational portion of

the study served to emphasize the importance of cooperative behavior

and noted the declining belief in the efficacy of working hard was a

manifestation of the prevailing grbup norms.

Further support for this analysis comes from the positive cor-

relation between judged performance and patrolman satisfaction. In

general, those patrolmen who were rated as high performers also tended

to be most satisfied. Yet, the negative association between motiva-i

tion and judged performance strongly suggests a "blockage" in the

.model exists at the linkages representing the perceived distribution

of rewards. Thus, the newcomer comes to believe that the rewards are

.

not dependent upon either high levels of effort or performance and

these beliefs are reinforced by the prevailing line supervision in

the Department: In general, the data would suggest that effort is to

be exerted only under certain conditions -- situations which are

defined consensually as appropriate police endeavors.

Generally, it is felt that the model works reasonably well --

particularly if the definition of "police work" is restricted to the

job dimensions deemed relevant by the practitioners of the occupation.

However, as indicated, if all aspects of the policing task are con-

sidered (as defined by "what-policemen-actually-do"), the model

248

denotes certain anomilies which seem to be unique to the police en-

vironment. Since the vast majority of police activities are rarely

even remotely related to the tasks the police themselves consider to

be their raison d'etre, motivation to work hard is lacking in most

areas.

Some mention should be made concerning Maslow's (1954) hierarchy

of needs as used in this study. As noted in Chapter I, the theory

basically states that individual needs are arranged in ascending

order and that higher-level needs (autonomy, esteem and self-actual-

ization) operate only when lower-level needs (security and social)

are satisfied. Some evidence (although predominantly anecdotal)

supports Maslow's main point -- lower-level needs must be satisfied

before higher-level needs become ihipoi:Lant (Aldetfer,-1969; 1966).

Yet, as Lawler (1971) has pointed out, the evidence for the theory

is not conclusive. The data from this study would suggest that

certain higher-level needs (particularly self-actualization needs)

do operate even though certain lower-level needs (e.g., security)

needs are not satisfied. Perhaps certain physiological needs -- food,

shelter, sex, etc. -- must first be satisfied before other needs be-

come important to the individual. Yet, the subjects in this study

expressed understandable dissatisfaction with the degree to which

their security needs were fulfilled and, at the same time, placed

great importance upon their self-actualizing needs. Hence, it would

seem that the five-step hierarchy may not hold under all conditions.

OS

,254

249

To police, security needs probably represent a curious combina-

tion of both physiological and psychological factors. While certain

physiological aspects Are well satisfied in terms of job security,

the psychological aspects -- involving the danger characteristic

intrinsic in the occupation -- can never be guaranteed completely.

Furthermore, the danger factor of the work setting may be an impor-

tant variable related to the individual's evaluation of the challenge

and importance associated with his role. By examining police work,

in which life-death considerations are involved in an everyday sense,

an expectation to Maslow's postulates is apparent. Security needs

can be relatively unfulfilled, yet higher-order needs still emerge.

This would suggest that a revision in the theory is in order. Such a

revision would note that in certain situations, iower-ievel needs can

never be fully satisfied and that it is this characteristic of the

situation which may allow for the development of certain higher-level

need satisfaction. While the general usefulness of Maslow's theory

regarding the existence of needs is not questioned, the ordering of

these needs perhaps depends more upon situationally-specific job

features than upon hypothesized underlying,need-predispositions

common to all individuals.

The above description concerning the causal nature of the vari-

ables investigated in this study is highly inferential -- although it

is felt that in view of the multiple methods utilized in this research

the description is fairly accurate. Yet, the problems encountered

255

250

during the field portion of the research, as well as the nature of the

exploratory study itself, necessarily place tremendous obstacles in

demonstrating conclusively the validity of the foregoing analysis.

It is to a discussion of these aspects that attention is now focused.

C. Problems and Directions

It has been noted -- with almost an embarrasing frequency -- that

this study was above all exploratory. The purpose essentially was

to sketch out certain attitude characteristics of patrolmen in the

hopes that such information would provide helpful clues toward ex-

plaining certain aspects of their associated job behavior. In light

of the numerous difficulties involved in operationalizing this re-

search -- particularly the survey phase of the study -- it is felt

that the purpose was, within certain limits, accomplished. However,

as detailed throughout this document, many methodological problems

' were encountered which impinge upon the validity of the patrolman's

attitude description. This section delineates and examines some of

the more salient methodological issues involved specifically in this

study with attention directed toward the avoidance of such pitfalls

in future police-related research.

Overriding all other issues concerned with this study is the

fact that only one organization was examined. Whether or not the

findings reported here represent patrolmen generally or are organiza-

tionally-specific is an issue which can not be solved at this time.

As such, it represents an empirical question which awaits further

251

investigation. However, because of the similarity of the urban

patrolman's task across organizations, a study of a single department

does provide, at least, a baseline for estimating the probable job-

related attitudes of patrol officers. Furthermore, there seems to be

some convergence among the results of this study and the more general

police studies presently available an the,literature -- see Chapter I.

Finally, with the growth and diffusion of police technology and infor-

mation, it seems clear that most large city police organizations are

becoming more similar than dissimilar. For example, the number of

interdepartmental programs (in-service training, crime prevention

programs, etc.) is growing, the police-related literature is expanding

rapidly and public concern with the quality of policing is increasing.

Fundamentally, the result of such developments has been that the

"professionalization" goal is accepted by most large police depart-

ments. By definition, "professional" goals seek uniformity in

police behavior. It is suggested here that the concern for "profes-

sionalization" typifies most large departments in the United States

and, in this sense, makes Union City more typical of other urban

police departments in the country than would have been true, say,

twenty years ago. Thus, these findings must be viewed in light of

the apparent homogenizing forces active in the police world.

Another broad issue involved in this research concerns the

effects of the so-called police "scandal" which occured in Union City

during the field portion of the study. As noted, the multiple-

252

regression analysis failed to discover major shifts in most of the

expressed attitudes of the sample which could be attributed directly

to the organizational disruption. Additionally, Union City does not

seem to be alone in experiencing a "scandal". Within the past

several yzvrs, a number of large police departments have been plagued

with chiges of illegal conduct on the part of some of their members.

Since a number of organized and concerned groups are seeking to

increase: the public accountability of the police, such situations are

likely to continue to arise in the future. This is not to lsser

that beu:vse Union City experienced a "scandal ", it is A typical

po?lce department. The point is simply that Union City police do not

stand alone.

The fact that :Alme attitudes did not appear to bt; tich affected

by either the "scandal" or the xesulting policy changes receives some

support from Wilscin's (1.967) study of police morale in Chicago.

Wilson (1967) found that despite "sweeping" administrative changes in

the department, the morale (as gauged by attitude questionnaires) of

police sergeants remained relatively unchanged. Wilson concluded

that morale was determined to a major extent independently of how well

the Department was run. This finding is consistent with the observti-

tion of Crozier (1964) who noted that job satisfaction is as much

affected by the external status of the occupation as by the internal

arrangements.

-)1'3

Since the police subculture -- as discussed in Chapters I and

IV-- serves to insulate the line officers from the public as well as

the "brass" in the department, it is not surprising that the "scandal"

seemed to have little effect on two of the attitudes studied (motiva-

.tion and satisfaction). Although it can not be documented properly,

if anything, the "scandal" and the resulting policy changes seemed to

hasten the socialization process drawing the neophyte into the sub-

cultural web -- making it more important for the veteran patrol

officers to see that the novice patrolman accept the "team's" defin-

ition of the appropriate police values, norms and behaviors.

The fact that organizational commitment was affected as a result

of the policy changes in the Department does not seem to discount the

validity or tne above discussion. Indeed, tne perceptible decrease in

organizational commitment would appear to indicate a greater distrust

of the Department and its policies by the patrolman than existed

prior to the policy changes. Hence, the subcultural bonds may have

tightened prematurely due to the situation. The classical sociolog-

iCal literature postulates that external pressures result in the

strengthening of intragroup solidarity (Sumner, 1906; Coser, 1961).

In this case, the relevant group is one's peers. The organization

itself -- as represented by the "brass" -- tended to be viewed as

malevolent or punitive when, during the course of the "scandal"

investigation, the official reaction of the Department was to co-

operate with the "outsiders" investigating the charges -- cooperate

254

by disciplining a number of implicated officers. To the patrolmen,

the Department's failure to defend the institutional values of sol-

idarity and member support. may have resulted in a weakening of the

organizational commitment on the part of the patrolmen. In fact,

Braeger (1969) suggested.that normatively-oriented organizations

(i.e., characterized by high member commitment; based upon the use

of identative power as a major source of control; and serving cultural

goals -- see Etzioni, 1959) are particularly vulnerable to internal

conflict when the organization's official reaction to external Ares-

' sures is viewed by the participants as a maintenance strategy rather

than an outright defense of the organizational values.

Based upon my observations, the policy and personnel changes

which occured in Union City were perceived by the patrolmen as an

attempt to placate the community rather than to defend the members of

the organization. Hence, it should not be surprising that a decrease

in expressed organizational commitment was recorded. Yet, even after

the drop in attitudes, the Union City patrolmen would still be char-

acterized as organizationally committed compared to the other occupa-

tions represented in Figure 5-2 of this chapter. This would seem

to lend further support to the general contention that regardless of

public opinion and organizational malfeasence, police work is viewed

by most patrolmen as a "lifetime" career and when controversy arises,

the subculture acts as a buffer preventing organizational withdrawal.

Finally, it would appear that since the subculture has been viewed

255

as providing the patrolman with his sense of self-esteem, its role

would become magnified in times of stress -- when the police role is

subject to widespread public criticism.

Clearly, it could not be argued that the Union City data are a

representative sample of police organizations or work-groups and

generalizations beyond this department should be viewed with extreme

caution. The difficulties reiterated here argue for future studies

which replicate this research design and, at the very least, utilize

data from more than one police organization.

Many of the other problems encountered in the course of this

research pertain to the limited nature of the study itself. For

example, the motivational questionnaire used in this study stressed

the rational or cognitive side of police work -- the calculated ends-

means chain. Hence, the affective side of motivation was left un-

examined. Since the emotional context of a patrolman's job is unusu-

ally high, this area would be a particularly interesting avenue for

future research. Specifically, police work entails series of

critical events and a mapping of novice patrolman's otional re.

sponses to these incidents may allow for a greater u)lerstanding of

the motivational pulls-and-pushes involved in police work, as well

as a greater understanding of the affective side of the organizational

socialization process generally.

Another related set of difficulties arising from the field study

nature of this research involves the determination of causality.

Although the expectancy model provided the assumptions underlying

261

256

much of the discussion of the results, support for the nature of the

relationships depicted in the model was almost completely inferential.

For example, it was only via the participant-observation phase of this

research could the seemingly incongruous finding relating low moti-

vation to high judged-performance be incorporated within the theoreti-

cal model. Additionally, since superior ratings were collected at

only one point in time, it is impossible to verify the direction of

causality (e.g., that performance "causes" satisfaction) -- certainly,

job behavior data needs to be determined longitudinally also.

Of equal importance is the necessity in the future to collect

performance and effort data from multiple sources (e.g., self-evalua-

tions, peer ratings, etc.) so that the reliability of such ratings

mw be checked.

Yet, regardless of the sophistication of either the obtained

ratings or the research design itself, the generation of evidence

related to the causality assumptions will be difficult to gather in

the field. In short, the settings in which field studies are con-

ducted are always susceptible to extraneous influences. Furthermore,

the problems encountered in attempting to control the extraneous

sources of influence are likely to destroy the naturalistic situation

itself. However, some approximations may be attempted in order to

check the nature of the relationships. For example, by deliberately

inducing certain organizational changes and obtaining before-and-

after measurements, the causal sequences may be studied. Essentially,

this requires the ability to manipulate organizational variables --.

262

257

which in police organizations may be very difficult to arrange.

Several specific design difficulties are worthy of mention in this

section. First, the longitudinal sample composition is open to

challenge. While few statistical differences were apparent among the

four Academy classes, this. does not necessarily mean that they were

equivalent. Since each subject did not begin work in Union City

simultaneously, it is clear that the research design is only quasi-

longitudinal. The designation used throughout this document for the

recruit sample was therefore one of convenience And approximation.

However, the data indicated far more differences were present across

time periods (for the combined groups) than were recorded across

groupS (on any particular time period). Unfortunately, such a method

distinctions among thc A,^A^.....

class. For example, the "interdisciplinary" recruit class showed a

consistent, although non-significant tendency to report less organi-

zational commitment throughout this study than the other "regular"

Academy classes. Perhaps, in the future, studies will be undertaken

which can truly be called longitudinal and will not be forced to

resort to data manipulation to approximate this condition. The main

difficulties in operation alining such a design would seem to be the

relatively lengthy waiting period before the results become available

and the problem of choosing the appropriate variables to study. Yet,

with time, money and in light of the low turnover which characterizes

police departments, the obstacles do not appear unsurmountable.

3

258

The second design problem met in this research is the composition

of the experienced-officer sample. It was noted that a possible bias

in the findings may have resulted from the low response rate exhibited

by veteran officers to the questionnaire materials. Hence, a more

adequate sampling technique is mandatory if parts of this study are

to be replicated. Furthermore, it would seem logical to extend the

examination further out in the patrolman's career -- 15, 20 and 25

; years.

The third factor of the research design difficulties revolves

around the a-priori determination of the patrolman's activity space.

To a large degree, the researcher in this study placed his particular

conception of the police role (i.e., the activity portion of the path-

goal questionfialle) upon the sample participants. While Lite Wdb

not distorted completely, it would seem crucial to let the subjects

:generate their own perception of their activities for the researcher

rather than the other way around.8

One unsolvable problem here, how-.

ever, is that the instruments which are developed and utilized for

such "unfolding" designs may be so situationally and organizationally

specific that generalizations and comparative analysis become

impossible.

8

In practice, this may be difficult. Police organi-zations arc uniformly sensitive to "outsiders" and generally requirea researcher to delineate his research questions prior to beginninga study. Thus, an "unfolding" design may be difficult to opera-tionalize.

259

Finally, the difficulties involved in conducting a participant-

observation stqdy simultaneously with a questionnaire study are not

superficial. Basically, the "experimenter bias" question can not be

answered. It is likely that this researcher's ubiquitous presence

inside the department did have an effect on the results. Yet, the

directionality -- whether the situation increased the honesty of the

responses or contributed to a greater aggrandizement tendancy among

the subjects -- can not be determined. The only empirical fact which

seems to have a pertinent bearing on this issue is that those subjects

who had a personal acquaintance with this researcher were more likely

to complete and return their questionnaires than were those not so

acquainted. Hence, it would seem that some sort of "please-the-re-

searcher" phenomenon may have influenced the results.

Related to the above aspect are three general observations related

to the participant-observation phase of the study. First, a researcher

As particularly in danger of being "conned" by the more articulate and

personable subjects. For example, in this case, I was able to

establish close rapport with about fifteen to twenty recruits of

varied background and perceptions of their occupation. Since these

men were 'eager subjects who could be interviewed time - and -time again,

this researcher was tempted to rest with this panel. Yet, the

conscientous observer must constantly make the effort to reach the

more reticent and inarticulate subjects if he is to accurately

describe the setting. Inevitably, such contacts are difficult and

involve mutual suspicions, but they are indeed necessary.

260

Second, participation is likely to lead to a partisan view of the

subjects -- either consciously or unconsciously. It is for this

reason that as a technique for securing data, participant-observation

is likely to prove wanting -- although it does lead to a far more

detailed perspective of the occupational world than other methods.

However, the reality of the situation is subject to conflicting

interpretations and the researcher must continually shift perspectives

if he is to begin to get the feel for the significant aspects of the

social structure. Neither of these two above points are easy to

overcome, nor can any test be devised to check on the researcher's

success in overcoming them; yet, the explicit recognition of such

difficulties reduces the prejudicial aspects of such conditions.

Finally, there is a pervasive tendency involved in the use of the

participant-observation technique to keep expanding the scope of the

research. Whereas the questionnaire aspect of the study was somewhat

defined and limited, participant-observation involves all aspects of

the target population's life-interests. Hence, there is a strong and

insistent pull on a participant-observer to broaden his research aims.

On one hand, the questionnaire portion of the study confronts empiri-

cal or testable issues. On the other hand, participant-observation

necessarily involves phenomenological questions which can be answered

only by the experience itself. Where one method is specific, the

other is general. In this particular case, the juxtaposition of the

two methods created a tremendous.burden on the researcher to scrap the

261

original aims of the study and tackle larger issues. Yet, the

empirical aspects of the study acted as a check upon the inferential.

In a sense, the questionnaires prohibited the researcher from stray-

ing too far afield and regulated, to some degree, the behavior of the

observer.. While merging of the questionnaire and experiential

aspects of research is difficult,the importance of continued work

in this area can not be underestimated.

e.

7

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1 ChiefBureau of Medicine and SurgeryCode 513Washington, DC 20390

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1 Commandant of the Marine Corps(Code AO1M)Washington, DC 20380

1 Commander Naval Air ReserveNaval Air StationGlenview, IL 60026

1 CommanderNaval Air Systems CommardNavy Department, AIR-413CWashington, DC 20360

1 CommanderSubmarine Development Group TwoFleet Post Office.New York, NY 09501

1 Commanding OfficerNaval Medical NeuropsychiatricResearch Unit

San Diego, CA 92152

1 Commandlw Officer.Naval Pel...;)nnel and Training,

::.'E.,:learch Laboratory

Stmt TY10,,;(), CA 92152

1 Commanding: 'JfficerService School CommandU.S. Naval Trainir; CenterSan Diego, CA 92133ATTN: Code 303

1 Head, Personnel Measurement StaffCapitol Area Personnel Service Office.Ballston Tower #2,-Room 1204801 N. Randolph StreetArlington, VA 22203

1 Program CoordinatorBureau of Medicine and Surgery (Code 710)Department of the NavyWashington, DC 20390

1 Research Director, Code 06Research and Evaluation DepartmentU.S. Naval Examining CenterBuilding 2711 - Green Bay AreaGreat Lakes, IL 60088ATTN: C. S. Winiewicz

1 SuperintendentNaval Postgraduate SchoolMonterey; CA 93940ATTN: :Library (Code 2124)

1 Technical Director .Naval Personnel Research and

Development LaboratoryWashington Navy YardBuilding 200Washington, DC, 20390

1 Technical DirectorPersonnel Research DivisionBureau of Naval PersonnelWashington, DC 20370

1 Technical Library (Pers-11B)Bureau of Naval PersonnelDepartment of the NavyWashington, DC 20360

1 Technical LibraryNaval Ship Systems ConinandNational.CenterBuildin!-: 3 Room 3

S-08Washin4on, DC 20360

1 TechnicalReCcrence LibraryNaval Medical ReSearch Institute.NationalNaval Medical CenterBethesda,-MD '20014

1 COL George CaridakisDirector, Office of Manpower UtilizationHeadquarters, Marine Corps (A01H)MCBOuantico, VA 22134

1 Mr. Sidney FriedmanSpecial Assistant for Research and StudiesOASN (M &RA)The Pentagon, Room 4E794Washington, DC 20350

1 Mr. George N. GrainNaval Ship Systems Command(SHIPS 03H) .

Department of the NavyWashington, DC 20360

1 CDR Richard L. Martin, USNCOMFAIRMIRAMAR F-14NAS Miramar, CA 92145

LMr, Lee Miller (AIR 1113E)Naval Air Systems Command5600 Columbia PikeFalls Church, VA 22042

. 1 Dr. James J. ReganCode 55Naval Training Device CenterOrlando, FL 32813

1 Dr. A. L. SlafkoskyScientific Advisor (Code Ax)Commandant of the Marine CornsWashington, DC 20380

1 LCDR Charles J. Theisen, Jr., MSC, USNCSOTNaval Air Development CenterWarminster, PA 18974

2 -

291

ARMY

1 Behavioral Sciences DivisionOffice of Chief of Research and

DevelopmentDepartment of the ArmyWashington, DC 20310

1 U.S. Army Behavior and Systems,Research Laboratory

Rosslyn Commonwealth Building, Room 2391300 Wilson BoulevardArlington, VA 22209

1 Director of ResearchU.S. Army Armor Human Research UnitATITI: LibraryBuilding 2422 Morale StreetFort Knox, KY 40121

1 COMANDALIPU.S. Army Adjutant General SchoolFort Benjamin Harrison, IN 46216AITN: ATSAG-FA

1 Commanding OfficerATTN: LTC MontgomeryUSACDC - PASAFt. Benjamin Harrison, IN .46249

1 DirectorBehavioral Sciences LaboratoryU.S. Arm Research'Institute of

Environmental MedicineNatick, MA 01760

1 Con1randantUnited States Army Infantry SchoolATPN: ATSIN-HFort Benning, CA 31905

1 Army filotivation and Training LaboratoryCommonwealth Building, Room 2391300 Wi.lson BoulevardArlington, VA 22209

1 Armed Forces Staff CollegeNorfolk, VA 23511

ATTN: Library

1 1%.1.r. Edmund -Fuchs

BESRL.Commonwealth Building, Room 2391320 Wilson BoulevardArlington, VA 22209

AIR FORCE

1 Dr. Robert A. BottenbergAF1-3L/PHS Lackland AFBTexas 78236

1 AFHRL (/Dr. G. A. Eckstrand)Wright-Patterson Air Force BaseOhio 45433

1 AFHRL (TRT/Dr. Ross L. Morgan)Wright-Patterson Air Force BaseOhio 45433

1 AFHEILVMD701 Prince StreetRoom 200Alexandria, VA 22314

1 AFSOR (NL)1400 Wilson BoulevardArlington, VA 22209

1 COMMANDANTUSAF School of Aerospace MedicineATTN: Aeromedical Library (SCL-4)Brooks AFB, TX 78235

1 Personnel Research DivisionAFHRL

410.Lackland Air Force BaseSan Antonio, TX 78236

1 Headquarters, U.S. Air ForceChief, Personnel Research and Analysis

Division (AF/DPXY)Washington, DC 20330

1 Research and Analysis DivisionAF/DPXYR Room 4C200Washington, DC 20330

3

HeadquArter Electronic Systems DivisionAWN: Dr. Sylvia.R. Mayer/MCITLq Han-.3com

Bedford, 4A 01730

1 CAPT Jack Thorpe USAFDept. of PsychologyFowling Green State UniversityBowling OH 43403

DOD

1 Mr. Joseph j. Cowan, Chief.PsychologlCal Research Branch (P-1)U.S. Coast Guard Headouarters:400 Seventh Street, SW .

Washington, DC 20590

1. Dr. Ralph R. CanterDirector for Manpower ResearChOffice of. Secretary of DefenseThe Pentagon, Room 3C980Washing.ton, DC 20301

OTHER gOVERNMEITE

1 Dr. Alvin E. noins, ChiefPersonality and Cognition Research SectionBehavioral Sciences Research BranchNational InstitUte of Mental Health5600 Fishers LaneRockville, MC 20852

1 Dr. Andrew R. MolnarComputer Innovation -IA Education SectionOffice of Computing Act:vitiesNational. Science FoundationWashington, DC 20550

1 Dr. Lorraine D. EydeBureau of Intergovernmental PersonnelProt'ams

Room 2519U.S. Civil Service Commission1900 E. Street, NWWashington, DC 20415

1 Office of Computer InforrationCenter for Computer Sciences and Toclit1,1.117,,,,

National. BureaU of StandardsWashinF;ten, DC 20214

MISCELLANEOUS

1 Dr. Scarvia AndersonExecutive Director for Special DevelopmentEducational Testihg ServicePrinceton,'NJ 08540

1 Professor John An/lettThe Open UniversityWaltontealei BletchleyBucks, ENGLAND

1 Dr. Richard C. AtkinsonDepartment of PsychologyStanford UniversityStanford; CA 94305

1 Dr. Bernard '. Bass.University Of RochesterManagement Research CenterRochester, NY 14627

1 Dr. Kenneth E. ClarkUniversity of RochesterCollege of Arts and SciencesRiver Campus Station.Rochester, NY 14627

1 Dr. Rene V. DawisDepartment of Psychology324 Elliott HallUniversity of MinnesotaMinneapolis, MN 55455

1 Dr. Marvin D. DunnetteUniversity of MinnesotaDepartment of PsychologyElliott HallMinneapolis, MN 55455

1 ERICProcessing and Reference Facility4833 Rugby AvenueBethesda, MD 20014

3

1 Dr. Nic..q.or

Department or l'yeholo:::;y

Mcntomery ColleeRockville, MD 20350

I ;'ir. Paul P. Foie:Naval Peronnei Researoh

LaboratoryWashington Navy YardWashington, DC 20390

and Development

1 Dr. Robert GlaserLearning ilenr.arch and Development Center

University of PittsbumhP I ttsburgh , PA 15213

1. Dr. i.lbert S. GliclonanAmerican Institutes for Research8555 Sixteenth StreetSilver Spring, MD 20910

1 Human .-:e -.ounce Research Organisation

Div!,sion #5, Def. onSe

Pmt ,:frice Fox 6057.79916:

1 Librar:Number 6

P. 42R.

Fort Rurkr, Al 36360

1 Dr. I.a.TE.,nc..-f R. 3chnson

Lawrence ohnson and Associates, Inc

2001 "Si' Street, NW

Suite 5021.1ashiwton, DC 20009

i Dr. Bert GreenDepartment of PsychologyJohns Hopkins UniversityBaltimore, MD 21218

1 Dr. Duncan HansenCenter for Computer-Assisted InstructionFlorida State UniversityTallahassee, FL 32306

1 Du. Richard S. HatchDecision Systems Associates, Inc.11428 Rockville PikeRockville, MD 20852

1 Dr. !lorman J.: JohnSonAssociate Professor of Social Policy

School of Urban and Public Affairs

Carlief71.e-Mellon University

Pittsbuwb, PA 15213

1 Dr. Rorer A. KaufmanGraduate School of amen BehaviorU.S. International University8655 F. Pomerada RoadSan Diego, CA

1 Dr. FrederJck 7,1. LordEducational Testing ServicePrinceton, NJ 085140

1 Dr. E. J. McCormickDepartment of Psychological SciencesPurdue UniversityLafayette, IN 47907

1 Dr. M. D. HavronHuman Sciences Research, Inc.WestKate Industrial Park7710 Old Sprin7,house RoadMcLean, VA 22101

1 Human Resources Research Organization

Division #3Post Office Box 5787Presidio of Monterey, CA 93940

1 Human Resources Research Organization

Division #4, InfantryPost Office Box 2086Fort Benning, GA 31905

1 Dr. Robert F. MackieHuman Factors Research, Inc.Santa Barbara Research Park6780 Cortona DriveGoleta, CA 93017

1 Dr. Stanley M. NealyDepartment of PsychologyColorado State UniversityFort Collins, CO 80521

1 Mr. Luir,-,1 Petrullo

2431 North Edgewood StreetArlington, VA 22207

5

294

ort PrtchardY:r)fe:.:sor of Psycho:to:7:s!

Purdue Univ.m*sityLarayett:e, 47(;07

Psychological Alx;tractsAmerican PsycholOrACal A rs.;(- !t 1 on120(Y Seventeenth Street, 7P..!

Washington, DC 20036

1 Dr. David WeissUniverLqty Of MinnesotaDepartment Of 7syclIeloo7X711iett HallFlinheapolls, 59455

I. Dn. Diane ;11-liarnsey-Kleo1. :-.K Research & System Desim.

":0117 Ridprrnont Drive

ri;-.,11..liA, CA 90265

.Josepil W. Rigney

I )0'.1)aviora..1 Yor. I Inoloi:ry I aborator le::Ilniversity of Southern California3717 South GrandLos Anprles, CA 90007

Dr. Leona:v(1 I,. .Ronenba.trn, Chairman

(--spartment of PsychologyI intgomery r,e

MD 20850

I Georg,- E. l',owlanl

11r.viland and Compalk'f, Inc.

1(..).--t Of fl.cc- ['TA 61.

I iacidonfie].d , 11,1 08033

I)n. Benjamin &time:icieri.;!--.partment. of Psycholog:.'

Uri versit :) of MarylandUollege Park, MD 20742

;f . Arthur T.. 3.1.e.r,e1

itnplied Psychological ')ervieenScience Center.

East Lancanter Avenuei,1:.i.yne, PA 19087

I 5r. Henry Solomon1;(.orge Washiwton Un1v(2rcItyItepartment of EconomicsWanhimton, DC 20006

I. Pri.)fesser Gorald L. Thompson!;:f.rnegie-14e1 3on Univer:rity

f ;nacluate School of Indu:Itria. I Administr.F'ittstmrgh, PA 15213

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