deriving moraic consonants from temporal coordination jason shaw new york university 14mfm—25 may,...
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Deriving moraic consonants from temporal coordination
Jason Shaw
New York University
14mfm—25 May, 2006
Email: [email protected]: http://homepages.nyu.edu/~jas745/
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 2
Problem Within Prosodic Morphology Foot Binarity is
the explanation for minimal word requirements.
In some languages, initial geminates clearly contribute weight for the purposes of minimal word requirements
But, the representations proposed for initial geminates are incompatible with Foot Binarity
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 3
Background Onsets are widely thought to be weightless (but see
Gordon 2005) Initial geminates appear to contribute weight in
some languages: Chuukese (a.k.a. Trukese) (Hart 1991, Davis 1999), Luganda (Clements 1986, Hyman and Katamba 1993, 1999), Ponapean (McCarthy and Prince 1986, Goodman 1995), Pattani Malay (Hajek and Goedesman 2003)
But not in others:Thurgovian (Krahaenman 2003), Bernese (Spaelti 1994, Ham 1998), Morrocan Arabic (Kiparsky 2002), Cypriot Greek (Arvaniti and Rose 2003) , Leti (Hume et. al. 1997)
Weight varies independently of length. (Tranel 1991, Hume et. al. 1997, Muller 2001, Curtis 2003)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 4
Melody: segments Melody: articulatory gestures
Proposal preview: [tto]
μ μ
σ
C-Tier:
V-Tier: C V
μ μ
σ
Current ProposalStandard Moraic Theory
Length: two association lines Length: two blocks on C-tier
weight: mora associated directly to C weight: mora associated to the V-tier
?
(Browman and Goldstein 1986 et. seq.)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 5
Chuukese word-final vowels
a) /pechee/ [peche] 'foot' c.f. [pechee-y]
b) /tikkaa/ [tikka] 'coconut oil' c.f. [tikkaa-y]
c) /chuuchuu/ [chuuchu] 'urine' c.f. [chuuchuu-y]
d) /omosu/ [omos] 'turban shell' [omosu-y]
e) /ffeni/ [ffen] 'love' [ffeni-y]
f) /nemeneme/ [nemenem] 'authority' [nemeneme-y]
1) Long vowels shortened
2) Short vowels deleted
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 6
Sub-minimal word lengthening
a. /tipe/ [tiip] *[tip] ‘emotions’ [tipe-n]
b. /chike [chiik] *[chik] ‘basket’ [chike-n]
c. /pəkə/ [pəək] [*pək] ‘handle’ [pəkə-n]
1) CVCV lengthens CVVC
d. /ffənə/ [ffən] *[ffəən] ‘advice’ [ffənə-n]
e. /nnəti/ [nnət] *[nnəət] ‘shrub’ [nnəti-n]
f. /ttoŋa/ [ttoŋ] *[ttooŋ] ‘love’ [ttoŋa-n]
2) GVCV doesn’t lengthen CCVC
(Hart 1991, Davis and Torretta 1997, Davis 1999, Muller 1999, Muller 2001)3) Driven by bimoraic minimal word requirement
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 7
Prosodic Morphology (PM)
Parse-σ: Syllables must be parsed into feet
FtBin: Feet must branch at the μ or σ level
Headedness: Prosodic words contain feet…
Mora Confinement: Moras must be licensed by syllables
Hierarchical locality: Only adjacent levels of structure are visible
Uniformity of Linking: No simultaneous linking to distinct levels
(McCarthy and Prince, 1986 et. seq; Ito and Mester, 1992)
Derives Minimal Word effects from
general constraints on
prosodic structure
Additional restrictions discussed:
Standard theory includes:1
2
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 8
Structure of the argument
Initial geminates in SMT Proposal—intrinsic overlap Comparison of theories Extension to codas Conclusions
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 9
Initial Geminates in SMT
μ
σ
φ
V
ω
Option (1)
C
μ μ
σ
φ
V
ω
Option (3)
C
μμ
σ
φ
V
ω
Option (2)
C
μ
SMT allows for no fewer than 5 distinct representations for [tto] that are compatible with standard views of the prosodic hierarchy
μ
σ
V
ω
Option (4)
C
μ
σ
φ
μ
φ
V
ω
Option (5)
C
μ
σ
(Goodman 1995; Davis 1999; Kiparsky 2002)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 10
Initial Geminates in SMT PM solution to CVC
lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot.
[tto]
μ μ
φ
σ σσ
φ
μ μ
orEither
SMT Option (4)
1) binary feet at σ level
2) Initial [t] is a syllable peak
μ
σ
V
ω
C
μ
σ
φ
SMT Option (4)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 11
Current Proposal
Moras are assigned to V-Tier (Clements and Keyser 1983)
(Fowler 1983; Browman and Goldstein 1986 et. seq.)
Consonants and vowels overlap
(Gafos 2002, Hall 2004)
Timing relations between consonants and vowels are controlled in the Phonology
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 12
I. Moras are assigned to V-Tier The length of the vocalic tier corresponds to the
duration of vocalic gestures in a syllable
V-Tier:O
CT R
Of
μ
σ
V-Tier:O
CT R
Of O
CT R
O
μμ
σ
O1O2
R2C2
T2C1T1 R1
Of1 Of2
μμ
σ
O = Onset of movementT = Achievement of TargetC = Midpoint of gestural plateau (C-center)R = Release from targetOf – Offset of the gesture
Landmarks in the life of a gesture (Gafos 2002):
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 13
II. Consonants and vowels overlap
CV(Syn) CV(Cen)
μμ
σ
Consonant gestures are timed with respect to vowel gestures
μμ
σ
V-Tier:
C-Tier:
When a consonant overlaps a mora association, the increased weight has been attributed to the consonant
I will call these pseudo-moraic consonants
O
CT R
O
O
CT R
OO
CT R
O
O
CT R
O
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 14
III. Timing relations controlled by Phonological constraints
Align(C, C-Center, V, Onset)
Align (C, Onset, V, Onset)
/t:o:/ CV(SYN) CV(CEN)
a) [tto]
*
b) [ttoo]
*!
μ μ
σ
C-Tier:
V-Tier:
μ μ
σ
C-Tier:
V-Tier:
Phonological Constraints
Implication: consonant clusters cannot satisfy either CV constraint without completely overlapping each other. (the constraint RECOV mitigates against complete overlap, see Gafos 2002 for discussion)
CV(Syn): C & V are synchronous
CV(Cen): C & V partially overlap
O
CT R
O
O
CT R
O
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 15
Summary
2 intra-syllabic structures: Light, Heavy Light geminates are long gestures that do not
overlap a mora Heavy geminates are long gestures that do
overlap a mora Contrastive length is determined by tier-length CV(SYN) or CV(CEN) undominated prohibit
clusters (Gafos 2002, see also Browman and Goldstein 2000)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 16
Comparison of Theories
μ
σ
V
ω
SMT
C
μ
σ
φ
[tto]
μμ
σ
V-Tier:
C-Tier:
ω
φ
[tto]
Are geminates really syllabic?
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 17
Initial geminates vs. Syllabic Nasals
Syllabic initial geminates have been proposed for Luganda and Ponapean
Both languages also have syllabic nasals
Is such structural similarity warranted?
μ
σ
V
ω
C
μ
σ
φ
[mmet]
μ
σ
V
ω
N C
μ
σ
φ
[nta]
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 18
Ponapean
a. /pwili/ [pwiil] *[ pwil] ‘gum (of)’ [pwili -n]
b. /sapwe/ [saapw] *[ sapw] ‘land (of)’ [sapwe -n]
c. /masa/ [masa] [*mas] ‘face (of)’ [masa -n]
1) CVCV lengthens CVVC, a la Chuukese
2) GVCV resists lengthening GVC, as does NCVC
d. [mmet] *[mmeet]
e. [mwmwus] *[mwmwuus]
f. [ŋŋech] *[ŋŋeech]
g. [nta] *[ntaa]
h. [ŋket] *[ŋkeet]
i. [mwpwer] *[mwpweer]
With respect to word minimality, structural similarity between NC and G appear to be justified, but…
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 19
Ponapean Systematic absence of GVVC, GVV, CVVG
Feels like a bimoraic syllable maximum This explanation is not available under syllabic analysis of
geminates
Conclusion:
NCV and GV satisfy FtBin at different levels
NCVVC = (LL)Φ GVC = (H)Φ
NCVVC is attested (nseen ‘to snare’)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 20
μμ
σ
C C
V VV-Tier:
C-Tier:
ω
φ
[tto]
Syllabic nasals
[nta]
N C
V VV-Tier:
C-Tier:
ω
φ
μ
σ
μ
σ
Current proposal
Initial geminates
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 21
Vowels before initial NC in Ponapean
/mpei/ [impey] ~ [mpey] ‘buoyant’
/mwpwer/ [imwpwer] ~ [mwpwer] ‘twin’
/nsen/ [insen] ~ [nsen] ‘will’
/ntiŋ / [intiŋ] ~ [ntiŋ] ‘to write’
/ntaa/ [inta] ~ [nta] ‘blood’
/nket/ [iŋket] ~ [ŋket] ‘to roof’
Initial NC in free variation with VNC
structural difference or phonetic noise?
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 22
Summary
SMT representation compatible with FtBin forces a bi-syllabic analysis of initial geminates. Forces voiceless obstruents to be syllable nuclei in
Chuukese Prevents syllable maximum account of *GVV, *CVVG
restriction in Ponapean Current analysis solves these problems and
extends to syllabic nasals.
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 23
*!
b) [ sopw]
*
a) [ soopw]
Ident(length)FtBin/ sopwu / ‘district’
Chuukese Lengthening
μμ
σ
C-Tier:
V-Tier:
μ
σ
C-Tier:
V-Tier:
Final consonant does not contribute to weight Vowel lengthens to satisfy FtBin, branching structure at the moraic
level.
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 24
Extension to Codas
heavy CVC: Japanese light CVC: Khalkha Mongolian
Acoustic duration of the vowel is determine both by the length of the vowel and the timing relation of the coda.
μμ
σ
V-Tier:
C-Tier:
(87.3 ms)c.f. 49.3 in CV
μ
σ
V-Tier:
C-Tier:
(78.4)c.f. 70.3 ms in CV
(Data from Gordon 2002)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 25
Proposal Summary
What we did:
Replaced segments with gestures Controlled gestural coordination in the
grammar Limited mora associations to vowels
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 26
Results
What this accomplished:
Extension of FtBin to languages with initial geminates
Allowed for a more restrictive ontogeny of prosodic structures
Provided a unified source of consonant weight
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 27
Undiscussed
Compensatory Lengthening Systematic C:V duration ratios Vowel to vowel coordination Mora Faithfulness
Composite Model (Muller 2001) Other two layer models (Curtis 2003) Non-moraic approaches (Levin 1985) Alternate conceptions of moraicity and overlap (B&G
1988)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 28
Arvaniti, A. 2001. Cypriot Greek and the phonetics and phonology of geminates. Paper presented at Proceedings of the First International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory, University of Patras.
Blevins, Juliette and Harrison, Sheldon. 1999. Trimoraic feet in Glibertese. Oceanic Linguistics, 38.203-30.Broselow, Ellen, Chen, Su-I and Huffman, Marie. 1997. Syllable weight: Convergence of phonology and phonetics. Phonology, 14.47-82.Browman, Catherine P. and Goldstein, Louis. 1988. Some Notes on Syllable Structure in Articulatory Phonology [Jan-June]. Haskins Laboratories
Status Report on Speech Research, 93-94.85-102.—. 1992. Articulatory Phonology: An Overview [July-Dec]. Haskins Laboratories Status Report on Speech Research, 111-112.23-42.—. 2000. Competing Constraints on Intergestural Coordination and Self-Organization of Phonological Structures. Bulletin de la Communication
Parlee, 5.25-34.Caramaza, Alfonso, Chialant, Doriana, Capasso, Rita and Micell, Gabriele. 2000. Separable processing of consonants and vowels [27 January, 2000].
Nature, 403.428-30.Clements, G. N. 1986. Compensatory lengthening and consonant gemination in Luganda. Studies in Compensatory Lengthening, ed. by L. Wetzels and
E. Sezer, 37-77. Dordrecht: Foris.Clements, G. N. and Keyser, Samuel Jay. 1983. CV Phonology: A Generative Theory of the Syllable. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.Curtis, Emily. 2003. Geminate weight: case studies and formal models, Dept. of LInguistics, University of Washington: Phd.Davis, S. and Torretta, G. 1997. An Optimality Theoretic Account of Compensatory Lengthening and Geminate Throwback in Trukese. Paper
presented at NELS 18.Davis, Stuart. 1999. On the representation of initial geminates [1999]. Phonology, 16.93-104.Dunn, Margaret Hall. 1994. The Phonetics and Phonology of Geminate Consonants: A Production Study: Dissertation/Thesis.Fowler, Carol. 1983. Converging sources of evidence on spoken and perceived rhythms of speech: cyclic production of vowels in monosyllabic stress
feet. [1983]. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 112.386-412.Gafos, Adamantios. 2002. A grammar of gestural coordination. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, 20.269-337.Goodenough, Ward, H. 1957. The long or double consonants of Trukese. Paper presented at Proceedings of the ninth Pacific Sciences Association,
Chulalongkorn University.Goodman, Beverley D. 1995. Features in Ponapean Phonology, Cornell University: Ph. D. Dissertation.Gordon, Matthew. 2002. A phonetically-driven account of syllable weight [2002]. Language, 78.51-80.—. 2005. A percetually-driven account of onset-sensitive stress [2005]. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 23.595-653.Hall, Nancy. 2003 Gestures and segments: vowel intrusion as overlap. UMASS: Ph.D DissertationHam, William. 1998. Phonetic and Phonology Aspects of Geminate Timing, Linguistics Department, Cornell University.Hart, Michele. 1991. The moraic status of initial geminates in Trukese. BLS, 17107-20.
References
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 29
Hayes, Bruce. 1989. Compensatory Lengthening in moraic phonology. Linguistic Inquiry, 20.253-306.Hyman, Larry M. & Francis X. Katamba. 1999. The syllable in Luganda phonology and morphology. The syllable: views and facts, ed. by
Harry van der Hulst & Nancy Ritter. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.Ito, Junko. 1986. Syllable Theory in Prosodic Phonology, University of Massachusetts, Amherst: Ph. D. Dissertation.Ito, Junko and Mester, Armin. 1992. Weak layering and word binarity. Santa Cruz, CA: University of CaliforniaKager, René. 1996. On affix allomorphy and syllable counting. Interfaces in phonology, ed. by U. Kleinhenz, 155-71. Berlin: Akademie
Verlag.Kennedy, Robert. 2003. Confluence in Phonology: Evidence from Micronesian Reduplication, University of Arizona.Kiparsky, Paul. 2002. Syllables and moras in Arabic. The Optimal Syllable, ed. by Caroline Féry and Ruben van de Vijver. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.Krahenmann, Astrid. 2001. Swiss German stops: geminates all over the word. Phonology 18.109-45.Kurisu, Kazutaka. 2001. The Phonology of Morpheme Realization, University of Santa Cruz: Ph. D. Dissertation.Levin, Juliette. 1985. A Metrical Theory of Syllabicity, MIT: Ph. D. Dissertation.McCarthy, John J. 1981. A prosodic theory of nonconcatenative morphology. Linguistic Inquiry, 12.373-418.McCarthy, John and Prince, Alan. 1986. Prosodic Morphology (RuCCS Technical Report Series TR-3). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Center
for Cognitive Science, Rutgers University—. 1991. Prosodic Minimality—. 1994. The emergence of the unmarked: Optimality in prosodic morphology. Proceedings of the North East Linguistic Society 24, ed. by
Mercè Gonzàlez, 333-79. Amherst, Mass.: GLSA Publications.Muller, Jennifer. 1999. A unifed mora account of Chuukese. Paper presented at WCCFL 18, Somerville, MA.—. 2001. The phonology and phonetics of word-initial geminates, Linguistics Department, The Ohio State University.Ostry, D and Munhall, K. 1985. Control of rate and duration of speech movements. The Journal of the acoustical society of America, 77.640-
48.Prince, Alan; Smolensky, Paul. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar. Rutgers University Center for
Cognitive Science Technical Report 2Smith, Caroline L. 1995. Prosodic Patterns in the Coordination of Vowel and Consonant Gestures. Phonology and Phonetic Evidence, ed. by
Bruce Connell and Amalia Arvaniti, 205-22. Cambridge: Cambridge U Press.
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 30
Initial Geminates in SMT
PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot.
μ μ
φ
σ σσ
φ
μ μ
orEither
SMT Option (1)
[tto]
μ
σ
φ
V
ω
C
μ
SMT Option (1)1) No binary foot
2) Predicts lengthening to [ttoo]
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 31
Initial Geminates in SMT
PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot.
[tto]
μ μ
φ
σ σσ
φ
μ μ
orEither
SMT Option (2)
SMT Option (2) 1) Unattested foot type, (μσ)φ
2) Strictly speaking, binary at neither μ or level σ
μ
σ
φ
V
ω
C
μ
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 32
Initial Geminates in SMT
PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot.
[tto]
μ μ
φ
σ σσ
φ
μ μ
orEither
SMT Option (3)
SMT Option (3)1) No binary foot
2) Predicts lengthening to [ttoo]
μ
σ
φ
V
ω
C
μ
σσ
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 33
Initial Geminates in SMT
PM solution to CVC lengthening requires that surface form contain a binary foot.
[tto]
μ μ
φ
σ σσ
φ
μ μ
orEither
SMT Option (5)
SMT Option (5) 1) Never actually proposed
2) Predicts syllables with multiple nuclei, non-contiguous rhyme.
μ
φ
V
ω
C
μ
σ
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 34
Initial Geminates in SMT
μ
σ
φ
V
ω
Option (1)
C
μ μ
σ
φ
V
ω
Option (3)
C
μμ
σ
φ
V
ω
Option (2)
C
μ μ
σ
V
ω
Option (4)
C
μ
σ
φ
μ
φ
V
ω
Option (5)
C
μ
σ
Only one real option for Chuukese initial geminates.
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 35
I. Some languages force vowels to overlap across consonants
II. Side effects include V-V coarticulation & syllable timing
Vowel to vowel coordination
(Smith 1995; Dunn 1994)
O
CT R
O
O
CT R
O O
CT R
O
O
CT R
O
μ
σ1
O
CT R
O O
CT R
O
O
CT R
O
μ
σ2
μμ
σ1
Vowel gestures extend across consonants to satisfy VV-Coord.
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 36
Independent Evidence for VV-Coarticulation in Chuukese
/paca/ ‘attached’ [pace-tiw]
‘attached to the bottom’
b) [paco-wu]
‘attached to the outside’
c) [paco-nong]
‘attached to the inside’ [paca- t]‘attached to the top’
Final vowel of roots predictable from the quality of the suffix vowel.
Not strictly harmonizing, but a compromise in space between vowels.
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 37
*[coccis]
*[ coccis]
Ident(s)VV-
Coord/coccisi/
Coda weight in Chuukese
Consecutive vowel gestures overlap.
The value of the stiffness parameter in the input is the same as the value of the stiffness parameter in the output.
no shortening/lengtheningC-Tier:
V-Tier:
μ
σ
μ
σ
μ μ
σ
C-Tier:
V-Tier:
μ
σ
Phonological Constraints
VV-Coord:
Ident(S)
VV-Coord is vacuously satisfied in final position
(Gafos 2002)
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 38
Composite Model
Compatible with Prosodic Morphology
Maintains Uniformity of Linking, mora confinement
Gen builds unattested structures ruled out by grammar that stipulates geminate, coda moraicity
X X X
μ
rt rt
μ
σ
Incorporates a tier of X-slots (Levin 1985)
Moras assigned to x-slots in 1:1 ratio
Length determined by X-slot associationsWeight determined by mora
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 39
Comparison of Theories
Current Theory CM SMT
Uniformity of Linking Yes Yes No
Initial geminates compatible w/ Prosodic Morphology
Yes Yes No
Phonemic length account Gestural stiffness Two X-slots Two association lines
Account of Consonant pseudo-moraicity
Overlap with moraic vowel Moraic elements not protected by the grammar are ruled out with *μ
moraic elements specified by grammar, plus faithfulness to underlying moras
Cluster non-moraicity/ fake-geminate non-moraicity
The only rankings that allow clusters disallow overlap with moraic vowel
Not protected by the grammar so non-moraic by virtue of * μ
Non-moraic by virtue of a grammatical constraint NoMoraicOnset
# of levels gesture; tier; mora root; X-slot; mora segment; mora
Account for closed syllable lengthening
Yes No No
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 40
SpreadingShifting
Remaining Issues
Shifting predicts word final vowel reduction Spreading predicts lengthening
There are others ways to satisfy VV-Coord.
V-Tier:
C-Tier:
μ
σ
μ
σ
V-Tier:
C-Tier:
μ
σ
μ
σ
μ
σ
Jason Shaw, 14mfm, 27 May 2006 41
Remaining Issues
Chuukese GVV syllables entail trimoraic vowels, but no CVVV Gilbertese lengthening CV1V2 CV1V1V2 but
*VVV Estonian has 3-way Vowel length contrast