culture, perception of work and work ethics upper egypt

Culture, Perceptions of Work and Work Ethics in Qena City/Upper Egypt, S. Andjelkovic‐Al Amry/Jens Augat, 2008

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Culture, Perceptions of Work and Work Ethics

in Upper Egypt/Qena City

by Sonja Andjelkovic-Al Amry

with Jens Augat

November 2008

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. E X E C U T I V E SU M M A R Y ..................................................................................................................................... 3 2. IN T R O DU C T I O N ................................................................................................................................................... 4 3. M E T H O D O L O G Y : G R O UND E D T H E O R Y - A N OP E N APPR O A C H T O R ESE A R C H IN T H E M IDD L E E AST ........................................................................................................................................................... 4 4. C O N C EPTS O F ID E N T I T Y : K INSH IP, F A M I L Y A ND SO C I E T Y ................................................................. 6 5. T H E I M PO R T A N C E O F K INSH IP F O R W O R K A ND W O R K E T H I CS ....................................................... 7

5.1. THE ATTITUDE TOWARDS WORK VS. TECHNICAL SKILLS ................................................................................... 8 5.2. THE CHOICE OF PROFESSION ............................................................................................................................... 9 5.3. MARRIAGE ........................................................................................................................................................ 10 5.4. WORK OPPORTUNITIES: THE PUBLIC AND PRIVATE SECTOR ............................................................................. 10

6. W O R K A ND SU C C ESS AS A C E N T R A L ASP E C T O F L I F E ........................................................................ 11 6.1. MIGRATION ....................................................................................................................................................... 16 6.2. THE IMPORTANCE OF PERSONALITY FOR WORK ETHICS ................................................................................... 18

7. W O R K A ND L E A D E RSH IP ST Y L E .................................................................................................................. 20 7.1. WORK AND LEADERSHIP STYLE IN CAIRO......................................................................................................... 20 7.2. WORK AND LEADERSHIP STYLE IN QENA CITY ................................................................................................. 21 7.3. A COMPARISON OF WORK AND LEADERSHIP STYLE IN CAIRO AND QENA CITY ................................................ 24 7.4. EXCURSUS: APPLICATION OF NEWER LEADERSHIP CONCEPTS ........................................................................... 25 7.5. EXCURSUS: SYMBOLIC LEADERSHIP ................................................................................................................. 27

8. T R E NDS IN Q E N A C I T Y .................................................................................................................................... 27 9. C O N C L USI O N: C O N C E PT U A L C O NSID E R A T I O NS F O R M K I-V E T EP .................................................. 28 10. R ESO UR C ES ....................................................................................................................................................... 30


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1. Executive Summary

Upper Egypt represents a differing region within Egypt with specific cultural and social

characteristics: Society in Upper Egypt evolves around the belonging to a specific kinship, which

is the basis for the identity of the population and which determines the attitudes, the behaviour

and the work ethics. Attitudes and behaviour are interrelated. Attitudes are the basis for a

certain behaviour, which in return influences, reinforces and strengthens these attitudes.

Religious values are likewise an inherent part of life and of work, but are increasingly challenged

by external influences and contradicting values transported mostly by media. Work is regarded

as the core of life, and many expectations on the personal level are attached to work and work

ethics. Personality and attitudes are regarded as being more important than technical skills.

High reputation as well as a complex understanding of respect and trustworthiness are

necessary preconditions to guarantee the reproduction of social values and thus the survival of

the Upper Egyptian mentality. These qualities are expected from both employer and employee

within their leadership and work style, with the kinship being the mediator and moderator of

employment processes.

Parents and the family elders play a decisive role in setting out the direction of the young

generation, in terms of professional choices but also with regards to marriage. Women have a

rather subordinate role in public and in the professional life but are expected to fulfill their

complex role as a wife and responsible mother in a culturally appropriate way. Within the

working context the private sector is developing rapidly while public sector employment is

ceasing. However, private sector opportunities are appreciated and a strong and proactive

business ethic has emerged in response to the challenges that people are facing, which adds

additional weight on the importance of work for life. In many cases, new opportunities are

sought outside the Upper Egyptian region, in Cairo or even abroad. Migration is seen as an exit

to economic grievance but also as a problematic tendency as it undermines regional patriotism.

However, the trend is an increasing divide between rich and poor, which can only be

decelerated through improved education and the creation of a learning culture.


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2. Introduction The study *Culture, Perceptions of Work and Work Ethics in Upper Egypt/Qena City> is part of a

research series initiated by the GTZ/MKI-vetEP programme on the topic of culture and

perceptions of work and work ethics in Egypt. The first part of this research was carried out in

July 2008 in Cairo. The research in Cairo was initially based on the assumption that religion and

culture play a decisive role for the value system and the attitudes attached to work, which in

return would essentially influence economic development. The result in Cairo showed that

religion is a main reference system for life in general, but is not a specific driving force behind

behaviour and attitudes towards work. The research revealed that social status combined with

academic certificates and a socially compatible marriage formed the centerpiece of peopleAs

motivation for work. Leadership and work style as well as gender relations were described as

essential conflict points - respectively entry points - to economic development.

In contrast to the first study in this series the research in Upper Egypt, respectively in Qena city

of the Qena governorate, did not focus on religion as such but applied an open approach to

culture, meaning that existing value systems that form the axis of human behaviour and that

shape work ethics were examined. The study also aims at comparing leadership and work

styles of the two geographical regions within the country in order to find similarities and

differences which would shed light on the MKI-vetEP programme from the conceptual,

methodological and practical point of view. Furthermore the results of the two studies aim at

fostering processes of dialogue and creative change within the programme itself.

3. Methodology: Grounded Theory - An open approach to research in the Middle East The researchers applied an open approach to data gathering in order to discover the realities of

social, economical and political developments in Egypt. The emphasis was put on discovering

as a process of dialogue, reflection and exchange with the local population, with the aim to find

new theories rather than verify existing ones. The reason for approaching the research without a

particular thesis is that the research done with regards to this topic is rather limited and that the

first study has proven that working with an inductive method would not lead to the desired

results. The MKI-vetEPAs objective is very complex; it aims at the progressive and successful

development of interactive employability of youth with the wider goal of supporting Egyptian

economy.


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In order to feed into this objective with practicable research results, the methodology needs to

provide adequate tools to understand, analyze and compare the complex nature of social

realities in Egypt. The researchers chose Grounded Theory as a methodological framework for

this study because it provides the necessary approach to generate ideas through empirical data

found on the ground. As the time for research was limited, the researchers had to use a process

of data gathering and analysis that would quickly saturate categories of results on the basis of a

limited number of cases. Grounded theory does not need a high number of cases. It can work

with a limited but carefully selected number of cases to unveil as many categories of social

action and its consequences as possible.1 In the next step the researchers synthesized these

categories and linked them on different abstraction levels. The number of levels was as high as

possible in order to match the multiple realities of a society and to identify relevant and practical

generalizations for the MKI-vetEP. As Corbin and Strauss put it:

>We believe that it is important to capture as much of this complexity in our research as possibleF(F)Fwe try to obtain multiple perspectives on events and build variation into our analytic schemes. We realize that, to understand experience, that experience must be located within and canAt be divorced from the larger events in a social, political, cultural, racial, gender-related, informational, and technological framework and therefore these are essential aspects of our analyses.K2

The results of this study are based on qualitative data generated in Egypt in October/November

2008 through interviews, observations and discussions. The samples for interviews were

selected pragmatically. First staff members, then partner organizations were interviewed, then

the >target groupsK of the programme (youth, jobseekers, employers and employees) were

selected with the help of the programme staff. The researchers tried to include both sexes,

people of different age, different religious and social backgrounds, as well as people working in

the private and in the public sector. Opportunities to carry out unexpected and unplanned

interviews were used whenever possible. The same applies to suggested interviewees during

the research process (snowball principle). The categories constructed during the data analysis

process were consolidated by additional data (e. g. if a category needed more explanation, not

only more interviews were held but also the interview questions were reviewed assuming that

they needed to be formulated more precisely in order to have as many relevant statements as

1 Glaser, Barney/Strauss, Anselm, Grounded Theory, Strategien qualitativer Forschung, Bern, 2005, pp. 39 – 40.

2 Corbin, Juliet/Strauss, Anselm, Basics of Qualitative Research, Techniques and Procedures for Developing Grounded Theory, Los Angeles, 2008, p. 8.


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possible) until each category was saturated (i. e. no additional relevant aspects were important

for this category). The categories were then integrated into an overall theoretical framework,

which is deemed relevant for concepts and approaches of the MKI-vetEP. Wherever necessary

for verification purposes, additional literature was crafted in.

4. Concepts of Identity: Kinship, Family and Society Cultural patterns in Qena and in Upper Egypt as a whole differ from the rest of the country.

Especially the >networks created by marriage and kinshipK3 are a special feature of the Saidis,

the Upper Egyptians. The strong influence of kinship on individual behaviour, values and

attitudes (in a broader sense culture) is reflected in every aspect of social life.4 The following

paragraph explains the term kinship and its relevance for the Upper Egyptian society.

The term kinship in the Upper Egyptian context consists of five defining aspects: asl (root),

qabila (tribe), Lirq (lineage), usra (wider family/clan) and ‘aila (family). The identity of the

individual is based on one hand on his or her belonging to the region (consisting of the land

itself but also to the ancestors). The root therefore is the thread that provides chronological and

geographical continuity regardless of the personAs upbringing, socialization, economic status or

physical movement (migration). Closely related to the root are the tribe and its continued lineage

through history.5 The next smaller but decisive entity in Qena city and in Upper Egypt in general

is the clan or the wider family, which provides the necessary social network to its member

families and to the individuals that constitute them. Especially with regards to work (e.g.

profession, skills, employment opportunities) kinship provides the foundation for economic

development. The survival of the kinship concept is secured by a constant reproduction of value

systems tied to it (e.g. respect, responsibility, trust) as well as marriage patterns that play an

important role in the value systems. Increasingly media as well as religion serve as additional

factors that set the direction of social development. The following graphic illustrates the

3 Hopkins, Nicholas/Saad, Reem, Upper Egypt, Identity and Change, Cairo, 2004, p. 5.

4 Attitudes are based on values. Attitudes develop during the lifetime of the individual and influence all aspects of life. Behaviour, i.e. conscious and unconscious actions and reactions are the result of these attitudes. In return behaviour enforces and reproduces attitudes. It can therefore be assumed, that a change in behaviour (for example through training) can slowly change attitudes.

5 Tribal identity was not a major aspect of social reproduction in Qena city. It is assumed that tribes play a more visible role in agricultural regions rather then in the urban Upper Egyptian context of Qena city. Therefore the concept of tribal identity is not explained or focused upon in this study. For anthropological explanations on tribal identity see Eickelman, Dale, F., The Middle East, An Anthropological Approach, New Jersey, 1989.


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importance of kinship as the bond between all the relevant aspects that constitute influencing

factors on work and work ethics:

5. The Importance of Kinship for Work and Work Ethics Kinship constitutes the basis for all life and work-related developments and is the foundation of

the Upper Egyptian society (here illustrated by the field). Kinship is of a superior importance

whereas the individual, its work attitudes and behaviour are influenced by it to a great extent.

Out of the belonging to a certain clan or family result the different essential factors (here

illustrated by flowers) that describe work and work ethics in Qena/Upper Egypt. The kinship

provides the necessary support (e.g. moral, economic, and social support) for all its members,

so that they each - individual or family - within this kinship network can develop to the benefit of

all belonging members. However, individualism or changes within this cycle of production and

reproduction of life and work ethics are nearly impossible as social control is exerted tightly. The

closed circle does not allow for space to develop outside the kinship area, which limits

individualism. Developments within this field are highly influenced by religious beliefs and as a

recent trend by media:


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The following paragraphs describe each factor that serves as a cornerstone for the construction

of work ethics in Qena.

5.1. The Attitude towards Work vs. Technical Skills Exceptionally important for work ethics is the attitude of the individual towards work, whether

employer or employee. These attitudes are: friendliness, regardless of the situation and the

circumstances, congruence with the inner values and the values promoted in the family and the

society and the own deeds6, eagerness to work hard and be dedicated to the tasks and taking

over the responsibility of the jobAs requirements, honesty, care for the property, the colleagues,

the workers and the supervisors. The quality of the products or services is regarded as an

outcome of the application of these attitudes in the working environment. On one hand the

family and the clan expects these attitudes from its members, which will (if proved by the

behaviour of the member) reflect positively on the family and increase the familyAs reputation in

society.

6 Congruence has to be understood as a result of the positive external evaluation by other members of the family or society and not only as an inner feeling of an individual.


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On the other hand kinship and family expect from themselves (and are expected by the wider

society) to reproduce these attitudes; the more famous7 the family is the more the society

expects from the behaviour of members of this family as a result of attitudes.

Interviewed persons had the opinion that technical skills were not a necessary precondition to

get a job or keep it. They rather emphasized the attitudes mentioned above, and specified them

further, such as eagerness, patience and ability to adopt to challenging circumstances, and

cleverness.8 Two important and expected skills from workers/employees are innovation and

communication. It was widely understood by interviewed employers that innovation will increase

the profit and enable the employer and the company to be competitive on the market. The

readiness to accept and implement ideas brought to the attention of the employer by his staff

was emphasized. Closely interlinked with innovation is communication and exchange.

5.2. The Choice of Profession The choice of profession usually follows two patterns: One is that the children follow the path of

either of the family members, generally the father or the grandfather, sometimes the brother or

the uncle.9 In rare cases interviewed persons mentioned other public persons to be role models

for work ethics, for example the former governor of Qena or famous politicians. The other

pattern for choosing a profession is that parents select what they want their children to become

based on the perception of society of what has a high value. The preferred professions are

medical doctors, engineers and teachers (the latter applies only to women). The title attached to

a profession (i.e. PhD or Ing.) and the social compatibility (i.e. becoming a teacher is acceptable

for women) are regarded as high values, which will enable the kinship to keep or increase their

reputation. Being involved in business or in media is a new development. It was expressed by

only a few of the interviewed persons but it clearly illustrates the upcoming importance of private

sector development and the influence of the public opinion and the media on society.

7 Being famous means being respected by the society as honourable and morally integer (i.e. behaviour corresponds with noble religious and cultural values). Respect and honour is not tied to economic wealth. Even poor families can have a high reputation and achieve a high status within the society.

8 According to the research by Jon Frost, there are informal training structures that provide for the acquirement of skills such as negotiation skills and networking skills. This could be an indicator that training provides a chance for the acquirement of skills such as communication skills which would in return change attitudes (see footnote 4), MKI‐vetEP: Return on investment in human resource development among women in urban areas of Egypt, Focus‐Summary from Jon Frost’s Masters Thesis in Economics “Returns to Qualification in Informal Employment: A study of urban youth in Egypt” (09/2008).

9 Female interview persons never voiced that they follow their mother with regards to their choice of professions. The reason for this might be that working women outside their home are quite a modern phenomenon in Upper Egypt and are therefore lacking local role models.


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5.3. Marriage Marriages in Upper Egypt are preferably endogamic, i.e. within one clan. In other regions of

Egypt, for example the Delta, this practice has changed due to economic developments, which

have decreased multi-generation households and have enabled the establishment of nuclear

families independent from the clan. This has enabled young people to choose their partner

according to education and economic capabilities rather then through close family ties.10

Endogamic marriage has different reasons: According to BachAs research in an Aswan village,

people stated that marrying within one family is cheaper and keeps the land together11, women

have easier access to their own relatives and stay part of the family network for mutual support

Child rearing will stay within one family circle;12 thus social reproduction is ensured. Likewise in

Qena parents choose the partner of their children. While the mother is responsible for the

choice of the bride, the father would decide the groom for his daughter. Normally bride and

groom are not expected to establish feelings for each other before marriage. The central aim of

marriage is the establishment of a family, i.e. having children. All interviewed persons agreed

that there is no preferred sex, both sexes are equally welcome. With regards to a free choice of

a marriage partner only in some cases (Christian) interviewed persons stated, that they would

have a limited time to choose by themselves before the parents step in. Staying unmarried is

not an option because this would reflect negatively on the familyAs reputation. Apart from

endogamy, professions play an important role for the selection of marriage partners. Parents

choose to marry their sons and daughters to someone with the same profession rather than with

different professions. The importance of the profession shows that identity still is a matter of

reputation and acquirement of academic titles but nevertheless it also evolves around economic

success stories, which will be explained below.

5.4. Work Opportunities: The Public and Private Sector Public sector jobs are preferred in Qena. The reasons for this are the social security provided

through a governmental contract as well as the still prevalent high reputation of employment in

the public sector. Many try to buy themselves into the public sector by paying bribes or to a

lower extent through extensive kinship networks. 10 Bach, Kirsten,H., Changing Family and Marriage Patterns, p. 175, in: Hopkins, Nicholas/Saad, Reem (eds.), Upper Egypt, Identity and Change, Cairo, 2005.

11 Land possession is closely related to asl (root),which is an important part of Saidi identity.

12 Bach, Kirsten,H., Changing Family and Marriage Patterns, p. 175, in: Hopkins, Nicholas/Saad, Reem (eds.), Upper Egypt, Identity and Change, Cairo, 2005.


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These practices are regarded as a shame, yet as a necessity for some families. Interviewed

persons regarded jobs in the public sector as light and easy to handle with clear working hours

and more freedom for women to combine work and family duties. However private sector jobs

are increasing while public sector job opportunities continue to cease. Working in the private

sector is seen in a positive light and high ethical values are attached to this kind of work. These

are independence (mostly expressed by men) as well as flexibility to change a job once it does

not meet the expectations of the employee (often to the disadvantage of the employer). This

flexibility is supported through the kinship, as most of the private sector jobs are to be found in

family businesses. According to Jon Frost 40-50% of young men and women found their jobs

through friends and relatives.13

Working in the private sector offers the opportunity to increase personal reputation through

performance and become irreplaceable, a status which most of the persons interviewed would

want to achieve. Being important not only increases oneAs own value for the family but also

provides the necessary security. In return the opportunity to achieve considerable economic

stability and secure the familyAs income and reputation has helped business ethics to emerge

that are of relevance for development efforts. For example proactive entrepreneurship is of high

value and could lead to positive economic developments if supported appropriately.

Women cannot work in all private sector businesses, e.g. in low level restaurants or at places

with high exposure to male costumers. Children are expected to work from an early age. A

person that started to work from childhood onwards is respected for his/her achievements.

6. Work and Success as a Central Aspect of Life Work is regarded as a central aspect of life, respectively life itself. Because life is a constant

process of trial and failure work is perceived as being a flexible development, which aims for

success but allows for failure. As mentioned previously, social networks provide the necessary

support to absorb losses resulting from failed investments or dismissal. This security enables

the individual to start again and have a second chance.

13 MKI‐vetEP, Return on investment in human resource development among women in urban areas of Egypt, Focus‐Summary from Jon Frost’s Masters Thesis in Economics “Returns to Qualification in Informal Employment: A study of urban youth in Egypt” (09/2008)


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Success in Upper Egypt depends on external and internal mobility14 (symbolized by the train in

the next graph below) within the ethical framework that is set by kinship and family. Kinship and

family set the course of work and work ethics for the individual (symbolized by the tracks and

the wheels). Flexibility therefore can rather be translated as adaptability to immediate

challenging situations than as a model to approach future challenges of work in Egypt. Through

the family affiliation but also through personal development each person comes with

qualities/attitudes/skills (waggons in the illustration below) that shape his or her relationship with

work. Other skills might still be added during lifetime and change the overall picture.

Most important for work success is a personal attitude or work ethic that includes honesty,

eagerness to work, etc. as well as skills that are related to these attitudes. Technical skills were

not regarded as necessary but there is an awareness that their importance is on the rise and

that improved education is needed15 to enable the people to work in their profession.16 Religion

(both Christianity and Islam) has a central meaning in the life of QenaAs population and

traditional values are often linked with religious values.17

The result of work and the success to be achieved is high reputation and considerable trust from

the family and kinship as well as from the society. Being a respectable person will again feed

into the reputation. The more one of these aspects increases the more the other two aspects

will gain. The overall aim of any work activity is to perpetuate this cycle for the benefit of the

individual but most importantly of the family.

Respect in the work context is perceived to be the result of the relationship between employer

and the employee. The employerAs duty is to balance compensation and punishment. The

employeeAs duty is proactive engagement.

14 The author understands under internal mobility the capacity of an individual or a system to be aware of change processes and to be able to respond to them appropriately by adapting to the new situation. This internal mobility is an integral part of a learning culture, which is a necessary precondition to respond to socio‐economic challenges.

15 Improved means more practical, job‐oriented rather than theoretical.

16 Many interviewed persons do not work in the context of their original qualification, which is due to inadequate education, insufficient practical experience but also to the lack of jobs.

17 In many cases tradition and religion are confused and malpractices such as FGM (Female Genital Mutilation) are justified with religious arguments, that have already been rejected by the al‐Azhar mosque. http://www.unicef.org/media/media_30158.html


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The result of the behaviour18 of both is moral integrity and nobility (generosity) that goes without

saying. Demanding respect from someone by discussing it shows lack of respect in itself.

Respect is also gained through earning money - respectively economic development (and thus

supporting other family members) - but also through the belonging to a reputable institution,

organization or company.

Media plays an important role and is often the conflictive counterpart of religion. The influence of

media on the culture has been emphasized and regarded as a critical turning point in society.

The popular opinion is that media undermines value systems and religiosity, that it transports

messages of unlimited freedom, which are based on Western lifestyles, consumerism and

arbitrariness. The perceived negative impact is on the youth but more on the female part of it.

The deterioration of the morale between the sexes, e.g. the so-called Lurfi marriage

(unregistered relationship) is spreading according to the interviewed persons with the help of

sexualized messages in the media. Undoubtedly media provides ideas of lifestyle, fashion and

entertainment and creates the wish among the young people to belong to this changing and

consume-oriented culture.19 Eating out in fast food restaurants and the extensive use of mobile

phones is an indicator for this change:

>For now a sudden ring of the telephone, which can be carried anywhere and concealed in the smallest bag or pocket, can interrupt a serious conversation, an intimate discussion, or the most solemn of occasions. There is no doubt that it will ultimately lead to important changes in what people say to each other (F)K20

18 Behaviour in this context does not only mean the visible action but also the way of speaking, e. g. the choice of words, the ritualized exchange of sentences for different situations, non‐verbal communication and symbolized communication and of course the knowledge and use of social reference systems that are of value in Upper Egypt. The multitude of ways of communication is an essential part of Upper Egyptian culture, which in turn is essential for its understanding.

19 For more on consumerism see: Abaza, Mona, Changing Consumer Cultures of Modern Egypt, Cairo’s Urban Reshaping, Leiden, 2006.

20 Amin, Galal, Whatever Else Happened to the Egyptians?, From the Revolution to the Age of Globalization, Cairo, 2004, p. 70.


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The family is still the basis for choices made with regards to work despite changing

circumstances and strong outside influences. The career of each individual has several

important milestones (in the next graph symbolized as train stops): The first and foremost

importance of work is to develop oneself but even more important to develop society as a

whole. A contribution to the well-being21 of society by the individual is seen as of high moral

value. As already mentioned, family reputation and the increase of honour and public

recognition of the family is an aim to be achieved in the course of working life. For most of the

women, social relations and the establishment of friendships as well as spaces for expression

outside the family context are an essential motive for work. However, women mostly do not stay

in their job once married but dedicate themselves to raising children, which they are mostly also

expected to do. For men, the establishment of a family remains the major objective of work.

21 In Arabic maslaha. Maslaha is a normative term, which expresses the relationship between political, economical and social decisions taken and the impact on the society. The expected impact should improve the living conditions and not undermine them. The definition of indicators of this improvement might vary according to the belonging of an individual to a certain social strata, religion, ethnicity etc. and of the values of the society the individual lives in.


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Marriage is a means to this end but in most cases of secondary importance to the individualAs

emotional and psychological well-being. Marriages are arranged by the parents and do not

always consider emotional involvement of the partners. However, marriages preferably take

place between people of the same profession, which indicates that marriage certainly

contributes to attitudes related to professional life and work.

For many Upper Egyptians migration represents a step to further development. Many men

choose to migrate either to Cairo or through Cairo to other Arab countries or to Western

countries if opportunities emerge. Women are restricted in their movement and would only be

accompanying parents or the husband, but in many cases they are left behind. While Christians

in general favour migration of their men to other countries to seek better opportunities, Muslims

voiced that this trend is rather undesirable and that families should stick to their land.22

22 As mentioned previously land is a means to the construction of identity, respectively a feature of ‘asl (root).


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6.1. Migration For most Upper Egyptian men, economic grievance and the quest for access to academic

education is the reason to migrate out of their region to Cairo and sometimes abroad while

leaving their family behind. According to interviewed persons, most returnees come back to

Qena because of personal and/or cultural problems. The culture in Cairo and even more so

abroad is perceived to contradict, change and in some cases destroy values of Upper

Egyptians, which has a negative influence on the individual, on the family and the wider kinship

and undermines the social fabric on which reference systems for identity are build. Therefore

migration is meant to be a temporary solution to boost development but the success needs to

be achieved in Upper Egypt.23 This is especially true for the few migrants from Cairo who move

to Qena in order to occupy leadership positions:

23 This statement was mostly made by Muslim Egyptians. Christians would prefer their people to leave the country for good.


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In many cases migrants from Upper Egypt do not come back to their hometowns to stay but

rather move back and forth between their birthplace and Cairo:

>And more and more now, when one of these Ltemporary migrantsA returns to Egypt and we think he is finally home to stay, it turns about that he has not quite Lestablished himselfA and that this might require at least one more visit. It is true that none of these people really intends to settle abroad forever, for most migrant Egyptians still do it in the manner of Ali Baba. He mounts his donkey and goes to the cave, which he knows to contain fantastic treasures. When he calls out Lopen sesame!A and the door of the cave opens, he scoops out whatever he can as quickly as possible so that he might return home before he is found out, for he can only really enjoy what he has won if he shares it with his wife and children.K24

The above statement is an interesting example of how urban population in Cairo perceives the

migrants from Upper Egypt: They are mostly associated with being backward and undeveloped.

Migrating from Cairo to Upper Egypt is perceived to be a punishment, despite the fact that the

experience gained on the job and the exposure to a challenging environment helps shaping the

career. Life in Cairo is felt to be more active than in Upper Egypt or Qena and is looked forward

to. Upper Egyptians state that the return to Upper Egypt gives them more stability because they

24 Amin, Galal, Whatever Happened to the Egyptians?, Changes in Egyptian Society from 1950 to the Present, Cairo, 2000, pp. 99‐100.


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are closer to their roots and leave the minority status they suffer in Cairo:

6.2. The Importance of Personality for Work Ethics A key relevance for the understanding of Upper Egyptian culture with regards to work and work

ethics is the importance of personality within the social texture. Personality does not mean the

individual, it rather means a conglomerate of the individual plus its family as well as the society

(being the barometer for a familyAs success or failure). Against this background the below graph

tries to illustrate the aspects that were already mentioned previously: reputation, respect and

trust. Each of these aspects is a value in the society of Upper Egypt as a whole and in the

working context in particular. They are strongly linked and mutually reinforce and reproduce

each other.

A person and his or her family need to be honourable members of the society, which means

they have to be reputable, hard working and fair as well as responsible for their work while

producing high quality results. Aged persons are respected for their wisdom and their lifelong

experience. While being respected by the society the reputation rises. Other factors that

contribute to a high reputation are success in a work environment and a title achieved through

studies (e. g. PhD). As a result an individual with such a personality gains the trust of the society


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and is able to increase other aspects needed to be part of this triangle for the benefit of the

individual and the family.


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7. Work and Leadership Style

7.1. Work and Leadership Style in Cairo

The work and leadership style in Cairo can be described as a >vicious symbiotic circleK

characterized by fear and control. A high prevalence of fear among subordinates is interlinked

with a huge extent of power and absolute control by the leaders. This >vicious circleK affects all

levels of hierarchy.

The leadership style is characterized by >pharao mentalityK or >order of the MuftiK attitude, which

means that behaviour is characterized by controlling subordinates, and accordingly delegation

of tasks is critical.

This corresponds with a low readiness for innovation and renewals, which are either >stolenK by

higher employment levels or refused in the first place because they could imply loss of control.

In this environment it becomes impossible to voice criticism.

The work style is determined by the establishment of >territories of powerK. These controllable

work spaces exist in all ranks and are anxiously defended by their holders.


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The above described system is self-perpetuating, because both leadership style and the

subordinateAs work style are interrelated. The decrease of skills, self-management and

meaningful priority setting requires an authoritarian leadership style and in return this autocratic

leadership style leads to a lack of motivation and to weaker performance. Subordinates perceive

their situation as uncontrollable and desperate. Personal success is thus not seen as an effect

of hard work, but coincidence. Consequently, personal success is insecure.25

The results are crucial to understand the work style in Cairo: No long-term orientation is found

on the leadership level. On the work level no role model is developed. The symbiosis of control

and fear leads to avoidance of responsibility and a general lack of trust among subordinates and

leaders. It also fails to create loyalty towards the company and its leaders. Furthermore, lack of

communication, teamwork and transfer of know-how could be identified as characteristics of this

work environment.

7.2. Work and Leadership Style in Qena City

25 Psychologists describe this phenomenon as “learned helplessness”; www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1087‐learnedhelplessness.html

http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1087-learnedhelplessness.html



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In contrast to the >vicious circleK, the overall perception of leadership and work style in Upper

Egypt can be characterized as >closed circleK.

The circle is formed by a high degree of respect from subordinates and broad responsibility from

the leadership.

Responsibility and respect are not symbiotic but rather connected by kinship and family, which

form the foundation of Upper Egyptian society.26 Responsibility and respect are not symbiotic

but rather connected through kinship and family. Each of the concepts is an essential element of

the other.

The term respect has already been described.27 In the context of leadership respect means

above all obedience. The employee is serious, which means he works hard. Furthermore, he

has awareness for quality. Criticism and disagreement are not respectful and thus not part of

the concept.

In the context of leadership responsibility means taking care of the subordinates by solving their

problems and by providing salaries. The responsible leader negotiates on time and salary and

does not exploit the ignorance of his employees. In addition, he has a sense of justice, which

means balance between punishment and compensation.

The >closed circleK is to some extent a win-win situation. Both leaders and subordinates benefit

from the kinship and family structures. Businessmen can easily find respectful workers, who in

turn benefit from the leadersA sense of responsibility. This applies especially to job-seeking.

During the past years, the >closed circleK has weakened more and more due to the increasing

economic pressure. The traditional structures are not able to fulfil their role anymore.

Often leaders are not able to provide adequate salaries anymore. Due to their own economic

situation many of them are forced to exploit the ignorance of their subordinates. These

circumstances lead to a decrease of the traditional values, such as respect and responsibility,

which determine the >closed circleK. Consequently this leads to a decrease of trust.

26 see: Chapter 4. Concepts of Identity: Kinship, Family and Society

27 see: Chapter 6. Work and Success as a Central Aspect of Life


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This trend is intensified by the media. As already mentioned interviewees see the current media

coverage as a threat.28 From their point of view the newly propagated values, such as >WesternK

values, undermine the foundations of Upper Egyptian society.29

Indeed, the media imports post-material values30 occurring in >WesternK societies, which clash

with the traditional values of the society in Qena. Two hypotheses can be put forward to explain

the development of these values.31 The first hypothesis suggests that increasing prosperity

leads to a change of values because people whose existence is secured have capacities to

define new objectives. Second the hypothesis of education suggests that a higher level of

education also leads to a change of values. Both hypotheses do not apply to Upper Egypt.

Nevertheless, post material values, such as self-fulfilment and the desire for social relations

beyond family and kinship, can be found in Qena to some extent. Due to the fact that, generally

speaking, values play an important role in the processes and structures of organizations, it can

be alleged that post material values have a great impact on the >closed circleK of Upper Egypt

society also.

Despite these changes of values, the leadership style is still mainly characterized by the family

reputation, which enables the person in charge to appoint workers and to be respected as a

leader.

In the past, the value of training has been low. Leaders rather focus on expected attitudes. In

recent years, however, leaders have increasingly recognized that training helps them to be

successful.32 In addition, the higher value of training corresponds to an increased willingness to

promote innovation.

In the >closed circleK the leader does not exert direct control on his subordinates. In contrast,

social control is exerted indirectly through kinship and family. This also means that criticism of

28 see Chapter 6. Work and Success as a Central Aspect of Life

29 For more on change of values in “Western” societies see: Inglehard, Ronald: Culture shift in advanced industrial society, Princeton, 1990.

30 Post materialism: Sociological term for a system of values, which is ‐ in contrast to a materialistic value orientation (materialism) – characterized by the priority of non‐material requests such as self‐fulfilment, quality of life and environment protection instead of materialistic objectives such as economic growth. (Compare: Schmidt, Manfred: Wörterbuch zur Politik, Stuttgart, 1995, p. 766f.)

31 Kals, Elisabeth: Arbeits‐ und Organisationspsychologie. Workbook, Weinheim, 2006, p. 10‐12.

32 see Chapter 6. Work and Success as a Central Aspect of Life


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subordinates and their dismissal is difficult. Technical and soft skills play a minor role in this

work style. Solely the attitude towards work is considered important.33 That leads to a decrease

in self-management. At the same time, no meaningful priority setting can take place.

The results of the >closed circleK, which are weakened by economic pressure and media, are

crucial for understanding the concept of >workK in Upper Egypt society: Due to the mentioned

proactive business ethics34 and the significance of success in Qena, there could be a long term

orientation on the leadership level. On the work level, successful leaders perceived as role

models could provide their subordinates with the necessary security. Furthermore, lack of

communication, teamwork and transfer of know-how could be identified as characteristics of this

work environment. The segregation between several working levels remains high and human

development is critical. The lack of planning was identified as one of the major problems

hampering a long term orientation. In addition, leaders gain no assistance for any sort of

implementation. It was stressed that a learning culture throughout Egypt was missing despite

the specific Arabic word for >learningK.

7.3. A comparison of Work and Leadership Style in Cairo and Qena City When comparing the >vicious circleK in Cairo with the >closed circleK in Qena City it becomes

evident that major parts of the results are similar. Both lead to a lack of trust among

subordinates and leaders and to insufficient communication. Furthermore, both obviate any kind

of teamwork and transfer of know-how. Both structures maintain the segregation between

several work levels.

However, there are also differences. Whereas the >vicious circleK leads to lack of long term

orientation with regards to personal and company achievement as well as to avoidance of

responsibility, the >closed circleK could contain both long term orientation on the leadership and

work levels and a higher degree of responsibility. Furthermore, the >closed circleK enables

leaders to give their subordinates a higher degree of security.

It can be assumed that the >vicious circleK identified in Cairo can also be found in QenaAs public

sector. That can be traced back to the choice of interviewees in both cities. While most

interviewees in Cairo work in the public sector, most interviewees in Qena work in the private

sector which can be explained by the fact that the public sector in Qena is comparatively small. 33 see: Chapter 5.1. The Attitude towards Work vs. Technical Skills

34 see: Chapter 5.4. Work Opportunities: The Public and Private Sector


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It could be assumed that the >closed circleK might also be found in Cairo. However, the rising

population and weakening of social relationships might have contributed to a change in

leadership and work style.

7.4. Excursus: Application of newer leadership concepts Most interviewees in Upper Egypt defined leadership as a personal trait. Consequently,

subordinates do not demand skills, but rather expect certain personal qualities. In accordance to

this leadership style, leaders ought to have a sense of responsibility and justice and a strong

personality exercising control.

However, the basic considerations of newer application-oriented concepts describe leadership

as follows35:

Personality

Situation Leadership Behaviour

Leadership Success

Every person has certain personal traits generated by socialization. As already mentioned,

family and kinship have strong influence on the individualAs behaviour, values and attitudes in

Qena.36 Further influencing variables have already been mentioned within this study.

And yet leadership behaviour does not only depend on personal traits but also on a particular

situation (context). In Upper Egypt, this situation is as aforementioned first of all defined by

kinship. Common traditions, norms and values as well as the particular working conditions in

Upper Egypt, which have great impact on motivation, influence the situation.

35 Rosenstil, Lutz von: Kommunikation und Führung in Arbeitsgruppen, in: Schuler, Heinz (Hrsg.): Lehrbuch Organisationspsychologie, 2. Aufl., Bern, 1995, p. 339.

36 see: Chapter 4. Concepts of Identity: Kinship, Family and Society


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Consequently, leadership success derives from different leadership behaviour in various

situations.

Newer application-oriented concepts demonstrate that there are many possibilities to influence

leadership and thus to influence both the >vicious circleK and the >closed circleK.

One of these concepts is the Fiedler contingency model.37 The missing leadership success in

Qena could be explained by applying FiedlerAs model as follows:

Fiedler assumes that different leadership situations require different leadership styles in order to

generate leadership success. He distinguishes two different leadership styles.

These leadership styles are:

1) The task-oriented leadership which aims at problem solving and target achievement.

2) The relation-oriented leadership which aims at establishing good relationships between

leaders and subordinates.

The leadership situation is determined by:

1) the relation between leader and subordinates

2) the task structure

3) the power distance

The evaluation of the interviews against these categories has pointed towards the following

leadership situation:

1) Despite the economic pressure the relationship between leader and subordinates is still

characterized by a relatively high degree of responsibility and respect. For this reason

the relationship is relatively good.

2) The tasks are extremely structured. All tasks are clearly preset.

3) Due to the importance of kinship structure, which demands respect from the

subordinates, power distance is very high.

According to Fiedler this leadership situation demands the task-oriented leadership style.38

During the research in Qena, however, a relation-oriented leadership has been identified within

the >closed circleK.

37 Kals, Elisabeth: Arbeits‐ und Organisationspsychologie. Workbook, Weinheim, 2006, p. 100f.


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Unfortunately, a change of leadership style oriented towards problem solving and target

achievement is difficult to implement due to the lack of skills such as planning expertise and the

missing learning culture.

The *Reifegrad> approach of Hersey and Blanchard likewise calls for a task-oriented leadership

style.39 Hersey and Blanchard assume that leadership behaviour must be adjusted to the

subordinatesA degree of maturity. This degree is defined by motivation, the willingness to take

responsibility and education along with work experience. All these aspects are missing in the

situation within the >closed circleK. Consequently, a task-oriented leadership style is

recommended following HerseyAs and BlanchardAs approach.

7.5. Excursus: Symbolic Leadership During the research it became clear that symbolic leadership has to be taken into account when

dealing with leadership in Qena.40 In doing so, active and passive symbolic leadership can be

distinguished. Passive symbolic leadership means, for example, that status and power can be

demonstrated by the size of the office or the position and the size of the leaderAs desk.

Active symbolic leadership can be expressed for example by overrunning the time limit in

communication.

Symbolic leadership ought to be kept in mind while dealing with local partners and staff in Upper

Egypt.

8. Trends in Qena City The society experiences a gradual divide between rich and poor. The middle class has become

a tiny layer. From the interviewed personsA point of view the integration of family and the

continuity of traditional roles for men and women are gradually vanishing because of economic

necessity for both partners to work. The need for improved technical education and experience

will have to increase to be able to match the expectations from the market, which will exert more

pressure for adoption and change, i.e. the development of a learning culture, on the rather

traditional society. Therefore it can be expected that the economic pressure will continue to play

a role in the restructuring of the social levels: 38 ibid, p. 101.

39 Kals, Elisabeth: Arbeits‐ und Organisationspsychologie. Workbook, Weinheim, 2006, pp. 102‐103.

40 ibid, p. S. 97.


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9. Conclusion: Conceptual Considerations for MKI-vetEP The study provides an insight into the cultural and social characteristics of Upper Egypt Qena

and explains their relevance for work and work ethics. Two major outcomes can be identified to

be of relevance to MKI-vetEP, which need to be considered in the concept, the methodology

and the implementation of the programme:

1. The kinship structure of the society has an essential impact on employment and on the

economy as a whole (e.g. most businesses are family businesses; due to the conservative

nature of the society women are restricted in their movement and their choice of jobs etc.).

2. The leadership and work style is based on and reproduced by the genealogical origin of the

people involved. It can be described as a closed circle, which requires respect from workers for

the employers on one hand and responsibility from the employers towards the workers on the

other. However, the kin-based relationships pose a challenge to productivity and innovation as

they tend to hamper open exchange and flexibility and thus obstruct the growth of a learning

culture that is needed for economic development in the era of globalization.


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Taken the two major outcomes into regard, MKI-vetEP needs to find its role within this social

structure and seek entry points to existing value concepts in order to foster a learning culture

that would permit finding appropriate responses to existing and future economic challenges.


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10. Resources Abaza, Mona, Changing Consumer Cultures of Modern Egypt, CairoAs Urban Reshaping, Leiden, 2006

Abbas, Ali: Scaling an Islamic Work Ethic, in: Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 128, 1988, p. 575-583

Amin, Galal, Whatever Happened to the Egyptians?, Changes in Egyptian Society from 1950 to the Present, Cairo, 2000

Amin, Galal, Whatever Else Happened to the Egyptians?, From the Revolution to the Age of Globalization, Cairo, 2004

Bach, Kirsten,H., Changing Family and Marriage Patterns, p. 175, in: Hopkins, Nicholas/Saad, Reem (eds.), Upper Egypt, Identity and Change, Cairo, 2005

Corbin, Juliet/Strauss, Anselm, Basics of Qualitative Research, Techniques and Procedures for Developing Grounded Theory, Los Angeles, 2008

Eickelman, Dale, F., The Middle East, An Anthropological Approach, New Jersey, 1989

Darwish, A. Yousef: The Islamic work ethic as a mediator of the relationship between locus of control, role conflict and role ambiguity, in: Journal of Managerial Psychology, Vol. 15, No. 4, 2000, p. 283-302

Eickelman, Dale, F., The Middle East, An Anthropological Approach, New Jersey, 1989

Glaser, Barney/Strauss, Anselm, Grounded Theory, Strategien qualitativer Forschung, Bern, 2005

Holling, Heinz/ Müller, Günter F.: Theorien der Organisationspsychologie, in: Schuler, Heinz (Hrsg.): Lehrbuch Organisationspsychologie, 2. Aufl., Bern, 1995, p. 49-69

Hopkins, Nicholas/Saad, Reem, Upper Egypt, Identity and Change, Cairo, 2004

Inglehard, Ronald: Culture shift in advanced industrial society, Princeton, 1990

Kals, Elisabeth: Arbeits- und Organisationspsychologie. Workbook, Weinheim, 2006

MKI-vetEP, Return on investment in human resource development among women in urban areas of Egypt, Focus-Summary from Jon FrostAs Masters Thesis in Economics >Returns to Qualification in Informal Employment: A study of urban youth in EgyptK 09/2008

Rosenstil, Lutz von: Grundlagen der Organisationspsychologie ^ Basiswissen und Anwendungshinweise, 4., überarb. und erw. Aufl., Stuttgart, 2000


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Rosenstil, Lutz von: Kommunikation und Führung in Arbeitsgruppen, in: Schuler, Heinz (Hrsg.): Lehrbuch Organisationspsychologie, 2. Aufl., Bern, 1995, p. 321-352

Schmidt, Manfred: Wörterbuch zur Politik, Stuttgart, 1995

http://www.unicef.org/media/media_30158.html

www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1087-learnedhelplessness.html

http://www.unicef.org/media/media_30158.html


culture, perception of work and work ethics upper egypt

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