cuaptbr iy monastic saint leitmotivs op...
TRANSCRIPT
CUAPTBR IY
MONASTIC SAINT LEITMOTIVS OP IDEOLOGY
In this chapter, one must emphasize the equivocal
charater of many words, which have retained the
problematic of ideology in the lexicon of Maratha history.
They were directly transposed from religious vocabulary
which induced psychological confusion. When it was said
that Ramdas of Samarth Sampradaya contributed to the cause
of Marathas by adopting 'Jayishnu' attitude it was in
marked contrast with Warkari sect's path of devotion
especially so, when it comes to the placement of
ideological domain in this context.
From a socio-cultural point of view, there are at
least two very interesting domains of enquiry here.
First, there is the question as to why certain specific
virtues were selected as ones which revealed saintlines.
Here one would need to start not with a particular
virtue, but with social structures, so as to see how the
structures explain the choice of virtue as models. If so,
then why the same social structure could call Chokhamela
and Tukaram too a saint when Tuka'sYnode of expression
was diametrically opposite to Ramda~~4 ?
If it is true that saints are saints for other
people, then what is Ramdas's position in the context ? To
elaborate this question, one has to chart out the
development of the Ramdasi sect and Rarndas in particular,
262
on the ground. And here one would have to distinguish
between saints of 'popular' and of 'learned' religion. And
one might find that like ·rukaram, Ramdas also had his
distinct field of communication.
Sant Ramdas, founder of the Samartha Sampradaya,
who lived in the 17th century, coming in line with the
other saints and poets forming the Warkari tradition, has
been in a sense, the most controversial of all these
saints. Mostly one can say that the reasons for these
controversies lie in the way attempts have been made to
understand certain issues at 17th century history of
Maharashtra.
The late Justice M. G Ranade in his "The Rise of
the Maratha Power" was practically the first historian of
the Marathas who linked up the religious movements in
medieval Maharashtra with the rise of the political power
of the Marathas. For Ranade, "the political movement
itself was only a reflection, at the religious development
which was going on all over the country"C 1 ) The social
ideology of Bhakti which these religious movements
propagated united the Maratha people thus providing a kind
of background to their rise to political power. So for
Ranade, "the political revolution was preceeded, and in
fact to some extent caused, by a religious and social
263
upheaval which moved the entire population."< 2 >
In this specific link which Ranade's nationalist
interpretation formed between the ideology of the socio-
religious movements and the political developments, he
also assigned the Saint Ramdas a specific role. He
writes, "Shivaji's Chief advisor was Ramdas, who gave the
colour to the national flag and introduced a new form of
salutation, which displayed at once the religious
character of the movement and the independence at spirit
which prompted it."(J)
Apart from Ranade, a host of other scholars
jointed this controversy regarding the exact role of
Ramdas. Rajwade, another ultra-nationalist historian
challenging Ranade separated sant Ramdas from the rest at
the Warkari poets, amounting thereby that it was Ramdas
alone who proved a source of inspiration to Shivaji. The
Ramdar's chief purpose and the motives of the Ramdasi
movement for Rajwade, "was to liberate the Maratha people
from then spiritual indifference."C 4 )
For Rajwade and many like him, "it was Ramdas who
converted the warkaris into Dharkar is or the pious
pilgrims into fighters for
2. Ibid• p.4 '
3. Ibid•• p.5
freedom. The
4. Rajwade, "The Object, Form and Origin of the Sampradaya" in V.v.; Vol.I, Sec. 44.
264
Sahishnu
(tolerant) psychology was transformed into the Jahishnu
(etching for victory) one by Ramdas."C 5 ) Other writers
like s.s Oeo!!)a.v Bha~accepted Rajwades placing of the
central role of Ramdas as the political guru of Shivaji.
On the other hand, there are some others who not denying
the importance of Ramdas, argue for his spiritual
influence on Shivaji. For e.G Bhate, Shivaji had worked
independently, but Ramdas was equally great in his own
field, so "the king and the saint (like the Ganges and
Yamuna, which flow independently and fertilize the delta)
worked simultaneously but separately -the one striving for
political independence of Maharashtra, and the other
striving to reinforce the spiritual and pragmatic
foundation of the society.n(G) For the English
biographers of Ramdas like Rev. J. Abbott and Rev.
Demming, the political influence of Ramdas, II was
generally subordinated to the spiritual emphasis", as, "it
was the religion of Maharashtra that weighed most heavily
on him, and he looked upon Shivaji's conquests as a golden
opportunity
Faith ....• nP)
to extend the influence of Hindu
\, ... a)
b)
s.s Deo: Charita, B.V Bhat bsmdhi.!': ...-
Samartha Avatar, Samartha Rhyadaya and Atmaram Press, Dhul1a, 1930. Ramdas Ani Shivaji Yancha Anonya Sam 1928, Atm~~~ro Press, Dhulia.
.. -- . - - .. :- -;;.- ., -· . -""'- -5. N.H. Kulkarnee; ,.3.oc1a.l Implicat1ons oJ,. Religious
Movements in Medieval Maharashtra~ pp ~54-155, in N.N Bhattacharya (edJ 'ttfedieval Bhakti movt. in India~ 1989. \ 1
6. Bhate, G.c.: Sa~jangad Wa Samarth Ramdas, Poona, 1918. 7. Wil~Demmingt Ramdas and Ramdasi; (AOVP, Cal. 1928)
(Reprint Vintage Books, 199o), p. 128.
265
The reason why one alluded to some names in the
Maratha historiography, which now spreads out on a century
was to bring to somewhat clearer forms the kind of issues
surrounded the considerations on Ramdas as a saint. The
positioning of the role of Ramdas becomes crucial because
on it actually hinges the kind of argument one builds up
regarding the relation between tradition, social ideology
and politics in late 17th century medieval Maharashtra.
In this respect it can be perhaps said that
contrary to the way other saint-poets like Eknath, Namdev,
Tukaram have been studied and understood, it looks that it
is not the poetical genius of Ramdas which has attracted
much controversy. Ramdas has attracted attention in
academic controversies as well as caught the popular
imagination of people because of his relation as a
spiritual preception and political guru of Shivaji. As
Demming writing in 1920's observes. "No one can read
Marathi papers and magazines at the present time without
frequently seeing the name Ramdas."(S) .Whether Ramdas was
more important or Shivaji is an issue which has dominated
popular discussions and has been quite a favourite subject
of public-speech making and of newspaper writings" (9 ) in
Maharashtra till now. Demming in his Introduction
mentions, 'the centroversy a Ramdas vs. Shivaji or
Brahmins vs. Non-Brahmans is very much in evide~ce at the
8. ••--... Ibid, p. 2
' '' I 9.' Shivaji & Ramdas, 'Studies in Martha History (ed:l A.G Powar, , p . 19 2
266
time of writing."(10)
From the above discussion it is clear that any
considerations on the role of Ramdas as a saint have to
keep in mind these issues which surround him in particular
and the history of 17th century Maharashtra in general;
issues whose broad parameters were actually set in, and
hence are more properly placed, in history of modern
nationalism in late 19th-20th century Maharashtra.
Movements of three times in their attempt to define
natioanlism as their ideology sought for a certain
relation with the medieval past of their own society. It
is this relationship between what is then referred to as
tradition as prevalent among people, a socially accepted
set of values and beliefs and imperatives of modern
politics which give to us a specific construction if
Ramdas as a saint who comes to representing the ideal
national hero of the people of Maharashtra. Kulkarnee
perceptively makes the point that, "it is very strange but
true that Ramdas misunderstood wielded a much more
powerful influence on the 19th century and early 20th
century freedom-fighters than Ramdas properly
interpreted."( 11 )
Historiographically speaking, Ranade's nationalist
interpretation looks crucial in the sense that it provides
a certain 'frame of reference' which locates the relation
between tradition, social ideology and politics in a
10.Demming, op.cit, p.2 11.N.H Kulkarnee, op.cit., p.158
267
specific way. It gives to us a specific understanding of
one way social ideology, relates to politics, an
understanding, whether one agrees with Ranade or not,
looks to be an assumption which has proved to be quite
enduring in the historiography of Maharashtra on this
issue. Following from this kind of an assumption, bhakti
as the social ideology of the otherwise socially divided
Marathi people not only unifies them, but also a creates a
kind of a backdrop on which Randas in his articulation of
the concept of Maharashtra Dharma is able to give a
political shape, that of putting the people under the rule
of Shivaji. For historians for whom the Maratha movement
had a "social background, was the result of a deep-seated
ferment within the society, 'the bhakti movement provided
an intellectual and ideological frame work" ( 12 ) of
unification.
From the above discussion, it becomes clear that
any attempt to consider the role of Ramdas as a saint
means responding to a certain construction of him as well
as the medieval period in Maharashtra. It also means
looking for a different understanding of the relation
between what is considered as forming the tradition, the
social ideology and politics, where then ideology, is not
necessarily viewed as a kind of unifying factor, as a kind
of social cement which binds people together, by making
12. Sat ish Chandra, '• Rise of Maratha Movement, '' in Sat ish Chandra(ed.) Medieval India (Macmillan, 1982), p.145
268
the 'living tradition' a kind of a background for a
particular political articulation.
BIOGRAPHY OP RAMDARS :
As is the case with many other saints, it is not
possible to string together a strictly historical life of
Ramdas, which can give to us even a chronology of the life
of Ramdas as he lived it in the 17th century. In the
absence of references to him in the historical writings
and secular documents of his period, one is left with a
number of 'bakhars' of the Ramdas tradition which as
Abbott argued have to be considered as 'traditional rather
than historical'.
Demming discussing the sources for the life of
Ramdas groups means into two early and later. Among the
early sources, he includes some poems of Ramdas which are
of biographical value in the sense that more he talks
about the condition of people in relations between Muslims
and Hindus and the political conditions of the country.
As "in are of his poems, found in the Takerli Math, near
Nasik, he tells of the evil conditions prevalent in the
land and of his desire to improve them." (lJ) In his
poetry, there are also references to various geographical
names, which help us to locate the travels and wanderings
of the saint. Among the early sources, Demming also
13. Sulabh Dasbodh, tedJ. S. K. Altekar, Chapt. 6, sec. 6, line-35. It says several idols have been polluted, some being thrown into the water and some trodden underfoot. All the sacred places have been polluted by the wicked."
269
mentions some correspondence, some of which, have been
used to fix some chronological points in Ramdas·'s life.
He also lists a diary maintained by Antan Gopall, four
days after the Svamis death as well as a biography of the
svami called Bhaktamanjali by Bhimasvami, the only one by
an immediate disciple of Ramdas, who on Ramdas's
instruction went to Tanjore in 1675 and established a math
there. This biography may be more reliable as most other
biographies were written a hundred years after the death
of Ramdas. Another biography grouped in the early sources
is Samarthapratap written by Giridhar, who died in 1728.
He is supposed to have seen Ramdas as a young boy and his
account has been considered important for the description
of the appearance and habits of Ramdas.< 14 )
The later sources would mainly include numerous
poetical and prose biographies of Ramdas, most of which
base themselves upon oral traditions and thus incorporate
a lot of legendar material which attributes lot of
miracles to Ramdas. Important among them can be a
poetical biography by Bhimasvami Sirgavakar, a prose-
biography, by Hanumant Svami, a poetical account called
Santavijaya written abou~ 1774 by Mahipati. (l5)
Ramdas was born in A.D 1608 at Jamb, an attractive
----------------------------------------------------------14.Sri Samartha Pratae; Sattkaryottejak Sabha; Dhulia;
\introduction p.l4.
15. J. F Edwards & J. N. Frarer, · "The 1 ife and Teaching of Tukaram. "op.c.i t. L1'-'+Y~o"')
270
village situated among the fertile fields near Jalna in
the Nizam's territory. Surayaipant and Ranubai, his
father and mother belonged to the House of Thosars and
were devort worshippers of sun. Their wish to have
children was finally realized in the birth of two sons -
Gangadhar born in 1605 and Narayan (later called Ramdas)
three years later in 1608. <16 ) Ramdas, developed into one
of the liveliest of boys. He loved nature as he loved to
climb trees, to wander in the forest, swim in the streams,
and so aonkey-like were his wild pranks that it was not
strange that he was declared to be an avatar of the
monkey-god, Hanuman".(1?) Almost all his biographers
assert that even as a boy, he developed a keen interest in
religion and used to spend long hours in solitude away
from others. At the age at 12, on his mother's pleading
he consented to go through the marriage ceremony.
Narayan's marriage was thus fixed with 'the daughter of
Bhaj ipant Bodalapurkar, who lived two miles away in the
village of Asagaon, and the wedding occured there in the
house of the Deshmukh family.•d 18 ) Oeser ibing the
marriage ceremony, Mahipati writes, "A curtain was held
between the bride and the bridegroom. Around stood the
marriage panty, including the bro~hers of the bride.
16.Demming, op.cit. p.2
17.J.Abbot STOTRAMALA The Poet Saints of Maharashtra No.6, A Garland of Hindu Prayers ( 1929), p. 40
18.Demming, op.cit., p.28
271
Narayan turned to them'and said "the Brahman repeats again
and again the words "Savadhana, Savadhana. Tell me whom
they are for?" Hearing this question, his to-be-brothers-
in law jokingly remarked: "Listen attentively to the
inner meaning of the word Savadhana" From today on, the
shackles of domestic life will bind your feet. So quickly
beware"< 19 ) Tradition tells us that on hearing this,
Narayan sprang to his feet and with the 'swiftness of
wind' disappeared into the forest. Narayan a boy of
twelve, made a journey to Panchavati which took him eleven
days. Demming says that "it is quite possible that he
fell in with a group of pilgrims or wandering.sadhus and
joined company with the•."( 20)
Panchavati which was situated on the banks of the
Godavari river, near Nasik had a group of famous temples.
There is a famous Rama temple, situated in an immense
courtyard, with a Maruti temple at the entrance, where
Narayan probably spent some time. (21)
It is here at Panchavati, that Maruti who revealed
himself to Narayan took him for a revealation of Ram and
Sita. As Mahipati relates, that here Ram appeared to
Narayan and told Maruti, "From now on his name is Ramdas.
His mission is to save the world."C 22 ) From that time
19. Mahipati's - 'Santavijay' Aryabhusan Press, 1930, Poona, pp. 16-17. c..~.a.lso)
20. Demming, op.cit., p.29
21. Ibid~ p. 29
22. Mahipati's sv, p.27 --,
272
onwards Narayan became Ramdas and went to Takerli, on the
banks of the Godavari river, two miles away. The peaceful
solitude and beautiful environment at Takerli so suited
Ramdas that he is supposed to have lived here for 12
years, "deep in the study of the scriptures, performing
penances, meditating and preparing for his life-work."(23)
It is during these years, of which because of absence of
records we hardly know anything, that Ramdas must have
come in contact with a body of scriptures. These twelve
years were met by Ramdas in becoming familiar with
thoughts and doctrines of different schools. Ramdas's
study of Dayanes'vari, the Gita made him familiar with the
doctrines of Vedanta. It is here that he also felt the
influence of Eknath, Namdev, Tukaram and other Warkari
poets. He also studied here the Upnishadi and the
Bhagvatha Purana. Devotion to Ram was stimulated by his
frequent visits to Panchavati temple and by his reading of
the Valmiki Ramayana.< 24 ) At Takesti, Mahipati tells us
that 'Ramdas used to perform kirtans with the help of
Maruti, and thus, "Ramdas had seen God in his saguna form
and he kept that image in the respectable corner of his
heart, and hearing the story of Rama's life, he kept it in
the receptacle of his ear."(25)
----------------------------------------------------------23. Demming, op.cit., p.29
24. Ibid, pp. 30-31
25. Mahipatis op.cit, p.28
273
Thus spending his years at Takerli in devotion and
study, Ramdas decided to set out on a pilgrimage to spread
the devotion of Ram and with a longing to visit the
important sacred places of India. Tradition tells us that
"he wandered thus, up and down the peninsula of India for
twelve years."(26) The chief source of information
regarding these years of pilgrimage is the poetry of
Ramdas and his disciples, especially Uddhav who has
written in detail about these years. Hanumant, author of
another biography mentions the following places
"Benaras, Gokul, Mathura, Dvaraka, Srinagar, Badrinarayan,
Kedaservar, the himalaya mountains, Jagnath, the southern
coast, Ramesvar, Lanka, Gokarna Mahabeleshwar,
Trimbakesvar, Jambgaon, takerli and Paithan."< 27 >
In about 1644, Ramdas returned to Maharashtra and
choose the Satara area for his activities. He made
Chaphal, a village where he built a temple of Ram and
installed his idol tere, as his head quarters. Ramdas now
preached the devotion of Ram and soon his disciples grew.
The years from 1644 to 1658 are looked at by Demming as
years which were spent in laying the foundation for his
movement and beginning the organisation."< 28 )
The Satara area, stretching along the Western
Ghats, with its river valleys and fertile fields, appealed
26. Demming, op.cit., p.33
27. ~ri Ramdas Svamiche Charitre by Hanumant Svami, ~dj by s.s Deo, Dhul1a, 1930
28. Demmin' op.cit, p.35.
274
to Ramdas, who was a lover of nature. In this area,
Ramdas wandered around from one village to other
performing Kirtans, and interpreting the Hindu scriptures.
It is during these movements in these villages and
spending hours of solitude in the forests that his ideas
to form a movement, a sect devoted to Ram probably took
shape. There were certain places which he loved to visit
were the village of Sahapur, Masur, Umbraj, Sirola.
Padali. Paragaon. Managaon. Hinqanyadi and Batie.C 29 > At
all these places, Ramdas established Maruti temples, and
used to "perform daily the worship of Maruti, and gave
food to the hungry.nC 30 ) Maruti occupied a sp~cial place
in Ramdas' s beat as he singing average of praise, says,
"Maruti is my life. I have no hearer relative than him.
Maruti is my mother. Maruti is my father, my dearest
friend, my brother, my uncle. • . . . Maruti is my supreme
sadawin. It was through him that I met Rama. 11 C 31 ) For
Ramdas, establishing temples of Maruti, who also was the
supreme dasa of Ram were ways of making the worship of Ram
popular among people.
In these years Ramdas formalized the Ramdasi
movement. Establishing a different sect called the
Samartha Sampradaya, he now acquired lot of disciples like
29. Demming op.cit., pp. 35-36
30. Mahipati's, op.cit., p. 243
31. Ibid, p. 245
275
Jayaram, Uddhav and others all of whom he met during his
visits to these places. Ramdas as Samartha was important
as a person because he seems to have dominated these early
years of the movement through his activities as the leader
and an able organiser. It can perhaps be said that the
Ramdasi movement begins with the Svami, "as it was clearly
a personal movement, both disciples and maths being
organised around the Svami's personality." ( 32 ) Raj wade
lists 58 places and objects,.in which are included trees,
stones, idols, fields and shrines, in and around Chaphal
which are seen as connected with Ramdas, and so are
objects of veneration. C33 >
In these early years, the sect organised itself,
getting a formal shape mainly around the wanderings of
Ramdas. Ramdas accepting the kirtans as his mode of
worship evolved a method of worship of Rama (Shodasa'
.Upachara), with which he popularized the worship of Ram.
He established temples of Ram, also at many places like
Chaphal, Scjjangad, and Takerli. As he went around these
places, he performed kirtans and arouse interest among
people, some of whom became his disciples.
There are many legends and stories of the
miraculous deeds of Ramdas associated with the joining of
each of the disciples. These though make it difficult to
exactly, locate each of the disciples as when and how he
32. Demming, op.cit., p.32
33. Rajwade v.v, Vol. II, Sec.66
276
joins the movement, nevertheless give us an idea as to how
a proximity to the figure of Ramdas was important as is
emphasized in most of these stories. Hanumant, a
biographer of Ramdas lists the names of 20 disciples who
were close and intimate to Ramdas as well as another
seventy-two, who were in charge of the various maths. <34 >
Along with forming disciples, Ramdas also
established a lot of maths. In fact the story of these
early years is the story of the disciples and maths, for
they were· the movement. 11 ( 3 5) Ramdas seems to have
followed what semming refers to as a customary procedure
in establishing these maths. The leading disciple of the
group at a place was chosen by Ramdas to establish a math.
Mostly the building of the math was also accompanied by
the building of temples. The maths were placed in the
charge of the mahants who were the chief disciples. They
were authorised to initiate disciples and to give the
vedic mantra to those who had fulfilled the conditions of
discipleship. The maths of the Ramdasi movement were not
places of retreat, drawn away from the world. Rather they
were centres of influence, which spread the teachings of
Ramdas among the people. The maths served an important
role as they provided stability to- the movement of a
wandering saint like Ramdas. They also provided space
where people could gather and perform Ram worship and
listen to Kirtans.
34. t§ri Ramdas Svamiche Charitre: Hanumant Swami, OP-e..;+,. pp. 89-90
35. Demming, op.cit., pp. 147-148
277
Ramdas established maths at Chaphal, Jamb,
Domgaon, Miraj, Sujjangad, and many other places. At a
number of these maths, Ramdas drew a list of instructions,
a definite plan of worship and code of conduct for the
disciples as well as the mahants. Apart from the mahants
and the disciples, the maths were also visited by groups
of wandering disciples, many of whom considered themselves
to be mahants.
Ramdas in his activities as the leader of the
movement emerges as an efficient organiser as he was
carefully able to regulate the movement by devising
certain rituals and practices which enabled him to
maintain a link between the settled centres (the maths)
and the wandering disciples, with chaphal, where he stayed
countries in the first math and later Sajjangad; where he
spent the last years of his life. Each mahant was
expected to visit Ramdas at frequent intervals and thus
enabling him to keep in close touch with them all.
Another way the link between the movement was maintained
by Ramdas was the "constant travelling of groups of
disciples from one math to the other.n(36)
In 1654, some biographical accounts mention that
Ramdas retired to Sivthar, a few miles from Raigad to live
in solitude and to write poetry. Although Ramdas wrote
poetry throughout his life as his poetry was often in
response to given situations which could be the need for
instruction of disciples, for his own religious moods,
36. Demming, op.cit., p.l59
278
practical conditions of the people and even political
developments of his time. His many years of wanderings in
the Satara area had also gave him lot of experience
regarding the needs and feelings of the people, and had a
fairly articulated. He felt at this time of his life to
get down to -the task of writing poetry for providing
instructions and guidelines for the movement. It is
during these years that he started writing Dasbodh,
Manache Sloka, 205 verses giving practical advice to mind,
many hymns of devotion, chiefly addressed to Ram called
Karunashtake. poetry based on two sections of Valmiki' s
Ramayana. While writing poetry in these years, he
constantly remained in touch with the activities of the
movement through a correspondence with the disciples as
there were uncertain times when he could not meet in
person. (J?)
Of these years many tradi tiona! stories and
legends at the miraculous deeds which Ramdas performed are
mentioned by the different biographies of Ramdas. These
stories relate to us the way Ramdas met people, made
disciples, performed feats of magic like raising people
from the dead, curing physical ailments. Among these
legends there are many which relate to us his meetings
with Brahmans, who were well versed in Sanskrit. Like in
one of the stories Bhimasvami Sirgavkar tells of the
37. Vividh Vfsaya_Vol.II (Sec.92j Satkaryottejak Sabha Dhulia, 'Two such letters were found in the Domagaon math, one from Keshav Svami to Ramdas and other from Ramdas to Keshav Svami~
279
pandit from Benaras who comes and wishes to debate with
Ramdas as he saw numerous people reading the Dasbodh.
Ramdas called a low-caste man who answered all the
questions of the Pandit to his satisfaction and the Pandit
thus became the disciple of Ramdas. { 38 ) This and other
such stories always emphasie Ramdas insistence on bhakti
as the mode of devotion, his siding with the Ram worship
of people as against the brahmans who claimed for
scriptural superiority. At the same time, there are
other stories where Ramdas miraculously feasted the
Brahmans even in the forest. Mahipati tells us that once
Ramdas decided to a feast of a thousand Brahmans, who were
then called in the forest. The Samartha "worshipped them
with expression of love, washed their feet, marked in them
with divinely perfumed paster; with the kasturi paste on
their foreheads", and then they were fed with delicious
dishes of various kinds. Mahipati says that 'the fame and
good deed {of Ramdas) now spread far and wide, ..... even
among the evil doers, sinners and the crokked, on hearing
this miracle."< 39 )
These and other such stories relating the
encounters of Ramdas with Brahmins give us some clue to
the idea of Brahman which Ramdas approved of. It can be
said that in talking of a specific kind of Brahman, Ramdas
was trying to achieve some relation between the fact that
his movement "included many Brahmans and people from other
38. Hanumant Svami, op.cit, p.31
39. Mahipatis SV, op.cit., pp. 76-78
280
intellectual groups,"< 40 > with his mission of
popularization of Ram worship among the people.
Another set of stories telling us of Ramdass visit
to Pandharpur also provide us insights into the way the
worship of Ram was established in relation to the
traditionally more popular worship of Krishna. Though the
Ramdasi movement and the Warkari movement had no direct
connection, "the relationship between the two movements
was of friendly tolerance with occasional contacts" and
yet without any direct interaction. <41 >
"Ramdas went down to the bank of Krishna to .. quietly spend some time. Just then a large band of
pilgrims arrived, and encamped on that spot ... They
lovingly described the greatness of Pandhari and finally
lost all bodily consciousness." They were pilgrims going
to Pandhari when they pitched their tents at the banks of
Krishna, in the night, Ramdas started relating to them the
greatness at Ram. The pilgrims on hearing him requested
him to come to Pandhari, telling Ramdas that he would see
Ram also at the place where Krishna was worshipped, as Ram
pervades every place. On reaching Pandhari, Ramdas saw an
innumerable number of pilgrims singing hymns of praise as
they walked along. Ramdas, puzzled in his mind, thought,
"I have seen many sacred places in many wanderings. I
never found a place where pride of heart had disappeared.
40. Demming, op.cit., p. 48
41. Ibid. I p. 4 8
281
But here men and women seem without pride. Pandhari's
filled with the loud repetitions of God's name." As he
approached the temple, the Lord-of-Pandhari appeared to
him in the form of a brahman, "cast a spell over him of
Vaisnava maya and brought him there." At that time Maruti
appeared to Ramdas, who often worshipping him asked,
"where is our Rama ?" Even Maruti related to Ramdas a
long story in which Ram tells Maruti, that "in the avatara
Krishna I shall meet you in a visible manifestation." So
Maruti on reaching Owaraka is able to meet Ram and Sita.
Thus relating Maruti tells Ramdas what Ram spoke in his
sweet hectar voice, "I have said to you that during the
avatara of Krishna, I would give you a direct
manifestation of myself. Under the names Rama and
Krishna, I have manifestated myself in two avataras. But
we are essentially one. We are not to be considered
separate beings." Ramdas on hearing this from Maruti
thought of testing this assetion himself and so went to
the assembly hall, where the image of Pandhuruga was
placed. "Samartha stood with his hands joined together
palm to palm and with his lips he pleaded. Moved by his
pleading, the Vaishnava maya showed Ramdas the whole scene
of Ayodhya as well as both Ram and Sita. Then on Ram's
instruction, Ramdas goes to the Eagle platform, where the
saints and mahants were seated and performed a kirtan
there. C 42 )
42. Paraphrased from Mahipati's SV, op.cit., pp. 126-140.
282
In this way the above story of visit of Ramdas to
Pandharpur shows that how on the same pilgrimage to
Pandhari, which for centuries people had been undertaking
to worship Krishna, Ramdas goes and sees Ram,
interestingly in the same way as Ram had revealed himself
to Maruti at Dwarka. The legend in this same builds up a
continuity with Ramdass desire to see Rama in Pandhari
with the motives of Vaishnva worship of the centuries long
Warkari tradition. This is how Ramdas seeks for a
relation with the popular worship of krishna by telling
the people that Ram and Krishna were alike and thus they
should join him in his mission of Ram-worship.
The story further tells us that Ramdas visits
Pandharpur and performs kirtans of Ram-worship at many
places and meets many saints. These saints, "God loving
and wise, to whom Krishna was subservient, through Ramdas
saw Rama between their eyes. The others of the pilgrims
saw Pandhari just as it always was, but to the saints it
seemed to be Ayodhya. . . To the eyes of the ordinary
people Pandhuranga was sitting on his throne but to the
saints he seemed Rama." After this event, the saints
remarked, "In him Maruti has appeared as an avatara for
the salvation of the world. Seeing his unlimited worship
and loving bhakti Pandhuranga became Rama and manifested
the deeds performed in his former avatara." The noble
Vaishnavas, so pleased they were with Ramdas that they
took him around the city, singing alound as they walked.
283
Ramdas performed mans kirtans "praising especially
the greatness of bhakti, and that the name of god was a
saviour, able to save the ignorant man." Ramdas recounted
lot of tales from the Puranas where the goodness of the
merciful Krishna is proclaimed. Ramdas then participates
in the celebration of the Gopalika festival and then asks
Keshva for leave. Krishna then performed a miracle and
revealed himself to Ramdas and listening to Ramdas' s is
pleading words, exclaimed, "I, the giver of Final-Bliss,
an always with you, whether you are in the Purushshrestha
among the men."C 43 )
So Ramdas not only goes to Pandhari to see Ram,
but also as the above story tells us is able to see
Krishna also, as they were really one. In Pandharpur
among the Vaishnavas, he was able to spread the message of
Ram worship. At the same time what he took from the
Warkaris was the Bhakti mode of devotion, there by
relating both the saguna as well as nirguna form of God in
his preachings and message. An interesting feature of Ram
worship thus in the Ramdasi movement was the idol-worship
of Ram, showing an influence of the bhakti tradition of
idol worship of Vithoba, although not being consistent
with the Vedantist position of Ramdas. But this was
became he had to present Ram as the "Nirguna Brahman", and
had to attract the attention of people."< 44 >
43. Ibid~ pp.l41-158
284
Apart from these stories, there are manay other
regarding say his love for the forests and nature, his
meetings with Shivaji, his meeting with Tukaram, us·ing
people firm .. incidents about testing the loyalty of the
disciples, his miraculous feats of saving people etc. In
fact, as we had earlier in our discussion on the sources
for the biography of Ramdas, most of the biographies are
collections of such legends built around various moments
of Ramdas's life.
Thus the biography as a kind of genre in the
discussion on the life of the saints perhaps provides us
with a specific kind of evidence. A biography 1 ike the
one Mahapati writes in the 18th century tells us not
merely of the life of Ramdas as he lived it in the 17th
century, but also tells us the way he was remembered in
the later Ramdasi tradition. As a source, which is
internal to the Ramdasi tradition od a biography by
Mahapati, who was granted land by the Peshwas in the 18th
centurv, for his poetic activities. <45 ) Mahapatis
santivijaya, a poetical account of the life of Ramdas
written about 1774, the way it narrates the life of Ramdas
"gives us the atmosphere in which he lived." <46 ) Asking
for God's blessing on his book Mahipati says, "yet I,
Mahipati, dull of mind, of a little intellect in every
respect, have become a vessel containing the gift of thy
45. V. K Bha~e; Peshvaka 1 in Maharashtra pp. 9 0-91, J.E.Aboott; Stotramala No.6, Pune, 1929, p.156.
46. Demming op.cit., p.25
285
assurance. So now being proud of that fact, give my
mind the power of rememberance, so most I may properly
relate in Marathi the stories of thy saints." ( 4 7)
Mahapati 's biography served as an important text in the
formalization of the Ramdasi tradition in the 18th
century. The way it narrates the life of the saint, the
mere listening to which fulfills the lovings of the heart,
and thus constantly implores saints and disciples to
listen to the story.
Mahipatis biography is largely a collection of
legends and stories about Ramdas, which must have been
prevalent in earlier times, and which Mahipati thus
arranges in the lOth century, ar~1nd a biography of the
saint. Much as a response to his own. Mahipati's
biography is in a sense a representation of Ramdas.
Ramdas emerges as a saint who though his of Ram worship,
also politically prepares the ground for the Maratha. In
the biography Ramdas plays the role of a political guru to
Shivaji.
In the way Mahipati arranges the around the
biographical moments of Ramdas, like the revealation of
Ram in the childhood, his association with Maruti, as
another dasa of Ram as an avatara; his advice to Shivaji
on the duties of the king; and other, the biography gives
us lot of insights into the thoughts of Ramdas as brahman,
the king and the state, the plight of the Maratha people.
47. Mahipati, SV, op.cit., p.6
286
Looked at his way Mahipati's Santavijaya is also important
as a transmitter of Ramdasi tradition.
RAKDAI AND liS THOUGHTS ;
The teaching of Ramdas cannot be seen as forming
one whole as might be inferred from his biographical'
sketch. The seint' s site in one 17th century and his
teachings were a response to the social conditions of
Maharashtra in the 17th century. He founded his own sect,
Samartha sampradaya, which drewtrous different tradition
of the might. He was a vedantist, as he accepted
Sankar's interpretation of religion and philosophical
truth, the Vedantic notices at uncertain recently. He was
not a Warkari, but the bhakti element was equally
pronounced in his worship of Ram.
Ramdas, for this reason is also remembered
differently by different people. To some he is a bhakta
like Ramghander, to some a Vedntist and to many others he
is a poet-polition, a saint who blended politics with his
teachings. <48 >
As we have earlier recounted in the section on
biographs, Ramdas seems to have read the Upanishaada and
Bhagavadgita, and also Jnaneshweri commentry on it, during
the years he spent at Takerli in studying. He was a
follower of the Advaita school and felt "that the real can
only be reached by emptying ones self into the world. For
him the ultimate reality is the Brahman. In Manache
Sloka, he tells, "Brahman, the form of which cannot be
48. Demming, op.cit., p. 90
287
known by one mind, and which is unmost a second. All
illustrations fail to supply a symbol, for in him there is
neither attachment non- detachment, and he cannot be
described by the Vedas, Sastras and Puranas. He is
neither and is W.Lthout a witness."< 4 ~) As there is only
one infinite, all-pervading. God, the visible world is
thus Maya. In implying the Mind, Ramdas says "What is
seen by the Eye does not last eternally, and that which is
involved in sudden changes disappears in the course of
time therefore, 0 Mind, seek the everlasting and the
Eternal one. That Being which exis.ts in one form cannot
tolerate the angst of dnality; therefore o Mind, seek the
enduring and the Eternal one.u(SO) The Brahman, who alone
is real according to Ramdas can only be known by the eye
of knowledge. Ram in his Dashbodh preaches how to
reach this goal as it was not easy as egoism (ahankara)
which produces division in that which is indivisible and
one, "Only by disseminates, experience and the giving up
of desire can Brahman be realized by pondering over
experiences over and over, we should first know ourselves
and then only can we obtain real knowledge.n(Sl) In
seeking for one's unity with Brahman, Ramdas thought man
could attain salvation. "A wise man .is not known by his
bodily form, because he is Brahman himself. Those who
know themselves to be are with Brahman become eternal
49.,Manache S'lok~, Nos. 192, 193, Dabodh, op.cit.
50. Ibid, Nos. 146,147
51. Dasbodh, ch.ix, sec.2
288
and are free from life and death."C 52 >
Ramdas didn't preach salvation by knowledge alone.
In fact what is characteristic of Ramdas' s thought, is
the theme of salvation by work. In this sense, Ramdas
makes possible the attainment of knowledge by all, by
insisting on the respective work done by different people,
swadharma, meant Dharma of vocation. <53 > Ramdas often
used the tour fold classification of the seekers of
salvation, "baddha, or conferred to this world; amenuksa
desiring release; sadhaka, or achieving release and
siddha, or released achieved ... ( 54 >
Even in the way Ramdas practised the preaching of
Ram, the Nirgun Brahman, he differed from the earlier
Vedantic and also other traditions of Ram worship.
Ramdas's Ram was also a response to the social life in
Maharashtra which had a tradition of vedantic bhakti
tradition. In Ramdas devotion of Ram, the bhakti element
was pronounced as he ruled math on the kirtan mode which
was much popular among the Marathi people. He respected
the idol worship of Rama and taught that there were few
classes deities namely "idols, incarnation god in the
human soul and in the supreme spirit.n55 Thus Ramdas in
trying to achieve a kind of relationship between the
52 Ibid, ch.ix, sec.3 53 Here Ramdas elaborates the concept of 1Swadharma', in
accordance with inborn capacity rather than with casterestrictions. V.L Bhave: Ramdasanchi Bhajane, Vidypith Prakashan, pp. 52-53. Manache Sloka 48.
54 Dasbodh, op.cit, chpat.5, sec.? 55 Dasbodh, Ch. XI, Sec.2
289
Saguna and Nirguna form of God, placed Ram worship on a
popular level, and was in this manner responding to the
social conditions of his time. This might be the reason
why the teachings of Ramdas in actuali tya, social work,
justice and telling people to take interest in men
respective social life.C56 )
In forming a different sect, Ramdas also stressed
on the importance of the sadguru, who was absolutely
essential in the attainment of salvation. According to
Ramdas, : The sadguru is the one who removes our ignorance
by teaching us pure knowledge, explaining how we should
restrain our senses. The chief qualities of such a man
are that he should have great self-possessive power of
concentration and be able to teach the way of
salvation."< 57 > For the disciple, the guru is essential
as "he is useless without a guru no matter how virtuons he
may otherwise be, and the guru is of little use unless he
has a disciple.n(58) This instance of guru disciple
relationship gave the Ramdasi movement a contain stable
and a formal shape. Ramdas role as a guru here overlaps
with the being an absolute organiser. The importance
which Ramdas accords to the role of a guru becomes
important as he himself has been . represented in the
56. Ramdas swaminche Samagra Grantha, \,ed .) L. R. Pangarkar, 1930, Bombay, pp.219.
57. Dasbodh, ch.v. sec. 2
58. Ibid, ch.v. sec.3
290
Ramdasi traditions as playing the role of a spiritual
preceptor and guru of Shivaji, who was advising him in
political matter. In Ramdas teaching, one finds a
political articulation of the concept of king, the state,
society and social justice. In his work Dasbodh, he
spends some more time discussing the role of king, the
nature of state. In fact the reason why Ram as a king of
Ayodhya becomes important in Ramdas' construction of the
worship of Ram, as the fighter for people (Hindu against
evil, Ram as a dutifal king who is able to make a just and
benevolent society.
SBIYAJI AND BAMDAS: Attempts have been made to link the
ideas of Ramdas as the guiding ideology of Shi vaj i and
Marathas' rise to power. One must counter the reduction
of the hagioqraphical literature which give these kind of
articulation. The articulations of Ramdas and his
treatise Dasbodh have always been in the light of
hagiographical archives of memory and reason.
Ramdas reiterated the superiority of the Brahmins.
He insisted that the Brahmin was everybody's preceptor and
even if he neglected his duty, he had to be revered
without any qualm. Ramdas believed that since Brahmins
were the preceptors of the whole of society, it was wrong
to be slow upon even the most studious of untouchables the
honour and respect that was due to the Brahmin.< 59 ) When
we compare his attitude with Tukaram's beliefs, one graps
59. Ibid, chapt. 5, sec.16
291
almost immediately the difference in their articulation of
society. For Tukaram said "He who utters the name of Rama
in good faith and cherishes the dark form of Hari is a
true Brahmin, though born among untouchables. ( 60 ) In the
Warkari sect a devotee could be initiated by a preceptor
of any caste. But Ramdas stated quite categorically that
the guru had to belong to one's own caste. <61 )
In the realm of ideological plank it is clear that
Ramdas was different from Warkaris. So if Shivaji had
mustered the support of small Watandars to raise a state,
how it could have been plausible that Ramdas became his
spiritual adviser. Including Warkari' s and Ramdasis
hagiographical texts have provided the levels of
generalisations, which speak of the ideological alignment
of Ramdas with Shivaji.
In the traditions of Bakhars and Charita, Shivaji
was deified by the Maratha chroniclers as avatar of Lord
Shiva and made active to work super human miracles in
human form to serve and protect the cows and Brahmans.< 62 )
Two approaches have contributed towards its elaboration.
The first to examine hagiographical works, as we
know, where chroniclers anxious not to prof are the
traditions of saints by doing honour to apocryphal
persons; to this precise concern corresponds a rigid and
60. Tukarama gat~ abhanga no. 1235,' Ind~ Prakash edition' op. u.·£.
61. Dasbotiha, op.cit., chapt. 5 no.64
62. B.K Apte, ~1983, p.286
292
limited pre-occupation with assessing authencity. Later
when historians decided to exploit the whole mass of
texts; authenticity carne to be seen in a new light; from
this point of view, it was sufficient to establish the
date of a work and, if possibl~, the place where it was
written. But both types of approach are all too often
based on the supposition that the texts were popular' in
context just as their production and consumption were
reserved for the lower order of society. Scholars,
therefore, felt free to manipulate the texts to pluck
concrete information from a hagiographical context, which
was itself ignored; the latter was seen, it seems, as a
mere stringing together, with some variations in their
order, of a limited number of themes. Such a method
of picking and choosing certainly seems to be the only
feasible for amassing a series of texts on a specific
~oints; but, when used to the exclusion of any other, it
substitutes for the dynamic coherence of a living work a
fictive chimera in which lock-and-bull stories and
reliable observation are inexplicably mingled. Should not
the latter also be respect in such a context ? Quite the
opposite, it appears; for paradoxically the critical
approach in question takes them quite literally, precisely
because it does not examine th criteria by which the
hagiographical authors selected and classified the facts
which they represent.
Moreover the hagiographical account of Rarndas is
not simply 'popu 1 ar' 1 i tera ture. It was written by
293
Mahipati and it was addressed to the whole of society as
it has been demonstrated earlier in Ramdas's hagiography
diversified in response to needs that had become complex:
and divided into two main genses: collection of exemplary • stories, on the one hand, and his life proper on the
other. The related miracles of Ramdas were sometimes
incorporated into the life.
And these two genres have a certain number of
themes in common; and the same types of miracles and one
total illustration of moral, religions or scripturala
truths occur in both. Ramdas whose 800 monasteries had an
emblematic zonal influence. Because both the life of
Ramdas and miracles were usually linked to a region.
Ramdas's maths at, Sajjangad, Chaphal, Jamb, Domgaon,
Miras.Tanjore, Dadegaon etc.
If the look at Ramdas' s early period he was
settled in the Jagir of Baji Ghorpade, who was not on good
terms with Shivaji. And as Prof. N. R. Phatak says that
Ramdas had some influence with Bijapur court. The
territories of Mudhol came under Shivaji in the year 1972;
and the in it was Ramdas having lost support of the
Ghorpades of Mudhol moved towards Shivaji. (6J)
Sir Jadunath Sarkar granted a view that "an
attempt has been made in the present generation to prove
that the Maratha national bero' s political ideas of an
63. N.R Phatakj Shri Samarth Charitra, Poona 1951. In which he dis~-es at length about Ramdas.
294
independent Hindu morarchy was inspired by Ramdas; but the
evidence produced is neither adequate nor free from
suspicion. The holyman 1 s influence on Shivaji was
spiritual and not political. C64 ) Shri V.K Rajwade
published in 1 Ramdas and Ramdas 1 journal a 1 Wakenasi
Tippan' dated 1682 in which he tried to demonstrate the
possible meeting of Ramdas with Shivaji. He says "Divakar
Gosawi was keeping daily diavies of Ramdas ... The tippan
was prepared on the basis of what was actually seen or
heard. ( 65 ) No doubt can be raised as regards its
reliability and honesty." Though the linguistic style of
the Tippan is in the manner of Bakhars. And this tipan is
full of legends. The dialogu of run-god to Ramdas 1 s
father coming of Lord Rama to Ramdas. And during his
southern pilgrimage Ramdas meets Bibhisan 1 the brother of
Ravati. In this tippan 1 Ramdas is assigned a pre-destined
role; he is to help Shivaji.
In a way the question of Ramdas being Shivaj i 1 s
formal or informal guru does not arise much in the light
of the various generalisations. But at the same time like
Warkari's 1 Ramdasis too had influence in Maharashtra.
Shivaji's administrational matters also concerned Muslims
as much. Because Shivaji also continued the existing
grants in favours of musalmanpirs mosques etc. for keeping
64. J. Sarkar; Shi~aji and his Times, 3rd ed. pp.381-82 65. V.K Rajwade, "WakenaGi Tippan" Sri Sampradayik vividha
vishya, Vol. I pp. 113-117.
295
up lights. <66 )
Parmanand, the author of 'Shiva Bharat' says that
Shivaji personally asked him to write the history of royal
family right from the days of Maloji. <67 > He has not been
able to mention Shi vaj i. The same can be said about
Sabhasad the first biographer of Shi vaj i. Contemporary
writings like J'edheshakawali, Jedhe Kareena and Bhusan's
poems do not .ention Rarndas. Had there been any close
relations between the king and the saint, the linkage
would certainly have been made between Shivaji and Rarndas.
Then the question arises, how Rarndas's
articulations have to be taken. Rajwade's< 68 ) .explanation
that the other Guru were "temporary" whereas Rarndas was
"permanent guru" is based on Rarndasi traditions. And
these traditions were invented by the followers of the
sect in the form of legend. Wakeniri Tippan, through
which Rajwade could establish a connection between Rarndas
and Shivaji, is replete with legends. This tippan is
replete with legends and myths. One has to creatively
select the real authentic aspects, which are in consonance
with the general historical reality.
Here two points hqve to be made; in terms · of
differentiating legends from myths. Myths in the
folklorist sense of narratives about how things first carne
66. Qr. Fryer's Travels: :::.;New Account of the East I"ndia and Persia, 1672-81 (_ed;) William Crooke, Haklyut Society -P. 1~4.
67. J.N Sarkar; House of Shivaji, Pf - 151-52. 68. V.K Rajwade;vRarndas & Rarndasi, Vol. 15, Shri
Sarnpradayik Vividh Vishaya, Vol.I, p. 125.
296
to be as they are - also embody ideological messages. In
the case of myths, however, these messages are mostly
concerned with the basic conceptual; social, and
psychological structures to define the communities and
their members, legends on the other hand, are generally
move directly concerned with the specific socio-economic
and political situations faced by the communities in the
course ot their historical development. In the legends of
Ramdas, he abandous the some what passive role of the
would be victim. In there legends, Ramdas himself takes
on the role of a guide, philospher etc. In this contexts,
bakhars like "Wakenisi Tippan", which do n<::?t directly
concern any test of Shivajis and Ramdas virtues and
powers, nevertheless are also intended to reveal their
innate, though hidden superiority.
Despite of the problems generated by the nature of
sources, one can discern the inherent symmetricity of
episodic narrativisation of legends. Despite of Shivaji's
pronounced characterisation, in-consonance with Ramdas, on
seen that Shivaji too employed muslim men such as Siddi
Mittal, Ibrahim Khan, Madari Mehtar and a large number of
Pathens. ( ~) Shi vaj i himself visited the Muslim saint
Baba Yakuti of Kailashi to whom he inadegrant to the tomb
of Muslim saints. Shivaji also continued the inam land,
to the muslim pirs of sayeed hasarat and Qacii Qarim
P irzada in Pune pargana. <.,~) And at the same time,
Shambhji issued an order to his desadhikari of Prant
Molkapur asking him to continue the inam lands, which were
297
given by Shivaji for the worship of Hanuman at Chaphal to
Ramdas. <7 -) In the same manner, Sambhaji ordered the
deshadhikari of Satara to give 11 bighas of fertile land
in each of 11 villages granted as inarn to Raghunath Dev
swami at Chaphat. <7lJ
64f· Sabhasad Bakhar, (ed0 by S.N Joshi, (1960) p.54
-:yJ. Vad, Mavaj i, and Parasanis Led~ Sanad letter~ Bombay
7;. S.N Joshi ced-) Sambhaji Kalin Patrasarsamgrah, Poona, 1949.
71-· ibid, p.16, p.56.
298