Contents41K

List of contributors . XVPreface by Jane L. Parpart XX

Acknowledgements for the second edition xxiii

Acknowledgements for the first edition XXVList of abbreviations xxvii

Introduction: feminist sightings of global restructuring:old and new conceptualizations 1

MARIANNE H MARCHAND AND ANNE SISSON RUNYAN

PART 1Sightings 25

1 Globalization and its intimate other: Filipino domesticworkers in Hong Kong 30

KIMBERLY A CHANCI AND L.H.M. LING

2 Querying globalization: sexual subjectivities, development,and the governance of intimacy .A.8

AMY LIND

3 Governing gender in neoliberal restructuring: economics,performativity, and social reproduction 66

SUZANNE BERGERON

4 Where the streets have no name": getting developmentout of the (RED)Tm? 78

NtICEIELLE V. ROWLEY

irst edition published 2000y Routledgeecond edition published 2011y RoutledgePark Square Milton Park Abingdon Oxon 0X14 4RN

imultancously published in the USA and Canaday R.outledge70 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016

:Gulledge 15 an imprint Of 11n' Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business.

)2000, 2011 Marianne 1-1. Marchand and Anne Sisson Runyan selectionnd editorial matter: individual chapters, the contributors.

'ypeset in Times New Roman by Taylor & Francis Books byrinted and bound in Great Britain by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham,vriltshire

.11 rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced ortiliscd in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now110=1 or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or inny information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writingorn the publishers.!ritish Library Cataloguing in Publication Data. catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ibrary of Congress Cataloging in Publication Datalender and global restructuring : sightings, sites, and resistances 1 edited bylarianne H. Marchand and Anne Sisson Runyan. - 2nd ed.

p. cm. - (RIPE series in global political economy). Women-Social conditions-Case studies. 2. International economicdations. L Marchand, Marianne H., 1958- Runyan, Anne Sisson.IQ1161.G46 201005.42-dc22 2010004240

3BN: 978-0-415-776794) (hbk)3BN: 978-0-415-77680-6 ipbk);BN: 978-0-203-89497-2 (ebk)

- NJ

For all those who resist inequality and social injustice

24. National Currencies andGlobalizationEndangered species?Paul Bowles

25. Conflicts in EnvironmentalRegulation and theInternationalization ofthe State ContestedterrainsUlrich Brand, Christoph G?irg,Joachim Hirsch andMarkus Wissen

26. Governing international LabourMigrationCurrent issues, challenges anddilemmasEdited by Christina Gabrieland Helene Pellerin

27. The Child in internationalPolitical EconomyA place at the tableAlison M. S. Watson

28. Global Citizenship and theLegacy of EmpireMarketing developmentApril Biccum

29. Development, Sexual Rights andGlobal GovernanceResisting global powerAmy Lind

30. Cosmopolitanism and GlobalFinancial ReformA pragmatic approach to thetobin taxJames Brassett

* Also available in paperback

Gender and GlobalRestructuringSightings, sites, and resistancesSecond Edition

Edited byMarianne H. Marchand andAnne Sisson Runyan

RoutledgeTaylor E. Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

Where the streets have no name 79

4 "Where the streets have no name"Getting development outof the (RED)TM?

Michelle V. Rowley

« Cest à ce prix que vous mangez du suere en Europe»- Le negre de Suriname á Candide (Voltaire)

Introductionl

In this chapter I draw on an anti-capitalist, transnational feminist praxis toanalyze the global political economy and the emerging symbolic economythat have become integral to the glamorization of philanthropy within devel-opment campaigns such as the (RED) campaign to provide AIDS medicationin Africa and the ONE campaign to reduce world poverty championed bypop stars Bono and Bobby Shriver. This is transnational feminist praxis inwhich I do not give the category "gender" a priori primacy. I am offering,rather, a transnational feminist critique in which the salient analytical mar-kers must, above ail else, be determined by the fields of play in which powerreveals itself. This is not to suggest that gender does not matter, nor should itsuggest that gender is not always-already at work in the co-constituted natureof subjectivity. Rather, I am suggesting that any effective critique of powerrecognizes, above all else, that the valence of discrimination is con/textual. Assuch my anti-capitalist, transnational feminist critique is one which is guided,as indeed it should be, by the ways in which contextual valences manifest,rather than serve as a priori designations or the manipulation of an additiveset of identity markers (e.g. race, gender, class). In the analysis that follows,1 show how race, masculinity, femininity, and geopolitics manifest and arevariably deployed as categories of seduction in the (RED) campaign, aimed atwooing us into believing in capitalism's power to produce global solidarityand to solve, rather than exacerbate, human suffering.

While working on this chapter, I was reminded of my high-schoolintroduction to Voltaire's Candide, ou l'Optinzisme (1759, 2000). In Candide,Voltaire crafts a journey, set in the eighteenth century, in which the mainprotagonist. Candide, the illegitimate son of a German aristocrat who isschooled in his father's house, undertakes a series of misadventures in Europeand beyond. Candide is subject(ed) to a series of catastrophic events and

fast-paced, fantastic scenarios (e,g. torture, war, natural catastrophes, wealth .acquisition, and dire poverty). The allegorical novel was an assault oftGerman philosopher Leibniz's belief that "we live in the bcst of all possibleworlds." This creed of Western optimism and celebration, inculcated uuderthe tutelage of Candide's teacher, Pangloss, initially guides CandideIn hisodyssey, however, with each harrowing episode, Candide increasingly ques-tions his teacher's wisdom, resulting in the novel's resolution that in life,humanity is best served when we "tend to our own garden" (« it faut cultivtrnotre jardin»).

Candide's odyssey challenges him to reconcile a number of irreconcilablemoments and events (e.g. mass death, his sweetheart's rape). However, while Iwas reading Canclide as an adolescent in the Caribbean, what captured mythen-nascent postcolonial imagination, was that, on his entrance to Suriname,Candide encounters an enslaved man who has horrifically lost his leg and armto the terrors of slavery. 2 The enslaved man attributes his dismemberment asthe gruesome cost of the pleasures of European sugar consumption. («C'estcc prix que vous mangez du sucre en Europe») With this articulation, theenslaved body becomes the site from which political economy extracts bothits pains and pleasures. The body of Le negre de Suriname marks the biddencontradictions of consumption; indeed, the very pleasure of consumption ispremised on not seeing these forms of extraction and dismemberment. Assuch, we learn of Le negre's existence only because he has become the objectof Candide's gaze, a gaze that is made possible only after Candide has beenviolently thrown out of the comforts of "Westphalia" in Europe and findshimself in South America. For those who do not make such a journey, theslave's body remains disconnected from the site of consumption, as well ashidden from the gaze of the consumer. Yet, even at the point at which theconsumer encounters the laboring body, it is still an instrumentalizedencounter in that the slave's dismembered, laboring body is positioned in thetext primarily to advance Candide's knowledge and critical awareness ofhimself.

What, then, does Voltaire's Candide have to do with a piece that aims tointerrogate the upsurge of celebrity-driven "development" campaigns thatclaim to address the spread of HIV/AIDS on the African continent? To makethese connections, I draw on an anti-capitalist, transnational feminist praxisthat builds on Chandra Mohanny's critique of capitalism as a "foundationalprinciple of social life" (2003: 183). Such a critique requires an engagementwith how colonized, racialized, and gendered laboring bodies are deployed inthe processes of profit-making. This engagement must disrupt colonizingnarratives and irnaginaries that guide the logic of neofiberalism, a logic whichitself has infected and animated even seemingly "progressive" campaigns forhuman rights, including feminists' rights.

Thus, I draw on such anti-capitalist, transnational feminist praxes toanalyze the global political economy and its emergent symbolic economy thathave become integral to the glamorization of philanthropy within development

80 Sightings

campaigns, such as (RED) and ONE. These campaigns have been lauded asoffering a new and sustainable model of corporate engagement (Asongu2007). I argue, instead, that this adulation is premature and, in turn, suggestthat these campaigns produce new and problematic intimacies between theconcepts of globalization and development. Using these two conceptsas consorts, 1 argue, these campaigns draw heavily on the marketing anddissemination principles and practices of globalization, with the intent ofproducing "profit philanthropy" as the new haute couture of development.

However, 1 argue that for these practices to work, they Mlist deploy an age-old erasure of an African body-politic analogous to what I have described inVoltaire's treatment of Le negre de Surinanze. In similar ways, contemporarymoves toward "philanthropy as development" render the unknown laboring/ailing body as familiar, but this is a tropological familiarity. This familiarity isconfuted by signs and symbols, which draw on a set of legitimated colonialnarratives that hide much more than they reveal about the bodies that laborand pain. These signs and symbols do not centralize or visualize the laboring/ailing body; they foreground the realization of a new "First World consumer"in need of greater awareness of herself and the politics of her purchasingpower in service to these "profit philanthropy" campaigns that (re)present thecolonial encounter.

What might these sightings and sites mean in contextualized Africanlocales? 1 challenge the repetitive forms of African erasure in the emerging"philanthropy as development" through a reading of Abderrahmane Sissako'sfilm, Bamako (2006). I draw on Sissako for the ways in which his work doesnot allow the viewer to be complacent or to deny complicity in relation to theimperial impulses of globalization. I juxtapose my analysis of celebrity-driven"philanthropy as development" campaigns with this artist's work to furtherargue that the level of paternalism inherent in these projects not only pertainsto the African continent, but also extends to their client bast: the US (andmost typically female) consumer, whose subjectivity is (re)produced throughthe invisibilized subjugation of racialized laboring bodies in pain.

Sighting globalizing development: a new Pax Concordat?

The socio-economic disparities that exist between "developed" and "devel-oping" countries often determine whether a country's economic (andpolitical) possibilities are better charted through the use of a "globalization"or a "development" framework. Yet, the very concepts "globalization" and"development" offer a conceptual muddle; neither functions completely inde-pendent of the other, nor does one inherently explicate the other. Together,they become even more conceptually murky if we envision them, as 1 amproposing, as potentially intersecting concepts that resonate in peculiar waysin this turn toward "profit philanthropy as development."

Geographer David Harvey's characterization of globalization as a space-time compression is one that has contributed to a visualization of globalization

Where Me streets have no name 81

as a distanceIess and borderiess phenomenon (Scholte 2005: 1251).Expectedly, globalization scholars, depending on their theoretical and meth-odological locations, emphasize either the potentials or the deleteriouseffects of increasing deterritorialization, expansion of neoliberal market ideo-logy and practices, and the transnational flows of cultural products, symlrls!and bodies (YUdice 1995; Ong 1999; Sassen 2007a). While the hegenionieaspect of globalization - variously characterized as the WashingtonConsensus, neoliberal empire, or economic or market fundamentalism -is largely undisputed by its critics, there is studied caution in equating "hege-mony" with "homogeneity" - or the culturally, politically, and economicallyhomogenizing forces of global capital. When hegemony is reduced to homo-geneity, "local" political spaces are left bereft of "agency" or possibilities forresistance (Appadurai 2001: 5-7).

"Development" practices and theories are often deployed as the analyticalantitheses to neoliberal "globalization." Yet, despite decades of contestationsover, and reformulations of, the idea of development, it has not shaken itscolonial or economistic origins (Escobar 1995a). Hence, the persistent shadowof the modernization paradigm remains, despite conceptual and politicalchallenges to built-in assumptions of upward, linear progression. Modernizingdevelopment has undergone, instead, a re- glossed resurgence because of theneoliberal pressures that globalization has placed on the developmentagenda.3

These colonizing antecedents notwithstanding, practitioners attempt to"sell" the "new" development mandate as a means of - countering the ill-effectsof globalization. This new mandate is characterized by a number of rights-based claims, increasingly taken up by intergovernmental organizations(IGOs) over the past decade or two, in part as a result of nongovernmentalorganizations' (NG0s) pressure. These rights-based claims, while always innegotiation with a neoliberal logic, prioritize the improvement of the humancondition and are characterized by some degree of resistance to economicfundamentalism. These claims remain varied, multi-tiered, and far-reaching.Among other aims and objectives, they encompass concerns for environ-mental degradation (the 1989 Brundtland Report); a commitment to incor-porating women into national and global accountings of progress (the 1995Beijing Platform for Action and the 1995 Human Development Report); astrategy-oriented approach to reducing global poverty (the 2000 MillenniumDevelopment Goals (MD0s)); and apparatuses to arrest population growthand iinprove reproductive well-being (forums such as the InternationalConference on Population and Development tICPD)).

Yet, achieving these rights-based claims within nation-states and throughinter-state formations has been severely compromised by the neoliberalexigencies of the globalization of currency devaluations, privatizations, andstruggles to balance accounts (Jaquette and Staudt 2006: 18). The intersec-tions of development and globalization produce an ever-expanding range ofvulnerabilities, rather than synergies. It might, therefore, be more appropriate

4.

82 Sightings

to refer to the relationship between globalization and development not as a

co-habiting intersection, but ratites as a condition in which developmentbecomes affected and inflected by the geopolitical and economic exigencies ofglobalization.

These effects and inflections are multifold. At the conceptual level, globa-lization has produced what Witham Robinson refers to as a "paradigmaticquagmire" for development (2002: 1047). Central to this quagmire are theways in which the processes of globalization have limited the explanatoryvalue and policymaking potentials of development models that dependheavily on the nation-state as their primary focus and agent. Nevertheless,when one foregrounds state polities in the Uobal South, one still findsrobust local deployments and manipulations of development discourses andmodels. For example, the nature of party politics, such that it is in a numberof territories within the Global South, ensures that the rhetoric of develop-ment, particularly in the newer, more rights-based form, remains a powerfulscript in the survival strategies of state managers. This does not negate thereigning conceptual quagmire, however, but I am more concerned with theways in which globalization has inflected development models with neoliberalpriorities.

These neoliberal priorities have been responsible for much structural 4.violence and, thus, have presented development practitioners in the GlobalSouth with an even more uphill battle when arguing for the legitimacy ofrights and equity for vulnerable citizens as part of the new developmentmandate. This is, in part, due to the increasing alignment, if not conflation,of development goals with consumption and production practices underneoliberal globalization. Vulnerability in this frame is explained as a condi-tion of a failed market that is potentially alleviated through the immediateand efficient use of vulnerable bodies in and by the market. Though crasslyreductionist, my point here is that there is a disembodied logic that attendsneoliberal discourses, a point to which I return later in this chapter. There are,however, hopeful sightings of "expert" contestation to this logic, most notableof which is Amartya Sen's (2000) now well-known argument that expandingan individual's rights and capabilities holds both intrinsic as well as instru-mental value, This potentially brings bodies into view, but neoliberal ortho-doxies continue, even under what some call the post-Washington Consensus(see Bergeron, this volume).

I have asked us to consider the conceptual conundrum that globalizationpresents for development and the infusion of neoliberal priorities, which havecompromised the legitimacy of arguments centering on the body, rights, andcapabilities. I will later argue that this constellation of effects and inflectionspresents a global environment that facilitates the increasing turn toward"profit philanthropy as development" and simultaneously serves to producedisturbing erasures of the very bodies that should be the beneficiaries of thisphilanthropy. However, do these effects and inflections mark. the end of thestate-sponsored development paradigm? Robinson argues that the future of

Where the streets hare no name 83

development should be based "not on territories but on social groups" (2002:1048). This is certainly a judicious call, since such an approach can potenvtially account for national identities that are being reconfigured not onlyacross geopolitical boundaries (as a result of migrations, remittances, and soon), but also through transnational networks of resistance (such as feniiistNGOs and anti-globalization movement coalitions) that confront the hege-mony of globalization by sharing resources and micro and individualizedprocesses that potentially challenge the erasures of globalization. Yet, deve14opment, more than ever before, has become a product, that is increasinglycot:modified, stylized. and celebrity-driven, with black and brown bodies inagony as the supporting cast.

The "Bonoization" of development

Shirley Temple, Audrey Hepburn, Angelina Jolie, Don Cheadle, GeorgeClooney, and Bono4 are all part of the ever-expanding conglomerate ofcelebrity-driven development (Cooper 2008: 3). Each has, at different points,

' burst through the seams of our leisure media consumption and, at the veryleast, brought us into a visual relationship with a diverse slate of issues thatincludes global poverty, HIV/AIDS, world hunger, peace, and genocide.However, in this conglomerate, Bono's mega-personality stands above therest, prompting William Cooper to coin the term "Bonoization" as a meansof underscoring the extent to which Bono has emerged as the "archetypal"instantiation of celebrity influence (2008: 36). 5 Cooper places emphasis on theprofound levels of influence and credibility that Bono exudes as a result of hisiconic, rock star status and signature fashion sense (2008: 36); his commu-nication skills and manipulation of political structures and actors (2008: 37,45-48); his moral credibility through his invocation of Catholicism and otherworld religions (2008: 39); and the ambiguity of his Irish identity, whichposits both a "First World" and a colonized sensibility (2008: 40-41).

Despite his assertion otherwise, Cooper's analysis of Bono's work rests_disproportionately at the level of the individual - a cult of personality, as itwere, However, to fully grasp the complexity and far-reaching intersectionsof globalization's effects on development through celebrity-driven motifs,I want to add a more systemic and global analysis to Cooper's discussion ofBonoization. In addition to the unparalleled, personality-based resources thatCooper identifies, Bonoization should also be seen as a way of describing theways in which Bono, as both actor and institution, incorporates processes andtechnologies of the market toward the realization of his development objec-tives. My emphasis here is on the fact that the Bonoization of development ispossible precisely because it follows the same logic as and deploys very similarpractices and grammar associated with globalization. This, in and of itself,presents no harm in that it would be wonderfully subversive were we fatallyable, in the words of Audre Lorde (1984), to "dismantle the master's house"with "the master's tools." However, my growing concern is that this

M Sightings

Bonoization also brings with it the same acts of erasure and disembodimentthat attend to globalization practices.

In addition to Cooper's claim that Bonoization is the quintessentialformulation of celebrity influence, we might also understand Bonoization asan approach to development wherein the celebrity's persona morphs into amarketable product and a political process. For the rest of this chapter. I willexplore how this has taken place through Bono's (RED) campaign to treatHIV/AIDS on the African continent so as to reflect on the inherent dangersthat result when persona as product and process is aligned to territorial andglobal crises. As both product and process, Bonoization occurs through twoprimary means of operation: the first is through political influence; the otherthrough product alignment.

Bono's unquestionable political reach runs the gamut from high politicaland economic officeholders to the gurus of popular culture. Through theserelationships, he blends and mixes these spheres in ways that make popularculture of unparalleled importance to global political events through popu-larizing policy-related [natters. For example, in a Rolling Stone interviewconducted with music critic Anthony DeCurtis (2007: 61) during the finalyear of the Bush administration, Bono punctuates his skepticism about thecapacity of a US-driven model of democracy to bring about peace in theMiddle East with repeated references to his access to powerful global leaders(then-US President Bush, then-World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz, andpast and present Republican strategist Karl Rove) and the terms of familiarityby which he addresses them (e.g., the use of "Condi" to refer to then-USSecretary of State Condoleetza Rice). Bono's expressions of political senti-ment in a popular inagazine highlight his iconic merging of cultural, political,and economic spheres. But, Bono's credibility is not merely one of politicalaccess. His association with development economist Jeffery Sachs, and hisown improved fluency in development rhetoric, both have lent significantcredibility to Bono's advocacy for, and invocation of, the MDGs when meet-ing world leaders. For his humanitarian work alongside Bill and MelindaGates, Bono has graced the covers of Time Magazine in 2002 and 2005 and,in 2006, he again entered the ranks of Tirne's "100 Most Influential People."6An overview of a Bono photo gallery often leaves the observer wondering,who needs whom more? Is it Bonn's need for access to formal political lever-age, or the need of formal political actors for access to Bono's "brand" ofpersonal/popular politics? Take, for example, his multi-site launch of the(RED) Campaign, which raises funds for anti-retroviral drugs for AfricanHIV/AIDS sufferers. It included venues such as the World Economic Forum(January 2006) 7 for its initial announcement, a March 2006 UK launch, anda US shopping frenzy launched along Chicago's Magnificent Mile with talk-show magnate Oprah (October 2006) — the latter ending with a meetingbetween Bono and then-President Bush. These highly orchestrated deploy-ments of Bono's celebrity persona through political access and cachet aredisguised by his casual style.

Where the streets have no name 85

Bono's blending of the political with the popular reconfigures the issuesthat have come to matter in the teaching of development studies —popularization of the domain, as it were. Arturo Escobar, pointing to thealready blurred boundaries of the discipline, observes:

[Djevelopment was chiefly a matter of capital, technology and educationand the appropriate policy and planning mechanisms to successfullycombine these elements. Resistance, on the other hand, was primarily aclass issue and a question of imperialism. Nowadays, this transparencyhas been muddled ...

(Escobar I995b: 205)

At the very least, I argue, (RED) has consolidated existing spheres of sig-nifying "Others" and has ushered in a perverse moment where consumptionis offered as subversion.

With respect to the signification of "Others," development discourses havelong circulated images that either denigrate or romanticize peoples of theGlobal South, constructing them either as lazy and backward and in need ofcapitalist stimulus from the West or as heroic resisters of Western capitalismand imperialism. The "Third World Woman" has become a particular tropein these fantasies with the rise of feminist development studies, some of whichare implicated in constructing "her" as the site of hyper-patriarchal oppres-sion, impoverishment, and disease, and/or the site of hyper-resistance to thatoppression and its outcomes. In both cases, "she" is rendered as a symbol ofboth inequity and redemption and, thus, seen as most worthy, at leastrhetorically, of the most development assistance (Escobar 1995a; Mohanty2003). In the recent past. Western students of development interested inalleviating global poverty identified with these renderings of the quintess-ential "Third World Woman" without ever having met anyone from theGlobal South or questioning the roles that neocolonial — and more recentlyneoliberal-inliected — development policies play in impoverishment and disease.In similarly problematic ways, such students (often with "well-meaning,""progressive" agendas) are coming to identify consumption as the appropriateresponse to global poverty and disease: buy (RED) and support ONE, since(RED) and ONE afford at least a psychic (as opposed to experiential or first-hand, visual) awareness of global inequity. This increasing psychic awarenessthat the campaigns have brought to the campuses of some 1,300 universitiesand colleges has produced a profound sense of accomplishment among theorganizers of the two campaigns. In an interview with Rolling Stone to com-memorate the magazine's fortieth anniversary, Bono lauds his college-basedconstituency:

"Those college kids are redefining their country through the prism ofthe fight against poverty. issues like that afford a chance to (sic) America

86 Sightings

to redescribe itself to the world. But they also afford America a chance toredescribe itself to its citizens. That's what's going on."

(DeCurtis 2007: 62)

This perceived sense of student politicization arguably popularizes anddemocratizes the field of development studies. It contributes to the ongoingchallenge to the idea of the "development expert" by placing decentralizedresponsibility for development into the hands of individuals. However, thoseindividuals are constructed by these campaigns as scattered, individual,global consumers. The very emphasis of (RED) on identity formationthrough consumption and product alignment facilitates a less than accidentaltransition from one disembodied "Other" (the "Third World Woman") toanother disembodied "Other" ("Africa"). At the heart of this chapter areconcerns about the reinvention of the "development expert" as a decen-tralized, unknowing, consuming agent and the implications of this reinventionfor those laboring bodies that continue to be extracted from and managed bythe shifting sites of developmentalism.

Profit philanthropy sites: the new haute couture of development

Much of Bono's activity as actor and institution coalesces around his ONEand (RED) campaigns, respectively, to halve the number of the world's poorby the year 2015, and to raise funds to provide anti-retroviral medication forpeople in "Africa."' Among Bono's successes is a petition in support of debtforgiveness, signed by 21.2 million people globally (Cooper 2008: 43). Inaddition to the eradication of poverty, ONE's vision includes reducing infantand maternal mortality among the world's poorest and reversing the spread ofdiseases that are particularly- virulent on the African continent (e.g., HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis). Similarly, the (RED) campaign is a busi-ness partnership, which acts in concert with an increasing number of mega-brands, such as Gap Inc., Giorgio Armani, Converse, Nike, Apple, AmericanExpress (UK), Hallmark, Dell, Starbucks, and Windows. The Global Fundserves as its trustee, and the campaign promotes itself as a commercialinitiative that aims to raise funds to fight the AIDS pandemic in "Africa"(which, at the point of writing, refers to Swaziland, Rwanda, and Ghana) byproviding anti-retroviral medication. When designated (RED) products arepurchased, between 5-40 percent of the profits are donated to the GlobalFund. It aims, therefore, to create awareness and facilitate a "sustainable flowof private sector money ... to fight the AIDS pandemic in Africa." (RED)'smanifesto is clear: it is not a charity; it is a "business model."9

This mode of profit philanthropy is an example of what I refer to elsewhereas "globalized developmentalism." I use this term to refer to the practices andideologies that are involved in the differentiated "marketing" of prescriptivenotions of "development" by transnational organizations to the world'spopulation. The emphasis here is on the "marketing" of "development"

Where the streets have no name 87

as a branded product, which, despite the difference in language, resonate, invery similar ways within populist (for profit) NG0s, such as ONE, and inIGOs, such as the United Nations and the Bretton Woods institutions.

Unlike traditional modes of philanthropy, (RED)'s multi-million tdollarmarketing strategy promotes a range of highly stylized products. lit productselection includes toys for the technologically savvy, as well as fashion forboth high-end sophisticates and the middle-tier cosmopolitan chic. Throughvery strategic advertising placement, the marketing power of (RED) isexponentially enhanced by its cachet, brand recognizability, and the deploy-ment of a high-powered list of celebrities by its corporate partners.' (RED)'smodel of philanthropy is unique by virtue of its own brand recognizability, asseparate from its corporate partners - an unusually collaborative corporatestructure, wherein already-established brands have attached their own identityto the (RED) philosophy - and in its potential for becoming a philanthropicmonopoly, because of its malleable boundaries, which allow for an expandingbase of new corporate members. The resulting synergy is a curious inversionof accepted notions of sustainability in development, positing in its placenotions of consumption meeting the wants of future generations withoutcompromising the profits of the present,"

(RED)'s branding process cornes to suggest more than a commodity.Rather, it deploys a tried and trusted marketing strategy; it offers a relation-ship, an experience, and an identity lo global constuners (Klein 2000).Adherence to fashion might be seen as an individualized pursuit in responseto social and cultural trends; (RED) builds on the individual display andmaintenance of social status that fashion makes possible. In addition tothe maintenance of social status, (RED) also interpellates fashion and lifestyleinto a range of "glocalized" expressions of political economy.I2

However, the connection between consumer identity formation and productalliance is premised on an additional set of neoliberal assumptions. (RED)depends on and promotes a steady belief in the inevitability and "naturalness"of the market. The naturalization of consumption itself requires a "modernistmodel of human nature (read: elite male nature) as competitive, self-interestedand acquisitive" (Peterson 2003: 143), (RED) manages to keep its brandequity" by maintaining a finely-tuned balance between the acquisitive, self-interested aspect of neoliberal consumption and thc redemptive, as reflected inits manifesto; "As first world consumers, we have tremendous power, what wecollectively choose to buy, or not buy, can change the course or Life and historyon this planet."" At the foreground are the redemptive possibilities of eco-nomic fundamentalism, framed by the steady juxtaposition of consumption andredemption as the preferred mode of addressing global disparity. The narrativeprogression of the (RED) manifesto places custodial responsibility for (RED) inthe hands of the consumer, and, by extension, brown and black bodies in pain.

You have a choice ... If you buy a (RED) product ... at no cost to you, a(RED) company will give some of its profits ... to our brothers and

S8 Sightings

sisters dying of AIDS in Africa ... We believe that when customers areoffered this choice they will choose (RED) ... and more lives will besaved. You buy (RED) stuff, we get the money, buy the pills ... If theydon't get the pills, they die. ... All you have to do is upgrade your choice.

("The (RED)T

M Manifesto")

The ultimate aim of this narrative structure is the generation of profit, forwhich achieving the development-related goal of buying anti-retroviralmedication is a by-product. In order to achieve this, thenarrative invokes anempathetic relationship between the consumer and the product, wherebyresponsibility for the corporate soul is placed squarely in the hands the con-sumer (Klein 2000: 23). The interplay between commodification, consump-tion, and concern is always at work in a textual analysis of the (RED) andONE websites, culminating in a kind of Orwellian interchange between theproduct and the person.' 5

One of the many descriptors attached to discussions of globalization is theencroaching deterritorialization of the world. This idea, when summoned,suggests an increasing interconnectedness between markets and geographies,as well as the permeability of national boundaries. However, one of thecontradictions of our supposed "global village" is a persistent and rigidseparation between the spheres of consumption and production. Integral tothe pleasures of consumption is that we not see the laboring or ailing bodiesthat make consumption possible (re-enter Le negre). So that we heed GayatriChakravorty Spivak's admonition that we "keep the economic visible undererasure" (1999: 315), I will continue to explore the ways in which (RED), inspite of and possibly through, its missionary fervor, mirrors and deploysmany of the erasures and separations that figure integrally in globalizingdiscourses.

The erasure of both laboring and suffering bodies becomes necessary ifthe brand is to signify for the problem and the solution. Throughout thisdiscussion, I have been pointing to the fact that development as haute couturebrings us into a psychic — rather than experiential or first-hand, visual —relationship with global crises, inequity, and suffering. This reference to thepsychic is one that highlights the ways in which "Africa" functions as animaginary — an imaginary that makes it become a psychic spectacle, thatwhich is made hyper-visible through renderings, imaginations, and projec-tions. In other words, we see without the need to engage, because what we seeis rendered for us through the brand. And what fantastical renderings theyare! There is the rendering of continent as country: "in Africa" — the recur-ring pathologization and homogenization of an entire continent under thesign of HIV/AIDS. There is the rendering of a smiling Maasai warrior as theemblematic representation of the "African" being helped, despite the fact thatthe Maasai populate Kenya and Tanzania (East Africa), while the GlobalFund presently works in three non-Maasai territories.' At very few points in(RED)'s marketing arsenal do we see the ailing bodies for whom the brands

Where the streets have no name 89

reputedly are in service. These bodies are never aligned to the brand; indeed,the very success of the brand as chic metropolitan sophistication dictates andemands their absence.17

The imbrication of (RED) in a profit-seeking agenda brings it into limperconflict with its own ethics of care for those who reside in the Globalkouth.In keeping with a growing emphasis on corporate social responsibility .(CSR)many of (R.ED)'s corporate partners have well-documented CSR policies,most notable being those of Gap Inc.' Gap Inc. began their social responsi-bility reporting in 2004. Among the highlights of their report are increasedfactory inspection, use of organic cotton, contributing US525 million to theGlobal Fund by 2007, and the notation that "social responsibility can providenew ways to engage our customers."' Still, as will be the case in competi-tive, exploitative global markets, the seduction of "cheap" labor has, on manyoccasions, placed Gap Inc. on the defensive, most recently in response tocharges of its use of child labor in India. 2° It would be noble if such whistle-blowing represented a deep commitment on the part of governments and,consumers to caring about the context of production. However, an ever-shrinking middle class presents the American consumer with a dilemma: thatof keeping jobs within the US but still being able to buy goods cheaply. Yet,the working premise of (RED) is exactly that people do care. For whom,then, should the consurner care? Should she care for the ailing bodies who are"helped" by her consumption, or should she care for the laboring bodies whohave contributed, often to their detriment, to what she consumes? These ten-sions and contradictory flows of global capital and ethical intent remainunresolved.

By the campaign's own assessment, (RED) had, in a little over a year ofits operation, contributed US$50 million to the Global Fund. There is, ofcourse, something strikingly persuasive in Bono's assessment of the HIV/AIDS pandemic:

This is an emergency — normal rules don't apply. There are no easy good.or bad guys. Do you think an African mother cares if the drugs keepingher child alive are thanks to an iPod or a church plate? Or a Democrator a Republican? I don't think that mother gives a damn aboutwhere that 20-cent pill comes from, so why should we. It can lead to someuncomfortable bedfellows, but sometimes less sleep means you are moreawake.21

("It's Bono, on line one," Vanity Fair (July 2007))

My concern is not about these moral inconsistencies, but rather the lack ofsystemic interconnections made between consumption in the North and poorhealth indicators in the South in the deployment of these very networks forprofit. In this way, again, drawing on a neoliberal individualist logic,poor health indicators in the South are reduced to bad decisions made byindividuals in the Global South.'

90 Sightings

The links between fashion and territorial crises are pernicious andprecarious. In the world of marketing, "product abandonment" signals thepoint at which profit-motivated decisions are made about the continuance ofa product. Abandonment can occur as a result of weak performance or inresponse to the need for new and "more promising" product generation(Gruenwald 1997). It is an efficiency approach, which attends to suchvariables as financial security, marketing strategy, cost, value, and scope ofproduct (Hamelman and Maze 1972). Social costs are rarely, if ever, seen asan accounting variable. The question that logically followcis: what becomesof the crisis when the fashion is no longer marketable? Who is saved when theinstrumentalized use of the sign "Africa" as a fashion icon becomes aban-doned once again?

Economically mi(red): getting Africa out of the (RED)TM

I have argued here that there are economic, textual, and rhetorical practicesin philanthropic models, such as the (RED) campaign, that are inimical to thelong-term well-being of peoples on the African continent. Primary amongthese is the disarticulation of operational and analytical spheres. Thisdisarticulation masks the asymmetrical relations that exist between andamong economic regions and the ways in which individual lives are affectedby these inequities. This is a disarticulation that also hides the ways in whichconsumption in the North facilitates the underdevelopment of the GlobalSouth. Rather than address these inequities frontally, these campaigns'dependence upon consumption and profit-generation reflects a naodel which,in Gunnar Myrdal's words, is governed by a

theory of international trade (which) was not worked out to explainthe reality of underdevelopment and the need for development. Rather,one might say that this imposing structure of abstract reasoningimplicitly had almost the opposite purpose, that of explaining away theinternational equality problem.

( Myrdal 1970: 277, emphasis in the original)

In this section, I will bring operational and analytical sites of economiccirculation into dialogue with the bodies affected by these movements ofcapital, initially by connecting health indicators to economic policy and,finally, by centering the cinematic work of Malian filmmaker AbderralimaneSissako for the ways in which his film Bamako challenges and re-narrates theintersections that exist between global economic injustice and African peo-ples' lived realities.

The indicators on the economic, political. and health status of the peoplesof Africa are undeniably worrying. According to the Joint United NationsProgram on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), 22.5 million people living with HIV/AIDS are in sub-Saharan Africa; this accounts for 68 percent of adults and

Where the streets have no name 91

90 percent of children living with HIV/AIDS worldwide (2007: 7-8). Despitefalling poverty rates between 1999 and 2004, persistent population growthin sub-Saharan Africa has resulted in 300 million people living below thepoverty line and, in the midst of debt-forgiveness programs, external debtresponsibilities remain high (IMF 2007; 5).

In 2006, the World Health Organization (WHO) noted in their annualreport that:

The WHO Region of the Americas, with 10% of the global burdenof disease, has 37% of the world's health workers spending more than50% of the world's health financing, whereas the African Region has 24%of the burden but only 3% of health workers commanding less than 1% ofworld health expenditure — even with loans and grants from abroad.

(WHO 2006: 8)

The lack of fiscal expenditure on health-related services is a critical factorwhen confronting the HIV/AIDS crisis. There is presently a deficit ofapproximately 2.4 million health care providers in 57 countries; 36 of thecountries affected by this deficit are in Sub-Saharan Africa (WHO 2006:12).This fiscal instability cannot, and ought not, be isolated from the economicinstability arising, in part, from structural adjustment programs (SAPs)imposed on the region. Reduced public expenditure and priva tization of stateservices are now well-known and standard features of SAPs. While not acausal factor per se, reduced expenditure on the health sector does account inimportant ways for the WHO's sobering observation that the nationalhealthcare management systems in these states are "weak, unresponsive,inequitable — even unsafe" (WHO 2006: xv).

Heatth management systems are critical to the prevention of HIV/AIDSmother-to-child transmission, the provision of information that challengesmyths and dangerous folk practices, of testing and counseling, and of pedia-tric services for the growing number of children who are living with HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa. Philanthropic models such as (RED) are sodeeply imbricated in neoliberal assumptions that consumption and poorhealth are rendered as discrete proper-ties, rather than as phenomena that holdan obverse and occasionally parasitic relationship with each other. It is herethat I turn to Ahderrahmane Sissako's Baniako (2006) for the ways in whichthe film resists the compartmentalization of the impact of the global politicaleconomy on individual lives, and its defiance of the laryngectomy that resultswhen the North tells "Africa's" story.

Bamako is set in a residential compound surrounded by a rural villageatmosphere in the capital of Mali. An outdoor court of law has been con-vened, with judges and prosecuting and defense attorneys, to consider anindictment of international financial institutions (IFIs), and globalizationmore generally, for socio-economic injustices based on villagers' testimonies.Bamako tells no single story, but rather interweaves a panoply of lives, with

92 Sightings

people telling parts of their stories as formal testimonies or through cutawaysLo their daily lives and conversations outside the courtroom, in, and beyondthe village setting. The closest that Bamako comes to a coherent storylineis through a secondary narrative of a young couple: Mele, who sings in anupscale, urban bar at night, and her unemployed husband, Chaka, are caughtin a marriage on the verge of demise; their communication with each other isperfunctory, and the only signs we have that there must have once been lovebetween them are the still photograph of the young couple on the wall, andtheir love and affection for their young daughter. While tfiis story unfolds, weare also the audience for the seemingly bizarre trial of lEls and globalizationthat occurs daily in the compound in which Melo and Claaka live.

In Bamako, testimony and witnessing work along a continuum of words.silence, and unintelligibility to convey the grief and mourning resulting fromliving under the exigencies of globalization. As the trial continues, a reportercovering it re-engages one of his interviewees, Chaka, by prompting"You were saying that the worst part of structural adjustment policies is thedestruction of the social fabric — that entire part got erased — say it again." Towhich Chaka responds, "No one will listen ... don't waste your time.'Yet, Sissako places the film's moral burden on the importance of testimonyand witnessing. Through the trial testimonies, Sissako humanizes the socialand economic variables of macroeconoin

ies; these variables are made flesh aswhistle-blowers formerly employed by exploitative corporations; migrantworkers with harrowing tales of near-death experiences on their forced jour-neys across African deserts to seek work in Algeria; laid-off teachers in thewake of education cuts; infirm but stoic elderly, who have seen so much loss;and "the folk," particularly the female folk, who go about the daily-ness ofsome vestige/semblance of social reproduction as the trial goes on, preparingfood, cleaning shelters and clothes, and dying textiles. The multiplicity ofnarratives is a reminder, in the words of one witness, that "Nhe goat has itsideas but so does the hen." Villager after villager steps forward to tell her/hisstory, some through sophisticated analyses and others through personal tales,with the prosecuting attorney providing mountains of additional, statisticalevidence of human costs in her stimulation, for which there is little defense. Inthese ways, we learn of the complex and far-reaching effects of globalization.

Through the use of testimony and voice, Sissako engages in a poignant re-narration of Africa, which challenges the language and form of, andlegitimated stories told by, traditional jurisprudence and economic policy.However, the emotional and psychological losses of the economic are mostpoetically rendered by Sissako through silence and unintelligibility. As wit-nesses come forward when called, so, too, does a former school teacher maderedundant by reduced state expenditure on education. Asked to state his tes-timony, he becomes overwhelmed by his story, rendering him silent; he is ablemerely to record his existence, rendering his huinanity through no more thanthe utterance of his name and date of birth before departing in response to a

final «Rien it declarer? ».

Where the streets have no name 93

The narrative culmination of the film comes through the voice of an elder,a grim, who, at the beginning of the film, disrupts the conventional legalnarrative and walks to the podium to speak before he is called. As he is sentback, he responds, "Words are something, they can seize your heart if youkeep them inside." This elder again defies convention by poignantly breaynginto a song that is never translated, at which point all non-Bambara-speakingviewers, and the French-speaking magistrates, are left unable to decipher whatis being conveyed. If words are inadequate to tell these woes, in this moment,Sissako appeals to the human spirit, not so that we, the viewers, can under-stand, but so that we can feel. The song's profound emotive effect rests in itsvery unintelligibility; that we do not know, understand, and are not enabledto understand (through subtitles) requires us deploy a different register. Here,Sissako seems to suggest a connectedness through the power of the humanspirit, and the possibility, through alternative engagements, for a new socio-economic arrangement that can be reached when other, typically rationalist,discourses are suspended. To treat any emotional register as though it weretranscendent may not always be effective; however, in this scene, we are facedwith the very important reminder that there are parts of these narratives thatwill always be impossible for us, the Western viewer, to fully comprehend.

The camera shuttles into Mel& and Chaka's room and out into thecourtyard, following the trial in the compound and following Mete andChaka when they leave the compound. Sissako skillfully ensures that these areparallel, and occasionally intertwined, narratives. They never searntessly meshinto each other, but inaintain the tension of an imbricated messiness. Theconfined location and the occasional character movement from the personalnarrative to the political remind us that these stories matter to each other;however, the most intimate connection is at the epistemological level. Thatthese private and public knowledge-worlds confront each other is a deliberateattempt to put personal connections and costs into relation with the worlds ofproduction and consumption. The personal is made prominent and the poli-tical, accountable. As such, these narrative structures and spatial contrivancesdisallow the deception of separation.

Sissako skillfully presses the unseen hand of the market against the slowand quotidian aspects of economic tyranny and, in so doing, makes themarket hyper-visible. Sissako weaves these worlds into each other so that, aslawyers debate the impact of SAI's on the healthcare system, we see theimmediacy of the ailing body when the compound dwellers keep vigil for asick and dying neighbor. Heated exchanges between legal teams on China'seconomic prowess are punctuated by a toddler's squeaking synthetic shoes asshe learns to walk. A cameraman, there to film the historic trial, announces thathe now does most of his business filming funerals, suggesting a lucrative,homonymic play on "death" and "debt." Throughout the entire movie, thelocal economy is represented by Malian women who dye fabric; their steadyand adaptable centrality is reflected by an equally steady. yet flexible, flow of'dyed water that winds its way on the ground in almost every scene of the film.

41,

94 Sightings

At moments, the film draws on the rich allegorical tradition of Africanstorytelling, imbuing the film with a satirical and sometimes mystical edge.There is the unmistakable irony of a cross-eyed policeman, who has beenassigned the task of solving the theft of a gun, an instrument which simulta-neously implies an indictment of increased violence and compromisedpolicing in the era of adjustment. Similarly, as the proceedings unfold, we findtwin brothers among the community members: they wear the same style shirtin different colors; they are always visible during the proceedings; and theynever speak audibly. In my reading of the film, Bamako- is edited as if tosuggest that they are simultaneously inside and outside of the proceedings, sothat they remain in the camera's eye, even when partially hidden. It is difficultnot to interpret these twins as both observers and observed, as themetaphoric, mystical omnipresence of the twin Bretton Woods institutions,the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), always in thebackdrop.

Sissako employs the absurd in his critique of how IFIs impact on theeconomic and moral worlds of the continent. He offers a particularly strongindictment of thc promise of technology and prescriptive infrastructuraldevelopment, for which World Bank funds are released through a set of iro-nies. For example. the film opens with a mass of scaffolding constructedupward into nothingness with no connected building or other construction.Meanwhile, Mele's husband has begun to learn Hebrew and is presentlywrestling with sentences to explain that he has lost his wallet. His intendedgoal for such a task? To work as a security guard for an Israeli embassy thathe has convinced himself will one day open in Mali. The trial is interrupted,first for a wedding procession, and. at the end, for a funeral. Thus, throughparodying infrastructure, development, and daily rituals, the film points topromises emptied of utility and meaning.

The filmmaker also creates a cinematic rupture in the work, which servesto pull the audience into a hyper-chaotic and ruthless world of SAPs.A rupture occurs in Bamako as we are thrown into a snippet of a parodic

western, Death in Timbuktu, featuring US film star Danny Glover, Palestiniandirector Elia Suleiman, and Sissako himself as one of the cowboys, DramaneBassaro. In this embedded movie, a band of marauding cowboys has arrivedin a Malian village and is recklessly shooting villagers as they tend to theirdaily affairs. Villagers in the main fiim, Bamako, are depicted as viewing theembedded movie. The young children viewing Death in Timbuktu laugh alongwith the cowboys, who find humor in their murderous spree. This laugheritself points to an early de-sensitization to the violent effects of structuraladjustment and illuminates the film's claim that "even in our imaginations weare raped."

I arn not suggesting that Sissako offers a "truer" narrative about the effectsof structural adjustment, but his filmic account is undoubtedly one that resistsdisembodiment and one that contextualizes inequity. The use of testimonyand witnessing resists the erasure of the laboring/ailing body without IF

Where Me streets have no name 95sacrificing the poetic. Bamako resists the conventional heroic narrative Agthrough the use of decentralized narratives: this is a film that neither needsnor desires a "star" (or savior) from/in the North, but one that demandsequity in trade and economic practices, which makes it possible for nations tbheal themselves. Bamako is a testimony and an epistemological challenge tatechoes the words of one viewer to the filmmaker: "At least they'll know thatwe know." And it is here that a hero of sorts emerges — civil society. Theheroes of Bamako are the teachers/professors, whistle-blowers, writers, andmigrant workers, who, despite the Sisyphean dimensions of their task, con-tinue to tell their stories so that at least the world will know that they know.

These narratives challenge the disembodied, silencing erasures of projectssuch as (RED). I have argued that the neoliberal logic that now drives glo-balization and development projects forces a purposeful distancing of marketsfrom their effects. Throughout this chapter, I have wrestled with one dominantquestion: why is it that centralizing the consumer and centralizing laboring/ailing bodies are presented as mutually exclusive, non-compatible sites ofcritique? My examination of celebrity-driven philanthropy for profit modelsshows that not only states are displaced within conversations on the globalpolitical economy, but so, too, are citizens. In this model, it is the brandidentity that takes preeminence and becomes the medium of transnationaldialogue between consumers in the North and perceived need in the South.These are not inconsequential activities; to date, the (RED) website notes thatmore than three million people have been impacted by "HIV/AIDS programssupported by ... (RED) purchases."23

However, through a reading of Sissako's work, I have called for a livedliteracy- of oppression which, for many marginalized bodies, is critical tosurvival. The pleasures of contemporary consumerism come with embodiedcosts, as was the case with Candide's Le negre du Suriname. Unless we con-nect the worlds of productions and consumption, it becomes too easy toindividualize and conunercialize responses to global inequity. Such policysolutions focus on the importance of individual "behavioral adjustments,"whether on the part of the consumer to buy more "responsibly," or on thepart of laboring bodies to work harder. This individualist logic masks theways in which underdevelopment is historically and structurally determined;and, it further masks the ways in which individual consumers in the Northare implicated in the construction of the very inequity that their consumptionis supposedly designed to change.

Notes

1 The very contemporary nature of this topic required that research be doneusing sources and media unlikely for a paper on development and globalization(e.g. popular magazines, television, blogs, and internet sites). 1 would like to thankEO for her careful read and comments and my undergraduate student, ErinDawson, for her tro/ling curiosity and for helping me navigate the many culturalmessages and spaces that target and bombard her generation.

96 sightings2 The encounter is rendered in Candide in the following manner: «En approchant

de la ville, its rencontrerent un negre etendu par terre, n'ayant plus que la moitiede son habit. c'est-a-dire d'un calecon de toile bleue; il rnanquait ce pauvrehomme la jambe gauche et la main droite. 'Eh, mon Dieu ! lui dit Candide enhollandais, que fais-tu la, mon ami, dans fetal. horrible on je te vois 7 - Fattendsmon maitre, M. Vanderdendur, le fameux negociant,' rapondit le negre. - 'Est-ceM. Vanderdendur,' dit Candide, 'qui l'a vane ainsi ?' - `Out, monsieur,' dit lenegre, Vest l'usage. On nous donne un calecon de toile pour tout vetement deuxfois l'annee. Quand nous travaillons aux sucreries, et que la meule nous attrapele doigt, on nous coupe la main: quand nous voulons nous erifuir, on nous coupela jambe: je me suis trouve dans les deux (US. C'est a cc prix'que vous mangez dusuere en Europe'» (Voltaire 1759,2000: 96).

3 Despite the persistence of modernization thinking there have been a number ofprominent and varied development economic models which have challenged thepreeminence and linearity of modernization thinking. These include a basic needsapproach, redistribution with growth, and dependency approaches. Here it isimportant to note that both dependency and world-systems models called intoquestion the historical structures of inequity in which "underdevelopment" wasseen not as a stage in production, but as a production in itself, which was foun-dational to profit maximization in the North.

4 Bono, lead singer for the group U2, was born Paul David Hewson.5 While my work focuses on the relationship between celebrity identities and

development, Cooper addresses the nexus of celebrity and the shifting spheres ofdiplomatic operation.

6 Bono appeared with Bill and Melinda Gates on the cover of Time as "Personsof the Year" for 2005. "The Good Samaritans: Bill Gates, Bono, Melinda Gates,"Time Magazine, 26 December 2005/2 January 2006. Online. Available: <http://www.time.com/time/covers/0,16641,2005 I 226,00. hunl> (accessed 23 December 2007).Bono was also featured in the "2006 TIME 100." See Helms, J. (2006) "Bono," TimeMagazine, 30 April: 84. Online. Available: <http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1187308,00.html> (accessed 23 December 2007).

7 See World Economic Forum (2006) "Bono and Bobby Shriver launch Product Redto harness power of the world's iconic brands to fight AIDS in Africa," 26 Jan-uary. Online. Available: <http://www.weforum.orgicnimedia/Latest%20Press%20Releases/PRESSRELEASES66> (accessed 23 December 2007).

8 Both ONE and (RED) are the brain-child of Bono and fundraiser BobbyShriver. See ONE.org . Online. Available: <littp://wwwone.org.com > (accessed23 December 2007).

9 See "(RED)TM

Factshect." Online. Available: <http://www.joinred.corn/red/factsheet.asp> (accessed 23 December 2007).

10 Gap Inc., as part of its (RED) campaign. has worked with comedian Chris Rock.actors Don Cheadle, Penelope Cruz, and Jennifer Garner, singers Mary J. Blige.Wyclef Jean, and John Legend, and director Steven Spielberg.

11 This, of course, parodies the 13rundtland Report's definition of sustainability as"development which meets the needs of the present without compromising theability of future generations to meet their own needs" (WCED 1987: 43). For exam-ple, The (RED)' m Manifesto" advertisements presently air on Music Television(MTV), whose monopoly captures a demographic that includes pre-adolescents toyoung 30-year-olds. thereby ensuring a generational reach for (RED)'s "sustain-able flow of private sector money." (RED) "FAQs." Available: <http://www ,joinred.com/Learn/AboutRed/FAQsaspx > (accessed 23 December 2007).

12 I refer to the use of fashion as a "glocalized" expression of political economyto point to the ways in which the production process requires global labor.

Where the srreets have no name 97

However, for the purposes of this chapter, I want to emphasize the ways in which acollective recognition of the (RED) brand among the cosmopolitan elite alsobrings a recognition (albeit spurious) of the global home. In a more direct way.Bono also partnered with designer Rogan Gregory in 2005 to create a incl of"socially responsible" fashion, EDUN.

13 Brand equity refers to the set of "assets and liabilities linked to a brand, its nameand symbol, that add or subtract from the value provided by a product or serviceto a firm or to that firm's customers" (Saviolo 2002: 3). Available: <http://www.sdabocconi .it/files/wp66_WXJYXKZLUARZ7FIT8GEOITOI 192111699. pdf>(accessed 27 December 2007).

14 "The (RED)Thl Manifesto." Available: <littp://www.joinred.com > (accessed 27December 2007).

15 On www.joinred.com , there is the occasional exchange between the iconic(PRODUCT) RED motif and (YOU) RED. Similarly, on www.one.org , we find"POWERED BY: YOU." Both instances generate a very powerful appeal to anindividual sense of global responsibility while engaging in the process of commo-difying both consumer and recipient.

16 See the advertisement featuring supermodel Gisele Bundchen and Maasaiwarrior Keseme Ole Parsapaet used for the launch of American Express(RED) available at http://www.vogue.co.uk/vogue_claily/story/story.asp?stid=38070(accessed 27 December 2007).

17 This absence is nowhere more readily apparent than on the 20 covers released inJuly 2007 by Vanity Fair. For this issue, guest-edited by Bono, photographer AnnieLebowitz paired 21 individuals, all identified for their connection with or concernfor "Africa." The list is remarkable for the sheer political heft of the individualswho participated in this project. Among the individuals who sat for these coverswere then-President George Bush, then-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, popstar Madonna (noted for her adoption of an African child), peace activist BishopDesmond Tutu, Oprah, then-US Senator Barack Obama, former prize boxerMuhammad Ali, and philanthropists William Warren Buffet and Bill and MelindaGates. Of the 21 individuals selected, two presently reside on the continent (BishopTutu and Queen Rania Al-Abdulla of Egypt). In my introductory analysis ofCandide's encounter with the nameless Le negre du Suriname, I pointed to the factthat even when we encounter the laboring/ailing body, it is a moment in the textthat serves to advance Candide's knowledge and critical awareness of himself.Similarly, the blurbs that accompany the individual photographs tell us somethingmore about the individual as they gaze on "Africa" and. in so doing, learn some-thing more about themselves,

18 CSR places emphasis on the pursuit of ethical business practices, as well as aholistic corporate model which makes connections between economic develop-ment, communities, and the quality of life of the workforce (Watts and LordHolme 1999: 6).

19 See Gap Inc. (2006) "2005-6 social responsibility report fact sheet." Available:<http://www.gapinc.corn/public/documents/CSR_Report_05_06_facts.pd1 >(accessed 28 December 2007).

20 See "International Information Programs of the U.S. State Department." Available:<http://usinfo.state.gov/xarchives/display.html7p=washfile-english&x=20071031123014mlenuhret0.538357> (accessed 28 December 2007).

21 See "It's Bono, on line one," Vanity Fair, July 2007. Available: <http://www.vanityfair .com/politics/features/2007/07/onthecover_sl ideshow200707?slide-- .5#global N av>(accessed 28 December 2007).

22 The WHO estimates that only one in live persons in sub-Saharan Africahave access to adequate information 10 make decisions about sexual practices

•