chinese letters and intellectual life in medieval japan: the ......studied esoteric buddhism...
TRANSCRIPT
ChineseLettersandIntellectualLifeinMedievalJapanThePoetryandPoliticalPhilosophyofChūganEngetsu
By
BrendanArkellMorley
Adissertationsubmittedinpartialsatisfactionofthe
requirementsforthedegreeof
DoctorofPhilosophy
in
JapaneseLanguage
inthe
GraduateDivision
ofthe
UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley
Committeeincharge
ProfessorHMackHortonProfessorAlanTansmanProfessorPaulaVarsano
ProfessorMaryElizabethBerry
Summer2019
1
Abstract
ChineseLettersandIntellectualLifeinMedievalJapanThePoetryandPolitical
PhilosophyofChūganEngetsu
by
BrendanArkellMorley
DoctorofPhilosophyinJapanese
UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley
ProfessorHMackHortonChair
Thisdissertationexploresthewritingsofthefourteenth-centurypoetand
intellectualChūganEngetsu中巌円月aleadingfigureintheliterarymovementknowntohistoryasGozan(ldquoFiveMountainsrdquo)literatureIntermsofmodern
disciplinarydivisionsGozanliteraturestraddlestheintersticesofseveraldistinct
areasofstudyincludingclassicalChinesepoetryandpoeticsChinesephilosophy
andintellectualhistoryBuddhologyandthebroadertraditionofldquoSiniticrdquopoetry
andprose(kanshibun)inJapan
Amongthecentralcontentionsofthisdissertationarethefollowing(1)thatChūgan
wasthemostoriginalConfucianthinkerinpre-TokugawaJapanesehistorythe
significanceofhiscontributionsmatchedonlybythoseofearly-modernfiguressuch
asOgyūSoraiand(2)thatkanshiandkanbunwerecreativemedianotmerelydisplaysoferuditionorscholasticmimicryChūganrsquosexpositorywriting
demonstratesthattheenormousmultiplicityoftermsandconceptsanimatingthe
ChinesephilosophicaltraditionwereverymuchalivetopremodernJapanese
intellectualsandthattheyweresubjecttothoughtfulreinterpretationand
applicationtospecificallyJapanesesociohistoricalphenomenaNolessintrepidin
therealmofpoetryChūgancandidlyaddressedthemessuchasillnesswarand
povertyandexperimentedwithunusualSiniticformssuchashexasyllabic
quatrainsandthevernacularldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whichthoughpopularinChinawasveryseldomseeninJapan
ThethematicandstylisticbreadthofChūganrsquosoeuvrerevealsthecatholicityof
GozanliterarycultureandsuggestsdirectionsforfurtherresearchintoJapanese
intellectualhistoryandSiniticpoetryduringthemedievalera
i
TableofContents
BiographicalIntroduction 11 PoliticalSuasioninaTimeofCrisisTheMemorialsofChūgan
EngetsuandYoshidaSadafusa 122 FiguringMoralKingshipConstantNormsandExpedient
PoliciesinChūganrsquosChūseishi 623 AnEssayontheKunandthePeng 鯤鵬論Hermeneutics
CosmologyandtheFiguralReadingofFictionalCharacters 904 PoemsofRemembrancePoemsofSocialEngagement 1305 NewDirectionsinFormCiPoetryandHexasyllabicShi 1706 GozanLiteratureinRetrospectKanshibunandtheLegacy
ofKokugaku 194AppendixKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguage 209Bibliography 227
1
Biographical Introduction
ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済
sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual
movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo
aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking
andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura
totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood
appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis
briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas
takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor
unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto
thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe
priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest
periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea
formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The
curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both
standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe
MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast
1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32
2
AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe
ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe
studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-
storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai
mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3
ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself
asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese
andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany
promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas
residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe
expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan
madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand
althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination
ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5
Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe
2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614
3
opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas
inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive
historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted
andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe
youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7
ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst
attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese
monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang
Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗
杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe
templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign
monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe
summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore
accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe
followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely
activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin
1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe
6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235
4
KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate
directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly
militarizedJapan
In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof
SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating
ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide
financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339
threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰
backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein
theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough
Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she
regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan
ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe
traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto
KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot
alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)
andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof
thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺
Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe
KamakuraGozan
Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes
werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341
5
hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon
sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial
familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility
UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子
(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-
TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics
includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary
forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand
deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe
precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying
Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis
translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy
WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義
堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin
fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian
scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer
breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10
Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof
ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙
10SeeInoguchip48
6
梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11
ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan
tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist
texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred
schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography
andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis
contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity
andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal
measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith
strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo
medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas
practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom
thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)
ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative
versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat
timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan
figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson
thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself
imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe
predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos
11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255
7
poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation
ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred
generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover
fallowfields13
ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal
progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe
indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery
mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo
coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism
theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut
itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and
isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The
13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開
8
connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates
inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself
whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall
ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor
ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters
擬古
InImitationofOld
浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode
Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan
couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom
the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived
fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely
controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas
builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri
東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang
Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly
whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof
medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould
9
beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween
businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary
housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and
evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional
lifefordecadesthereafter
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe
moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe
selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers
TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen
surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin
meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo
10
arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe
incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination
attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears
earlier
Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos
Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto
hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto
moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As
lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal
deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance
rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain
refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe
nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen
monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17
Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe
descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis
recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary
accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe
attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)
11
strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings
throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus
refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18
18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌
12
Chapter One
Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa
國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi
IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the
formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto
questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse
suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial
institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat
circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent
conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight
(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong
thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto
questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof
genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval
19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim
13
JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist
doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews
onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration
(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity
AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe
powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332
fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin
EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix
ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof
politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old
prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst
placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby
theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand
immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually
notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-
1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22
21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227
14
andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房
(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial
successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat
Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand
ideologicalframework
Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe
formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333
tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten
withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto
Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut
thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe
existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal
socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore
thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe
sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis
idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain
historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction
thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements
ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe
Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith
theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout
1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn
Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)
15
alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand
presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay
entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe
idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically
thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof
thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin
Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical
guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof
rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand
overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand
easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas
lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe
wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother
guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader
culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival
theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate
overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary
23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23
16
historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine
practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof
guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe
esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits
importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence
suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat
leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew
stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese
textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso
heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑
(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New
HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand
intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly
thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen
drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting
particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath
OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone
pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28
ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric
bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219
17
comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen
establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic
ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe
articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo
wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-
rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-
Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30
ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese
cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan
Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption
thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying
ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist
argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan
Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality
ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos
traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries
providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor
understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece
29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)
18
Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin
Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand
nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut
alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples
amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas
thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand
anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin
ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning
interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical
crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor
thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour
Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial
rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe
permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof
anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven
hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides
forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone
ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe
willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical
treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis
repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended
simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan
32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter
19
sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither
ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita
usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach
ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment
EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir
craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant
vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce
variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare
plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe
credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent
fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory
theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms
andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses
pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof
peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe
prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe
33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo
20
Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled
peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife
anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe
peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas
notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming
thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour
owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake
upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand
theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir
hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand
abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone
surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter
forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances
wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary
OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis
pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving
comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked
ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing
ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary
powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34
34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo
21
Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest
foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment
shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas
wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir
respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis
perhapshopeafterall
淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎
Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin
preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar
beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto
thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe
thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand
simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate
oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix
monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe
abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd
whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan
22
inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior
governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury
sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa
shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand
tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation
evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas
drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior
governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace
thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand
restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost
enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough
officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions
mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz
shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses
Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin
addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic
worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand
inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich
datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen
stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese
andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth
emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand
35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67
23
valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong
practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof
JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese
historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional
momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto
appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone
OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36
Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho
succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere
arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe
moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe
rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof
thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus
doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand
inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof
HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi
opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad
36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo
24
lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof
beneficentteachingsrdquo39
Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe
regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit
wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)
Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat
whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand
whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter
theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit
wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One
yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe
newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang
opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas
thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot
bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41
AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater
nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere
freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest
(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew
lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit
39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff
25
lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere
extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed
HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan
thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir
effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere
promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit
followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea
peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the
impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe
followinginhisrescript
ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42
DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso
boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand
receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished
militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand
42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular
26
embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble
obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos
mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof
theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave
graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy
lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho
wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas
theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe
restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning
ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive
thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour
timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto
reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45
AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately
decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly
interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble
throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa
momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe
greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel
thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact
soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou
findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict
commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered
mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo
27
上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐
Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial
understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly
admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting
46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22
28
contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled
Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe
ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated
termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe
epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan
Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe
shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt
whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight
nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone
nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor
Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos
purposewell
AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical
experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary
referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent
warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian
historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand
militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby
theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts
47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions
29
includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto
clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀
子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut
stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost
influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute
power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing
terms
OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大
BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan
establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand
yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais
similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot
onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward
SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681
BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese
defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe
Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself
associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3
30
representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell
awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution
nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将
軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa
commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders
leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor
ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate
righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally
illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany
systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof
Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing
militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos
achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin
perpetuityundertheneworder
AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual
featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan
thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious
EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat
quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof
hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe
naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239
31
interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike
DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho
waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim
ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan
endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely
suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods
whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose
whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong
ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand
properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou
justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52
AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical
cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas
stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong
50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan
32
outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare
preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied
byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad
ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso
seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext
attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho
mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall
howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese
politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth
theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto
Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave
knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos
53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries
33
memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen
morereadilyapplied
WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif
seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe
worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent
altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast
bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot
asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother
referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable
EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe
summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57
56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97
34
LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical
ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew
heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework
ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan
figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular
textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism
butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe
AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron
whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone
ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The
unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree
Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics
andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit
isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga
holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59
MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang
TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum
opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi
58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized
35
中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-
DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho
representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename
ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang
TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand
BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi
andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof
BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto
Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at
thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped
thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation
ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval
JapaneseKanbun
GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand
intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent
60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7
36
ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe
genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-
centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur
Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管
家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati
SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-
79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare
formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently
offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta
majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery
briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan
additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe
universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof
statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese
authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest
candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered
bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof
thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis
generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor
61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui
37
Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)
analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe
bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe
traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance
oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight
alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut
usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson
mattersofcourtpolicy
Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly
composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand
predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa
muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron
(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost
especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa
continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir
serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice
andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable
successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery
62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis
38
basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby
thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth
auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo
ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy
familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)
eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute
nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery
powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis
nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof
theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe
centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea
roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe
briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe
courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65
ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests
grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary
hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry
63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates
39
andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan
ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand
manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby
eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe
mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic
socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand
expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof
familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily
properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along
withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen
eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs
Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval
erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom
hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo
ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin
literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof
Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits
HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-
inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey
allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend
toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast
66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210
40
Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe
portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera
would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe
phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina
waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance
陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67
TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical
argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor
bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos
ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed
almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome
lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial
courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto
67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy
41
earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof
expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual
policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel
proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan
milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun
明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-
acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto
advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure
tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto
bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand
totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably
evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy
isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution
thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand
rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage
embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth
ChineseandJapaneseinagespast
68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks
42
ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa
AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos
hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor
criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida
SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily
againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical
positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory
genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor
purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat
leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos
functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof
evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp
butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深
峭)69
TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult
frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe
responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical
andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand
69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou
43
philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo
worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis
somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa
valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat
leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical
implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70
ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos
intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand
themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory
ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown
humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto
presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour
Majestyrsquosdispleasure
国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity
70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92
44
Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes
firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis
iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing
unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset
themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas
ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo
generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof
SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut
theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis
becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand
violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang
allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs
thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat
Menciuswasright
一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎
ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler
whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor
71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7
45
generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois
typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe
moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof
hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably
Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship
elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical
isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies
ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein
tractsofpoliticalsuasion
2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin
Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir
militaryadventures
一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎
3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly
72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui
46
Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm
hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend
hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent
totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit
一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉
IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand
immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison
tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation
thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst
Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging
suchawar
4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch
thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof
martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow
couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto
barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment
73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor
47
一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣
5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan
expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto
contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe
impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)
一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也
InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples
fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather
terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein
ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof
theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation
ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern
easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji
ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)
48
warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe
historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary
conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults
6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis
conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture
andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered
bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility
(ofchallengingtheBakufu)
一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也
7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)
imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang
76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji
49
receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas
abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto
appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe
populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata
powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate
isimpossible)
一湯取桀事
marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause
50
龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto
mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit
resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand
enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding
immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader
whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat
Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat
80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring
51
Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos
demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth
reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85
一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand
resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing
(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult
eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe
expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter
theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand
theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof
theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories
theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo
52
largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe
reinsofgovernment
Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor
promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise
frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith
thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe
imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake
howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis
一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉
DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal
heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe
notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa
firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe
KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers
InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones
thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology
differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis
followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C
tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental
activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe
53
peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic
extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe
thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully
historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking
matter
10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough
EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm
eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku
Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa
non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From
thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut
ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe
87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya
54
JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor
(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe
orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor
Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend
rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe
EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92
violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes
55
MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe
positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor
sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno
useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall
istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey
一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已
Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely
omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand
everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)
56
submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept
insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit
forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences
havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe
firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between
thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin
travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94
以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣
ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy
meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis
bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis
everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto
moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-
DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations
alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese
imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary
94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal
57
thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual
continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe
rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto
dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave
emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince
Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless
makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis
thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief
thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore
generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois
overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce
againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch
processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman
decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya
pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout
thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor
boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil
conditionsaremorefavorable
IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa
steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate
ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven
theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe
maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn
58
oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa
victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate
himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat
Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested
ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto
havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards
consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo
Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor
themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand
probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial
andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing
thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings
wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera
frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown
revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose
inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike
anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn
95SeeGobleKenmup139
59
AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood
AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō
原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems
thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit
offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong
beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa
desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour
traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof
concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers
EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96
Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones
hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled
worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe
Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97
YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally
nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance
werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish
themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno
96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair
60
differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral
populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists
moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith
thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand
themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand
hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst
theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings
ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten
TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)
Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase
themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks
Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir
numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone
becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-
shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin
theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist
LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons
andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda
correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe
state(國家)
出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣
98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles
61
UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints
outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas
shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe
opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand
proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately
quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe
moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)
amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining
theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole
Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas
suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose
wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose
wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho
ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft
forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately
62
Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi
ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed
inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe
triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-
Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof
conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult
particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof
theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe
momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave
embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen
particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof
Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji
affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin
Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly
ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin
KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof
99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim
63
BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften
chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist
doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter
ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe
fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler
EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween
establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems
(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat
Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-
DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor
thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof
directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine
abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime
TheConstantandtheExpedient101
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler
EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan
onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung
100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70
64
andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople
areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle
WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart
intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin
everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty
knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied
ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand
RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis
enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast
forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade
manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns
countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat
contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient
Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)
Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe
sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething
thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary
stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe
orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient
Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe
realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot
undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto
explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo
102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter
65
ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman
beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey
havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey
feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother
thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut
whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset
inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof
humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded
tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses
flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned
civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe
realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose
whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed
(旺化)thecommonpeople104
HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe
kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso
becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall
theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel
104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往
66
bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence
itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe
heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring
timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto
effectduringtimesofdisorder
NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult
thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat
punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore
Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms
assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut
displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf
(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused
irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe
wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour
countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation
Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour
cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway
oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell
Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart
intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty
Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout
thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee
expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem
Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout
militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin
67
theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate
Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants
allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor
themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand
servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand
righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof
censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof
theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof
expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes
themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould
theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin
martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost
fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit
andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo
ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand
Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave
中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也
經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也
107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1
68
凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也
今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去
IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan
defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially
corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe
memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary
whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)
relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe
subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut
itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings
aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo
thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe
readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot
leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or
69
ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe
posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya
reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108
NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof
EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew
GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown
situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan
rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof
nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan
whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned
theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution
mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe
destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto
anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom
thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized
imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby
embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111
TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast
(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof
108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim
70
historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen
andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe
positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader
holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo
HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing
soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and
hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior
familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe
realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto
patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple
constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina
ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor
martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice
againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown
rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould
ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin
somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō
(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe
recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris
probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling
112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82
71
argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent
successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof
preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies
ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof
crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems
toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof
Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit
isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof
1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange
ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena
supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe
hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis
own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe
differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten
withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal
memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing
WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning
thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter
directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang
113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight
72
InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided
oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof
KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage
Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs
suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional
butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-
DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi
TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe
1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe
imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat
theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing
apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended
specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan
belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos
fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer
hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-
Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance
ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself
whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C
baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes
rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows
115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid
73
NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe
greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117
九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑
TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe
enigmaticpassagethusly
TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina
positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill
lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan
thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite
beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-
DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif
itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has
forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis
ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence
117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55
74
thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)
forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa
moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe
martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa
well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo
(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread
recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno
specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand
emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe
sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt
itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname
neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise
ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119
AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe
basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece
doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe
119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35
75
countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality
ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan
insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry
unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire
exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween
MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes
butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor
atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit
shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign
leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule
mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature
andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo
sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative
behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi
aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent
uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave
hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape
thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother
MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany
ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant
toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot
76
theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor
HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120
AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo
chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept
namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies
andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei
(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang
commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe
politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes
againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar
relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety
(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)
77
exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif
sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut
thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent
circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood
Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan
Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin
violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas
ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-
quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost
closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought
withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell
acquainted124
Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain
betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe
ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan
relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms
78
thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan
independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125
Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto
communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular
Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort
offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa
faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich
presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe
orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave
beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto
assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan
assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive
knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby
HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts
inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe
125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage
79
GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe
LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu
尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand
Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)
andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic
discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC
ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127
OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains
numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam
notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical
parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews
articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe
responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably
offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext
Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan
Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin
chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis
thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor
observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe
entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing
boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos
127GobleKenmupp2127-28
80
policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan
inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp
ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權
Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis
somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts
AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe
moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi
doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan
attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent
disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser
tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves
sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld
128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887
81
butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices
ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-
Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike
aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage
regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮
樂)134
IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat
theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut
rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意
聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast
inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal
morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical
relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly
morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell
ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135
132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833
82
五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也
ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare
promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder
requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen
BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe
particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality
ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos
reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse
TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe
statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof
keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo
theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature
ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand
incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)
whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue
InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese
sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations
jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa
dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter
thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical
suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary
83
expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin
thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga
vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe
ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat
werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby
nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly
ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon
ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast
comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably
nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi
ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe
KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended
provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly
successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern
JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga
riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe
fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith
dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe
followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor
supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent
branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor
136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61
84
familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial
familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell
thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior
partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled
thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince
withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan
nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew
shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan
everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal
preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe
textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu
politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom
publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial
fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern
perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit
survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書
ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis
chapter
Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy
ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake
ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday
becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily
Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-
85
89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto
國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰
伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The
notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo
wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略
(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe
LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis
explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes
seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia
deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto
beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi
periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally
veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto
theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto
137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321
86
articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine
theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey
wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand
Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine
coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling
courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir
positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity
ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied
aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu
IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth
centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof
theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities
byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-
1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō
shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage
whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto
thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly
Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof
theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis
nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto
139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし
87
whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently
EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation
ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo
morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical
accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence
suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa
greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand
politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests
thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof
disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and
distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly
141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上
88
subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe
contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong
ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin
Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress
deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe
controversysurroundingit
He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby
theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144
修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子
ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe
SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi
143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982
89
WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)
GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned
forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea
placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand
AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen
GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans
inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese
SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious
doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof
JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork
comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe
MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe
opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost
controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong
145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone
90
Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)
物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)
WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral
suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas
suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought
toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork
Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe
repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso
openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly
91
repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan
wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful
inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand
unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe
facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely
duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian
traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong
thesewasZhuangzi
ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis
exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly
workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-
ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably
belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi
XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic
policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest
inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove
fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost
146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173
92
stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe
privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations
sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic
significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe
giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand
thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism
yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand
entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites
productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand
limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect
Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe
efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries
onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose
byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng
Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan
Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe
firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena
slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku
kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295
93
Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos
commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks
hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor
religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic
relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese
religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate
communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150
Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin
thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited
exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular
ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula
薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas
exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific
attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe
wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory
andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-
HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore
thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven
149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25
94
belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat
whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly
quiteup-to-date
Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein
imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto
performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi
wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland
entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin
medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary
counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural
interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic
significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen
standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe
couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun
andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther
afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional
commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived
Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent
overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown
symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich
credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry
toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21
95
BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156
莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉
Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral
referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit
termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe
leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore
thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits
153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature
96
forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike
otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly
funny
ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage
鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳
157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo
97
HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe
basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting
theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳
commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous
identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-
calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon
ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby
thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳
thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century
lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan
shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic
correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as
centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird
Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and
159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo
98
useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也
ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand
recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing
asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments
ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould
foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe
historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful
propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The
foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo
(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist
philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe
physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng
162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory
99
Hebeginshisinterpretation
byexplainingthesignificanceofthe
termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the
bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis
heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan
northisthedirectionwhereyang
energyliesdormantandwherethe
ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater
intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly
ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric
arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural
numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He
furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram
kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand
symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto
denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa
particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark
mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness
representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏
之地耳)
ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven
helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa
Fig1
100
giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which
maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden
potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis
wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas
roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe
fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided
onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat
leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided
thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest
qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance
proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably
motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto
establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa
wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote
ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously
rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe
basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive
terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe
extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny
163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism
101
buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian
rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe
serviceofphilosophy
Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其
幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas
anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis
thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation
intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe
NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate
thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst
forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits
significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis
associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang
165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation
102
linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He
observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat
accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby
theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To
Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin
thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe
number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits
ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby
contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich
formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand
undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe
Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167
Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous
wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It
166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)
103
driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward
associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe
celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince
renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe
HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan
proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing
thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)
andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even
thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains
radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)
隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay
nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe
KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits
transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170
Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural
readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic
(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading
wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources
169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter
104
WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe
commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin
termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the
aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere
overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow
theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor
rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish
embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe
juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover
theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral
importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe
NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith
divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda
resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯
(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest
ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant
171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114
105
withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis
oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections
betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe
famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand
ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe
schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe
XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-
1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand
anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)
BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively
thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening
passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof
essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin
YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴
(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked
bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain
aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon
Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe
eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)
174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68
106
perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious
doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto
YijingZhuangziandLaozi178
ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto
inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere
characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo
scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic
studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed
BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile
intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra
andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-
yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould
bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot
leastofwhichwasallegoresis
178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115
107
InterpretationandAuthorialGenius
IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably
betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich
wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple
textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense
TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods
andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral
imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical
proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya
processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually
accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual
environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively
easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof
specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible
newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand
bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180
Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas
beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic
thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate
180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13
108
phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm
forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey
wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates
Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe
Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding
thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory
commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto
differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest
TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent
otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric
substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks
upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks
outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen
judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation
waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand
noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin
ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit
nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin
kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha
181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180
109
realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut
anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-
existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound
inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness
articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis
worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe
explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely
conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis
ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas
fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour
understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious
provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother
PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet
oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad
metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian
intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence
whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight
beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar
discoursesintheWest
183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24
110
NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof
transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat
theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious
implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion
dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise
incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto
lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses
revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing
correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos
accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang
correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching
purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof
transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand
entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi
ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis
186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi
111
traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid
蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也
ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures
whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave
directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself
wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply
denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe
associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying
signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords
ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish
andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly
uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething
bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel
OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably
closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot
betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof
signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction
187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹
112
assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse
returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether
ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe
construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes
workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth
immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor
ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat
precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof
renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded
valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe
searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa
metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof
AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless
hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe
phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe
conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao
cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic
orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand
188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion
113
thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas
skilledasZhuangzi
ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已
ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof
themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen
自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while
unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse
thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin
Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe
followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords
andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不
191Zhuangzi2510
114
足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong
scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun
phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis
thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive
strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof
discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman
limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe
principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued
astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa
topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the
principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto
speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi
stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden
orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor
ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe
Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-
physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193
192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)
115
AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC
ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe
termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes
externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic
meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames
andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert
therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand
thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior
tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot
expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther
evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds
ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords
andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis
identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation
providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe
formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat
ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation
Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon
languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe
aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda
talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe
veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan
saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno
116
tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic
wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe
fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto
himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone
whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois
skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose
similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas
Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand
contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition
Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho
wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron
wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal
realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan
otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut
194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
117
aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe
communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage
Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed
whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics
namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif
somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya
symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate
theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia
thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand
thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis
commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps
mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit
simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar
importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof
readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto
theacquisitionofknowledge
hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch
196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem
118
transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe
manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose
ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis
unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan
uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit
wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe
dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps
Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison
drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory
toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist
allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof
ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197
197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13
119
AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun
andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless
namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe
locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen
thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere
differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe
fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong
withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina
waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos
carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake
conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith
viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists
associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof
importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport
doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian
Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths
areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds
ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises
198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)
120
themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof
courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent
fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic
needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical
valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths
whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation
thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience
Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable
thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi
seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity
duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa
seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas
theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt
thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand
rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun
andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary
skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving
uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder
AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto
199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31
121
thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也
ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich
comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown
analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan
readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數
andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly
tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis
extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe
investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately
ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto
personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo
無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof
NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise
200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese
122
forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto
himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights
thatarenormallyineffable
OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也
ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis
allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator
suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch
butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa
parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand
particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory
delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself
FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-
yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa
textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe
storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions
licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin
movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof
associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey
123
canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily
structurethereadingprocess
InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows
NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo
子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe
BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven
theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin
thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater
anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain
thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand
ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin
Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof
yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強
生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe
problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar
fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere
noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike
Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe
parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit
ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby
itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount
124
assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes
aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively
throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe
precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider
andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto
resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject
TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand
perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-
Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous
materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive
accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation
itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes
suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan
developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi
whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo
(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)
ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi
fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo
(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous
openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical
203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)
125
Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables
ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans
toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe
conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe
aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat
Chūgandidnottry
126
Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng
WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment
accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand
concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof
numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as
ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin
poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan
(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis
writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit
makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased
uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes
hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat
whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe
myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature
istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe
fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe
ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough
onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa
dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere
Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar
intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof
patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire
204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)
127
andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)
transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat
whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe
tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact
duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird
ofthesouth
IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being
divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary
beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis
reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea
ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe
heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it
representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith
respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness
(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky
206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup
128
129
Appendix2
IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive
130
Chapter Four
Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview
PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso
muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山
文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif
poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention
suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof
thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally
beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval
JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere
thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand
conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable
varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury
LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished
poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe
idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific
totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe
eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic
metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚
131
集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier
metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive
contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe
majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo
quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo
versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe
collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof
influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh
Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)
models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi
三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse
plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe
mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars
suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who
wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian
life
208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219
132
AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche
withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto
comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins
aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth
centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe
midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan
establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei
1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas
theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude
YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend
twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand
KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō
shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism
TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic
life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly
religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson
wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen
temples211
210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415
133
Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular
avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile
AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth
andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted
prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure
inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō
Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed
forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-
94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan
Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover
religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile
alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown
tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry
ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu
ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina
tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored
212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77
134
witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern
criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe
basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos
historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi
shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand
scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif
somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship
today
ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen
215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer
135
comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず
WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan
Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern
scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose
remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising
notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash
commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe
effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin
theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern
kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan
literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical
217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi
136
intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften
selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse
WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic
precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin
(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong
DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-
Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn
fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong
poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith
extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould
poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria
whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany
sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan
especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways
remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis
theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare
foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple
rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof
thischapter
219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard
137
瘧疾
Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe
variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers
138
反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226
Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome
liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas
twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream
ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand
225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)
139
Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting
simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms
inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe
poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof
Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial
recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor
ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin
mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis
anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical
symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength
mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe
morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis
possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof
theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency
towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect
commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic
sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother
Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively
thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically
compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment
140
2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil
1333-1343
Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism
begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning
collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn
fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas
theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-
knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata
ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould
deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof
localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit
occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto
theupheavalsofthetime
檀浦
Dannoura228
晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin
theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping
blossoms229
227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)
141
封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite
sand230
鞆津TomoHarbor231
楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside
rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes
haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury
142
遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened
boats233
Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa
recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris
alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet
unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally
speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras
accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi
whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-
1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe
overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards
discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實
whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo
虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial
prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan
233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
143
ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis
quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto
positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan
explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition
Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter
vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems
almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe
pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe
impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith
thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven
whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏
史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance
forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan
poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould
alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost
likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo
versesisinstructive
赤間関
Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred
144
怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe
sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe
gulls237
TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar
源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally
bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The
TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand
wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters
throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas
themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot
simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation
ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r
1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong
thethousandsdrownedinthemelee
BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut
theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar
237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97
145
deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan
aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe
freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict
overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos
poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a
traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay
havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate
purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune
HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe
sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview
Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal
causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial
AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-
Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden
deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence
anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta
Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon
KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe
historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome
dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative
buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral
146
hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese
eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical
disarray
惜陰偶作
ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime
昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced
tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce
linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy
238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo
147
佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust
besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown
open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand
departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen
becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought
rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce
againforConfucianrobes243
242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup
148
AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented
asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain
oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand
lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis
essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody
thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe
tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks
entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance
inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic
qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe
impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244
Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith
thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect
thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching
observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably
themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto
beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse
244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent
149
isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat
becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan
uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe
presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad
fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival
courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf
century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis
referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm
renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat
appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi
BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣
BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout
regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother
versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos
245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168
150
misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial
preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals
ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome
asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear
anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince
bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative
interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial
creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical
environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular
Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto
suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat
representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe
assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave
laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely
thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta
truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor
247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39
151
emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe
coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248
Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth
verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning
ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe
implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The
termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost
elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and
earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso
denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto
shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily
apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof
kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami
worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional
apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto
figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage
mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder
248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below
152
objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura
periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile
increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially
healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay
beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai
(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo
ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets
(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas
nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad
beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe
couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby
politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding
themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual
ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest
thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera
Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary
imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe
1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal
Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple
KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe
hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput
remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave
requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso
153
occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon
thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis
amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand
waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250
春雪
SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-
metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252
250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem
154
淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat
useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall
distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions
shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)
155
咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths
百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof
driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe
cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty
stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe
heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe
bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear
ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257
256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo
156
IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful
seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara
noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains
oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin
withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto
identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers
whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances
ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis
actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle
informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe
poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore
aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater
linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa
persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It
ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo
beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich
eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor
TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe
significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby
conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes
258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31
157
andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers
Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash
forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof
thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription
tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached
non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination
andintertextualcodingiseschewed
ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas
aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse
producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial
protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat
extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition
Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic
requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly
knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof
courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof
ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres
commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and
shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores
theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe
eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere
traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings
158
witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality
canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill
generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof
andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby
fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger
readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance
reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment
officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe
shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe
passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot
justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos
InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar
backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework
ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly
laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha
RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly
similarmotifs
舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo
259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89
159
蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous
pearls261
ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave
beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity
betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof
dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway
ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical
conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance
ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment
policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe
bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic
poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant
hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar
sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof
earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite
scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies
theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble
261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making
160
beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial
bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin
1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses
highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax
burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264
ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan
Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic
sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe
numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat
vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe
greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat
hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second
andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized
bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration
wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply
didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism
fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe
Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno
positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore
264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems
161
unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment
monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe
ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266
WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong
DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise
consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof
socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic
preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew
linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic
uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively
staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral
argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe
poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof
narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes
forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati
266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate
162
waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat
werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis
toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses
exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand
theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing
poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源
円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell
和答別源
HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare
determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein
astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot
ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward
habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand
chantversesaloud
267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天
163
Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical
functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway
propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa
conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha
metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed
smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings
Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone
prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader
BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer
aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction
andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are
contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances
thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld
andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere
twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are
marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin
corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore
opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves
thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys
ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal
experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo
capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown
164
shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein
Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-
reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe
expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems
comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe
subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas
opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe
nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples
UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt
beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe
varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe
formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial
tothehardshipsitrecounts
送澤雲夢
SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads
269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo
165
荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto
go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha
verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly
master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill
together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91
166
Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial
unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly
ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe
possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies
Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo
friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation
andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork
whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno
fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart
ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby
ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof
thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda
universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)
toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc
ofaparticularfriendship
ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto
adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse
equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage
morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto
directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto
wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor
unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe
167
espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe
materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical
situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism
putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems
treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis
thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor
ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan
writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders
poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA
cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)
preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved
uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded
withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport
hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-
lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave
resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing
versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent
軍士圖
SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice
168
嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273
Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow
differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764
vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique
tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably
reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual
informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas
askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone
marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe
brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha
staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby
extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle
isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological
temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably
successful
273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍
169
Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare
broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling
casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos
mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding
contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin
FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe
dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical
irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres
suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin
shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven
moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein
ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor
poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand
stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese
literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic
adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof
ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan
170
Chapter Five
New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi
ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand
seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters
TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury
bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor
severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction
ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof
theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic
eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style
regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto
appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe
prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto
countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas
observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof
publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch
expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276
275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421
171
So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-
styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod
andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted
animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses
andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless
ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould
beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet
withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut
importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter
ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof
subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater
detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and
heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally
wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas
theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic
meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin
Japanfortheirshipoetry277
Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin
medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe
277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci
172
topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278
TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)
andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)
despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin
JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore
theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate
theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires
theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe
unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators
ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith
thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata
Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-
centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe
GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered
278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62
173
belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven
inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen
lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen
thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof
tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281
SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone
ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai
ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe
unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand
quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter
willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby
oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation
torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci
inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot
indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint
foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong
thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave
beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor
moreouranalysiswillbeginthere
281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48
174
兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich
thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282
PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof
Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi
NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木
蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-
DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos
compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse
ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆
轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe
trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina
mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic
282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06
175
structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪
牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285
Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally
retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable
lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic
towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe
firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit
appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行
c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens
withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci
車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch
awayhellip287
284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese
andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu
176
ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo
(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry
characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively
Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection
Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos
psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting
tumultofastorm
NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate
monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa
differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora
JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan
communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern
monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet
himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn
toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe
tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter
makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest
thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci
288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99
177
送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool
(HersquosaManofWu)289
蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290
TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical
propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued
assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous
linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby
nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe
anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis
alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos
lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa
reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六
289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278
178
appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby
notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis
logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-
sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called
ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291
ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe
SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren
wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother
regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292
Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit
isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin
ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening
onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable
tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool
291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃
179
Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe
firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe
poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto
enlightenment
Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof
metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso
includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294
Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding
andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty
eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe
vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe
refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi
Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi
withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe
casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif
fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary
293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern
MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263
180
legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda
meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems
fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose
shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character
linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial
andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact
influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter
whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible
thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered
increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi
ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof
ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot
austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated
withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe
chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras
hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible
thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa
familiarone
297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203
181
利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299
陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五
溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo
182
枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill
DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests
theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart
ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan
WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous
demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe
302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment
183
templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan
andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy
andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand
adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe
vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though
somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter
arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐
詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang
Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider
reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree
andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe
forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe
SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan
writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger
compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive
collectionKūgeshū空華集307
304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73
184
Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan
infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation
topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi
maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare
homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich
helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic
shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration
characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina
singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack
thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-
stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel
tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome
premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong
MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance
includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe
work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry
washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor
308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic
185
regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike
recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312
Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin
thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms
thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry
associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-
charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines
thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication
名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)
WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly
definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor
adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain
312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted
186
noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno
prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines
scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos
versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing
linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore
prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe
vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact
WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe
prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear
plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic
shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities
toarchetypessuchasthefollowing
題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315
水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168
187
田園樂七首
SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6
桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)
OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently
subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo
(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe
casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich
reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond
versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The
particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly
prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas
onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields
ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might
bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly
metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof
Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe
317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo
188
austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand
BaiRenfu
ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature
commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore
generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical
fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance
thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms
Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased
intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply
makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan
intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto
resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style
tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds
undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩
流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution
doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand
theirmeaningremainsunchanged
Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit
suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin
multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact
knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely
theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof
particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道
189
orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe
TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic
shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin
anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant
inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous
interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin
additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof
phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe
monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring
intheMountainsofTonerdquo
ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan
ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū
whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider
theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe
onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas
evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin
hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin
lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin
ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan
collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof
319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74
190
medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack
ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos
tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan
literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci
suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted
inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe
generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat
notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury
nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322
Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci
amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat
thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically
sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew
formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat
determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis
thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof
320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807
191
belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor
didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition
Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact
thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway
fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323
Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave
motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint
thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen
andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly
femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection
wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets
mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile
mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive
indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas
aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang
Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat
all
323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251
192
hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326
AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown
accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning
opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive
language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto
imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey
pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin
theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick
popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers
inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi
whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas
clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith
extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera
itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore
326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16
193
amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe
fourcenturieslater
194
Conclusion
Gozan Literature in Retrospect
1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa
uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese
kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-
linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto
thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe
monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof
aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated
withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe
indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere
motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted
philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe
Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby
ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly
havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive
kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese
textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally
consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical
195
chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe
fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof
poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji
monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof
MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems
AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial
advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature
hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe
effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular
JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese
classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330
Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad
beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein
329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks
196
theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe
longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception
praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese
characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena
peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere
easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften
atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro
荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto
Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas
positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)
wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa
particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral
WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era
scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland
ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist
convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand
philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives
331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145
197
anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain
JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent
ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan
easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand
repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea
centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse
Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew
academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational
literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm
governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe
intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout
literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof
culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain
ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas
kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku
emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe
novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku
hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby
continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas
theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less
coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium
Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany
writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling
198
withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed
largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period
workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand
continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary
expression
FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem
stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga
Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as
theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)
ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333
NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof
kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe
dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic
fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose
ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas
gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas
kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7
199
unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn
lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic
prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof
JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical
competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex
characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso
WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient
tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)
arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or
vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto
notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese
monogatari335
Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern
JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism
andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand
AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis
bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore
essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly
335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193
200
moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan
(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal
paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe
ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh
cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic
machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat
contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof
GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity
wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher
thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose
landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof
anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha
partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection
itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers
enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe
ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif
evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated
fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity
withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies
laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein
partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan
FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin
referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage
201
butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera
(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast
insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe
wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters
ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith
wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash
ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits
institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda
Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious
registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto
shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo
sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards
strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe
endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin
multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe
yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid
notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan
haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot
officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan
unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan
336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146
202
unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339
ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy
anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340
Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity
andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse
AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom
themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits
orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi
poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed
mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien
andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully
integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus
ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish
canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin
wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings
meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof
scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda
moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore
339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised
203
perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan
producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand
philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted
essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand
theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason
Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold
securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply
thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof
theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving
masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters
Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium
developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks
AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese
kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読
methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits
useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium
literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits
entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich
isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible
ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku
204
thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto
kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary
SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken
languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342
Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary
valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill
appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof
vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong
criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable
technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand
ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha
conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites
furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan
ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen
kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese
literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof
thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich
isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa
verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch
mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial
tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe
courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo
205
regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose
carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace
forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome
post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact
remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe
kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention
andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge
Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor
admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe
marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe
conservativeNijōschoolforexample
Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina
dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly
canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical
context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof
poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse
Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities
oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily
envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan
kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof
343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60
206
anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies
ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet
mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic
preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast
thousand
Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly
transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare
rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay
approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread
withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand
motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters
rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface
thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer
wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof
JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause
ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand
moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual
richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe
extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin
approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)
inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe
standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin
Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof
207
Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan
literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin
Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand
fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho
helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto
medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable
anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu
illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional
criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar
removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan
benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese
history
SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe
medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary
scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere
thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu
344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim
208
XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書
章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers
FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai
(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian
thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew
Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely
acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative
cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres
includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor
disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo
Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal
memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking
uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism
withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext
345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54
209
Appendix
Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language
Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto
conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography
Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe
nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas
oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin
ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo
ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce
ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe
neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese
termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect
greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional
reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa
nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas
specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical
346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern
Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20
210
readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern
EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand
LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom
thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing
荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo
notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir
relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore
specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary
maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms
Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating
orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly
adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that
Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof
themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono
matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto
orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven
greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern
governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived
347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13
211
wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary
workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin
accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese
(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages
ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto
adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan
Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa
superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn
modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare
sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely
logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled
wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin
theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas
Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost
Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts
thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms
ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly
againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai
kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe
describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg
kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely
linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis
212
simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics
(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant
mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits
scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則
の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo
Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread
outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor
presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof
translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof
sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese
languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting
fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea
pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof
kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin
kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese
authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary
ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather
specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor
speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina
mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms
ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms
ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat
ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue
213
thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead
smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus
equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi
淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended
asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof
Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance
Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology
utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan
similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin
specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof
kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto
LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight
beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical
equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe
purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI
believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto
redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto
348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese
214
ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic
alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase
ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe
remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof
thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever
capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological
scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold
practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo
2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic
ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo
RAMiller1967350
ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo
BrianSteininger2017351
350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8
215
ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-
903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten
worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively
Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto
representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter
itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits
propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku
registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof
anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese
language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly
speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea
352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo
216
fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose
examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations
ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading
kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe
kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe
expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified
namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea
senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext
theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu
王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore
liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday
JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo
savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe
ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun
textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo
constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent
howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor
asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit
354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice
217
departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though
notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea
smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof
lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding
thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois
stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun
BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase
completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal
alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof
courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever
Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin
acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars
haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich
Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin
thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe
355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives
218
sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin
distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits
applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical
elementsnotpresentthere
Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused
productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese
writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari
(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto
sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit
Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle
butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome
elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat
cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto
modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional
endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense
andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe
approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon
Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers
havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese
356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295
219
locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin
kanbunatall357
AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe
encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither
awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution
suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning
couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa
funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢
ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令~給which
mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction
shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose
357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese
220
thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt
wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha
sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut
itcannotbewritteninkanbun
Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour
hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto
nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure
astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku
renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin
factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe
readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother
representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto
provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359
Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida
nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea
dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat
asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific
registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill
oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe
359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments
221
current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm
kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike
innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists
(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas
traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood
toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined
abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof
apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese
ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway
toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe
Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun
AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa
termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation
ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun
和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan
ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan
ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways
salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe
rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages
kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese
anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual
360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259
222
propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof
historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas
JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe
metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion
thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular
geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory
Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword
ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong
archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself
doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted
onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning
nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem
Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning
ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic
writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch
361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10
223
asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown
problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin
kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor
instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse
mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle
ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina
registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom
theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes
onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout
ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates
someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit
describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest
questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith
literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo
ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer
of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun
materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon
362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31
224
nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording
toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean
authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey
wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour
earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby
JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese
historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof
ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay
evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean
improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe
preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe
especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite
conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-
1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir
workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor
KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose
fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed
themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby
364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years
225
theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas
ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)
Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen
tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight
comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic
actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe
TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave
studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo
washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof
premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic
reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla
languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal
meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem
thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa
ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth
languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet
masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe
rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese
HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor
Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis
rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa
366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8
226
ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic
textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby
renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese
languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat
themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof
theChineselanguagerdquo368
367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese
227
BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)
228
ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)
229
mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52
230
KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)
231
LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)
232
MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)
233
PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)
234
SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59
235
WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)
1
Abstract
ChineseLettersandIntellectualLifeinMedievalJapanThePoetryandPolitical
PhilosophyofChūganEngetsu
by
BrendanArkellMorley
DoctorofPhilosophyinJapanese
UniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley
ProfessorHMackHortonChair
Thisdissertationexploresthewritingsofthefourteenth-centurypoetand
intellectualChūganEngetsu中巌円月aleadingfigureintheliterarymovementknowntohistoryasGozan(ldquoFiveMountainsrdquo)literatureIntermsofmodern
disciplinarydivisionsGozanliteraturestraddlestheintersticesofseveraldistinct
areasofstudyincludingclassicalChinesepoetryandpoeticsChinesephilosophy
andintellectualhistoryBuddhologyandthebroadertraditionofldquoSiniticrdquopoetry
andprose(kanshibun)inJapan
Amongthecentralcontentionsofthisdissertationarethefollowing(1)thatChūgan
wasthemostoriginalConfucianthinkerinpre-TokugawaJapanesehistorythe
significanceofhiscontributionsmatchedonlybythoseofearly-modernfiguressuch
asOgyūSoraiand(2)thatkanshiandkanbunwerecreativemedianotmerelydisplaysoferuditionorscholasticmimicryChūganrsquosexpositorywriting
demonstratesthattheenormousmultiplicityoftermsandconceptsanimatingthe
ChinesephilosophicaltraditionwereverymuchalivetopremodernJapanese
intellectualsandthattheyweresubjecttothoughtfulreinterpretationand
applicationtospecificallyJapanesesociohistoricalphenomenaNolessintrepidin
therealmofpoetryChūgancandidlyaddressedthemessuchasillnesswarand
povertyandexperimentedwithunusualSiniticformssuchashexasyllabic
quatrainsandthevernacularldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whichthoughpopularinChinawasveryseldomseeninJapan
ThethematicandstylisticbreadthofChūganrsquosoeuvrerevealsthecatholicityof
GozanliterarycultureandsuggestsdirectionsforfurtherresearchintoJapanese
intellectualhistoryandSiniticpoetryduringthemedievalera
i
TableofContents
BiographicalIntroduction 11 PoliticalSuasioninaTimeofCrisisTheMemorialsofChūgan
EngetsuandYoshidaSadafusa 122 FiguringMoralKingshipConstantNormsandExpedient
PoliciesinChūganrsquosChūseishi 623 AnEssayontheKunandthePeng 鯤鵬論Hermeneutics
CosmologyandtheFiguralReadingofFictionalCharacters 904 PoemsofRemembrancePoemsofSocialEngagement 1305 NewDirectionsinFormCiPoetryandHexasyllabicShi 1706 GozanLiteratureinRetrospectKanshibunandtheLegacy
ofKokugaku 194AppendixKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguage 209Bibliography 227
1
Biographical Introduction
ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済
sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual
movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo
aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking
andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura
totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood
appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis
briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas
takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor
unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto
thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe
priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest
periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea
formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The
curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both
standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe
MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast
1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32
2
AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe
ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe
studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-
storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai
mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3
ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself
asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese
andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany
promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas
residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe
expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan
madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand
althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination
ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5
Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe
2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614
3
opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas
inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive
historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted
andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe
youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7
ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst
attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese
monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang
Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗
杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe
templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign
monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe
summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore
accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe
followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely
activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin
1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe
6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235
4
KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate
directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly
militarizedJapan
In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof
SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating
ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide
financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339
threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰
backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein
theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough
Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she
regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan
ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe
traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto
KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot
alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)
andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof
thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺
Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe
KamakuraGozan
Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes
werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341
5
hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon
sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial
familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility
UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子
(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-
TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics
includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary
forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand
deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe
precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying
Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis
translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy
WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義
堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin
fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian
scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer
breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10
Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof
ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙
10SeeInoguchip48
6
梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11
ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan
tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist
texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred
schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography
andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis
contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity
andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal
measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith
strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo
medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas
practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom
thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)
ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative
versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat
timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan
figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson
thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself
imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe
predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos
11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255
7
poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation
ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred
generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover
fallowfields13
ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal
progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe
indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery
mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo
coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism
theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut
itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and
isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The
13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開
8
connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates
inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself
whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall
ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor
ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters
擬古
InImitationofOld
浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode
Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan
couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom
the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived
fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely
controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas
builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri
東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang
Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly
whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof
medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould
9
beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween
businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary
housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and
evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional
lifefordecadesthereafter
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe
moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe
selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers
TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen
surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin
meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo
10
arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe
incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination
attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears
earlier
Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos
Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto
hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto
moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As
lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal
deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance
rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain
refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe
nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen
monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17
Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe
descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis
recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary
accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe
attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)
11
strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings
throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus
refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18
18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌
12
Chapter One
Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa
國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi
IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the
formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto
questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse
suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial
institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat
circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent
conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight
(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong
thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto
questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof
genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval
19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim
13
JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist
doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews
onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration
(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity
AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe
powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332
fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin
EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix
ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof
politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old
prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst
placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby
theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand
immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually
notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-
1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22
21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227
14
andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房
(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial
successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat
Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand
ideologicalframework
Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe
formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333
tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten
withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto
Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut
thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe
existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal
socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore
thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe
sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis
idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain
historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction
thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements
ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe
Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith
theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout
1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn
Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)
15
alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand
presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay
entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe
idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically
thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof
thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin
Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical
guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof
rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand
overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand
easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas
lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe
wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother
guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader
culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival
theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate
overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary
23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23
16
historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine
practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof
guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe
esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits
importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence
suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat
leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew
stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese
textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso
heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑
(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New
HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand
intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly
thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen
drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting
particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath
OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone
pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28
ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric
bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219
17
comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen
establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic
ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe
articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo
wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-
rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-
Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30
ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese
cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan
Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption
thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying
ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist
argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan
Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality
ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos
traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries
providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor
understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece
29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)
18
Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin
Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand
nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut
alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples
amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas
thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand
anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin
ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning
interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical
crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor
thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour
Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial
rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe
permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof
anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven
hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides
forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone
ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe
willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical
treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis
repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended
simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan
32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter
19
sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither
ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita
usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach
ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment
EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir
craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant
vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce
variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare
plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe
credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent
fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory
theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms
andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses
pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof
peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe
prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe
33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo
20
Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled
peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife
anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe
peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas
notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming
thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour
owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake
upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand
theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir
hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand
abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone
surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter
forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances
wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary
OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis
pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving
comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked
ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing
ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary
powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34
34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo
21
Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest
foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment
shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas
wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir
respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis
perhapshopeafterall
淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎
Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin
preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar
beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto
thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe
thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand
simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate
oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix
monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe
abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd
whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan
22
inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior
governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury
sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa
shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand
tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation
evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas
drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior
governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace
thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand
restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost
enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough
officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions
mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz
shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses
Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin
addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic
worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand
inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich
datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen
stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese
andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth
emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand
35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67
23
valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong
practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof
JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese
historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional
momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto
appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone
OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36
Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho
succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere
arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe
moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe
rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof
thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus
doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand
inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof
HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi
opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad
36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo
24
lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof
beneficentteachingsrdquo39
Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe
regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit
wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)
Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat
whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand
whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter
theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit
wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One
yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe
newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang
opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas
thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot
bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41
AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater
nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere
freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest
(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew
lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit
39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff
25
lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere
extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed
HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan
thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir
effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere
promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit
followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea
peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the
impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe
followinginhisrescript
ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42
DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso
boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand
receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished
militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand
42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular
26
embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble
obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos
mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof
theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave
graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy
lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho
wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas
theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe
restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning
ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive
thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour
timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto
reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45
AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately
decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly
interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble
throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa
momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe
greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel
thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact
soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou
findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict
commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered
mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo
27
上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐
Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial
understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly
admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting
46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22
28
contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled
Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe
ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated
termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe
epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan
Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe
shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt
whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight
nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone
nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor
Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos
purposewell
AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical
experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary
referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent
warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian
historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand
militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby
theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts
47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions
29
includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto
clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀
子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut
stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost
influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute
power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing
terms
OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大
BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan
establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand
yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais
similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot
onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward
SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681
BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese
defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe
Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself
associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3
30
representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell
awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution
nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将
軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa
commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders
leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor
ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate
righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally
illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany
systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof
Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing
militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos
achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin
perpetuityundertheneworder
AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual
featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan
thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious
EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat
quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof
hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe
naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239
31
interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike
DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho
waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim
ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan
endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely
suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods
whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose
whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong
ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand
properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou
justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52
AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical
cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas
stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong
50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan
32
outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare
preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied
byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad
ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso
seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext
attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho
mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall
howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese
politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth
theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto
Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave
knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos
53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries
33
memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen
morereadilyapplied
WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif
seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe
worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent
altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast
bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot
asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother
referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable
EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe
summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57
56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97
34
LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical
ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew
heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework
ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan
figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular
textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism
butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe
AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron
whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone
ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The
unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree
Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics
andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit
isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga
holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59
MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang
TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum
opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi
58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized
35
中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-
DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho
representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename
ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang
TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand
BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi
andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof
BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto
Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at
thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped
thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation
ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval
JapaneseKanbun
GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand
intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent
60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7
36
ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe
genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-
centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur
Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管
家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati
SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-
79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare
formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently
offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta
majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery
briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan
additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe
universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof
statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese
authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest
candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered
bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof
thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis
generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor
61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui
37
Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)
analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe
bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe
traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance
oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight
alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut
usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson
mattersofcourtpolicy
Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly
composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand
predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa
muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron
(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost
especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa
continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir
serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice
andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable
successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery
62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis
38
basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby
thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth
auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo
ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy
familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)
eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute
nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery
powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis
nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof
theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe
centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea
roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe
briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe
courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65
ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests
grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary
hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry
63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates
39
andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan
ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand
manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby
eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe
mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic
socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand
expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof
familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily
properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along
withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen
eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs
Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval
erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom
hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo
ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin
literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof
Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits
HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-
inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey
allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend
toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast
66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210
40
Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe
portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera
would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe
phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina
waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance
陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67
TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical
argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor
bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos
ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed
almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome
lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial
courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto
67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy
41
earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof
expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual
policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel
proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan
milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun
明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-
acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto
advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure
tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto
bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand
totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably
evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy
isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution
thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand
rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage
embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth
ChineseandJapaneseinagespast
68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks
42
ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa
AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos
hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor
criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida
SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily
againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical
positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory
genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor
purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat
leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos
functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof
evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp
butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深
峭)69
TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult
frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe
responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical
andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand
69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou
43
philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo
worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis
somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa
valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat
leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical
implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70
ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos
intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand
themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory
ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown
humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto
presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour
Majestyrsquosdispleasure
国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity
70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92
44
Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes
firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis
iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing
unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset
themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas
ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo
generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof
SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut
theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis
becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand
violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang
allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs
thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat
Menciuswasright
一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎
ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler
whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor
71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7
45
generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois
typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe
moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof
hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably
Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship
elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical
isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies
ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein
tractsofpoliticalsuasion
2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin
Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir
militaryadventures
一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎
3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly
72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui
46
Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm
hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend
hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent
totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit
一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉
IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand
immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison
tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation
thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst
Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging
suchawar
4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch
thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof
martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow
couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto
barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment
73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor
47
一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣
5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan
expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto
contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe
impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)
一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也
InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples
fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather
terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein
ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof
theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation
ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern
easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji
ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)
48
warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe
historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary
conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults
6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis
conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture
andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered
bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility
(ofchallengingtheBakufu)
一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也
7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)
imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang
76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji
49
receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas
abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto
appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe
populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata
powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate
isimpossible)
一湯取桀事
marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause
50
龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto
mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit
resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand
enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding
immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader
whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat
Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat
80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring
51
Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos
demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth
reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85
一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand
resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing
(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult
eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe
expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter
theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand
theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof
theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories
theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo
52
largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe
reinsofgovernment
Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor
promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise
frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith
thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe
imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake
howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis
一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉
DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal
heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe
notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa
firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe
KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers
InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones
thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology
differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis
followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C
tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental
activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe
53
peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic
extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe
thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully
historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking
matter
10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough
EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm
eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku
Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa
non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From
thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut
ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe
87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya
54
JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor
(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe
orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor
Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend
rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe
EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92
violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes
55
MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe
positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor
sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno
useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall
istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey
一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已
Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely
omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand
everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)
56
submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept
insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit
forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences
havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe
firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between
thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin
travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94
以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣
ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy
meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis
bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis
everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto
moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-
DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations
alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese
imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary
94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal
57
thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual
continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe
rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto
dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave
emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince
Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless
makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis
thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief
thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore
generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois
overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce
againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch
processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman
decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya
pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout
thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor
boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil
conditionsaremorefavorable
IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa
steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate
ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven
theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe
maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn
58
oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa
victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate
himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat
Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested
ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto
havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards
consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo
Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor
themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand
probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial
andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing
thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings
wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera
frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown
revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose
inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike
anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn
95SeeGobleKenmup139
59
AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood
AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō
原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems
thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit
offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong
beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa
desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour
traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof
concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers
EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96
Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones
hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled
worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe
Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97
YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally
nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance
werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish
themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno
96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair
60
differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral
populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists
moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith
thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand
themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand
hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst
theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings
ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten
TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)
Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase
themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks
Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir
numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone
becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-
shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin
theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist
LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons
andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda
correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe
state(國家)
出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣
98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles
61
UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints
outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas
shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe
opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand
proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately
quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe
moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)
amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining
theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole
Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas
suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose
wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose
wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho
ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft
forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately
62
Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi
ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed
inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe
triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-
Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof
conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult
particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof
theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe
momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave
embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen
particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof
Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji
affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin
Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly
ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin
KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof
99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim
63
BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften
chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist
doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter
ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe
fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler
EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween
establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems
(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat
Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-
DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor
thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof
directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine
abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime
TheConstantandtheExpedient101
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler
EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan
onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung
100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70
64
andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople
areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle
WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart
intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin
everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty
knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied
ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand
RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis
enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast
forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade
manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns
countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat
contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient
Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)
Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe
sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething
thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary
stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe
orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient
Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe
realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot
undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto
explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo
102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter
65
ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman
beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey
havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey
feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother
thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut
whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset
inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof
humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded
tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses
flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned
civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe
realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose
whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed
(旺化)thecommonpeople104
HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe
kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso
becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall
theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel
104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往
66
bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence
itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe
heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring
timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto
effectduringtimesofdisorder
NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult
thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat
punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore
Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms
assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut
displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf
(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused
irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe
wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour
countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation
Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour
cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway
oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell
Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart
intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty
Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout
thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee
expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem
Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout
militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin
67
theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate
Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants
allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor
themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand
servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand
righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof
censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof
theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof
expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes
themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould
theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin
martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost
fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit
andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo
ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand
Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave
中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也
經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也
107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1
68
凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也
今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去
IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan
defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially
corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe
memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary
whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)
relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe
subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut
itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings
aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo
thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe
readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot
leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or
69
ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe
posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya
reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108
NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof
EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew
GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown
situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan
rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof
nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan
whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned
theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution
mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe
destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto
anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom
thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized
imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby
embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111
TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast
(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof
108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim
70
historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen
andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe
positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader
holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo
HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing
soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and
hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior
familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe
realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto
patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple
constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina
ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor
martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice
againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown
rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould
ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin
somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō
(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe
recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris
probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling
112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82
71
argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent
successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof
preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies
ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof
crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems
toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof
Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit
isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof
1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange
ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena
supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe
hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis
own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe
differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten
withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal
memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing
WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning
thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter
directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang
113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight
72
InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided
oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof
KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage
Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs
suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional
butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-
DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi
TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe
1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe
imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat
theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing
apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended
specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan
belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos
fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer
hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-
Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance
ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself
whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C
baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes
rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows
115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid
73
NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe
greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117
九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑
TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe
enigmaticpassagethusly
TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina
positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill
lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan
thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite
beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-
DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif
itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has
forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis
ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence
117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55
74
thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)
forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa
moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe
martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa
well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo
(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread
recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno
specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand
emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe
sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt
itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname
neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise
ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119
AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe
basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece
doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe
119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35
75
countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality
ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan
insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry
unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire
exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween
MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes
butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor
atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit
shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign
leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule
mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature
andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo
sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative
behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi
aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent
uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave
hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape
thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother
MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany
ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant
toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot
76
theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor
HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120
AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo
chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept
namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies
andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei
(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang
commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe
politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes
againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar
relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety
(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)
77
exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif
sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut
thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent
circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood
Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan
Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin
violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas
ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-
quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost
closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought
withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell
acquainted124
Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain
betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe
ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan
relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms
78
thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan
independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125
Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto
communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular
Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort
offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa
faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich
presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe
orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave
beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto
assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan
assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive
knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby
HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts
inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe
125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage
79
GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe
LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu
尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand
Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)
andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic
discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC
ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127
OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains
numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam
notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical
parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews
articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe
responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably
offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext
Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan
Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin
chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis
thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor
observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe
entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing
boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos
127GobleKenmupp2127-28
80
policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan
inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp
ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權
Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis
somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts
AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe
moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi
doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan
attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent
disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser
tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves
sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld
128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887
81
butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices
ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-
Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike
aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage
regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮
樂)134
IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat
theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut
rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意
聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast
inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal
morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical
relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly
morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell
ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135
132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833
82
五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也
ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare
promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder
requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen
BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe
particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality
ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos
reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse
TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe
statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof
keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo
theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature
ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand
incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)
whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue
InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese
sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations
jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa
dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter
thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical
suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary
83
expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin
thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga
vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe
ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat
werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby
nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly
ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon
ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast
comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably
nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi
ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe
KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended
provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly
successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern
JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga
riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe
fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith
dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe
followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor
supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent
branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor
136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61
84
familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial
familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell
thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior
partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled
thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince
withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan
nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew
shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan
everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal
preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe
textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu
politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom
publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial
fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern
perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit
survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書
ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis
chapter
Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy
ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake
ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday
becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily
Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-
85
89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto
國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰
伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The
notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo
wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略
(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe
LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis
explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes
seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia
deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto
beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi
periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally
veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto
theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto
137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321
86
articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine
theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey
wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand
Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine
coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling
courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir
positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity
ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied
aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu
IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth
centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof
theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities
byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-
1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō
shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage
whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto
thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly
Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof
theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis
nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto
139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし
87
whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently
EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation
ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo
morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical
accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence
suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa
greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand
politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests
thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof
disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and
distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly
141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上
88
subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe
contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong
ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin
Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress
deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe
controversysurroundingit
He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby
theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144
修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子
ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe
SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi
143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982
89
WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)
GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned
forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea
placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand
AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen
GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans
inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese
SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious
doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof
JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork
comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe
MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe
opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost
controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong
145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone
90
Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)
物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)
WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral
suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas
suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought
toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork
Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe
repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso
openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly
91
repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan
wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful
inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand
unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe
facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely
duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian
traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong
thesewasZhuangzi
ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis
exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly
workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-
ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably
belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi
XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic
policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest
inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove
fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost
146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173
92
stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe
privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations
sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic
significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe
giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand
thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism
yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand
entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites
productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand
limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect
Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe
efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries
onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose
byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng
Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan
Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe
firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena
slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku
kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295
93
Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos
commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks
hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor
religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic
relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese
religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate
communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150
Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin
thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited
exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular
ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula
薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas
exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific
attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe
wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory
andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-
HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore
thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven
149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25
94
belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat
whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly
quiteup-to-date
Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein
imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto
performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi
wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland
entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin
medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary
counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural
interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic
significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen
standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe
couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun
andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther
afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional
commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived
Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent
overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown
symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich
credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry
toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21
95
BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156
莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉
Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral
referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit
termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe
leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore
thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits
153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature
96
forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike
otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly
funny
ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage
鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳
157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo
97
HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe
basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting
theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳
commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous
identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-
calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon
ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby
thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳
thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century
lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan
shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic
correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as
centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird
Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and
159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo
98
useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也
ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand
recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing
asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments
ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould
foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe
historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful
propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The
foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo
(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist
philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe
physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng
162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory
99
Hebeginshisinterpretation
byexplainingthesignificanceofthe
termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the
bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis
heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan
northisthedirectionwhereyang
energyliesdormantandwherethe
ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater
intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly
ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric
arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural
numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He
furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram
kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand
symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto
denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa
particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark
mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness
representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏
之地耳)
ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven
helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa
Fig1
100
giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which
maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden
potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis
wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas
roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe
fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided
onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat
leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided
thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest
qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance
proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably
motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto
establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa
wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote
ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously
rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe
basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive
terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe
extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny
163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism
101
buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian
rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe
serviceofphilosophy
Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其
幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas
anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis
thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation
intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe
NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate
thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst
forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits
significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis
associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang
165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation
102
linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He
observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat
accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby
theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To
Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin
thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe
number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits
ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby
contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich
formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand
undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe
Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167
Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous
wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It
166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)
103
driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward
associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe
celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince
renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe
HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan
proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing
thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)
andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even
thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains
radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)
隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay
nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe
KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits
transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170
Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural
readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic
(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading
wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources
169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter
104
WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe
commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin
termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the
aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere
overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow
theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor
rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish
embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe
juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover
theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral
importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe
NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith
divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda
resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯
(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest
ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant
171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114
105
withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis
oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections
betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe
famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand
ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe
schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe
XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-
1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand
anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)
BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively
thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening
passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof
essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin
YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴
(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked
bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain
aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon
Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe
eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)
174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68
106
perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious
doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto
YijingZhuangziandLaozi178
ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto
inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere
characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo
scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic
studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed
BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile
intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra
andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-
yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould
bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot
leastofwhichwasallegoresis
178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115
107
InterpretationandAuthorialGenius
IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably
betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich
wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple
textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense
TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods
andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral
imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical
proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya
processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually
accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual
environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively
easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof
specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible
newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand
bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180
Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas
beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic
thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate
180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13
108
phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm
forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey
wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates
Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe
Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding
thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory
commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto
differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest
TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent
otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric
substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks
upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks
outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen
judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation
waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand
noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin
ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit
nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin
kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha
181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180
109
realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut
anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-
existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound
inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness
articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis
worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe
explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely
conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis
ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas
fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour
understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious
provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother
PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet
oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad
metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian
intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence
whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight
beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar
discoursesintheWest
183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24
110
NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof
transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat
theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious
implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion
dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise
incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto
lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses
revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing
correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos
accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang
correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching
purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof
transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand
entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi
ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis
186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi
111
traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid
蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也
ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures
whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave
directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself
wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply
denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe
associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying
signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords
ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish
andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly
uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething
bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel
OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably
closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot
betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof
signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction
187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹
112
assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse
returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether
ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe
construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes
workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth
immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor
ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat
precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof
renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded
valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe
searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa
metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof
AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless
hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe
phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe
conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao
cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic
orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand
188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion
113
thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas
skilledasZhuangzi
ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已
ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof
themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen
自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while
unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse
thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin
Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe
followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords
andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不
191Zhuangzi2510
114
足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong
scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun
phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis
thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive
strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof
discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman
limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe
principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued
astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa
topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the
principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto
speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi
stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden
orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor
ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe
Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-
physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193
192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)
115
AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC
ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe
termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes
externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic
meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames
andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert
therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand
thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior
tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot
expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther
evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds
ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords
andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis
identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation
providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe
formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat
ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation
Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon
languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe
aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda
talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe
veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan
saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno
116
tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic
wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe
fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto
himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone
whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois
skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose
similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas
Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand
contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition
Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho
wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron
wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal
realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan
otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut
194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
117
aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe
communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage
Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed
whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics
namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif
somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya
symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate
theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia
thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand
thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis
commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps
mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit
simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar
importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof
readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto
theacquisitionofknowledge
hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch
196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem
118
transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe
manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose
ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis
unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan
uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit
wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe
dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps
Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison
drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory
toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist
allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof
ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197
197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13
119
AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun
andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless
namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe
locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen
thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere
differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe
fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong
withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina
waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos
carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake
conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith
viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists
associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof
importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport
doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian
Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths
areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds
ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises
198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)
120
themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof
courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent
fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic
needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical
valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths
whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation
thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience
Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable
thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi
seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity
duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa
seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas
theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt
thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand
rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun
andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary
skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving
uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder
AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto
199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31
121
thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也
ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich
comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown
analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan
readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數
andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly
tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis
extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe
investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately
ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto
personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo
無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof
NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise
200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese
122
forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto
himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights
thatarenormallyineffable
OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也
ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis
allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator
suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch
butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa
parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand
particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory
delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself
FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-
yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa
textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe
storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions
licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin
movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof
associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey
123
canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily
structurethereadingprocess
InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows
NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo
子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe
BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven
theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin
thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater
anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain
thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand
ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin
Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof
yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強
生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe
problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar
fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere
noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike
Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe
parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit
ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby
itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount
124
assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes
aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively
throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe
precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider
andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto
resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject
TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand
perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-
Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous
materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive
accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation
itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes
suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan
developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi
whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo
(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)
ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi
fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo
(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous
openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical
203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)
125
Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables
ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans
toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe
conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe
aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat
Chūgandidnottry
126
Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng
WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment
accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand
concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof
numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as
ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin
poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan
(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis
writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit
makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased
uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes
hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat
whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe
myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature
istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe
fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe
ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough
onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa
dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere
Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar
intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof
patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire
204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)
127
andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)
transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat
whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe
tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact
duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird
ofthesouth
IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being
divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary
beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis
reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea
ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe
heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it
representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith
respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness
(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky
206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup
128
129
Appendix2
IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive
130
Chapter Four
Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview
PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso
muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山
文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif
poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention
suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof
thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally
beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval
JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere
thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand
conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable
varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury
LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished
poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe
idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific
totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe
eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic
metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚
131
集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier
metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive
contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe
majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo
quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo
versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe
collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof
influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh
Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)
models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi
三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse
plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe
mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars
suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who
wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian
life
208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219
132
AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche
withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto
comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins
aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth
centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe
midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan
establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei
1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas
theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude
YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend
twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand
KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō
shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism
TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic
life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly
religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson
wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen
temples211
210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415
133
Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular
avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile
AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth
andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted
prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure
inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō
Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed
forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-
94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan
Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover
religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile
alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown
tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry
ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu
ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina
tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored
212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77
134
witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern
criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe
basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos
historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi
shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand
scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif
somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship
today
ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen
215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer
135
comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず
WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan
Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern
scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose
remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising
notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash
commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe
effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin
theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern
kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan
literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical
217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi
136
intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften
selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse
WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic
precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin
(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong
DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-
Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn
fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong
poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith
extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould
poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria
whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany
sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan
especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways
remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis
theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare
foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple
rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof
thischapter
219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard
137
瘧疾
Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe
variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers
138
反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226
Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome
liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas
twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream
ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand
225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)
139
Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting
simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms
inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe
poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof
Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial
recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor
ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin
mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis
anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical
symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength
mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe
morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis
possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof
theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency
towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect
commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic
sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother
Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively
thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically
compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment
140
2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil
1333-1343
Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism
begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning
collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn
fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas
theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-
knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata
ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould
deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof
localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit
occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto
theupheavalsofthetime
檀浦
Dannoura228
晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin
theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping
blossoms229
227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)
141
封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite
sand230
鞆津TomoHarbor231
楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside
rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes
haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury
142
遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened
boats233
Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa
recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris
alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet
unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally
speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras
accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi
whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-
1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe
overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards
discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實
whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo
虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial
prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan
233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
143
ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis
quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto
positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan
explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition
Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter
vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems
almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe
pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe
impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith
thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven
whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏
史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance
forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan
poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould
alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost
likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo
versesisinstructive
赤間関
Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred
144
怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe
sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe
gulls237
TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar
源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally
bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The
TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand
wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters
throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas
themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot
simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation
ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r
1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong
thethousandsdrownedinthemelee
BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut
theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar
237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97
145
deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan
aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe
freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict
overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos
poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a
traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay
havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate
purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune
HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe
sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview
Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal
causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial
AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-
Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden
deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence
anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta
Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon
KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe
historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome
dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative
buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral
146
hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese
eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical
disarray
惜陰偶作
ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime
昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced
tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce
linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy
238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo
147
佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust
besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown
open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand
departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen
becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought
rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce
againforConfucianrobes243
242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup
148
AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented
asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain
oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand
lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis
essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody
thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe
tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks
entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance
inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic
qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe
impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244
Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith
thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect
thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching
observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably
themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto
beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse
244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent
149
isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat
becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan
uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe
presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad
fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival
courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf
century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis
referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm
renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat
appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi
BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣
BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout
regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother
versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos
245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168
150
misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial
preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals
ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome
asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear
anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince
bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative
interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial
creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical
environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular
Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto
suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat
representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe
assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave
laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely
thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta
truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor
247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39
151
emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe
coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248
Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth
verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning
ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe
implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The
termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost
elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and
earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso
denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto
shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily
apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof
kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami
worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional
apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto
figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage
mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder
248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below
152
objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura
periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile
increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially
healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay
beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai
(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo
ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets
(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas
nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad
beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe
couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby
politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding
themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual
ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest
thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera
Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary
imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe
1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal
Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple
KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe
hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput
remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave
requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso
153
occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon
thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis
amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand
waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250
春雪
SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-
metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252
250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem
154
淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat
useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall
distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions
shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)
155
咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths
百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof
driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe
cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty
stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe
heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe
bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear
ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257
256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo
156
IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful
seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara
noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains
oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin
withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto
identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers
whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances
ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis
actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle
informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe
poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore
aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater
linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa
persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It
ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo
beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich
eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor
TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe
significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby
conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes
258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31
157
andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers
Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash
forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof
thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription
tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached
non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination
andintertextualcodingiseschewed
ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas
aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse
producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial
protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat
extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition
Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic
requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly
knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof
courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof
ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres
commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and
shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores
theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe
eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere
traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings
158
witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality
canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill
generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof
andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby
fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger
readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance
reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment
officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe
shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe
passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot
justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos
InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar
backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework
ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly
laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha
RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly
similarmotifs
舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo
259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89
159
蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous
pearls261
ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave
beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity
betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof
dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway
ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical
conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance
ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment
policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe
bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic
poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant
hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar
sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof
earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite
scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies
theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble
261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making
160
beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial
bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin
1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses
highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax
burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264
ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan
Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic
sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe
numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat
vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe
greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat
hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second
andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized
bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration
wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply
didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism
fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe
Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno
positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore
264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems
161
unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment
monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe
ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266
WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong
DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise
consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof
socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic
preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew
linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic
uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively
staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral
argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe
poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof
narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes
forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati
266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate
162
waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat
werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis
toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses
exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand
theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing
poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源
円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell
和答別源
HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare
determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein
astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot
ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward
habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand
chantversesaloud
267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天
163
Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical
functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway
propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa
conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha
metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed
smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings
Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone
prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader
BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer
aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction
andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are
contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances
thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld
andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere
twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are
marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin
corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore
opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves
thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys
ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal
experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo
capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown
164
shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein
Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-
reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe
expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems
comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe
subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas
opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe
nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples
UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt
beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe
varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe
formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial
tothehardshipsitrecounts
送澤雲夢
SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads
269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo
165
荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto
go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha
verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly
master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill
together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91
166
Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial
unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly
ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe
possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies
Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo
friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation
andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork
whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno
fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart
ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby
ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof
thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda
universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)
toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc
ofaparticularfriendship
ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto
adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse
equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage
morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto
directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto
wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor
unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe
167
espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe
materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical
situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism
putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems
treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis
thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor
ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan
writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders
poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA
cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)
preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved
uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded
withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport
hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-
lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave
resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing
versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent
軍士圖
SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice
168
嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273
Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow
differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764
vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique
tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably
reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual
informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas
askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone
marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe
brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha
staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby
extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle
isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological
temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably
successful
273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍
169
Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare
broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling
casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos
mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding
contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin
FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe
dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical
irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres
suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin
shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven
moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein
ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor
poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand
stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese
literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic
adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof
ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan
170
Chapter Five
New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi
ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand
seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters
TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury
bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor
severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction
ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof
theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic
eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style
regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto
appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe
prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto
countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas
observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof
publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch
expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276
275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421
171
So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-
styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod
andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted
animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses
andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless
ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould
beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet
withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut
importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter
ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof
subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater
detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and
heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally
wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas
theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic
meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin
Japanfortheirshipoetry277
Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin
medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe
277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci
172
topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278
TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)
andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)
despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin
JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore
theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate
theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires
theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe
unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators
ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith
thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata
Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-
centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe
GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered
278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62
173
belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven
inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen
lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen
thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof
tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281
SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone
ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai
ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe
unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand
quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter
willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby
oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation
torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci
inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot
indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint
foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong
thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave
beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor
moreouranalysiswillbeginthere
281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48
174
兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich
thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282
PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof
Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi
NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木
蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-
DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos
compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse
ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆
轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe
trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina
mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic
282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06
175
structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪
牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285
Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally
retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable
lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic
towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe
firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit
appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行
c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens
withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci
車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch
awayhellip287
284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese
andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu
176
ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo
(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry
characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively
Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection
Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos
psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting
tumultofastorm
NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate
monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa
differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora
JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan
communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern
monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet
himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn
toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe
tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter
makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest
thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci
288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99
177
送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool
(HersquosaManofWu)289
蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290
TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical
propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued
assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous
linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby
nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe
anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis
alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos
lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa
reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六
289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278
178
appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby
notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis
logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-
sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called
ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291
ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe
SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren
wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother
regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292
Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit
isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin
ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening
onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable
tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool
291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃
179
Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe
firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe
poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto
enlightenment
Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof
metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso
includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294
Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding
andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty
eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe
vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe
refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi
Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi
withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe
casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif
fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary
293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern
MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263
180
legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda
meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems
fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose
shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character
linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial
andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact
influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter
whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible
thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered
increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi
ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof
ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot
austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated
withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe
chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras
hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible
thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa
familiarone
297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203
181
利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299
陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五
溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo
182
枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill
DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests
theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart
ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan
WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous
demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe
302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment
183
templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan
andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy
andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand
adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe
vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though
somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter
arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐
詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang
Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider
reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree
andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe
forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe
SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan
writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger
compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive
collectionKūgeshū空華集307
304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73
184
Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan
infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation
topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi
maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare
homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich
helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic
shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration
characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina
singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack
thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-
stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel
tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome
premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong
MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance
includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe
work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry
washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor
308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic
185
regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike
recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312
Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin
thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms
thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry
associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-
charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines
thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication
名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)
WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly
definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor
adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain
312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted
186
noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno
prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines
scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos
versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing
linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore
prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe
vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact
WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe
prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear
plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic
shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities
toarchetypessuchasthefollowing
題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315
水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168
187
田園樂七首
SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6
桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)
OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently
subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo
(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe
casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich
reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond
versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The
particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly
prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas
onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields
ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might
bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly
metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof
Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe
317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo
188
austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand
BaiRenfu
ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature
commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore
generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical
fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance
thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms
Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased
intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply
makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan
intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto
resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style
tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds
undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩
流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution
doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand
theirmeaningremainsunchanged
Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit
suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin
multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact
knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely
theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof
particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道
189
orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe
TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic
shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin
anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant
inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous
interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin
additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof
phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe
monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring
intheMountainsofTonerdquo
ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan
ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū
whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider
theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe
onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas
evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin
hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin
lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin
ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan
collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof
319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74
190
medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack
ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos
tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan
literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci
suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted
inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe
generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat
notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury
nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322
Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci
amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat
thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically
sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew
formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat
determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis
thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof
320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807
191
belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor
didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition
Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact
thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway
fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323
Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave
motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint
thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen
andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly
femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection
wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets
mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile
mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive
indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas
aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang
Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat
all
323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251
192
hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326
AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown
accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning
opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive
language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto
imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey
pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin
theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick
popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers
inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi
whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas
clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith
extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera
itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore
326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16
193
amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe
fourcenturieslater
194
Conclusion
Gozan Literature in Retrospect
1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa
uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese
kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-
linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto
thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe
monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof
aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated
withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe
indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere
motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted
philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe
Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby
ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly
havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive
kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese
textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally
consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical
195
chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe
fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof
poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji
monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof
MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems
AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial
advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature
hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe
effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular
JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese
classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330
Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad
beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein
329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks
196
theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe
longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception
praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese
characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena
peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere
easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften
atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro
荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto
Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas
positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)
wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa
particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral
WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era
scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland
ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist
convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand
philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives
331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145
197
anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain
JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent
ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan
easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand
repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea
centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse
Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew
academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational
literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm
governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe
intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout
literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof
culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain
ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas
kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku
emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe
novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku
hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby
continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas
theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less
coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium
Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany
writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling
198
withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed
largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period
workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand
continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary
expression
FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem
stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga
Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as
theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)
ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333
NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof
kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe
dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic
fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose
ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas
gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas
kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7
199
unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn
lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic
prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof
JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical
competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex
characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso
WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient
tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)
arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or
vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto
notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese
monogatari335
Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern
JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism
andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand
AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis
bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore
essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly
335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193
200
moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan
(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal
paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe
ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh
cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic
machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat
contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof
GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity
wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher
thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose
landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof
anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha
partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection
itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers
enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe
ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif
evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated
fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity
withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies
laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein
partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan
FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin
referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage
201
butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera
(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast
insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe
wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters
ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith
wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash
ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits
institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda
Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious
registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto
shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo
sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards
strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe
endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin
multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe
yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid
notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan
haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot
officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan
unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan
336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146
202
unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339
ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy
anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340
Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity
andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse
AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom
themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits
orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi
poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed
mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien
andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully
integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus
ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish
canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin
wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings
meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof
scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda
moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore
339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised
203
perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan
producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand
philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted
essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand
theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason
Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold
securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply
thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof
theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving
masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters
Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium
developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks
AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese
kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読
methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits
useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium
literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits
entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich
isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible
ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku
204
thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto
kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary
SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken
languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342
Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary
valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill
appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof
vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong
criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable
technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand
ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha
conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites
furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan
ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen
kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese
literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof
thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich
isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa
verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch
mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial
tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe
courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo
205
regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose
carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace
forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome
post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact
remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe
kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention
andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge
Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor
admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe
marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe
conservativeNijōschoolforexample
Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina
dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly
canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical
context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof
poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse
Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities
oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily
envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan
kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof
343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60
206
anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies
ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet
mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic
preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast
thousand
Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly
transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare
rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay
approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread
withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand
motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters
rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface
thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer
wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof
JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause
ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand
moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual
richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe
extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin
approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)
inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe
standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin
Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof
207
Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan
literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin
Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand
fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho
helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto
medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable
anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu
illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional
criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar
removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan
benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese
history
SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe
medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary
scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere
thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu
344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim
208
XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書
章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers
FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai
(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian
thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew
Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely
acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative
cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres
includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor
disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo
Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal
memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking
uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism
withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext
345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54
209
Appendix
Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language
Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto
conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography
Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe
nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas
oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin
ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo
ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce
ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe
neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese
termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect
greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional
reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa
nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas
specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical
346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern
Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20
210
readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern
EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand
LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom
thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing
荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo
notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir
relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore
specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary
maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms
Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating
orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly
adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that
Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof
themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono
matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto
orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven
greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern
governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived
347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13
211
wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary
workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin
accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese
(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages
ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto
adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan
Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa
superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn
modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare
sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely
logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled
wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin
theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas
Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost
Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts
thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms
ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly
againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai
kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe
describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg
kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely
linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis
212
simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics
(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant
mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits
scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則
の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo
Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread
outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor
presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof
translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof
sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese
languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting
fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea
pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof
kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin
kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese
authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary
ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather
specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor
speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina
mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms
ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms
ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat
ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue
213
thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead
smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus
equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi
淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended
asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof
Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance
Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology
utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan
similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin
specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof
kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto
LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight
beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical
equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe
purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI
believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto
redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto
348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese
214
ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic
alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase
ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe
remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof
thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever
capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological
scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold
practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo
2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic
ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo
RAMiller1967350
ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo
BrianSteininger2017351
350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8
215
ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-
903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten
worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively
Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto
representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter
itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits
propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku
registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof
anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese
language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly
speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea
352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo
216
fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose
examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations
ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading
kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe
kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe
expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified
namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea
senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext
theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu
王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore
liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday
JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo
savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe
ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun
textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo
constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent
howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor
asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit
354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice
217
departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though
notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea
smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof
lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding
thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois
stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun
BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase
completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal
alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof
courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever
Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin
acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars
haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich
Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin
thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe
355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives
218
sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin
distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits
applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical
elementsnotpresentthere
Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused
productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese
writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari
(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto
sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit
Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle
butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome
elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat
cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto
modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional
endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense
andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe
approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon
Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers
havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese
356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295
219
locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin
kanbunatall357
AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe
encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither
awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution
suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning
couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa
funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢
ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令~給which
mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction
shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose
357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese
220
thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt
wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha
sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut
itcannotbewritteninkanbun
Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour
hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto
nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure
astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku
renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin
factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe
readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother
representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto
provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359
Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida
nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea
dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat
asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific
registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill
oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe
359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments
221
current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm
kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike
innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists
(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas
traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood
toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined
abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof
apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese
ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway
toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe
Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun
AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa
termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation
ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun
和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan
ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan
ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways
salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe
rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages
kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese
anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual
360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259
222
propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof
historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas
JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe
metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion
thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular
geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory
Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword
ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong
archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself
doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted
onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning
nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem
Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning
ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic
writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch
361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10
223
asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown
problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin
kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor
instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse
mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle
ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina
registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom
theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes
onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout
ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates
someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit
describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest
questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith
literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo
ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer
of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun
materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon
362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31
224
nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording
toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean
authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey
wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour
earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby
JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese
historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof
ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay
evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean
improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe
preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe
especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite
conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-
1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir
workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor
KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose
fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed
themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby
364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years
225
theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas
ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)
Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen
tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight
comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic
actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe
TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave
studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo
washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof
premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic
reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla
languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal
meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem
thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa
ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth
languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet
masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe
rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese
HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor
Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis
rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa
366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8
226
ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic
textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby
renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese
languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat
themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof
theChineselanguagerdquo368
367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese
227
BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)
228
ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)
229
mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52
230
KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)
231
LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)
232
MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)
233
PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)
234
SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59
235
WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)
i
TableofContents
BiographicalIntroduction 11 PoliticalSuasioninaTimeofCrisisTheMemorialsofChūgan
EngetsuandYoshidaSadafusa 122 FiguringMoralKingshipConstantNormsandExpedient
PoliciesinChūganrsquosChūseishi 623 AnEssayontheKunandthePeng 鯤鵬論Hermeneutics
CosmologyandtheFiguralReadingofFictionalCharacters 904 PoemsofRemembrancePoemsofSocialEngagement 1305 NewDirectionsinFormCiPoetryandHexasyllabicShi 1706 GozanLiteratureinRetrospectKanshibunandtheLegacy
ofKokugaku 194AppendixKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguage 209Bibliography 227
1
Biographical Introduction
ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済
sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual
movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo
aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking
andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura
totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood
appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis
briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas
takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor
unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto
thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe
priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest
periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea
formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The
curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both
standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe
MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast
1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32
2
AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe
ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe
studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-
storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai
mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3
ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself
asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese
andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany
promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas
residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe
expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan
madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand
althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination
ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5
Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe
2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614
3
opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas
inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive
historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted
andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe
youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7
ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst
attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese
monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang
Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗
杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe
templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign
monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe
summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore
accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe
followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely
activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin
1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe
6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235
4
KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate
directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly
militarizedJapan
In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof
SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating
ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide
financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339
threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰
backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein
theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough
Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she
regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan
ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe
traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto
KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot
alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)
andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof
thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺
Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe
KamakuraGozan
Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes
werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341
5
hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon
sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial
familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility
UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子
(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-
TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics
includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary
forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand
deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe
precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying
Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis
translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy
WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義
堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin
fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian
scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer
breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10
Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof
ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙
10SeeInoguchip48
6
梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11
ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan
tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist
texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred
schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography
andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis
contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity
andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal
measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith
strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo
medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas
practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom
thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)
ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative
versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat
timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan
figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson
thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself
imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe
predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos
11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255
7
poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation
ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred
generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover
fallowfields13
ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal
progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe
indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery
mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo
coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism
theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut
itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and
isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The
13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開
8
connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates
inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself
whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall
ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor
ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters
擬古
InImitationofOld
浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode
Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan
couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom
the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived
fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely
controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas
builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri
東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang
Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly
whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof
medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould
9
beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween
businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary
housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and
evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional
lifefordecadesthereafter
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe
moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe
selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers
TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen
surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin
meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo
10
arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe
incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination
attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears
earlier
Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos
Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto
hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto
moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As
lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal
deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance
rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain
refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe
nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen
monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17
Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe
descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis
recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary
accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe
attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)
11
strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings
throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus
refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18
18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌
12
Chapter One
Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa
國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi
IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the
formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto
questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse
suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial
institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat
circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent
conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight
(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong
thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto
questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof
genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval
19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim
13
JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist
doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews
onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration
(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity
AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe
powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332
fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin
EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix
ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof
politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old
prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst
placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby
theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand
immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually
notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-
1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22
21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227
14
andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房
(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial
successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat
Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand
ideologicalframework
Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe
formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333
tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten
withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto
Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut
thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe
existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal
socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore
thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe
sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis
idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain
historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction
thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements
ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe
Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith
theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout
1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn
Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)
15
alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand
presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay
entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe
idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically
thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof
thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin
Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical
guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof
rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand
overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand
easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas
lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe
wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother
guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader
culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival
theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate
overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary
23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23
16
historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine
practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof
guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe
esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits
importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence
suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat
leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew
stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese
textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso
heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑
(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New
HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand
intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly
thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen
drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting
particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath
OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone
pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28
ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric
bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219
17
comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen
establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic
ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe
articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo
wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-
rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-
Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30
ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese
cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan
Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption
thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying
ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist
argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan
Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality
ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos
traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries
providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor
understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece
29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)
18
Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin
Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand
nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut
alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples
amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas
thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand
anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin
ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning
interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical
crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor
thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour
Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial
rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe
permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof
anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven
hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides
forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone
ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe
willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical
treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis
repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended
simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan
32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter
19
sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither
ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita
usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach
ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment
EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir
craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant
vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce
variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare
plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe
credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent
fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory
theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms
andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses
pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof
peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe
prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe
33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo
20
Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled
peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife
anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe
peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas
notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming
thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour
owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake
upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand
theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir
hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand
abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone
surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter
forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances
wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary
OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis
pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving
comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked
ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing
ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary
powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34
34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo
21
Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest
foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment
shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas
wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir
respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis
perhapshopeafterall
淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎
Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin
preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar
beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto
thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe
thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand
simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate
oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix
monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe
abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd
whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan
22
inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior
governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury
sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa
shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand
tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation
evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas
drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior
governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace
thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand
restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost
enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough
officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions
mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz
shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses
Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin
addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic
worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand
inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich
datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen
stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese
andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth
emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand
35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67
23
valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong
practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof
JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese
historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional
momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto
appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone
OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36
Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho
succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere
arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe
moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe
rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof
thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus
doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand
inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof
HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi
opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad
36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo
24
lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof
beneficentteachingsrdquo39
Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe
regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit
wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)
Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat
whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand
whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter
theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit
wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One
yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe
newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang
opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas
thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot
bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41
AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater
nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere
freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest
(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew
lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit
39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff
25
lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere
extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed
HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan
thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir
effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere
promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit
followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea
peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the
impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe
followinginhisrescript
ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42
DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso
boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand
receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished
militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand
42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular
26
embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble
obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos
mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof
theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave
graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy
lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho
wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas
theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe
restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning
ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive
thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour
timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto
reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45
AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately
decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly
interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble
throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa
momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe
greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel
thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact
soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou
findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict
commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered
mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo
27
上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐
Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial
understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly
admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting
46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22
28
contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled
Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe
ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated
termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe
epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan
Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe
shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt
whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight
nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone
nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor
Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos
purposewell
AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical
experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary
referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent
warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian
historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand
militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby
theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts
47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions
29
includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto
clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀
子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut
stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost
influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute
power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing
terms
OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大
BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan
establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand
yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais
similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot
onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward
SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681
BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese
defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe
Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself
associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3
30
representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell
awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution
nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将
軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa
commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders
leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor
ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate
righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally
illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany
systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof
Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing
militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos
achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin
perpetuityundertheneworder
AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual
featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan
thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious
EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat
quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof
hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe
naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239
31
interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike
DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho
waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim
ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan
endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely
suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods
whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose
whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong
ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand
properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou
justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52
AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical
cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas
stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong
50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan
32
outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare
preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied
byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad
ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso
seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext
attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho
mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall
howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese
politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth
theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto
Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave
knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos
53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries
33
memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen
morereadilyapplied
WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif
seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe
worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent
altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast
bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot
asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother
referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable
EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe
summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57
56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97
34
LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical
ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew
heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework
ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan
figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular
textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism
butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe
AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron
whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone
ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The
unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree
Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics
andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit
isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga
holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59
MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang
TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum
opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi
58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized
35
中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-
DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho
representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename
ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang
TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand
BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi
andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof
BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto
Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at
thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped
thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation
ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval
JapaneseKanbun
GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand
intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent
60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7
36
ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe
genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-
centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur
Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管
家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati
SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-
79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare
formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently
offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta
majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery
briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan
additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe
universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof
statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese
authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest
candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered
bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof
thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis
generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor
61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui
37
Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)
analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe
bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe
traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance
oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight
alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut
usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson
mattersofcourtpolicy
Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly
composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand
predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa
muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron
(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost
especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa
continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir
serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice
andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable
successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery
62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis
38
basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby
thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth
auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo
ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy
familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)
eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute
nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery
powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis
nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof
theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe
centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea
roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe
briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe
courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65
ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests
grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary
hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry
63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates
39
andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan
ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand
manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby
eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe
mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic
socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand
expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof
familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily
properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along
withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen
eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs
Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval
erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom
hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo
ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin
literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof
Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits
HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-
inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey
allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend
toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast
66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210
40
Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe
portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera
would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe
phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina
waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance
陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67
TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical
argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor
bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos
ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed
almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome
lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial
courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto
67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy
41
earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof
expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual
policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel
proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan
milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun
明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-
acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto
advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure
tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto
bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand
totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably
evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy
isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution
thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand
rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage
embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth
ChineseandJapaneseinagespast
68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks
42
ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa
AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos
hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor
criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida
SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily
againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical
positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory
genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor
purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat
leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos
functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof
evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp
butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深
峭)69
TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult
frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe
responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical
andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand
69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou
43
philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo
worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis
somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa
valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat
leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical
implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70
ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos
intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand
themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory
ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown
humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto
presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour
Majestyrsquosdispleasure
国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity
70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92
44
Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes
firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis
iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing
unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset
themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas
ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo
generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof
SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut
theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis
becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand
violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang
allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs
thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat
Menciuswasright
一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎
ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler
whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor
71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7
45
generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois
typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe
moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof
hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably
Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship
elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical
isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies
ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein
tractsofpoliticalsuasion
2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin
Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir
militaryadventures
一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎
3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly
72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui
46
Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm
hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend
hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent
totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit
一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉
IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand
immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison
tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation
thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst
Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging
suchawar
4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch
thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof
martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow
couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto
barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment
73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor
47
一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣
5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan
expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto
contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe
impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)
一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也
InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples
fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather
terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein
ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof
theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation
ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern
easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji
ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)
48
warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe
historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary
conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults
6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis
conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture
andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered
bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility
(ofchallengingtheBakufu)
一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也
7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)
imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang
76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji
49
receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas
abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto
appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe
populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata
powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate
isimpossible)
一湯取桀事
marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause
50
龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto
mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit
resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand
enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding
immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader
whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat
Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat
80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring
51
Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos
demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth
reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85
一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand
resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing
(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult
eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe
expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter
theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand
theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof
theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories
theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo
52
largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe
reinsofgovernment
Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor
promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise
frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith
thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe
imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake
howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis
一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉
DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal
heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe
notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa
firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe
KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers
InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones
thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology
differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis
followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C
tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental
activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe
53
peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic
extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe
thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully
historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking
matter
10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough
EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm
eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku
Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa
non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From
thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut
ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe
87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya
54
JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor
(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe
orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor
Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend
rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe
EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92
violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes
55
MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe
positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor
sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno
useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall
istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey
一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已
Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely
omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand
everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)
56
submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept
insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit
forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences
havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe
firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between
thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin
travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94
以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣
ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy
meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis
bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis
everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto
moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-
DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations
alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese
imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary
94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal
57
thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual
continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe
rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto
dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave
emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince
Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless
makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis
thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief
thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore
generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois
overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce
againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch
processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman
decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya
pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout
thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor
boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil
conditionsaremorefavorable
IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa
steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate
ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven
theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe
maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn
58
oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa
victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate
himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat
Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested
ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto
havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards
consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo
Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor
themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand
probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial
andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing
thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings
wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera
frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown
revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose
inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike
anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn
95SeeGobleKenmup139
59
AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood
AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō
原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems
thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit
offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong
beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa
desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour
traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof
concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers
EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96
Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones
hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled
worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe
Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97
YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally
nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance
werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish
themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno
96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair
60
differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral
populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists
moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith
thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand
themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand
hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst
theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings
ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten
TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)
Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase
themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks
Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir
numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone
becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-
shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin
theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist
LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons
andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda
correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe
state(國家)
出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣
98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles
61
UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints
outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas
shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe
opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand
proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately
quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe
moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)
amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining
theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole
Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas
suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose
wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose
wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho
ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft
forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately
62
Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi
ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed
inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe
triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-
Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof
conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult
particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof
theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe
momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave
embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen
particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof
Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji
affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin
Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly
ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin
KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof
99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim
63
BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften
chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist
doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter
ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe
fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler
EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween
establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems
(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat
Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-
DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor
thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof
directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine
abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime
TheConstantandtheExpedient101
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler
EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan
onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung
100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70
64
andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople
areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle
WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart
intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin
everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty
knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied
ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand
RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis
enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast
forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade
manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns
countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat
contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient
Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)
Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe
sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething
thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary
stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe
orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient
Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe
realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot
undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto
explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo
102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter
65
ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman
beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey
havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey
feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother
thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut
whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset
inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof
humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded
tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses
flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned
civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe
realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose
whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed
(旺化)thecommonpeople104
HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe
kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso
becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall
theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel
104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往
66
bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence
itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe
heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring
timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto
effectduringtimesofdisorder
NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult
thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat
punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore
Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms
assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut
displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf
(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused
irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe
wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour
countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation
Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour
cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway
oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell
Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart
intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty
Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout
thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee
expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem
Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout
militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin
67
theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate
Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants
allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor
themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand
servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand
righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof
censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof
theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof
expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes
themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould
theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin
martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost
fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit
andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo
ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand
Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave
中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也
經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也
107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1
68
凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也
今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去
IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan
defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially
corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe
memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary
whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)
relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe
subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut
itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings
aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo
thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe
readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot
leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or
69
ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe
posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya
reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108
NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof
EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew
GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown
situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan
rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof
nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan
whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned
theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution
mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe
destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto
anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom
thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized
imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby
embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111
TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast
(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof
108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim
70
historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen
andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe
positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader
holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo
HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing
soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and
hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior
familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe
realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto
patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple
constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina
ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor
martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice
againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown
rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould
ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin
somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō
(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe
recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris
probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling
112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82
71
argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent
successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof
preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies
ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof
crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems
toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof
Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit
isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof
1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange
ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena
supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe
hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis
own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe
differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten
withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal
memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing
WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning
thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter
directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang
113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight
72
InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided
oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof
KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage
Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs
suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional
butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-
DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi
TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe
1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe
imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat
theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing
apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended
specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan
belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos
fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer
hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-
Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance
ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself
whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C
baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes
rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows
115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid
73
NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe
greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117
九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑
TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe
enigmaticpassagethusly
TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina
positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill
lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan
thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite
beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-
DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif
itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has
forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis
ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence
117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55
74
thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)
forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa
moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe
martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa
well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo
(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread
recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno
specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand
emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe
sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt
itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname
neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise
ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119
AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe
basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece
doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe
119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35
75
countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality
ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan
insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry
unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire
exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween
MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes
butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor
atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit
shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign
leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule
mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature
andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo
sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative
behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi
aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent
uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave
hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape
thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother
MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany
ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant
toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot
76
theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor
HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120
AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo
chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept
namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies
andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei
(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang
commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe
politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes
againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar
relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety
(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)
77
exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif
sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut
thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent
circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood
Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan
Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin
violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas
ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-
quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost
closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought
withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell
acquainted124
Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain
betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe
ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan
relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms
78
thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan
independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125
Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto
communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular
Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort
offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa
faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich
presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe
orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave
beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto
assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan
assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive
knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby
HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts
inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe
125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage
79
GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe
LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu
尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand
Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)
andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic
discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC
ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127
OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains
numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam
notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical
parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews
articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe
responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably
offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext
Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan
Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin
chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis
thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor
observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe
entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing
boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos
127GobleKenmupp2127-28
80
policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan
inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp
ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權
Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis
somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts
AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe
moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi
doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan
attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent
disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser
tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves
sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld
128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887
81
butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices
ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-
Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike
aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage
regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮
樂)134
IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat
theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut
rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意
聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast
inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal
morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical
relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly
morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell
ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135
132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833
82
五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也
ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare
promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder
requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen
BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe
particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality
ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos
reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse
TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe
statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof
keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo
theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature
ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand
incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)
whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue
InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese
sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations
jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa
dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter
thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical
suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary
83
expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin
thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga
vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe
ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat
werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby
nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly
ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon
ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast
comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably
nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi
ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe
KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended
provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly
successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern
JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga
riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe
fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith
dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe
followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor
supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent
branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor
136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61
84
familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial
familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell
thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior
partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled
thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince
withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan
nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew
shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan
everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal
preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe
textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu
politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom
publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial
fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern
perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit
survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書
ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis
chapter
Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy
ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake
ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday
becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily
Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-
85
89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto
國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰
伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The
notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo
wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略
(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe
LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis
explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes
seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia
deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto
beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi
periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally
veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto
theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto
137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321
86
articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine
theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey
wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand
Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine
coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling
courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir
positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity
ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied
aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu
IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth
centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof
theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities
byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-
1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō
shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage
whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto
thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly
Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof
theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis
nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto
139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし
87
whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently
EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation
ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo
morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical
accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence
suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa
greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand
politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests
thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof
disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and
distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly
141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上
88
subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe
contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong
ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin
Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress
deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe
controversysurroundingit
He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby
theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144
修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子
ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe
SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi
143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982
89
WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)
GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned
forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea
placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand
AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen
GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans
inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese
SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious
doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof
JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork
comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe
MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe
opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost
controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong
145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone
90
Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)
物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)
WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral
suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas
suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought
toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork
Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe
repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso
openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly
91
repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan
wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful
inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand
unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe
facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely
duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian
traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong
thesewasZhuangzi
ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis
exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly
workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-
ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably
belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi
XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic
policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest
inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove
fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost
146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173
92
stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe
privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations
sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic
significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe
giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand
thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism
yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand
entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites
productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand
limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect
Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe
efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries
onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose
byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng
Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan
Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe
firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena
slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku
kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295
93
Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos
commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks
hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor
religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic
relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese
religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate
communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150
Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin
thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited
exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular
ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula
薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas
exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific
attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe
wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory
andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-
HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore
thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven
149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25
94
belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat
whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly
quiteup-to-date
Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein
imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto
performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi
wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland
entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin
medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary
counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural
interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic
significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen
standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe
couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun
andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther
afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional
commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived
Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent
overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown
symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich
credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry
toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21
95
BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156
莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉
Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral
referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit
termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe
leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore
thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits
153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature
96
forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike
otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly
funny
ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage
鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳
157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo
97
HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe
basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting
theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳
commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous
identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-
calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon
ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby
thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳
thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century
lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan
shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic
correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as
centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird
Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and
159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo
98
useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也
ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand
recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing
asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments
ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould
foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe
historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful
propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The
foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo
(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist
philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe
physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng
162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory
99
Hebeginshisinterpretation
byexplainingthesignificanceofthe
termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the
bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis
heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan
northisthedirectionwhereyang
energyliesdormantandwherethe
ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater
intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly
ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric
arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural
numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He
furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram
kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand
symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto
denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa
particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark
mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness
representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏
之地耳)
ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven
helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa
Fig1
100
giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which
maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden
potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis
wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas
roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe
fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided
onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat
leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided
thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest
qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance
proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably
motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto
establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa
wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote
ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously
rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe
basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive
terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe
extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny
163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism
101
buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian
rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe
serviceofphilosophy
Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其
幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas
anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis
thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation
intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe
NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate
thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst
forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits
significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis
associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang
165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation
102
linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He
observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat
accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby
theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To
Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin
thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe
number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits
ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby
contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich
formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand
undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe
Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167
Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous
wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It
166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)
103
driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward
associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe
celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince
renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe
HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan
proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing
thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)
andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even
thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains
radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)
隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay
nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe
KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits
transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170
Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural
readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic
(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading
wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources
169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter
104
WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe
commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin
termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the
aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere
overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow
theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor
rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish
embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe
juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover
theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral
importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe
NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith
divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda
resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯
(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest
ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant
171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114
105
withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis
oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections
betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe
famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand
ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe
schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe
XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-
1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand
anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)
BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively
thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening
passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof
essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin
YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴
(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked
bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain
aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon
Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe
eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)
174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68
106
perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious
doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto
YijingZhuangziandLaozi178
ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto
inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere
characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo
scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic
studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed
BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile
intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra
andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-
yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould
bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot
leastofwhichwasallegoresis
178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115
107
InterpretationandAuthorialGenius
IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably
betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich
wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple
textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense
TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods
andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral
imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical
proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya
processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually
accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual
environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively
easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof
specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible
newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand
bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180
Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas
beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic
thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate
180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13
108
phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm
forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey
wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates
Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe
Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding
thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory
commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto
differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest
TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent
otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric
substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks
upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks
outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen
judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation
waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand
noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin
ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit
nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin
kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha
181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180
109
realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut
anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-
existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound
inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness
articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis
worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe
explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely
conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis
ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas
fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour
understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious
provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother
PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet
oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad
metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian
intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence
whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight
beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar
discoursesintheWest
183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24
110
NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof
transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat
theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious
implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion
dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise
incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto
lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses
revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing
correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos
accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang
correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching
purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof
transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand
entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi
ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis
186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi
111
traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid
蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也
ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures
whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave
directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself
wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply
denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe
associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying
signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords
ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish
andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly
uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething
bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel
OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably
closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot
betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof
signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction
187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹
112
assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse
returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether
ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe
construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes
workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth
immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor
ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat
precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof
renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded
valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe
searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa
metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof
AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless
hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe
phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe
conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao
cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic
orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand
188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion
113
thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas
skilledasZhuangzi
ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已
ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof
themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen
自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while
unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse
thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin
Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe
followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords
andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不
191Zhuangzi2510
114
足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong
scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun
phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis
thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive
strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof
discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman
limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe
principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued
astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa
topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the
principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto
speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi
stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden
orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor
ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe
Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-
physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193
192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)
115
AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC
ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe
termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes
externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic
meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames
andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert
therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand
thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior
tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot
expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther
evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds
ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords
andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis
identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation
providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe
formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat
ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation
Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon
languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe
aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda
talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe
veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan
saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno
116
tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic
wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe
fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto
himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone
whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois
skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose
similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas
Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand
contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition
Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho
wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron
wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal
realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan
otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut
194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
117
aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe
communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage
Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed
whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics
namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif
somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya
symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate
theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia
thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand
thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis
commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps
mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit
simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar
importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof
readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto
theacquisitionofknowledge
hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch
196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem
118
transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe
manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose
ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis
unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan
uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit
wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe
dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps
Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison
drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory
toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist
allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof
ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197
197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13
119
AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun
andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless
namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe
locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen
thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere
differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe
fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong
withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina
waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos
carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake
conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith
viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists
associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof
importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport
doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian
Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths
areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds
ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises
198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)
120
themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof
courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent
fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic
needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical
valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths
whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation
thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience
Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable
thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi
seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity
duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa
seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas
theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt
thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand
rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun
andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary
skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving
uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder
AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto
199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31
121
thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也
ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich
comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown
analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan
readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數
andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly
tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis
extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe
investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately
ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto
personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo
無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof
NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise
200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese
122
forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto
himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights
thatarenormallyineffable
OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也
ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis
allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator
suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch
butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa
parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand
particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory
delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself
FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-
yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa
textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe
storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions
licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin
movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof
associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey
123
canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily
structurethereadingprocess
InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows
NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo
子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe
BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven
theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin
thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater
anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain
thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand
ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin
Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof
yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強
生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe
problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar
fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere
noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike
Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe
parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit
ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby
itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount
124
assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes
aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively
throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe
precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider
andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto
resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject
TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand
perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-
Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous
materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive
accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation
itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes
suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan
developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi
whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo
(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)
ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi
fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo
(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous
openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical
203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)
125
Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables
ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans
toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe
conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe
aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat
Chūgandidnottry
126
Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng
WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment
accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand
concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof
numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as
ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin
poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan
(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis
writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit
makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased
uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes
hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat
whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe
myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature
istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe
fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe
ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough
onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa
dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere
Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar
intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof
patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire
204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)
127
andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)
transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat
whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe
tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact
duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird
ofthesouth
IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being
divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary
beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis
reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea
ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe
heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it
representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith
respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness
(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky
206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup
128
129
Appendix2
IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive
130
Chapter Four
Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview
PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso
muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山
文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif
poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention
suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof
thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally
beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval
JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere
thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand
conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable
varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury
LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished
poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe
idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific
totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe
eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic
metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚
131
集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier
metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive
contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe
majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo
quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo
versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe
collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof
influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh
Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)
models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi
三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse
plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe
mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars
suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who
wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian
life
208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219
132
AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche
withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto
comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins
aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth
centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe
midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan
establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei
1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas
theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude
YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend
twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand
KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō
shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism
TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic
life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly
religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson
wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen
temples211
210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415
133
Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular
avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile
AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth
andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted
prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure
inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō
Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed
forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-
94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan
Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover
religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile
alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown
tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry
ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu
ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina
tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored
212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77
134
witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern
criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe
basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos
historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi
shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand
scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif
somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship
today
ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen
215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer
135
comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず
WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan
Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern
scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose
remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising
notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash
commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe
effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin
theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern
kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan
literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical
217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi
136
intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften
selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse
WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic
precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin
(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong
DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-
Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn
fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong
poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith
extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould
poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria
whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany
sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan
especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways
remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis
theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare
foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple
rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof
thischapter
219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard
137
瘧疾
Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe
variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers
138
反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226
Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome
liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas
twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream
ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand
225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)
139
Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting
simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms
inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe
poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof
Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial
recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor
ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin
mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis
anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical
symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength
mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe
morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis
possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof
theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency
towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect
commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic
sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother
Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively
thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically
compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment
140
2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil
1333-1343
Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism
begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning
collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn
fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas
theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-
knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata
ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould
deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof
localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit
occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto
theupheavalsofthetime
檀浦
Dannoura228
晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin
theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping
blossoms229
227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)
141
封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite
sand230
鞆津TomoHarbor231
楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside
rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes
haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury
142
遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened
boats233
Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa
recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris
alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet
unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally
speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras
accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi
whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-
1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe
overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards
discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實
whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo
虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial
prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan
233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
143
ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis
quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto
positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan
explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition
Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter
vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems
almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe
pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe
impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith
thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven
whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏
史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance
forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan
poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould
alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost
likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo
versesisinstructive
赤間関
Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred
144
怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe
sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe
gulls237
TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar
源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally
bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The
TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand
wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters
throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas
themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot
simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation
ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r
1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong
thethousandsdrownedinthemelee
BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut
theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar
237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97
145
deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan
aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe
freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict
overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos
poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a
traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay
havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate
purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune
HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe
sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview
Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal
causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial
AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-
Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden
deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence
anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta
Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon
KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe
historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome
dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative
buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral
146
hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese
eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical
disarray
惜陰偶作
ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime
昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced
tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce
linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy
238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo
147
佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust
besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown
open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand
departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen
becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought
rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce
againforConfucianrobes243
242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup
148
AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented
asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain
oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand
lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis
essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody
thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe
tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks
entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance
inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic
qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe
impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244
Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith
thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect
thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching
observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably
themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto
beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse
244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent
149
isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat
becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan
uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe
presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad
fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival
courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf
century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis
referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm
renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat
appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi
BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣
BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout
regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother
versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos
245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168
150
misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial
preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals
ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome
asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear
anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince
bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative
interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial
creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical
environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular
Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto
suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat
representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe
assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave
laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely
thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta
truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor
247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39
151
emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe
coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248
Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth
verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning
ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe
implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The
termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost
elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and
earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso
denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto
shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily
apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof
kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami
worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional
apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto
figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage
mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder
248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below
152
objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura
periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile
increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially
healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay
beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai
(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo
ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets
(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas
nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad
beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe
couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby
politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding
themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual
ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest
thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera
Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary
imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe
1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal
Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple
KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe
hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput
remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave
requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso
153
occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon
thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis
amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand
waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250
春雪
SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-
metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252
250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem
154
淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat
useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall
distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions
shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)
155
咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths
百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof
driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe
cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty
stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe
heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe
bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear
ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257
256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo
156
IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful
seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara
noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains
oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin
withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto
identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers
whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances
ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis
actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle
informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe
poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore
aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater
linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa
persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It
ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo
beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich
eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor
TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe
significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby
conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes
258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31
157
andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers
Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash
forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof
thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription
tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached
non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination
andintertextualcodingiseschewed
ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas
aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse
producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial
protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat
extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition
Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic
requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly
knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof
courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof
ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres
commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and
shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores
theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe
eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere
traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings
158
witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality
canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill
generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof
andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby
fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger
readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance
reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment
officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe
shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe
passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot
justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos
InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar
backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework
ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly
laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha
RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly
similarmotifs
舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo
259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89
159
蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous
pearls261
ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave
beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity
betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof
dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway
ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical
conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance
ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment
policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe
bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic
poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant
hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar
sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof
earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite
scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies
theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble
261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making
160
beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial
bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin
1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses
highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax
burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264
ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan
Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic
sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe
numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat
vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe
greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat
hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second
andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized
bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration
wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply
didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism
fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe
Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno
positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore
264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems
161
unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment
monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe
ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266
WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong
DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise
consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof
socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic
preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew
linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic
uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively
staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral
argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe
poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof
narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes
forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati
266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate
162
waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat
werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis
toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses
exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand
theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing
poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源
円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell
和答別源
HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare
determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein
astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot
ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward
habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand
chantversesaloud
267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天
163
Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical
functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway
propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa
conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha
metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed
smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings
Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone
prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader
BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer
aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction
andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are
contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances
thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld
andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere
twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are
marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin
corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore
opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves
thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys
ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal
experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo
capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown
164
shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein
Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-
reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe
expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems
comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe
subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas
opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe
nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples
UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt
beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe
varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe
formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial
tothehardshipsitrecounts
送澤雲夢
SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads
269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo
165
荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto
go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha
verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly
master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill
together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91
166
Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial
unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly
ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe
possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies
Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo
friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation
andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork
whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno
fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart
ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby
ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof
thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda
universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)
toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc
ofaparticularfriendship
ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto
adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse
equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage
morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto
directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto
wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor
unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe
167
espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe
materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical
situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism
putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems
treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis
thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor
ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan
writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders
poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA
cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)
preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved
uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded
withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport
hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-
lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave
resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing
versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent
軍士圖
SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice
168
嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273
Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow
differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764
vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique
tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably
reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual
informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas
askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone
marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe
brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha
staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby
extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle
isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological
temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably
successful
273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍
169
Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare
broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling
casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos
mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding
contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin
FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe
dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical
irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres
suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin
shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven
moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein
ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor
poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand
stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese
literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic
adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof
ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan
170
Chapter Five
New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi
ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand
seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters
TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury
bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor
severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction
ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof
theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic
eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style
regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto
appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe
prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto
countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas
observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof
publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch
expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276
275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421
171
So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-
styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod
andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted
animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses
andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless
ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould
beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet
withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut
importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter
ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof
subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater
detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and
heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally
wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas
theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic
meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin
Japanfortheirshipoetry277
Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin
medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe
277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci
172
topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278
TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)
andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)
despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin
JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore
theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate
theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires
theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe
unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators
ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith
thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata
Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-
centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe
GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered
278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62
173
belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven
inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen
lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen
thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof
tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281
SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone
ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai
ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe
unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand
quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter
willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby
oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation
torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci
inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot
indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint
foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong
thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave
beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor
moreouranalysiswillbeginthere
281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48
174
兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich
thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282
PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof
Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi
NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木
蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-
DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos
compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse
ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆
轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe
trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina
mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic
282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06
175
structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪
牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285
Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally
retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable
lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic
towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe
firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit
appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行
c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens
withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci
車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch
awayhellip287
284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese
andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu
176
ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo
(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry
characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively
Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection
Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos
psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting
tumultofastorm
NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate
monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa
differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora
JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan
communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern
monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet
himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn
toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe
tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter
makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest
thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci
288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99
177
送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool
(HersquosaManofWu)289
蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290
TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical
propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued
assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous
linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby
nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe
anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis
alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos
lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa
reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六
289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278
178
appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby
notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis
logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-
sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called
ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291
ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe
SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren
wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother
regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292
Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit
isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin
ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening
onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable
tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool
291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃
179
Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe
firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe
poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto
enlightenment
Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof
metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso
includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294
Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding
andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty
eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe
vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe
refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi
Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi
withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe
casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif
fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary
293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern
MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263
180
legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda
meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems
fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose
shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character
linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial
andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact
influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter
whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible
thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered
increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi
ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof
ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot
austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated
withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe
chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras
hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible
thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa
familiarone
297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203
181
利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299
陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五
溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo
182
枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill
DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests
theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart
ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan
WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous
demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe
302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment
183
templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan
andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy
andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand
adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe
vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though
somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter
arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐
詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang
Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider
reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree
andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe
forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe
SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan
writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger
compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive
collectionKūgeshū空華集307
304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73
184
Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan
infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation
topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi
maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare
homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich
helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic
shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration
characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina
singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack
thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-
stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel
tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome
premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong
MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance
includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe
work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry
washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor
308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic
185
regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike
recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312
Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin
thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms
thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry
associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-
charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines
thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication
名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)
WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly
definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor
adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain
312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted
186
noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno
prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines
scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos
versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing
linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore
prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe
vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact
WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe
prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear
plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic
shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities
toarchetypessuchasthefollowing
題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315
水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168
187
田園樂七首
SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6
桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)
OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently
subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo
(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe
casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich
reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond
versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The
particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly
prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas
onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields
ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might
bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly
metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof
Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe
317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo
188
austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand
BaiRenfu
ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature
commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore
generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical
fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance
thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms
Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased
intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply
makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan
intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto
resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style
tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds
undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩
流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution
doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand
theirmeaningremainsunchanged
Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit
suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin
multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact
knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely
theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof
particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道
189
orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe
TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic
shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin
anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant
inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous
interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin
additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof
phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe
monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring
intheMountainsofTonerdquo
ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan
ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū
whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider
theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe
onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas
evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin
hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin
lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin
ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan
collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof
319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74
190
medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack
ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos
tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan
literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci
suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted
inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe
generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat
notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury
nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322
Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci
amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat
thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically
sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew
formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat
determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis
thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof
320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807
191
belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor
didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition
Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact
thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway
fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323
Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave
motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint
thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen
andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly
femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection
wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets
mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile
mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive
indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas
aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang
Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat
all
323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251
192
hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326
AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown
accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning
opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive
language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto
imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey
pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin
theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick
popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers
inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi
whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas
clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith
extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera
itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore
326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16
193
amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe
fourcenturieslater
194
Conclusion
Gozan Literature in Retrospect
1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa
uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese
kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-
linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto
thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe
monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof
aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated
withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe
indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere
motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted
philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe
Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby
ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly
havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive
kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese
textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally
consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical
195
chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe
fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof
poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji
monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof
MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems
AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial
advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature
hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe
effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular
JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese
classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330
Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad
beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein
329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks
196
theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe
longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception
praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese
characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena
peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere
easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften
atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro
荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto
Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas
positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)
wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa
particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral
WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era
scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland
ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist
convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand
philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives
331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145
197
anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain
JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent
ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan
easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand
repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea
centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse
Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew
academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational
literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm
governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe
intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout
literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof
culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain
ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas
kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku
emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe
novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku
hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby
continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas
theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less
coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium
Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany
writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling
198
withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed
largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period
workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand
continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary
expression
FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem
stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga
Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as
theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)
ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333
NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof
kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe
dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic
fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose
ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas
gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas
kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7
199
unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn
lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic
prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof
JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical
competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex
characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso
WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient
tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)
arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or
vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto
notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese
monogatari335
Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern
JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism
andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand
AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis
bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore
essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly
335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193
200
moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan
(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal
paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe
ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh
cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic
machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat
contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof
GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity
wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher
thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose
landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof
anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha
partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection
itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers
enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe
ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif
evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated
fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity
withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies
laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein
partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan
FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin
referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage
201
butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera
(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast
insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe
wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters
ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith
wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash
ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits
institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda
Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious
registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto
shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo
sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards
strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe
endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin
multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe
yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid
notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan
haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot
officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan
unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan
336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146
202
unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339
ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy
anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340
Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity
andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse
AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom
themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits
orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi
poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed
mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien
andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully
integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus
ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish
canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin
wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings
meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof
scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda
moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore
339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised
203
perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan
producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand
philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted
essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand
theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason
Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold
securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply
thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof
theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving
masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters
Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium
developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks
AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese
kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読
methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits
useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium
literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits
entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich
isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible
ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku
204
thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto
kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary
SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken
languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342
Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary
valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill
appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof
vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong
criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable
technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand
ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha
conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites
furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan
ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen
kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese
literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof
thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich
isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa
verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch
mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial
tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe
courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo
205
regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose
carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace
forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome
post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact
remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe
kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention
andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge
Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor
admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe
marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe
conservativeNijōschoolforexample
Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina
dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly
canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical
context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof
poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse
Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities
oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily
envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan
kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof
343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60
206
anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies
ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet
mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic
preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast
thousand
Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly
transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare
rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay
approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread
withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand
motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters
rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface
thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer
wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof
JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause
ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand
moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual
richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe
extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin
approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)
inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe
standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin
Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof
207
Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan
literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin
Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand
fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho
helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto
medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable
anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu
illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional
criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar
removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan
benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese
history
SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe
medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary
scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere
thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu
344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim
208
XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書
章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers
FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai
(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian
thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew
Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely
acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative
cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres
includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor
disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo
Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal
memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking
uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism
withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext
345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54
209
Appendix
Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language
Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto
conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography
Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe
nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas
oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin
ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo
ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce
ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe
neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese
termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect
greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional
reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa
nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas
specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical
346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern
Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20
210
readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern
EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand
LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom
thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing
荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo
notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir
relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore
specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary
maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms
Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating
orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly
adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that
Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof
themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono
matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto
orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven
greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern
governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived
347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13
211
wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary
workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin
accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese
(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages
ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto
adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan
Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa
superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn
modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare
sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely
logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled
wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin
theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas
Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost
Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts
thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms
ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly
againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai
kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe
describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg
kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely
linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis
212
simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics
(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant
mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits
scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則
の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo
Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread
outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor
presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof
translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof
sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese
languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting
fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea
pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof
kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin
kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese
authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary
ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather
specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor
speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina
mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms
ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms
ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat
ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue
213
thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead
smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus
equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi
淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended
asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof
Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance
Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology
utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan
similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin
specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof
kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto
LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight
beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical
equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe
purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI
believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto
redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto
348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese
214
ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic
alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase
ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe
remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof
thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever
capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological
scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold
practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo
2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic
ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo
RAMiller1967350
ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo
BrianSteininger2017351
350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8
215
ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-
903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten
worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively
Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto
representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter
itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits
propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku
registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof
anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese
language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly
speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea
352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo
216
fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose
examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations
ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading
kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe
kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe
expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified
namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea
senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext
theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu
王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore
liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday
JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo
savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe
ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun
textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo
constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent
howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor
asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit
354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice
217
departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though
notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea
smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof
lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding
thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois
stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun
BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase
completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal
alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof
courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever
Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin
acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars
haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich
Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin
thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe
355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives
218
sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin
distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits
applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical
elementsnotpresentthere
Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused
productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese
writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari
(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto
sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit
Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle
butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome
elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat
cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto
modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional
endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense
andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe
approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon
Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers
havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese
356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295
219
locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin
kanbunatall357
AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe
encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither
awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution
suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning
couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa
funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢
ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令~給which
mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction
shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose
357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese
220
thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt
wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha
sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut
itcannotbewritteninkanbun
Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour
hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto
nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure
astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku
renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin
factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe
readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother
representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto
provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359
Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida
nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea
dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat
asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific
registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill
oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe
359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments
221
current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm
kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike
innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists
(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas
traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood
toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined
abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof
apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese
ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway
toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe
Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun
AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa
termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation
ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun
和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan
ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan
ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways
salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe
rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages
kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese
anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual
360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259
222
propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof
historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas
JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe
metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion
thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular
geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory
Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword
ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong
archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself
doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted
onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning
nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem
Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning
ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic
writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch
361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10
223
asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown
problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin
kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor
instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse
mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle
ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina
registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom
theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes
onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout
ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates
someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit
describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest
questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith
literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo
ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer
of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun
materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon
362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31
224
nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording
toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean
authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey
wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour
earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby
JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese
historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof
ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay
evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean
improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe
preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe
especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite
conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-
1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir
workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor
KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose
fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed
themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby
364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years
225
theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas
ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)
Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen
tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight
comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic
actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe
TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave
studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo
washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof
premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic
reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla
languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal
meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem
thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa
ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth
languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet
masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe
rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese
HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor
Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis
rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa
366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8
226
ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic
textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby
renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese
languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat
themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof
theChineselanguagerdquo368
367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese
227
BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)
228
ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)
229
mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52
230
KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)
231
LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)
232
MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)
233
PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)
234
SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59
235
WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)
1
Biographical Introduction
ChūganEngetsu中巌円月(1300-75)wasaJapanesemonkoftheRinzai臨済
sectofZenBuddhismHeemergedasanearlyleaderintheliteraryandintellectual
movementknowntodayasGozanbungaku五山文学ldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo
aftertheso-calledldquoFiveMountainsandTenTemplesrdquo五山十刹systemofranking
andorganizingZenmonasticestablishmentsBornintheeasterncityofKamakura
totheTsuchiya土屋familyanoffshootoftheonce-powerfulTaira平hischildhood
appearstohavebeenadifficultonemarkedbyillnessandfamilialupheavalHis
briefautobiographicalchronicle(jirekifu自歴譜)recordsthatasaninfanthewas
takenbyawetnursetoMusashiProvinceafterhisfatherwassentintoexilefor
unspecifiedreasons1Attheageofeighthewasentrustedbyhisgrandmotherto
thetempleJufukuji寿福寺inKamakurawherehebeganhistraininginthe
priesthoodasachildacolyte(僧童)Thetextdoesnotspecifywhatthisearliest
periodofinstructionwaslikebutthreeyearslaterheevidentlybegantoreceivea
formalseculareducationunderthesupervisionofapriestnamedDōkei道恵The
curriculumincludedTheClassicofFilialPiety(孝経)andAnalects(論語)both
standardworksinEastAsianeducationandalsoTheNineChaptersonthe
MathematicalArt(Jiuzhangsuanshu九章算術)aworkwhoseinfluenceonEast
1ChuganrsquosautobiographicalchroniclemaybefoundinTamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)vol4pp611-32
2
AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe
ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe
studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-
storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai
mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3
ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself
asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese
andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany
promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas
residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe
expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan
madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand
althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination
ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5
Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe
2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614
3
opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas
inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive
historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted
andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe
youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7
ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst
attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese
monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang
Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗
杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe
templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign
monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe
summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore
accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe
followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely
activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin
1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe
6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235
4
KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate
directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly
militarizedJapan
In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof
SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating
ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide
financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339
threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰
backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein
theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough
Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she
regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan
ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe
traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto
KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot
alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)
andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof
thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺
Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe
KamakuraGozan
Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes
werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341
5
hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon
sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial
familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility
UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子
(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-
TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics
includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary
forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand
deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe
precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying
Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis
translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy
WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義
堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin
fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian
scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer
breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10
Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof
ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙
10SeeInoguchip48
6
梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11
ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan
tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist
texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred
schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography
andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis
contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity
andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal
measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith
strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo
medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas
practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom
thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)
ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative
versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat
timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan
figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson
thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself
imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe
predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos
11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255
7
poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation
ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred
generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover
fallowfields13
ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal
progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe
indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery
mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo
coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism
theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut
itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and
isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The
13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開
8
connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates
inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself
whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall
ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor
ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters
擬古
InImitationofOld
浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode
Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan
couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom
the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived
fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely
controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas
builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri
東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang
Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly
whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof
medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould
9
beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween
businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary
housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and
evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional
lifefordecadesthereafter
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe
moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe
selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers
TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen
surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin
meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo
10
arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe
incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination
attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears
earlier
Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos
Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto
hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto
moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As
lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal
deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance
rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain
refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe
nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen
monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17
Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe
descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis
recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary
accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe
attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)
11
strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings
throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus
refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18
18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌
12
Chapter One
Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa
國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi
IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the
formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto
questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse
suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial
institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat
circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent
conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight
(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong
thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto
questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof
genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval
19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim
13
JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist
doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews
onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration
(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity
AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe
powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332
fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin
EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix
ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof
politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old
prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst
placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby
theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand
immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually
notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-
1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22
21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227
14
andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房
(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial
successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat
Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand
ideologicalframework
Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe
formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333
tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten
withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto
Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut
thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe
existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal
socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore
thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe
sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis
idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain
historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction
thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements
ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe
Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith
theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout
1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn
Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)
15
alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand
presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay
entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe
idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically
thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof
thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin
Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical
guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof
rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand
overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand
easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas
lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe
wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother
guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader
culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival
theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate
overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary
23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23
16
historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine
practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof
guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe
esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits
importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence
suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat
leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew
stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese
textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso
heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑
(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New
HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand
intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly
thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen
drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting
particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath
OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone
pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28
ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric
bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219
17
comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen
establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic
ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe
articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo
wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-
rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-
Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30
ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese
cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan
Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption
thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying
ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist
argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan
Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality
ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos
traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries
providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor
understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece
29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)
18
Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin
Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand
nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut
alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples
amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas
thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand
anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin
ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning
interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical
crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor
thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour
Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial
rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe
permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof
anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven
hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides
forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone
ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe
willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical
treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis
repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended
simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan
32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter
19
sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither
ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita
usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach
ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment
EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir
craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant
vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce
variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare
plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe
credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent
fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory
theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms
andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses
pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof
peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe
prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe
33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo
20
Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled
peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife
anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe
peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas
notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming
thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour
owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake
upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand
theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir
hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand
abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone
surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter
forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances
wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary
OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis
pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving
comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked
ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing
ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary
powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34
34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo
21
Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest
foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment
shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas
wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir
respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis
perhapshopeafterall
淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎
Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin
preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar
beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto
thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe
thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand
simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate
oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix
monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe
abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd
whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan
22
inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior
governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury
sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa
shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand
tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation
evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas
drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior
governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace
thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand
restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost
enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough
officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions
mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz
shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses
Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin
addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic
worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand
inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich
datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen
stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese
andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth
emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand
35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67
23
valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong
practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof
JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese
historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional
momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto
appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone
OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36
Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho
succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere
arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe
moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe
rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof
thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus
doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand
inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof
HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi
opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad
36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo
24
lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof
beneficentteachingsrdquo39
Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe
regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit
wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)
Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat
whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand
whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter
theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit
wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One
yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe
newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang
opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas
thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot
bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41
AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater
nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere
freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest
(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew
lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit
39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff
25
lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere
extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed
HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan
thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir
effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere
promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit
followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea
peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the
impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe
followinginhisrescript
ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42
DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso
boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand
receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished
militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand
42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular
26
embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble
obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos
mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof
theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave
graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy
lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho
wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas
theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe
restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning
ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive
thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour
timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto
reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45
AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately
decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly
interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble
throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa
momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe
greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel
thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact
soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou
findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict
commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered
mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo
27
上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐
Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial
understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly
admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting
46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22
28
contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled
Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe
ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated
termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe
epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan
Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe
shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt
whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight
nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone
nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor
Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos
purposewell
AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical
experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary
referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent
warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian
historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand
militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby
theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts
47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions
29
includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto
clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀
子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut
stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost
influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute
power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing
terms
OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大
BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan
establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand
yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais
similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot
onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward
SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681
BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese
defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe
Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself
associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3
30
representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell
awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution
nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将
軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa
commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders
leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor
ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate
righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally
illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany
systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof
Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing
militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos
achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin
perpetuityundertheneworder
AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual
featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan
thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious
EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat
quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof
hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe
naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239
31
interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike
DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho
waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim
ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan
endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely
suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods
whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose
whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong
ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand
properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou
justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52
AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical
cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas
stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong
50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan
32
outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare
preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied
byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad
ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso
seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext
attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho
mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall
howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese
politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth
theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto
Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave
knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos
53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries
33
memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen
morereadilyapplied
WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif
seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe
worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent
altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast
bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot
asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother
referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable
EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe
summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57
56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97
34
LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical
ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew
heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework
ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan
figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular
textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism
butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe
AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron
whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone
ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The
unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree
Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics
andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit
isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga
holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59
MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang
TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum
opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi
58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized
35
中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-
DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho
representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename
ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang
TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand
BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi
andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof
BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto
Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at
thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped
thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation
ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval
JapaneseKanbun
GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand
intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent
60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7
36
ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe
genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-
centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur
Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管
家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati
SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-
79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare
formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently
offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta
majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery
briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan
additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe
universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof
statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese
authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest
candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered
bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof
thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis
generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor
61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui
37
Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)
analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe
bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe
traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance
oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight
alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut
usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson
mattersofcourtpolicy
Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly
composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand
predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa
muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron
(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost
especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa
continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir
serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice
andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable
successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery
62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis
38
basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby
thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth
auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo
ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy
familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)
eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute
nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery
powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis
nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof
theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe
centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea
roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe
briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe
courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65
ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests
grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary
hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry
63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates
39
andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan
ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand
manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby
eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe
mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic
socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand
expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof
familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily
properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along
withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen
eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs
Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval
erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom
hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo
ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin
literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof
Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits
HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-
inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey
allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend
toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast
66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210
40
Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe
portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera
would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe
phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina
waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance
陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67
TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical
argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor
bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos
ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed
almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome
lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial
courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto
67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy
41
earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof
expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual
policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel
proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan
milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun
明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-
acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto
advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure
tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto
bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand
totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably
evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy
isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution
thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand
rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage
embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth
ChineseandJapaneseinagespast
68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks
42
ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa
AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos
hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor
criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida
SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily
againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical
positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory
genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor
purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat
leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos
functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof
evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp
butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深
峭)69
TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult
frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe
responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical
andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand
69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou
43
philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo
worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis
somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa
valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat
leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical
implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70
ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos
intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand
themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory
ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown
humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto
presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour
Majestyrsquosdispleasure
国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity
70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92
44
Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes
firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis
iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing
unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset
themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas
ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo
generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof
SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut
theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis
becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand
violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang
allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs
thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat
Menciuswasright
一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎
ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler
whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor
71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7
45
generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois
typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe
moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof
hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably
Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship
elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical
isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies
ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein
tractsofpoliticalsuasion
2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin
Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir
militaryadventures
一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎
3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly
72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui
46
Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm
hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend
hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent
totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit
一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉
IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand
immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison
tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation
thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst
Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging
suchawar
4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch
thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof
martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow
couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto
barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment
73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor
47
一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣
5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan
expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto
contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe
impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)
一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也
InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples
fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather
terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein
ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof
theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation
ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern
easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji
ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)
48
warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe
historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary
conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults
6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis
conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture
andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered
bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility
(ofchallengingtheBakufu)
一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也
7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)
imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang
76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji
49
receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas
abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto
appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe
populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata
powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate
isimpossible)
一湯取桀事
marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause
50
龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto
mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit
resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand
enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding
immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader
whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat
Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat
80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring
51
Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos
demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth
reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85
一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand
resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing
(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult
eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe
expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter
theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand
theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof
theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories
theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo
52
largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe
reinsofgovernment
Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor
promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise
frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith
thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe
imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake
howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis
一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉
DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal
heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe
notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa
firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe
KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers
InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones
thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology
differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis
followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C
tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental
activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe
53
peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic
extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe
thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully
historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking
matter
10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough
EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm
eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku
Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa
non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From
thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut
ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe
87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya
54
JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor
(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe
orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor
Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend
rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe
EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92
violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes
55
MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe
positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor
sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno
useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall
istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey
一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已
Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely
omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand
everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)
56
submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept
insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit
forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences
havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe
firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between
thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin
travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94
以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣
ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy
meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis
bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis
everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto
moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-
DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations
alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese
imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary
94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal
57
thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual
continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe
rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto
dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave
emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince
Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless
makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis
thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief
thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore
generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois
overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce
againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch
processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman
decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya
pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout
thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor
boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil
conditionsaremorefavorable
IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa
steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate
ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven
theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe
maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn
58
oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa
victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate
himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat
Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested
ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto
havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards
consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo
Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor
themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand
probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial
andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing
thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings
wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera
frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown
revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose
inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike
anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn
95SeeGobleKenmup139
59
AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood
AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō
原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems
thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit
offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong
beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa
desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour
traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof
concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers
EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96
Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones
hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled
worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe
Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97
YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally
nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance
werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish
themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno
96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair
60
differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral
populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists
moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith
thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand
themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand
hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst
theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings
ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten
TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)
Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase
themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks
Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir
numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone
becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-
shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin
theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist
LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons
andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda
correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe
state(國家)
出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣
98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles
61
UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints
outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas
shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe
opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand
proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately
quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe
moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)
amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining
theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole
Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas
suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose
wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose
wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho
ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft
forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately
62
Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi
ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed
inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe
triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-
Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof
conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult
particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof
theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe
momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave
embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen
particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof
Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji
affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin
Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly
ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin
KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof
99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim
63
BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften
chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist
doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter
ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe
fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler
EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween
establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems
(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat
Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-
DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor
thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof
directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine
abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime
TheConstantandtheExpedient101
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler
EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan
onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung
100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70
64
andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople
areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle
WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart
intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin
everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty
knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied
ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand
RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis
enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast
forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade
manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns
countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat
contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient
Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)
Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe
sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething
thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary
stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe
orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient
Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe
realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot
undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto
explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo
102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter
65
ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman
beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey
havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey
feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother
thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut
whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset
inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof
humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded
tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses
flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned
civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe
realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose
whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed
(旺化)thecommonpeople104
HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe
kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso
becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall
theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel
104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往
66
bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence
itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe
heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring
timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto
effectduringtimesofdisorder
NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult
thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat
punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore
Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms
assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut
displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf
(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused
irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe
wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour
countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation
Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour
cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway
oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell
Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart
intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty
Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout
thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee
expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem
Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout
militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin
67
theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate
Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants
allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor
themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand
servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand
righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof
censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof
theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof
expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes
themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould
theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin
martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost
fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit
andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo
ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand
Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave
中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也
經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也
107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1
68
凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也
今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去
IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan
defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially
corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe
memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary
whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)
relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe
subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut
itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings
aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo
thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe
readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot
leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or
69
ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe
posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya
reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108
NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof
EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew
GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown
situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan
rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof
nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan
whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned
theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution
mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe
destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto
anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom
thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized
imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby
embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111
TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast
(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof
108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim
70
historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen
andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe
positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader
holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo
HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing
soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and
hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior
familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe
realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto
patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple
constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina
ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor
martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice
againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown
rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould
ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin
somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō
(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe
recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris
probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling
112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82
71
argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent
successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof
preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies
ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof
crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems
toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof
Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit
isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof
1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange
ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena
supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe
hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis
own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe
differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten
withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal
memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing
WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning
thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter
directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang
113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight
72
InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided
oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof
KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage
Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs
suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional
butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-
DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi
TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe
1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe
imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat
theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing
apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended
specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan
belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos
fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer
hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-
Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance
ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself
whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C
baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes
rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows
115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid
73
NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe
greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117
九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑
TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe
enigmaticpassagethusly
TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina
positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill
lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan
thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite
beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-
DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif
itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has
forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis
ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence
117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55
74
thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)
forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa
moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe
martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa
well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo
(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread
recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno
specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand
emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe
sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt
itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname
neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise
ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119
AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe
basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece
doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe
119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35
75
countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality
ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan
insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry
unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire
exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween
MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes
butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor
atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit
shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign
leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule
mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature
andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo
sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative
behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi
aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent
uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave
hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape
thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother
MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany
ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant
toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot
76
theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor
HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120
AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo
chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept
namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies
andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei
(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang
commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe
politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes
againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar
relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety
(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)
77
exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif
sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut
thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent
circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood
Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan
Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin
violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas
ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-
quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost
closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought
withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell
acquainted124
Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain
betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe
ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan
relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms
78
thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan
independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125
Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto
communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular
Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort
offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa
faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich
presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe
orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave
beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto
assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan
assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive
knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby
HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts
inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe
125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage
79
GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe
LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu
尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand
Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)
andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic
discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC
ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127
OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains
numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam
notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical
parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews
articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe
responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably
offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext
Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan
Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin
chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis
thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor
observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe
entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing
boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos
127GobleKenmupp2127-28
80
policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan
inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp
ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權
Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis
somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts
AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe
moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi
doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan
attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent
disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser
tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves
sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld
128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887
81
butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices
ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-
Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike
aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage
regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮
樂)134
IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat
theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut
rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意
聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast
inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal
morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical
relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly
morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell
ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135
132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833
82
五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也
ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare
promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder
requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen
BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe
particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality
ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos
reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse
TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe
statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof
keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo
theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature
ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand
incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)
whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue
InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese
sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations
jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa
dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter
thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical
suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary
83
expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin
thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga
vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe
ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat
werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby
nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly
ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon
ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast
comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably
nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi
ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe
KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended
provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly
successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern
JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga
riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe
fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith
dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe
followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor
supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent
branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor
136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61
84
familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial
familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell
thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior
partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled
thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince
withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan
nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew
shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan
everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal
preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe
textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu
politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom
publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial
fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern
perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit
survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書
ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis
chapter
Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy
ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake
ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday
becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily
Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-
85
89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto
國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰
伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The
notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo
wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略
(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe
LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis
explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes
seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia
deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto
beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi
periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally
veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto
theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto
137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321
86
articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine
theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey
wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand
Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine
coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling
courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir
positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity
ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied
aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu
IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth
centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof
theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities
byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-
1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō
shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage
whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto
thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly
Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof
theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis
nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto
139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし
87
whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently
EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation
ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo
morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical
accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence
suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa
greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand
politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests
thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof
disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and
distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly
141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上
88
subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe
contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong
ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin
Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress
deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe
controversysurroundingit
He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby
theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144
修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子
ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe
SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi
143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982
89
WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)
GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned
forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea
placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand
AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen
GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans
inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese
SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious
doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof
JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork
comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe
MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe
opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost
controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong
145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone
90
Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)
物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)
WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral
suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas
suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought
toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork
Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe
repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso
openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly
91
repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan
wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful
inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand
unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe
facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely
duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian
traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong
thesewasZhuangzi
ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis
exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly
workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-
ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably
belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi
XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic
policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest
inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove
fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost
146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173
92
stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe
privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations
sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic
significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe
giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand
thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism
yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand
entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites
productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand
limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect
Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe
efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries
onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose
byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng
Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan
Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe
firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena
slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku
kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295
93
Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos
commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks
hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor
religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic
relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese
religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate
communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150
Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin
thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited
exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular
ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula
薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas
exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific
attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe
wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory
andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-
HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore
thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven
149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25
94
belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat
whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly
quiteup-to-date
Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein
imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto
performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi
wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland
entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin
medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary
counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural
interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic
significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen
standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe
couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun
andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther
afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional
commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived
Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent
overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown
symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich
credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry
toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21
95
BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156
莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉
Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral
referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit
termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe
leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore
thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits
153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature
96
forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike
otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly
funny
ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage
鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳
157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo
97
HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe
basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting
theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳
commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous
identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-
calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon
ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby
thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳
thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century
lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan
shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic
correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as
centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird
Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and
159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo
98
useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也
ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand
recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing
asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments
ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould
foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe
historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful
propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The
foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo
(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist
philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe
physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng
162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory
99
Hebeginshisinterpretation
byexplainingthesignificanceofthe
termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the
bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis
heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan
northisthedirectionwhereyang
energyliesdormantandwherethe
ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater
intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly
ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric
arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural
numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He
furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram
kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand
symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto
denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa
particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark
mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness
representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏
之地耳)
ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven
helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa
Fig1
100
giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which
maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden
potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis
wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas
roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe
fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided
onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat
leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided
thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest
qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance
proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably
motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto
establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa
wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote
ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously
rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe
basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive
terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe
extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny
163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism
101
buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian
rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe
serviceofphilosophy
Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其
幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas
anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis
thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation
intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe
NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate
thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst
forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits
significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis
associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang
165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation
102
linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He
observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat
accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby
theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To
Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin
thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe
number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits
ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby
contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich
formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand
undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe
Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167
Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous
wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It
166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)
103
driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward
associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe
celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince
renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe
HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan
proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing
thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)
andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even
thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains
radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)
隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay
nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe
KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits
transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170
Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural
readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic
(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading
wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources
169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter
104
WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe
commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin
termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the
aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere
overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow
theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor
rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish
embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe
juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover
theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral
importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe
NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith
divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda
resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯
(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest
ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant
171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114
105
withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis
oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections
betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe
famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand
ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe
schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe
XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-
1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand
anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)
BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively
thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening
passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof
essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin
YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴
(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked
bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain
aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon
Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe
eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)
174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68
106
perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious
doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto
YijingZhuangziandLaozi178
ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto
inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere
characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo
scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic
studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed
BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile
intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra
andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-
yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould
bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot
leastofwhichwasallegoresis
178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115
107
InterpretationandAuthorialGenius
IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably
betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich
wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple
textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense
TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods
andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral
imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical
proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya
processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually
accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual
environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively
easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof
specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible
newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand
bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180
Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas
beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic
thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate
180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13
108
phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm
forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey
wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates
Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe
Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding
thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory
commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto
differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest
TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent
otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric
substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks
upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks
outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen
judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation
waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand
noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin
ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit
nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin
kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha
181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180
109
realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut
anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-
existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound
inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness
articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis
worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe
explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely
conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis
ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas
fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour
understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious
provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother
PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet
oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad
metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian
intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence
whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight
beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar
discoursesintheWest
183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24
110
NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof
transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat
theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious
implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion
dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise
incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto
lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses
revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing
correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos
accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang
correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching
purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof
transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand
entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi
ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis
186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi
111
traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid
蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也
ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures
whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave
directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself
wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply
denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe
associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying
signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords
ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish
andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly
uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething
bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel
OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably
closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot
betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof
signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction
187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹
112
assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse
returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether
ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe
construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes
workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth
immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor
ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat
precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof
renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded
valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe
searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa
metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof
AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless
hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe
phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe
conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao
cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic
orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand
188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion
113
thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas
skilledasZhuangzi
ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已
ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof
themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen
自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while
unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse
thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin
Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe
followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords
andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不
191Zhuangzi2510
114
足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong
scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun
phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis
thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive
strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof
discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman
limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe
principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued
astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa
topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the
principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto
speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi
stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden
orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor
ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe
Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-
physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193
192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)
115
AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC
ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe
termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes
externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic
meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames
andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert
therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand
thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior
tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot
expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther
evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds
ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords
andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis
identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation
providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe
formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat
ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation
Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon
languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe
aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda
talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe
veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan
saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno
116
tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic
wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe
fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto
himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone
whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois
skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose
similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas
Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand
contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition
Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho
wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron
wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal
realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan
otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut
194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
117
aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe
communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage
Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed
whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics
namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif
somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya
symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate
theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia
thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand
thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis
commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps
mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit
simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar
importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof
readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto
theacquisitionofknowledge
hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch
196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem
118
transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe
manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose
ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis
unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan
uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit
wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe
dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps
Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison
drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory
toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist
allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof
ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197
197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13
119
AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun
andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless
namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe
locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen
thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere
differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe
fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong
withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina
waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos
carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake
conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith
viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists
associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof
importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport
doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian
Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths
areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds
ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises
198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)
120
themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof
courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent
fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic
needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical
valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths
whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation
thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience
Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable
thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi
seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity
duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa
seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas
theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt
thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand
rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun
andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary
skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving
uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder
AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto
199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31
121
thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也
ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich
comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown
analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan
readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數
andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly
tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis
extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe
investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately
ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto
personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo
無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof
NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise
200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese
122
forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto
himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights
thatarenormallyineffable
OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也
ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis
allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator
suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch
butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa
parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand
particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory
delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself
FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-
yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa
textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe
storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions
licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin
movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof
associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey
123
canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily
structurethereadingprocess
InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows
NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo
子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe
BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven
theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin
thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater
anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain
thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand
ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin
Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof
yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強
生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe
problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar
fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere
noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike
Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe
parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit
ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby
itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount
124
assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes
aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively
throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe
precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider
andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto
resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject
TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand
perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-
Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous
materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive
accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation
itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes
suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan
developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi
whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo
(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)
ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi
fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo
(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous
openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical
203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)
125
Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables
ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans
toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe
conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe
aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat
Chūgandidnottry
126
Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng
WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment
accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand
concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof
numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as
ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin
poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan
(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis
writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit
makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased
uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes
hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat
whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe
myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature
istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe
fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe
ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough
onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa
dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere
Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar
intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof
patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire
204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)
127
andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)
transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat
whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe
tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact
duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird
ofthesouth
IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being
divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary
beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis
reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea
ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe
heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it
representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith
respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness
(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky
206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup
128
129
Appendix2
IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive
130
Chapter Four
Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview
PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso
muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山
文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif
poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention
suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof
thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally
beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval
JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere
thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand
conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable
varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury
LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished
poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe
idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific
totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe
eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic
metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚
131
集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier
metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive
contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe
majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo
quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo
versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe
collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof
influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh
Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)
models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi
三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse
plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe
mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars
suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who
wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian
life
208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219
132
AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche
withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto
comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins
aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth
centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe
midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan
establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei
1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas
theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude
YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend
twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand
KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō
shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism
TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic
life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly
religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson
wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen
temples211
210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415
133
Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular
avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile
AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth
andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted
prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure
inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō
Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed
forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-
94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan
Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover
religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile
alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown
tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry
ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu
ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina
tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored
212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77
134
witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern
criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe
basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos
historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi
shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand
scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif
somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship
today
ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen
215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer
135
comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず
WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan
Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern
scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose
remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising
notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash
commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe
effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin
theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern
kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan
literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical
217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi
136
intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften
selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse
WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic
precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin
(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong
DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-
Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn
fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong
poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith
extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould
poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria
whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany
sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan
especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways
remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis
theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare
foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple
rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof
thischapter
219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard
137
瘧疾
Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe
variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers
138
反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226
Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome
liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas
twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream
ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand
225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)
139
Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting
simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms
inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe
poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof
Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial
recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor
ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin
mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis
anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical
symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength
mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe
morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis
possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof
theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency
towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect
commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic
sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother
Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively
thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically
compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment
140
2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil
1333-1343
Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism
begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning
collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn
fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas
theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-
knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata
ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould
deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof
localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit
occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto
theupheavalsofthetime
檀浦
Dannoura228
晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin
theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping
blossoms229
227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)
141
封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite
sand230
鞆津TomoHarbor231
楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside
rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes
haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury
142
遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened
boats233
Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa
recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris
alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet
unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally
speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras
accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi
whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-
1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe
overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards
discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實
whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo
虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial
prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan
233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
143
ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis
quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto
positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan
explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition
Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter
vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems
almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe
pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe
impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith
thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven
whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏
史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance
forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan
poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould
alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost
likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo
versesisinstructive
赤間関
Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred
144
怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe
sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe
gulls237
TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar
源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally
bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The
TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand
wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters
throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas
themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot
simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation
ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r
1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong
thethousandsdrownedinthemelee
BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut
theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar
237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97
145
deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan
aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe
freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict
overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos
poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a
traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay
havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate
purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune
HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe
sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview
Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal
causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial
AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-
Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden
deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence
anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta
Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon
KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe
historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome
dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative
buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral
146
hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese
eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical
disarray
惜陰偶作
ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime
昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced
tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce
linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy
238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo
147
佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust
besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown
open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand
departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen
becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought
rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce
againforConfucianrobes243
242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup
148
AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented
asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain
oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand
lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis
essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody
thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe
tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks
entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance
inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic
qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe
impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244
Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith
thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect
thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching
observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably
themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto
beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse
244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent
149
isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat
becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan
uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe
presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad
fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival
courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf
century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis
referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm
renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat
appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi
BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣
BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout
regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother
versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos
245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168
150
misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial
preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals
ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome
asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear
anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince
bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative
interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial
creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical
environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular
Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto
suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat
representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe
assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave
laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely
thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta
truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor
247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39
151
emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe
coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248
Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth
verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning
ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe
implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The
termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost
elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and
earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso
denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto
shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily
apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof
kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami
worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional
apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto
figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage
mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder
248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below
152
objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura
periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile
increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially
healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay
beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai
(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo
ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets
(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas
nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad
beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe
couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby
politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding
themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual
ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest
thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera
Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary
imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe
1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal
Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple
KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe
hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput
remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave
requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso
153
occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon
thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis
amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand
waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250
春雪
SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-
metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252
250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem
154
淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat
useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall
distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions
shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)
155
咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths
百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof
driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe
cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty
stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe
heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe
bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear
ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257
256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo
156
IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful
seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara
noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains
oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin
withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto
identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers
whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances
ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis
actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle
informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe
poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore
aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater
linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa
persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It
ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo
beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich
eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor
TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe
significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby
conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes
258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31
157
andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers
Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash
forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof
thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription
tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached
non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination
andintertextualcodingiseschewed
ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas
aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse
producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial
protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat
extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition
Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic
requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly
knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof
courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof
ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres
commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and
shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores
theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe
eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere
traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings
158
witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality
canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill
generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof
andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby
fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger
readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance
reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment
officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe
shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe
passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot
justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos
InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar
backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework
ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly
laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha
RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly
similarmotifs
舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo
259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89
159
蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous
pearls261
ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave
beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity
betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof
dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway
ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical
conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance
ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment
policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe
bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic
poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant
hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar
sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof
earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite
scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies
theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble
261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making
160
beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial
bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin
1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses
highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax
burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264
ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan
Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic
sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe
numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat
vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe
greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat
hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second
andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized
bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration
wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply
didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism
fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe
Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno
positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore
264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems
161
unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment
monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe
ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266
WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong
DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise
consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof
socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic
preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew
linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic
uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively
staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral
argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe
poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof
narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes
forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati
266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate
162
waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat
werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis
toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses
exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand
theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing
poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源
円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell
和答別源
HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare
determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein
astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot
ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward
habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand
chantversesaloud
267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天
163
Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical
functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway
propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa
conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha
metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed
smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings
Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone
prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader
BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer
aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction
andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are
contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances
thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld
andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere
twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are
marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin
corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore
opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves
thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys
ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal
experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo
capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown
164
shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein
Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-
reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe
expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems
comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe
subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas
opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe
nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples
UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt
beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe
varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe
formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial
tothehardshipsitrecounts
送澤雲夢
SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads
269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo
165
荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto
go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha
verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly
master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill
together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91
166
Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial
unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly
ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe
possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies
Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo
friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation
andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork
whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno
fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart
ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby
ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof
thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda
universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)
toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc
ofaparticularfriendship
ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto
adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse
equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage
morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto
directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto
wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor
unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe
167
espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe
materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical
situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism
putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems
treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis
thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor
ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan
writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders
poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA
cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)
preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved
uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded
withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport
hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-
lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave
resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing
versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent
軍士圖
SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice
168
嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273
Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow
differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764
vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique
tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably
reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual
informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas
askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone
marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe
brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha
staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby
extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle
isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological
temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably
successful
273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍
169
Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare
broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling
casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos
mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding
contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin
FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe
dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical
irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres
suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin
shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven
moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein
ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor
poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand
stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese
literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic
adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof
ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan
170
Chapter Five
New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi
ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand
seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters
TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury
bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor
severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction
ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof
theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic
eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style
regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto
appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe
prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto
countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas
observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof
publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch
expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276
275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421
171
So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-
styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod
andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted
animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses
andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless
ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould
beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet
withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut
importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter
ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof
subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater
detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and
heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally
wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas
theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic
meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin
Japanfortheirshipoetry277
Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin
medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe
277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci
172
topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278
TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)
andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)
despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin
JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore
theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate
theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires
theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe
unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators
ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith
thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata
Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-
centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe
GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered
278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62
173
belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven
inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen
lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen
thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof
tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281
SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone
ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai
ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe
unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand
quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter
willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby
oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation
torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci
inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot
indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint
foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong
thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave
beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor
moreouranalysiswillbeginthere
281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48
174
兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich
thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282
PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof
Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi
NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木
蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-
DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos
compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse
ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆
轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe
trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina
mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic
282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06
175
structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪
牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285
Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally
retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable
lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic
towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe
firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit
appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行
c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens
withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci
車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch
awayhellip287
284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese
andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu
176
ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo
(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry
characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively
Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection
Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos
psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting
tumultofastorm
NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate
monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa
differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora
JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan
communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern
monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet
himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn
toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe
tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter
makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest
thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci
288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99
177
送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool
(HersquosaManofWu)289
蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290
TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical
propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued
assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous
linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby
nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe
anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis
alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos
lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa
reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六
289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278
178
appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby
notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis
logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-
sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called
ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291
ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe
SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren
wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother
regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292
Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit
isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin
ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening
onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable
tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool
291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃
179
Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe
firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe
poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto
enlightenment
Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof
metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso
includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294
Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding
andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty
eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe
vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe
refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi
Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi
withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe
casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif
fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary
293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern
MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263
180
legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda
meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems
fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose
shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character
linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial
andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact
influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter
whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible
thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered
increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi
ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof
ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot
austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated
withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe
chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras
hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible
thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa
familiarone
297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203
181
利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299
陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五
溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo
182
枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill
DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests
theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart
ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan
WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous
demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe
302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment
183
templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan
andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy
andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand
adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe
vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though
somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter
arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐
詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang
Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider
reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree
andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe
forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe
SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan
writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger
compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive
collectionKūgeshū空華集307
304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73
184
Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan
infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation
topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi
maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare
homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich
helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic
shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration
characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina
singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack
thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-
stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel
tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome
premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong
MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance
includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe
work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry
washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor
308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic
185
regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike
recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312
Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin
thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms
thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry
associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-
charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines
thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication
名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)
WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly
definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor
adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain
312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted
186
noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno
prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines
scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos
versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing
linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore
prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe
vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact
WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe
prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear
plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic
shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities
toarchetypessuchasthefollowing
題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315
水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168
187
田園樂七首
SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6
桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)
OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently
subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo
(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe
casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich
reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond
versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The
particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly
prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas
onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields
ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might
bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly
metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof
Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe
317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo
188
austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand
BaiRenfu
ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature
commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore
generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical
fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance
thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms
Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased
intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply
makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan
intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto
resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style
tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds
undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩
流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution
doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand
theirmeaningremainsunchanged
Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit
suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin
multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact
knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely
theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof
particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道
189
orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe
TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic
shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin
anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant
inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous
interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin
additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof
phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe
monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring
intheMountainsofTonerdquo
ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan
ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū
whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider
theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe
onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas
evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin
hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin
lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin
ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan
collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof
319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74
190
medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack
ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos
tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan
literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci
suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted
inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe
generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat
notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury
nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322
Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci
amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat
thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically
sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew
formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat
determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis
thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof
320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807
191
belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor
didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition
Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact
thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway
fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323
Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave
motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint
thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen
andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly
femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection
wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets
mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile
mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive
indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas
aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang
Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat
all
323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251
192
hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326
AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown
accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning
opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive
language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto
imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey
pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin
theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick
popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers
inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi
whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas
clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith
extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera
itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore
326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16
193
amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe
fourcenturieslater
194
Conclusion
Gozan Literature in Retrospect
1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa
uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese
kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-
linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto
thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe
monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof
aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated
withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe
indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere
motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted
philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe
Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby
ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly
havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive
kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese
textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally
consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical
195
chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe
fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof
poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji
monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof
MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems
AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial
advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature
hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe
effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular
JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese
classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330
Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad
beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein
329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks
196
theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe
longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception
praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese
characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena
peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere
easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften
atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro
荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto
Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas
positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)
wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa
particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral
WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era
scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland
ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist
convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand
philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives
331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145
197
anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain
JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent
ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan
easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand
repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea
centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse
Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew
academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational
literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm
governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe
intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout
literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof
culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain
ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas
kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku
emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe
novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku
hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby
continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas
theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less
coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium
Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany
writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling
198
withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed
largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period
workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand
continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary
expression
FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem
stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga
Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as
theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)
ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333
NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof
kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe
dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic
fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose
ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas
gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas
kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7
199
unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn
lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic
prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof
JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical
competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex
characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso
WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient
tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)
arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or
vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto
notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese
monogatari335
Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern
JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism
andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand
AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis
bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore
essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly
335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193
200
moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan
(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal
paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe
ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh
cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic
machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat
contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof
GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity
wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher
thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose
landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof
anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha
partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection
itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers
enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe
ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif
evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated
fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity
withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies
laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein
partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan
FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin
referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage
201
butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera
(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast
insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe
wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters
ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith
wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash
ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits
institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda
Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious
registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto
shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo
sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards
strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe
endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin
multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe
yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid
notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan
haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot
officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan
unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan
336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146
202
unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339
ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy
anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340
Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity
andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse
AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom
themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits
orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi
poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed
mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien
andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully
integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus
ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish
canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin
wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings
meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof
scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda
moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore
339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised
203
perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan
producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand
philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted
essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand
theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason
Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold
securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply
thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof
theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving
masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters
Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium
developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks
AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese
kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読
methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits
useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium
literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits
entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich
isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible
ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku
204
thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto
kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary
SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken
languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342
Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary
valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill
appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof
vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong
criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable
technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand
ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha
conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites
furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan
ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen
kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese
literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof
thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich
isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa
verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch
mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial
tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe
courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo
205
regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose
carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace
forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome
post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact
remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe
kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention
andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge
Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor
admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe
marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe
conservativeNijōschoolforexample
Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina
dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly
canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical
context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof
poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse
Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities
oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily
envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan
kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof
343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60
206
anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies
ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet
mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic
preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast
thousand
Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly
transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare
rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay
approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread
withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand
motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters
rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface
thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer
wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof
JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause
ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand
moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual
richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe
extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin
approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)
inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe
standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin
Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof
207
Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan
literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin
Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand
fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho
helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto
medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable
anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu
illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional
criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar
removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan
benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese
history
SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe
medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary
scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere
thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu
344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim
208
XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書
章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers
FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai
(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian
thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew
Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely
acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative
cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres
includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor
disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo
Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal
memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking
uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism
withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext
345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54
209
Appendix
Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language
Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto
conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography
Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe
nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas
oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin
ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo
ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce
ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe
neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese
termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect
greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional
reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa
nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas
specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical
346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern
Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20
210
readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern
EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand
LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom
thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing
荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo
notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir
relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore
specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary
maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms
Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating
orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly
adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that
Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof
themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono
matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto
orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven
greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern
governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived
347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13
211
wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary
workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin
accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese
(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages
ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto
adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan
Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa
superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn
modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare
sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely
logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled
wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin
theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas
Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost
Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts
thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms
ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly
againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai
kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe
describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg
kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely
linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis
212
simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics
(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant
mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits
scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則
の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo
Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread
outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor
presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof
translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof
sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese
languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting
fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea
pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof
kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin
kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese
authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary
ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather
specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor
speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina
mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms
ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms
ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat
ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue
213
thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead
smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus
equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi
淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended
asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof
Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance
Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology
utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan
similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin
specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof
kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto
LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight
beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical
equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe
purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI
believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto
redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto
348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese
214
ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic
alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase
ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe
remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof
thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever
capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological
scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold
practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo
2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic
ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo
RAMiller1967350
ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo
BrianSteininger2017351
350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8
215
ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-
903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten
worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively
Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto
representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter
itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits
propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku
registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof
anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese
language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly
speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea
352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo
216
fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose
examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations
ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading
kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe
kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe
expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified
namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea
senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext
theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu
王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore
liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday
JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo
savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe
ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun
textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo
constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent
howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor
asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit
354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice
217
departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though
notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea
smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof
lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding
thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois
stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun
BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase
completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal
alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof
courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever
Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin
acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars
haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich
Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin
thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe
355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives
218
sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin
distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits
applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical
elementsnotpresentthere
Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused
productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese
writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari
(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto
sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit
Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle
butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome
elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat
cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto
modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional
endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense
andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe
approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon
Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers
havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese
356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295
219
locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin
kanbunatall357
AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe
encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither
awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution
suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning
couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa
funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢
ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令~給which
mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction
shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose
357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese
220
thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt
wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha
sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut
itcannotbewritteninkanbun
Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour
hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto
nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure
astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku
renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin
factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe
readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother
representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto
provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359
Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida
nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea
dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat
asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific
registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill
oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe
359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments
221
current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm
kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike
innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists
(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas
traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood
toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined
abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof
apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese
ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway
toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe
Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun
AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa
termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation
ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun
和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan
ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan
ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways
salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe
rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages
kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese
anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual
360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259
222
propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof
historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas
JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe
metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion
thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular
geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory
Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword
ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong
archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself
doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted
onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning
nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem
Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning
ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic
writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch
361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10
223
asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown
problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin
kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor
instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse
mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle
ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina
registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom
theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes
onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout
ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates
someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit
describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest
questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith
literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo
ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer
of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun
materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon
362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31
224
nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording
toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean
authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey
wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour
earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby
JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese
historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof
ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay
evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean
improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe
preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe
especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite
conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-
1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir
workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor
KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose
fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed
themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby
364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years
225
theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas
ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)
Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen
tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight
comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic
actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe
TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave
studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo
washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof
premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic
reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla
languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal
meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem
thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa
ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth
languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet
masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe
rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese
HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor
Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis
rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa
366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8
226
ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic
textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby
renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese
languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat
themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof
theChineselanguagerdquo368
367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese
227
BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)
228
ChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215CollcuttMartinldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167mdashmdashmdashFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)CranstonEdwinldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)CsikszentmihalyiMarkReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)mdashmdashmdashandPhillipJIvanhoeedsReligiousandPhilosophicalAspectsoftheLaozi(NewYorkSUNYSeriesinChinesePhilosophyandCulture1999)deBaryWmTheodoreedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)DumoulinHeinrichZenBuddhismAHistoryvol2(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)EganRonaldCldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225mdashmdashmdashldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp308-25FelburRafalldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135FraleighMatthewPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)FullerMichaelAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)GobleAndrewEdmundKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)
229
mdashmdashmdashldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)pp61-128GregoryPeterNAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)GuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)HagaKōshirō芳賀幸四郎ldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquo禅文学と五山文学inYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō日本漢文学史論考(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)HagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314HechtMicahSpencerldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityTheRhetoricofReclusioninKitayamaJapaneseFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(PhDDissertationUnivofHawairsquoi2005)HurstIIIGCameronldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28ImaedaAishinldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū本邦中世までにおける孟子受容史の研究(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高etaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo中世禅家の思想(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)mdashmdashmdashedGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)KagekiHideo蔭木英雄Gozanshishinokenkyū五山詩史の研究(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)KamensEdwardldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinMikaelAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)pp129-52
230
KamimuraKankō上村觀光Gozanbungakuzenshū五山文學全集vol2(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)mdashmdashmdashGozanbungakushōshi五山文學小史(TokyoShōkabō1906)KandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1(TokyoNigensha1965)KarataniKōjinKanoAyakoandJosephMurphytransldquoOnthePowertoConstructrdquoinKarataniKōjinOriginsofModernJapaneseLiterature(DurhamDukeUnivPress1993)pp136-72KarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)KasamatsuHitoshietaledsNihonshisōtaikei日本思想大系vol22ldquoChūseiseijishakaishisōrdquo中世政治社会思想pt2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)KawaguchiHisao川口久雄Heianchōnokanbungaku平安朝の漢文学(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)KitamuraSawakichi北村澤吉Gozanbungakushikō五山文学史稿(TokyoFūzanbō1941)KondōHaruo近藤春雄Haku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū白氏文集と国文学新楽府秦中吟の研究(TokyoMeijishoin1990)KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp201-19LaFleurWilliamRTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)LevyIndraSirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)LianXindaldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp262-85LiaoMeiyun廖美雲Yuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu元白新樂府研究(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)
231
LiebenthalWalterChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)LinShuen-fuldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp3-29LiuPeipei劉佩佩ldquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo《水滸傳》詈罵語研究及其在華語文教學中的意義(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)LoeweMichaelDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)mdashmdashmdashDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)mdashmdashmdashldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-57LurieDavidBarnettldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)mdashmdashmdashRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)MairVictorHldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-51mdashmdashmdashWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)MajorJohnSetaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)MaruyamaMasaoMikisoHanetransStudiesintheIntellectualHistoryofTokugawaJapan(TokyoTheUnivofTokyoPress1974)MatsuiToshihiko松井利彦ldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquo正岡子規集inItōSei伊藤整edNihonkindaibungakutaikei日本近代文学大系vol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)
232
MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)
233
PulleyblankEdwinGLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChineseandEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)Ramirez-ChristensenEsperanzaMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)RenBantang任半塘Tangshengshi唐聲詩(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)SameiMajiaBellldquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48SchirokauerConradABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)SchoferJonathanWldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88SemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTheoHermansTranslatingOthers(ManchesterStJeromePublishing2006)SharfRobertHComingtoTermswithChineseBuddhismAReadingoftheTreasureStoreTreatise(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2002)ShihVincentYu-chungTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)ShimizuShigeru清水茂etaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikei新日本古典文学大系vol65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo日本詩史五山堂史話(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)ShiraneHaruoldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249SlingerlandEdwardAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)SmithRichardJFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)SteinengerBrianChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)
234
SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59
235
WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)
2
AsianmathematicswascomparabletothatofEuclidrsquosElementsintheWest2Atthe
ageof13hetookthetonsureandmovedtotheSanbōin三寶院inKyotowherehe
studiedesotericBuddhism(mikkyō密教)whichincludedmeditationontheMatrix-
storeandDiamondRealmMandalas(Taizōkaimandara胎蔵界曼荼羅Kongōkai
mandara金剛界曼荼羅)3
ShortlythereafterheshiftedhisinteresttoZenwhichhadestablisheditself
asadistinctsectoverthecourseofthepreviouscenturyTiesbetweentheJapanese
andChineseZenestablishmentswerestrongandin1318Chūganlikemany
promisingmonksbeforeandafterattemptedtotraveltoChinaAtthetimehewas
residingatEngakuji円覚寺amajorZentempleinKamakurafoundedbythe
expatriatemonkWuxueZuyuan無學祖元(JMugakuSogen)in12824Chūgan
madethelengthyjourneyfromKamakuratothesouthernportcityofHakataand
althoughheapparentlyfoundashipthatwasheadingforhispreferreddestination
ofJiangnanforreasonsunspecifiedhewasrefusedpassagebytheshiprsquoscaptain5
Thedelaywouldprovefortuitoushoweverasitwouldlateraffordhimthe
2TheJiuzhangsuanshu(Jkyūshōsanjutsu)islistedintheNihonkenzaishomokuroku日本見在書目録abibliographicsourcefromtheearlyHeianperiodHistorianofmathematicsFujiwaraMatsusaburo(1881-1946)onceobservedthatChūganrsquosreferencestotheJiuzhangsuanshuoffertheonlydirectevidencethattheworkwasstillstudiedinJapanduringthemedievaleraThepaucityofsuchreferencesnotwithstandingifamathematicallyinclinedyouthatatempleinKamakurahadaccesstotheworkandateachertoteachittohimthenitseemslikelythatboththetextitselfandmathematicseducationmoregenerallywerereasonablyprevalentinmajorBuddhistmonasticcenters3Jirekifu(hereafterJRF)Shōwa1(1312)Shōwa2(1313)4WuxuehadbeenanadvisortothemostpowerfulmilitaryleaderinJapanHōjōTokimune北条時宗(1251-84)duringtheMongolinvasionsof1274and1281andhisinfluenceupontheearlyGozansystemwassubstantial5JRFp614Bunpo2(1318)Gozanbungakushinshūvol4p614
3
opportunitytoassociatecloselywithKokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1345)whowas
inseclusioninKyotocompletingGenkōshakusho元亨釈書(1322)anexhaustive
historyofBuddhisminJapan6ChūganwasamongtheonlyvisitorsKokanaccepted
andtheirmeetingsaregenerallythoughttohavebeenamajorinfluenceonthe
youngChūganrsquosintellectualdevelopment7
ChūganwasfinallyabletotraveltoChinain1324sixyearsafterhisfirst
attemptHevisitedseveralimportantChantemplesandwastheonlyJapanese
monktoreceivethesealofenlightenment(CyinkeJinka印可)fromDongyang
Dehui東陽徳輝(flearly14thc)aLinjimasterinthelineofDahuiZonggao大慧宗
杲(1089-1163)8DongyangappointedChūgantothepostofsecretary(記室)atthe
templeDazhishouShengchansi大智寿聖禅寺anunusualachievementforaforeign
monk9AfternearlyeightyearsabroadChūganreturnedtoJapanduringthe
summerof1332residingtemporarilyatKenkōji顯孝寺inHakatabefore
accompanyinghispatronŌtomoSadamune大友貞宗(d1334)toKyotothe
followingyearOpinionatedandheadstrongbyhisownaccounthewasintensely
activepoliticallysubmittingtwoessaysandamemorialtoEmperorGo-Daigoin
1333Go-Daigohadformedacoalitionofwarriorleadersandrebelledagainstthe
6MarianUryldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)7InoguchiAtsushi猪口篤志ldquoNihonkanshirdquo日本漢詩inShinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)vol45p84UryPoemsoftheFiveMountains(1977)p638SeeHeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistory(BloomingtonWorldWisdom1994)vol2p182n889IriyaYoshitaka入矢義高edGozanbungakushū五山文学集(1990)p235
4
KamakurashogunateandChūganwasdeeplyconcernedaboutboththeimmediate
directionofGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionandthelong-termprospectsforanincreasingly
militarizedJapan
In1334ChūganreturnedtoKamakurafollowingthesuddendeathof
SadamunewhohadbeenanallyofGo-Daigoandwasinstrumentalinfacilitating
ChūganrsquosaccesstothethroneTheŌtomofamilywouldcontinuetoprovide
financialbackingtoChūganevenashisviewsontherevolutionsouredIn1339
threeyearsafterGo-DaigorsquosnascentregimecollapsedSadamunersquosheirUjiyasu氏泰
backedconstructionofthetempleKichijōji吉祥寺locatedonafamilydemesnein
theprovinceofKōzuke上野andaskedChūgantoassumeitsheadshipThough
Chūganrsquosinvolvementinpoliticsseemstohavediminishedinthe1340she
regainedaccesstothehighestechelonsofsocietywhenKichijōjiwasnamedan
ImperiallyVowedTemple(goganji御願寺)in1352Forthenexttwodecadeshe
traveledalmostconstantlymovingnearlyeveryyearbetweenKyushuKyoto
KōzukeProvinceandthecityofKamakuraThesejourneyswerelengthyandnot
alwayswelcomebuthehadbecomebythistimeanldquoeminentmonkrdquo(kōsō高僧)
andwasextendednumerousinvitationstoresideatthemostinfluentialtemplesof
thedayincludingManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvinceManjujiinKyotoTōjiji等持寺
Kenninji建仁寺andKamakurarsquosKenchōji建長寺thehighestrankedtempleinthe
KamakuraGozan
Throughouthislifeandevenduringtimeswhenhisprofessionalfortunes
werelookingdownChūganremainedaprominentpoetandintellectualIn1341
5
hefamouslyearnedtheireofculturalnativistsbywritingAHistoryofJapan(Nihon
sho日本書)sadlynolongerextantinwhichheclaimedthattheJapaneseimperial
familywasdescendednotfromgodsbutfromimmigrantcontinentalnobility
UndoubtedlyhissinglegreatestworkisthephilosophicaltreatiseChūseishi中正子
(1334)whichisamongthemostimportantJapaneseintellectualworksofpre-
TokugawatimesItiscomprisedoftenchaptersthateachaddressdistincttopics
includingConfucianethicseffectivegovernanceandthelegitimateuseofmilitary
forceanumerologicalexpositionofthelunarandsolarcalendarsthebirthand
deathoflivingbeingsandtheThreeLearningsofZen(sangaku三学)iethe
precepts(kai戒)meditation(jō定)andthewisdomgleanedfromstudying
Buddhistteachings(e慧)Thechapterongovernanceandtheuseofforceis
translatedinChapterTwoofthepresentstudy
WhileothernotablefiguresintheGozanmilieuinparticularGidōShūshin義
堂周信(1325-88)andZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1334-1405)eclipseChūganin
fametodaysuchwasnotalwaysthecaseForinstancethenotedNeo-Confucian
scholarFujiwaraSeika藤原惺窩(1561-1619)declaredthatwhenitcametosheer
breadthoflearning(gakushiki学識)ChūganrankedfirstamongallGozanliterati10
Thisassessmentisnotoutofstepwiththelaudatoryviewsexpressedbysomeof
ChūganrsquoscontemporariesincludingtheLinji(Rinzai)masterZhuxianFanxian竺仙
10SeeInoguchip48
6
梵僊(1292-1348)aredoubtablescholarofNeo-Confucianisminhisownright11
ZhuxianwhohadcometoJapanatthebehestofŌtomoSadamunejudgedChūgan
tobelearnedinboththeinnerandouterclassics(ieBuddhistandnon-Buddhist
texts)andnotedthathisexpertiseextendedtotheldquomanymastersandhundred
schoolsrdquo(zhuzibaijia諸子百家)ofearlyChinesethoughtastronomygeography
andyin-yangtheory12AndwhileitisprobablytruethatChūganwasknownbyhis
contemporariesmoreforhisexpositorywritingthanforhispoetrythecreativity
andiconoclasmcharacterizinghisphilosophicaloeuvrearepresentinequal
measureinhisverseHetreatedsubjectssuchasillnessdeathandpovertywith
strikingcandorandspecificity(seeChapterFour)andheisoneofonlytwo
medievalJapanesepoetsknowntohavecomposedci詞avernacularformthatwas
practicedavidlyinSongandYuanChinabutwhichisalmostentirelyabsentfrom
thetraditionofSiniticpoetryinJapan(seeChapterFive)
ThepoeticvoicethatemergesfromChūganrsquosnon-occasionaldeclarative
versesisaconflictedoneattimessupremelyconfidentandmorallyrighteousandat
timesbesiegedbypessimismandselfdoubtChūganwastheonlyearlyGozan
figuretoopineatlengthaboutmoralandpoliticalproblemsanditishispoemson
thesetopicsthatmostdistinguishhimfromhiscontemporariesMuchofhisself
imageseemstohavebeenshapedbythebeliefthathealonefullyunderstoodthe
predicamentfacingJapaninthewakeofthefailedKenmuRestorationChūganrsquos
11SeeAshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp211and25512如中巌者学通内外乃至諸子百家天文地理陰陽之説Ashikagap255
7
poetryofsocialengagementwillbeexaminedinChapterFourbutanappreciation
ofhissensibilitiesmaybequicklygleanedfrompoemssuchasthis
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirationsNo10邪靡堆國三千歳 InthecountryofYamataithreethousandyearsold帝册姫宗百代傳 Theimperialcharterhasbeentransmittedforahundred
generationsthroughthescionofJi海畔紅桑花片落 Bytheseashorearedcopperleafpetalfalls鴈奴驚火呌荒田 Asentinelgoosestartledattheblazesoundsthealarmover
fallowfields13
ChūganbelievedtheJapaneseimperiallinetoberelatedtotheJiclanroyal
progenitorsoftheZhouDynastyandheevenpositedeuhemeristicallythatthe
indigenousldquoShintordquodeityKunitokotachinoMikoto國常立尊wasinfactavery
mortaldescendantofTaibo太伯legendaryfounderofthestateofWu呉Thetwo
coupletsofthisshortpoemaredifficulttointegratewithoutresortingtosymbolism
theimageofacopperleafblossomontheseashoreisexceptionallyuncommonbut
itdoesoccurinaverylongpoembytheDaoistpoetCaoTang曹唐(c797-866)and
isjuxtaposedtheretoanimageofgreatbutlongdeadChineseemperors14The
13Smallandeasilyalarmedaldquosentinelgooserdquo(鴈奴)issonamedbecauseitsfunctionwithintheflockistocalloutandwarnofdangerCopperleaf(Jenokigusa)petalsarebrightred14ThepoemisldquoAPoemonWanderingImmortalsinNinety-EightCoupletsrdquo(小游仙詩九十八首QTSjuan6411)andtherelevantlinereadsldquoWhereindeatharetheFirstQinEmperorandHanWudiBytheseashoreredcopperleafblossomsopenastheywillrdquo秦皇漢武死何處海畔紅桑花自開
8
connectionisspeculativebutpromisingasthepoliticalpositionsChūganarticulates
inhisprosemakeitplausibletoidentifythesentinelgooseasChūganhimself
whosewarningsabouttheimpendingbreakdownofJapanrsquosimperialinstitutionfall
ondeafearsMoreoftenthannoteventhislevelofsymbolismwasavoidedinfavor
ofastillmoredirectstylethatleftnodoubtastoChūganrsquosstanceonmatters
擬古
InImitationofOld
浩浩劫末風 OrsquoerthewasteblowsthewindoftheLastDays塵土飛蓬蓬 Dustanddirtflyinachaoticroar天上日色薄 Highintheskythesunshinespale人間是非隆 Intheworldofmenbothrightandwrongflourish螻蟻逐臭穢 Molecricketsandantschaseafterputridfilth凰鳳棲梧桐 Whilephoenixesroostintheirparasoltrees獨有方外士 Butalonethereisamanwhostandsapartfromothers俛仰白雲中 Helooksuphelooksdownathomeinhiswhitecloudabode
Thoughknownmoreforsocialengagementthanforself-reflectionChūgan
couldbeascriticalofhimselfashewasofthewiderworldInseveralversesfrom
the1340sandlaterhereproveshimselfandhintsattheongoingenmityhereceived
fromsomeofhiscontemporariesThisenmitystemmedprimarilyfromhishugely
controversialdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsin1339WhenKichiōjiwas
builtChūganpubliclyabandonedtheSōtōlineofhisinitialmasterDongmingHuiri
東明惠日(JTōmeiErsquonichi1272-1340)infavoroftheRinzailineofDongyang
Dehui東陽德輝(fl1330s)alesserknownfigurewithwhomhehadstudiedbriefly
whileinChinaDespitethedoctrinallydiversebroadlyecumenicalcharacterof
medievalJapanesereligionsectarianloyaltieswerestrongandcompetitioncould
9
beintenseanalogousperhapsatthemilderendtothecompetitionbetween
businessfirmsinthesameindustryandattheextremeendtothatbetweenmilitary
housesThemoveprovokedbitterattacksfromformerfriendsandcolleagues(and
evenanallegedknifeattack)andwouldaffectChūganrsquospersonalandprofessional
lifefordecadesthereafter
藤陰雜興
UndertheShadeofWisteriaVariousInspirations No6 閒花野草亦朝人 Evenflowerssproutingincrevicesandgrassesgrowingonthe
moorspayobeisancetomen余獨何心忌混塵 SowhydoIalonedetestthispollutedworld小子更休勤學我 Disciplesyoumustceaseatoncealleffortstotakeafterme誤來四十六年身 Someonewhohasspentinerrortheforty-sixyearsofhislifeNo7臨危獨念故交顧 IntimesofdangerIreminiscealoneoffriendsfrombygonedays何処世途非履氷 Whereinthisworldisthereapaththatisnrsquotliketreadingonice只得胸中無我愛 Icanonlyresolvetoexpungefrommyheartthesensethatthe
selfisprecious不干身外有人憎 Andstandunperturbedbytheillwillofothers
TheresentmentbredbyChūganrsquostransgressionseemstohavebeen
surprisinglytenaciousInthewinterof1362asChūganwasabouttobegin
meditationwithacolytesatKenninjioneormoreunknownassailantsshottwo
10
arrowsathimbothofwhichfortunatelymissed15Whiledetailssurroundingthe
incidentarescantmodernscholarsgenerallyascribethisapparentassassination
attempttohisdecisiontoabandonDongmingrsquoslineagenearlytwenty-fiveyears
earlier
Chūganperseveredandin1370hewasaskedtotakeupresidenceatKyotorsquos
Nanzenji南禅寺thehighestrankingtempleintheKyotoGozanOwingperhapsto
hisagehefoundtheassignmentuncongenialandldquofirmlydeclineditrefusingto
moverdquo堅辭不起andchoseinsteadtoremainatthenearbyRyūkōji龍興寺16As
lateas1373hewasaskedbyHosokawaYoriyuki細川頼之thentheshogunal
deputy(kanrei管領)andoneofthemostpowerfulmeninJapanforassistance
rebuildingTenryūji天龍寺afteritwaspartlydestroyedinafireChūganagain
refusedthistimeexplicitlyonaccountofageHecontinuedwritingwellintothe
nextyearcomposingtwocommemorativefuneraryaddresses(祭)forfellowZen
monksMuganSoō夢巖祖應(d1374)andJōzanSozen定山祖禅(1298-1374)17
Thatwinterheisreportedtohavedevelopedaldquoslightailmentrdquo微恙Whetherthe
descriptionwasgenuineormeioticChūgandiedearlythefollowingyearhis
recordedageseventy-sixbytheJapanesecountAccordingtoasupplementary
accountinhisJirekifuwhenhebecamedeliriousanddeathwasclearlyathandthe
attendantpriestsaskedtheirmasterforafinalpoemChūganmusteredwhat15JRFKōan2(1362)NotethatbeginningwiththefirstyearofRyakuō暦応ChūgandateshischronicleaccordingtotheregnaldesignationsoftheNorthernDynasty16JRFŌan3(1370)17JRFŌan6-8(1373-75)ThesearenolongerextantandwereapparentlydictatedbyChūganbutwrittendownbysomeoneelse(seenote18below)
11
strengthhecouldandrepliedthathehadalreadysaidtoomanybalefulthings
throughouthislifeandthattherewasnopointinsayinganythingmoreAfterthus
refusingtherequesthediedpeacefullyatnoonthatsameday18
18Chūganrsquosfinalcommentsaretranscribedas吾平生口禍不少今尚何言去去presumablyspokenaloudassomethinglikeWareheizeikuchinowazawaisukunakarazuimanaonaniokaiwanSaresare(ldquoOverthecourseofmylifemymouthhasgottenmeintotroublemorethanafewtimeswhatmoreistheretosaynowBeoffrdquo)ThiswasrecordedbyadiscipleKenDōshi inChūganrsquosautobiographicalchronicleInashortpostscripttothetextheinformsthereaderthatbecauseChūganhadstoppedwritingat68yearsofagehe(KenDōshi)hadtakenituponhimselftosupplyadditionalinformationregardingthelastyearsofhismasterrsquoslifePresumablyitwasheorotherattendantpriestswhoactuallytranscribedthefuneraryaddressesChūgancomposedforMuganandJōzanThenameKenDōshiisprobablyaninvertedabbreviationofanamecomprisedoffourcharactersThiswasstandardpracticethenameChūganEngetsu中巌円月forinstanceisoftengivenas月中巌
12
Chapter One
Political Suasion in a Time of Crisis The Memorials of Chūgan Engetsu and Yoshida Sadafusa
國者天下之利用也人主者天下之利勢也 Thestateisthemostefficaciousinstrumentintheworldandtoberulerofmenisthemostefficaciouspowerintheworld19 Xunzi
IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyJapaneseintellectualsandaristocrats(the
formernotalwaysasubsetofthelatter)begandevotingsubstantialattentionto
questionsthatuntilthenhadfiguredonlyminimallyinJapanesepoliticaldiscourse
suchaswhetherornotthelegitimacyandperpetualcontinuityoftheimperial
institutionwasguaranteedbyitspurportedlydivineoriginsunderwhat
circumstancesrecoursetoarmswasmorallyacceptableandtowhatextent
conceptsoflegitimatesovereigntydrawnfromtheChinesepoliticaltraditionmight
(ormightnot)usefullyinformgovernanceinJapan20ChūganEngetsuwasamong
thebrightestlightsofthemedievalintellectualmilieuandhiscontributionsto
questionssuchasthesearebothhighlyoriginalandextensiveindeedintermsof
genericandthematicbreadthChūganrsquoswritingisunrivalledbyanyothermedieval
19EricLHuttonXunzi(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress2014)p9920SeeAndrewEdmundGobleKenmuGo-DaigorsquosRevolution(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1996)pp20-29andTamakakeHiroyukiNihonchūseishisōshikenkyū(TokyoPerikansha1998)passim
13
JapanesefigurerangingfreelyacrosspoliticalandnaturalphilosophyBuddhist
doctrineandmultiplestylesofChinesepoetryThischapterwillexaminehisviews
onsocietyandstatecraftduringthetumultuousyearsoftheKenmuRestoration
(1333-36)awatershedmomentofinstitutionalruptureandintellectualcreativity
AsnotedintheintroductionChūganrsquosabilitiesearnedhimthepatronageofthe
powerfulprovincialleaderŌtomoSadamuneanduponreturningtoJapanin1332
fromaneight-yearsojourninChinahequicklybecameanactivepartisanin
EmperorGo-DaigorsquosstruggleforanewnationalorderHedrewuponavariedmix
ofChinesetextsbearingupontheestablishmentmaintenanceandbreakdownof
politicalauthorityinanefforttoinfluenceGo-DaigorsquospoliciesThata33year-old
prelatewithnoaristocraticheritagewouldhavesuchanopportunityinthefirst
placeisindicativeofboththenewfoundstatusofZenandthepossibilitiesofferedby
theuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sThoughturbulenttheyearsprecedingand
immediatelyfollowingtheKenmuRestorationwerehighlyproductiveintellectually
notonlyforChūganbutalsoforfellowZenluminaryMusōSoseki夢窓疎石(1275-
1351)21theearlytheoristofShinto(andTendaipriest)Jihen慈遍(flmid14thc)22
21SeeforinstanceMusōrsquosreflectionsonGo-DaigorsquosriseandfallasrecordedinMusōKokushigoroku夢窓国師語録(Taishōdaizōkyōvol80pp463c24-464b21)AtranslationoftherelevantsectionmaybefoundinWmTheodoredeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp265-5822JihenwasoneofseveralearlymedievalfiguresinvolvedinarticulatingShintothroughtheconceptsandnomenclatureofesotericBuddhismHisprimaryworksincludeKujihongigengi旧事本紀玄義(TheProfoundMeaningoftheSendaikujihongi1332)andToyoashiharajinpūwaki豊葦原神風和記(HarmoniousRecordoftheDivineWaysofJapan1340)ThesehaveyettobetranslatedintoEnglishJihenrsquosthoughtistreatedinsomedetailinTamakakeNihonchūseishisōshikenkyūpp200-227
14
andthenativistscholarandproponentofIseShintoKitabatakeChikafusa北畠親房
(1293-1354)ChikafusarsquoslengthyandinfluentialtreatiseonJapaneseimperial
successionJinnōshōtōki神皇正統記(1343)treatssomeofthesameconcernsthat
Chūganaddressesalbeitfromwithinasubstantiallydifferentconceptualand
ideologicalframework
Thewritingsexaminedinthischapterwereallcomposedduringthe
formativemonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernmentfromtheautumnof1333
tothespringof1334andwereeithersubmitteddirectlytotheemperororwritten
withhiminmindastheimpliedreaderTheypermitanedifyingglimpseinto
Chūganrsquosrhetoricalstyleandpoliticalorientationwhichwaseclecticbut
thoroughlyldquoConfucianrdquoinoneimportantsensenamelyinhisconvictionthatthe
existenceofanautonomousmilitaryeliteconstitutedagrossdistortionoftheideal
socialorderToChūganthemilitarywasndashorshouldproperlybendashnothingmore
thananarmofroyalauthoritytobeemployedattheexclusivediscretionofthe
sovereignandheascribedmanyoftheillsofhisdaytoJapanrsquosdeviationfromthis
idealFittinglyfortheagehewasalsocommittedtothepositionthatcertain
historicalmomentsaresofraughtastobenegotiableonlythroughradicalaction
thatldquorevolutionizesrdquoortransforms(革)existingsociopoliticalarrangements
ChūganrsquosviewsonrevolutionwouldcometodifferfromGo-Daigorsquosasthe
Kenmuregimetookshapebutinbroadmeasuretheywerenicelyconsonantwith
theemperorrsquosgrandpoliticalambitionsandbeliefsaboutsovereigntyThroughout
1333atleastChūganseemstohavethoroughlyembracedGo-DaigorsquoscauseIn
Decemberofthatyearhesubmittedtotheemperoramemorial(JhyōCbiao表)
15
alongwithtwoshortessaysinwhichheoutlinedthecrisisfacingJapanand
presentedhisideasforreformThefirstpiecetobeconsideredbelowisanessay
entitledGenmin原民ldquoEstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeoplerdquowhichtreatsthe
idealsocialorderandthedangersrampantmilitarizationposestoit23Stylistically
thepiecewasheavilyinfluencedbythewritingsofHanYu韓愈(768-824)authorof
thesimilarlytitledYuandao原道oneofthemostinfluentialcriticalessaysin
Chineseliteraryhistory24HanYuwasamongtheearliestchampionsoftheclassical
guwen古文(Jkobun)styleinlieuofthepianliwen駢儷文(Jbenreibun)styleof
rhymedparallelproseCriticsofpianliwenarguedthatithadbecomevacuousand
overwroughtandtheysoughtinitsplaceamediumshornofornamentationand
easiertounderstandThelinguisticclaritythatcharacterizedtheguwenstylewas
lessanenduntoitselfthananaestheticmanifestationoftheideologydrivingthe
wholeofthefugu復古orldquoreturntoantiquityrdquomovementandtoHanYuandother
guwenauthorsclassicisminlanguagecomprisedanimportantelementinabroader
culturaltraditionalismonethatprovidedanaptvehiclefortheConfucianrevival
theysoughttobringaboutinthepoliticalsphere25ByChūganrsquosdaythedebate
overtherelativemeritsofpianliwenandguwenwasanoldoneandtheliterary
23Thewordgen原inthetitleisaverb(usuallyreadmotozukuortazunuinJapanese)whichisusedinthesenseoforiginatingorbasingoneselfinsomethingorinvestigatingsomethingdowntoitsoriginsThemeaningofthephrase原民thussubsumestheideasofldquobasingoneselforonersquospoliciesinthepeoplerdquoldquomakingthepeoplefundamentalrdquoandalsoofldquogettingtothebottomrdquoofhowmin民asasocialconceptistobeunderstood24SeePeterKBolldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)pp128-31BolrendersthetitleoftheessayldquoFindingtheSourceforTaordquo25Ibidpp22-23
16
historyoftheTangFiveDynastiesandSongperiodswasrepletewithfine
practitionersofbothstylesTheSongerawitnessedtheeventualacceptanceof
guwenproseforuseonthejinshi進士examinationsadevelopmentindicativeofthe
esteemthestylehadgainedintheeyesofleadingscholar-officials26Andwhileits
importancetotheworldofJapanesekanbunwascomparativelyminorevidence
suggeststhattheguwen-pianliwendebatewasknowntoJapaneseliteratifromat
leastthemid-Heianperiod27GenerallyspeakingmedievalJapanesewritersdrew
stylisticinspirationfromasubstantiallylargerandmorediversebodyofChinese
textsthantheirHeianpredecessorshadworkssuchasWenxuanwhichhadso
heavilyinfluencedHeiankanbunnowexistedalongsideZizhitongjian資治通鑑
(ComprehensiveMirrorinAidofGovernance1084)XinTangshu新唐書(New
HistoryoftheTang1060)andmanyothertextsreflectiveofSong-eraaestheticand
intellectualdevelopmentsChūganprobablyusedtheguwenstylemoreadroitly
thananyofhiscontemporarieshismodelsinexpositoryproseappeartohavebeen
drawnpredominantlyfromtheTangandearlySongwithHanYursquoswritingexerting
particularstylisticinfluenceEvenChūganrsquoshighappraisaloftheSongpolymath
OuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)authorofXinTangshuhasbeenascribedbyone
pioneeringscholarofGozanliteraturetoOuyangrsquosnoteddevotiontoHanYu28
ThatChūganwouldsoadmireandultimatelyimitateHanYursquosrhetoric
bespeakshiswillingnesstoseparateformfromideologicalcontentandreflectsthe26DieterKuhnTheAgeofConfucianRule(CambridgeMABelknapPressofHarvardUnivPress2009)p13027KawaguchiHisaoHeianchōnokanbungaku(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan1981)pp129-3628KitamuraSawakichiGozanbungakushikō(TokyoFūzanbō1941)p219
17
comparativelyliberalapproachtoChinesehighculturetakenbythemedievalZen
establishmentEverybitthenativistintellectualHanYuwasacontumeliouscritic
ofBuddhismandastaunchsupporterofConfucianorthodoxypositionshe
articulatedpithily(andwithnosmallmeasureofvitriol)inYuandaoChūgantoo
wasanavidproponentofConfucianismitmightevenbesuggestedthathiswide-
rangingphilosophicaloeuvreisbroadlyunifiedbythepursuitofaConfucian-
Buddhistsynthesis29oratleastthatsuchapursuitguidedhismostnotableworks30
ButwhereHanYuemployedguwentoindictBuddhismasanadulteranttoChinese
cultureChūganusedittoaffirmBuddhismrsquosvaluetostateandsocietyinJapan
Inasmuchasmodernistexpositorywritingtendstoproceedfromtheassumption
thatlanguageisorshouldbeatransparentvalue-neutralmediumforconveying
ideasChūganrsquosadoptionofHanYursquoslucidlanguagetomakepro-Buddhist
argumentsisinacertainsensequitemodernToChūganBuddhismnolessthan
Confucianismwasbeneficialinpartbecauseofitssalubriouseffectsuponmorality
ButBuddhismalsoaddresseditselftophenomenathatlayoutsideConfucianismrsquos
traditionalpurviewandinmedievalJapantheconceptofkarmaanditscorollaries
providedbyfarthemostcomprehensiveandinfluentialepistemicbasisfor
understandingthehumancondition31Asismadeclearintheveryshortpiece
29ThisargumentseemstohavebeenmadefirstbyAshikagaEnjutsuseehisKamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)pp21125530InoueMasamichiHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyū(TokyoKazamaShobō1972)pp261-6231BuddhismrsquosroleasthepreeminentparadigmshapingthemedievalepistemeistreatedinWilliamRLaFleurTheKarmaofWords(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1983)
18
Gensō原僧acompanionessaysubmittedtoEmperorGo-DaigoalongsideGenmin
Chūgandoesbelievethatwhenfarmersormerchantsabandontheirlivelihoodsand
nominallybecomemonkstheeffectisdetrimentalnotonlytothepriesthoodbut
alsotonationaleconomicwelfare32StillsomeknowledgeofBuddhistprinciples
amongthepopulaceisheldtobringbenefitstostateandsocietyassubstantialas
thosebroughtbyknowledgeoftheFourBooksreliableweightsandmeasuresand
anadequatemilitaryallofwhichhecitesapprovinglyatthebeginningofGenmin
ThemainthesisofGenministhatexcessivemilitarizationandaburgeoning
interestinmartialpursuitsacrossallsegmentsofsocietyisthekeysociopolitical
crisisconfrontingJapaninthe1330sThoughhewilllaterlaymuchoftheblamefor
thisphenomenonuponGo-Daigohimselfherehesimplyrecommendsthatthefour
Confucianldquoclassesrdquoandmembersoftheclergybeguidedbacktotheirpropersocial
rolesandthatonlypersonswithaspecificgovernmentmandatetobeararmsbe
permittedtodosoArdentlyopposedtobothpopularmilitancyandtheexistenceof
anautonomouswarrioreliteChūganasksrhetoricallywhetherthecountryeven
hasaldquomilitaryrdquoatallwhichtohimdenotesabranchofgovernmentthatprovides
forthenationaldefensebutisalwaysandeverywheresubordinatetothethrone
ChūganwilldevelopthislineofcritiquefurtherinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoandhe
willadvanceitwithgreaterconceptualsophisticationinhisfamousphilosophical
treatiseChūseishi中正子(TheMasterofBalanceandRectitude1334)whereitis
repurposedtocriticizetheemperordirectlyInsofarasGenminwasintended
simplytoprovideGo-DaigowithasuccinctoverviewofJapanrsquosproblemsasChūgan
32Atranslationofthisessayisgivenintheappendixtothischapter
19
sawthemitisofsomewhatlessconceptualandrhetoricalinterestthaneither
ChūseishiorthememorialNonethelessitsclarityandrelativesimplicitymakeita
usefulintroductiontothosetextsandanidealpointfromwhichtoapproach
ChūganrsquosworldviewduringtheinitialmonthsofGo-Daigorsquosrestorationgovernment
EstablishingtheFundamentsofthePeople33 Acrossthewideworldpeopleattendtotheirbasicdutiesandperfecttheir
craftsandtheircountriesbecomeprosperousandstrongFarmerssowcropsandplant
vegetablesandfruitingtreesArtisansmanagetheirestablishmentsandproduce
variouswaresMerchantsfacilitatethedistributionofgoodsfromwheretheyare
plentifultowheretheyarescarceOfficialsdraftgovernmentregulationsThe
credibilityoftheImperialsealandthereliabilityofweightsandmeasureshelpprevent
fraudanddeceptionTheteachingsculledfromtheBookofSongstheBookofHistory
theClassicofRitesandtheClassicofMusicservetoreformcrueltyandgreedArms
andfortificationsservetoforestallinvasionandplunderThusitisthatifthemasses
pursuetheirlivelihoodsandsupportthoseabovethemtherewillbenoinstancesof
peopleresortingtounprincipledmeanstokeepthemselvesfedandthecountrywillbe
prosperousandstrongThisishowthingsoughttobe
33ThetranslationisbasedonthetextfoundinTamamuraTakejirsquosGozanbungakushinshū(TokyoTokyoDaigakuShuppankai1970)p393AlsoconsultedwasKamimuraKankōrsquosGozanbungakuzenshū(TokyoGozanBungakuZenshūKankōkai1936)vol2pp104-5TamamurarsquoseditionofChūganrsquosworksisthemostcompletecurrentlyavailableitsprincipalsourcelikeKamimurarsquosisthe1764woodblockeditionofthecollectaneaofChūganrsquosworksTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚集(ABubbleontheEasternSea)ThiseditionwascollatedandpreparedforpublicationbythepriestDaigeSōdatsu大解宗脱(1706-62)attheHarimaDaizōinmonasteryandwhileitisgenerallyregardedasthevulgate(rufubon流布本)itomitsmuchandTamamurahasthereforesupplementeditwithadditionalmanuscriptcopiesofTōkaiichiōshūhousedatthetempleHōjōji法常寺andtheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyo
20
Buddhismwasintroduced(toChina)intheHaneraandeversinceithasenabled
peopletogainaprofoundunderstandingoftheprinciplesgoverningnaturefatelife
anddeathandithasalsoilluminatedthekarmicrootsofgoodandillfortuneThusthe
peoplelovedgoodnessandtrustedtheywouldberewardedtheyeschewedwhatwas
notgoodandavoidedcalamitySomethingthatbenefitsthecountrywithoutharming
thepeoplecanonlyenhancetheprosperityandstrengthoftheformerLookingatour
owncountrytodayamongthepeopletherearenonewhodonotdonarmorandtake
upweaponsThecommonersarenegligentinattendingtotheirproperlivelihoodsand
theyattackandroboneanotherinthepursuitofgainAndastothosewhocuttheir
hairandenterthepriesthoodtheytooviewithoneanotherthroughforceofarmsand
abandontheirpropercallingOfallthedisastersthatmaybefallacountrynone
surpassesthisThepurposeofamilitaryistosuppressdisturbancestheverycharacter
forldquomilitaryrdquo(武)iscomposedofldquostoprdquo(止)andldquoweaponrdquo(戈)Yetthedisturbances
wefacetodaycannotbesuppressedCanwesaythatourcountryevenhasamilitary
OnesidehasstoutshieldsandsharpspearsbutsodoestheothersideHardnessis
pittedagainsthardnessandsharpnessagainstsharpnesswithbothsideshaving
comparablestrengthSincethestrengthofbothsidesisequaleachremainsunchecked
ThesearethefactsTheDiscoursesofZhourelatethefollowing
ldquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitary
powerFlauntingmilitarypowerleadstoitsirresponsibleuseandifmilitarypowerisusedirresponsiblythenroyalauthoritywillnotberespectedrdquo34
34TheldquoDiscoursesofZhourdquo(周語)comprisethefirstsectionoftheGuoyu國語ThepassageuponwhichChugandrawsreadsasfollows穆王將征犬戎祭公謀父諫曰 「不可先王耀德不觀兵夫兵戢而時動動則威觀則玩玩則無震 ldquoKingMuwasabouttoattacktheQuanrongtribebutMoufuDukeofZhairemonstratedwithhimsayinglsquoThekingsofoldglorifiedvirtueandwerenotquicktoflaunttheirmilitarypowerIfmilitarypowerisheldbackanddeployedonlyattheappropriatetimesthen(royalauthority)willbefearedifmilitarypowerisflauntedthenitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisusedirresponsiblynonewillrespect(royalauthority)rsquordquo
21
Sincethisisalreadythecase(inJapan)whatshouldbedoneItwouldbebest
foryourmajestytodecreethatanyonewhoisnotasoldieroftheimperialgovernment
shallbepunishedforbearingarmsandthatofficialsfarmersartisansmerchantsas
wellasmembersoftheclergymustdevotethemselvestotheperfectionoftheir
respectivecallingsIfthisisdoneitwillstrengthenandenrichthecountryandthereis
perhapshopeafterall
淳世之民各務本修業故國富且強矣所以農者播禾穀種菜果工者營棟宇造器皿賈者通其有無土者布其政令符璽秤斛之信以防其欺負詩書禮樂之教以正其狠戾甲兵干城之威以禁其侵奪然而百姓各修其業而奉其上則國無有徒為苟食者故富強也宜矣漢氏以降加以佛法使民精通性命死生之理且知禍福因果之道然而百姓好善賴慶忌不善而避殃故有利于國無害于民是以國益富且強矣今觀國朝民無不衣甲手兵者百姓皆怠其業互相侵奪以為利也若夫出家斷髮者亦以堅甲利兵相誇而廢其本業也禍亂之大莫之過焉武也者戡定禍亂也其為文也止戈也然今有如斯禍亂而不能勘定者可言國有武乎 彼亦堅甲利兵也以堅敵堅以利敵利其勢均矣勢均則不可制止也宜矣周語有之先王耀德不觀兵夫兵觀則翫翫則無震既然今宜奈之何 宜當 敕差有司如非官軍者衣甲手兵則誅之使彼士農工賈及釋氏之流各務本修業則富強之國其庶幾乎
Thepoliticalorderofthefourteenthcenturyandbeyondwoulddevelopin
preciselythedirectionChūganfearedandforreasonsthatseeminretrospectfar
beyondthereachofcourtpolicyAmodernreaderparticularlyoneinsensitiveto
thestylisticconventionsgoverningworksofcounselsubmitteddirectlytothe
thronecouldbeforgivenforseeinginChūganrsquosrecommendationsanaiumlveand
simplisticfaithinthepowerofimperiallegislationYettheKamakurashogunate
oncethepreeminentpowerinthecountryhadbeeneffectivelydestroyedsix
monthsbeforeGenminwaswrittenandintermsofmilitaryresourcesandthe
abilitytoprojectpowerGo-DaigorsquosincipientregimenowstoodunrivalledAnd
whiledevelopmentalnarrativesofmedievalJapanesehistorytendtopositan
22
inexorableriseofthewarriorsandconcomitantinevitabilityofautonomouswarrior
governmentthereisverylittleevidencethatfightingmenofthefourteenthcentury
sawtheircollectivepositionasdependentuponthecontinuedexistenceofa
shogunate35MoreoverwhileChūganrsquosagewascertainlyoneofchangeand
tribulationitwasnotyetoneofendemicviolenceandirreparablefragmentation
evenifcertainsociopoliticaltrendssuggestedtokeenobserversthatsuchafatewas
drawingnearHencetoanintellectualwhowasdisinclinedtosupportwarrior
governmentanddeeplyconcernedwiththespreadofsoldieryamongthepopulace
thethroneofferedthebestandmostlogicalhopeforstemmingthesetrendsand
restoringthepropersocialorderTheimperialcourtwasafterallthemost
enduringlocusofauthorityonthearchipelagoprovidingsociallegibilitythrough
officesranksandthedisseminationofhighcultureeventotheveryinstitutions
mostresponsibleforerodingitsmilitarymightandmaterialprerogativesviz
shogunalgovernmentsandinfluentialwarriorhouses
Chūganexpandsuponthecrisisofmilitarismandtheroleofthecourtin
addressingitinhismemorialtoGo-Daigoatextthatexpoundsthesamebasic
worldviewasGenminthoughfarmorestridentlyItisbothunusuallylengthyand
inplacesexceptionallybluntbythestandardsofextantJapanesememorialswhich
datepredominantlyfromtheHeianperiodandtendneithertoutilizetheguwen
stylenortreatsociopoliticalissuesasseriousasthosetakenupbyChūganThese
andotheraspectsoftheworkwillbeanalyzedindetailbelowitisworth
emphasizingattheoutsethoweverthatChūganrsquosmemorialconstitutesarareand
35GobleKenmuppxvi136266-67
23
valuableexampleofagenrethatwhileesteemedintheChinesetraditionandlong
practicedbyJapanesearistocratshasreceivedminimalattentioninstudiesof
JapanesekanshibunMoreoveritillustratesthewaysinwhichtheChinese
historicalexperiencecouldbemarshaledforpoliticalsuasionduringatransitional
momentinJapanesehistoryonewhoseepochalsignificancewasdifficultto
appreciateinreferencetothedomesticrecordalone
OnthistheeleventhdayoftheeleventhmonthIEngetsuTransmitteroftheDharmadohumblyandrespectfullyofferthismemorial36
Yourmajestyitismyhumblecontentionthatamongkingstherearethosewho
succeedahumanpredecessorcontinuehislineandkeepthingsunchangedandthere
arethosewhoreceiveHeavenrsquosmandateadaptskillfullytotheexigenciesofthe
moment(通變)andbringaboutrevolution(革)Examplesoftheformerincludethe
rulerswhocontinuedtheirlinesduringtheXiaYinandZhoudynastiesExamplesof
thelatterincludeTangwhodeposedJieandKingWuwhovanquishedZhou37Thus
doesYijingsayldquoTherevolutionsofTangandWuwereinaccordancewithHeavenand
inresponsetothepeoplerdquo38ButwhysimplystopatTangandWuGaozuandShizuof
HanTaizongofTangandTaizuofSongwereallmenofthissortAsWenZhongzi
opinedldquoifoneadaptsskillfullytochangingcircumstancestherealmwillbefreeofbad
36ThedatecorrespondstoDecember191333intheJuliancalendarThetextmaybefoundinGozanbungakushinshūvol4pp380-81andGozanbungakutaikeivol2pp86-8737ChengTang成湯wasthefirstruleroftheYin(Shang)DynastyanddeposedJie桀thelastruleroftheXiaWu武wasthefirstruleroftheZhouDynastyanddeposedZhou紂thelastruleroftheShang38湯武革命順乎天而應於人ThisfamouslinefromYijingisstilloftencitedindictionariesandencyclopediasasthelocusclassicusforthetermgemingkakumei革命ldquorevolutionrdquo
24
lawsbutifonecleavesstubbornlytofixednormsthentherealmwillbebereftof
beneficentteachingsrdquo39
Intheirperfectionoftransformativeteachings(教化)andregulativenorms(法度)theThreeDynasties(XiaShangandZhou)weresurpassedbynoneYetafterthe
regulationshadbeenineffectforalongperiodoftimetheybecamecorruptedonceit
wasunderstoodtheregulationshadindeedbecomecorruptedtheywerereformed(革)
Thisisthemeansbywhich(thereformers)adaptedtocircumstanceThusitwasthat
whentheregulationsoftheXiabecamecorruptedTangofYinreformedthemand
whentheregulationsoftheYinbecamecorruptedWuofZhoureformedthemAfter
theZhouhadfallenintodeclineitsregulationsslippedintoextremecorruptionandit
wasthenthatWeiYangenteredthestateofQinandreformeditsregulations40One
yearafterthereformswereenactedthenumberofpeopleinthecapitaldecryingthe
newlawsreachedintothethousandsandtheprinceevenviolatedthemWeiYang
opinedthatthereasontheregulationswerenotbeingsuccessfullyimplementedwas
thattheprincehimselfdidnotabidebythemAstherulerrsquosheirtheprincecouldnot
bepunishedbuthischiefadviserwaspunishedcorporallyandhistutorwastattooed41
AlmostovernightallthepeopleofQinsubmittedtothenewlawsTenyearslater
nonedaredtoevenpickupvaluablesdroppedontheroadsandthemountainswere
freeofbanditsThepeoplewerebraveinfightingwarsthatwereinthepublicinterest
(公)butreticenttoindulgeprivate(私)quarrelsThosewhohadoncecalledthenew
lawsunsuitablenowthoughtthemmostexpedientYetafterQinunifiedtherealmit
39通其變天下無弊法執其方天下無善教WenZhongzi文中子istheposthumousnameofthephilosopherWangTong王通(584-617)anditisalsothetitleoftheworkWenzhongzialternativelyknownasZhongshuo中説(DiscoursesontheMean)whichrecordshisresponsestoquestionsaskedbydisciplesThequotecomesfromthefourthchapterldquoZhouGongrdquo周公WangTongrsquosimportancetoChūganisdiscussedbelow 40WeiYang衛鞅(390-338BCE)betterknownasShangYang商鞅wasthearchitectofnumerousimportantreformsinthestateofQinAlongwithShenBuhaiandHanFeizihecontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentofwhatwouldcometobeknownaslegalism41Theadviserwaspunishedbyhavinghisnosecutoff
25
lostsightoftheneedtomakeperiodicchangestoitslawstheevilsthatresultedwere
extremeandviolenceandcrueltyprevailed
HencetheQinlastedjusttwogenerationsbeforebeingdestroyedTheHan
thenassumedsuzeraintybutforoverseventyyearstheyfoundthatdespitetheir
effortstobringthesituationundercontrolnomethodseemedviableWhenlawswere
promulgatedwickednessonlygrewwhendecreeswereissuedfraudanddeceit
followedAlasitcouldnothavebeenotherwiseTheremnantsoftheQinwerea
peoplewhosecustomswereheartlessandperversewhichiswhytheyresisted(the
impositionoflawsbytheHan)ItwasforthisreasonthanDongZhongshusaidthe
followinginhisrescript
ldquoIfoneusesboilingwatertocalmboilingwaterthewaterwillonlyfrothandbubblemoreandwhenazitherhasfallenirreparablyoutoftuneonehasnochoicebuttoremovethestringsandreplacethemonlythenwillitbemadeplayableWhenagovernmenthasutterlylostitsauthoritythereisnochoicebuttotransformitonlythenmayorderbereestablishedrdquo42
DongZhongshursquoswordsarerightonthemarkItismycontentionifImaybeso
boldthatYourMajestyhasinheritedhisperspicacity(明)fromWenofZhouand
receivedhisvirtue(德)fromJimmu43Youhaverevivedthekinglywayandabolished
militaryhegemony(覇)44Youbringcomforttothefarthestcornersoftherealmand
42如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也ThequoteisfromDongZhongshursquosfirstrescript(ce册)SeeHanshu562504-05 43VirtueisthemostcommonEnglishtranslationof德butitfailstosufficientlyconveythesenseofsuasivetransformativepowerinherentinthetermArthurWaleyhasusedldquopowerrdquotorender德whichisquiteaccurateifthepowerinquestionisunderstoodtoarisefrommoralexcellenceThoughldquovirtuerdquowillbeusedhereforclaritysomethinglikeldquomoralcharismardquomightbemoreappropriateparticularlywhenappliedtoarulerSeeJonathanWSchoferldquoVirtuesinXunzirsquosThoughtrdquoinTCKlineandPhilipJIvanhoeedsVirtueNatureandMoralAgencyintheXunzi(IndianapolisHackett2000)pp69-88JohnSMayoretaledsandtransTheHuainanzi(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp872-7344TheconceptofhegemonyandthefigureofthehegemonaretreatedfurtherbelowChūganusesthetermtopejorativelycharacterizewarriorpoweringeneralandtheKamakurashogunateinparticular
26
embracetherudestofyourpeopleAllthedenizensofthislandrightlypayyouhumble
obeisanceWhobutanenlightenedsagaciousrulerndashonewhohasreceivedHeavenrsquos
mandatendashcouldaccomplishsuchathingSadlytherealmistodaybesetbytheevilsof
theKantōsuzerainswhosepolityhasstoodforoverahundredyearsThepeoplehave
graduallysunkintovicebecomingavariciousandwaywardintheirhabitsThisiswhy
lawsuitsfillthecourtsfrommorningtonightWorsestillthenumberofthosewho
wouldconspireinrebellionhasgrownlargeInotherwordsthingsherearenowas
theywereinChinawhentheHansucceededtheQinitisatimewhenordermaybe
restoredonlythroughrevolutionIhavenoknowledgeregardingtheearliestbeginning
ofHeavenandEarthButifyourmajestyweretoabolishmilitaryhegemonyandrevive
thewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinour
timendashthatwouldringoutfortenthousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnotto
reformthebanefulscourgeofoutmodedways45
AlasIambutalonemustardweedinamountainforestandIwillultimately
decaytonothingalongsidethegrassesandthetreesIamnotboundbyworldly
interestsandonemaywonderwhyIhaveofferedthesewordscourtingtrouble
throughmyimpertinenceInpointoffactIdosoonlyforthebenefitoftherealm(天下)notformyself(身)TrulyIdosoforposteritynottobaskinthegloryofa
momentrsquosfameItismyhumblecontentionthatifyourmajestywilltaketoheartthe
greatwordsofDongZhongshuandWangTongandacceptthesincerityofmycounsel
thentherealmwillprosperformyriadagestocomeImyselfhavenoauthoritytoact
soIhavecomposedtwoessaysGenminandGensōforyourmajestyrsquosperusalIfyou
findanyoftheideasespousedthereintobeofusepleaseissuearoyaledict
commandingyourofficialstoseethattheyareputintoeffectTheforegoingisoffered
mosthumblywithutmostreverenceandtrepidation45陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊不可革耶Ifthereferentof覇istakenspecificallytobetheKamakuraregimewhichwasdestroyedapproximatelysixmonthsearlierthefirstpartmightberenderedldquodoesnotyourmajestyrsquosabolitionofmilitaryhegemonyandrevivalofthewayofthekingconstitutethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwillringoutfortenthousandgenerationsrdquo
27
上 建武天子表 十一月日傳法臣僧圓月謹昧死上書 皇帝陛下竊以王者受禪於人者襲其統而沿之得命於天者通其變而革之受禪於人者如夏后殷周之克繼者也得命於天者湯放桀武王伐紂之類皆是也故易曰湯武革命順乎天而應於人豈止湯武而已漢高祖世祖唐太宗宋太祖皆其人也文中子曰通其變天下無幣法執其方天下無善教教化法度之成三代莫之踰者然久則其法又弊法弊則革之所以通其變也所以夏法弊則殷湯革之殷法弊則周武革之周之衰時法之弊甚時衞鞅入秦變其法行之期年國都言新法之不便者以千數於是太子犯法鞅言法之不行自上犯之太子君嗣也不可施刑輒刑其傳黥其師明日秦人皆趍令行之十年秦國道不拾遺山無盜賊民勇於公戰怯於私鬪然後其初言不便者來言令便也然而秦得天下之後弗能知複變其法之理故弊甚極至暴酷是以二世而亡 漢繼秦之後七十餘歲雖欲理之無可奈何 法出而奸生令下而詐起則無它以秦之遺民習俗薄惡民人抵冒也是故董仲舒對策曰如以湯止湯湯愈甚琴瑟不調甚者必解而更張之乃可鼓也為政而不行甚者必變而更化之乃可理也仲舒之言至矣哉恭惟陛下明繼周文德承神武興王除覇柔遠包荒高田之下厚地之上莫不賓順非聰明睿知得命於天者孰能與於此哉然今天下為關東所伯百數十歲之弊積焉斯民漸漬惡俗貪饕 故自朝至暮獄訟滿庭又沙上偶語者亦多矣乃與漢繼秦之時偶相同也更化則可理之時也天地之初臣不得而知之陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 臣是山林一芥宜當與草木共朽也實為天下不為身也實為萬世不為一時名望之榮也伏望陛下感董生王通之至言而收臣懇誠則天下萬世之幸矣臣不自揆輒撰原民原僧二篇以塵睿覧如有可采敕有司施行之謹奉書以聞某誠惶誠恐
Chūgandesignatesthispieceahyō表(Cbiao)aparticulartypeofmemorial
understoodtoconveyopinionsandpolicyviewsunlikethemoreexplicitly
admonitorysō奏(zou)46AshedoesinGenminChūgandetailsthemalaiseafflicting
46Anextendeddiscussionofthehistoryandliteraryqualitiesofroyalmemorialsmaybefoundinchapters22and23ofWenxindiaolong文心雕龍aseminalworkofliterarytheorybytheLiang-erascholarLiuXie劉 (465-522AD)Thebiaoistreatedinchapter22
28
contemporaryJapanesesocietyplacingtheonussquarelyupontherecentlytoppled
Kamakuraregimeandbuttressinghispositionwithexamplesdrawnfromthe
ChineseexperienceGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionarymomentiscastinthemostelevated
termsimaginablewithinthegrandsweepofEastAsianhistorylikenedtothe
epochaltransitionsfromtheShangDynastytotheZhouandtheQintotheHan
Suchrhetoricimmediatelysuggeststhattherecentupheavalsbesettingboththe
shogunateaninstitutionwithnocloseanalogueinChinaandtheJapanesecourt
whichinformandfunctionhadcometodifferdramaticallyfromChinarsquosmight
nonethelessbeunderstoodinbroadlyldquoChineserdquotermsauguringthefallofone
nationalorderandtheriseofanotherInasmuchasthisreadingflattersEmperor
Go-DaigoandunderscoresthegravityofhishistoricalsituationitservesChūganrsquos
purposewell
AnevenmoreaccurateiflessdramaticapplicationoftheChinesehistorical
experiencetofourteenthcenturyJapanissuggestedbyChūganrsquosuseoftheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(覇)incontradistinctiontoldquokingrdquo(王)Asnotedabovetheprimary
referentsfortheformeraretheKamakuraregimeandthemodelofindependent
warriorgovernanceitrepresentedThehegemonsofclassicalConfucian
historiographyrefertorulersinpre-imperialChinawhowhilepoliticallyand
militarilysuccessfuldidnotconformtothemoralidealsofrulershipespousedby
theru儒classicists47Thehegemonsarementionedinnumerouscanonicaltexts
47SeeHuttonXunzippxxiv-xxvTheusualtranslationforruinEnglishisldquoConfucianrdquothoughinthetreatmentofearlytextsthisissometimesreplacedbytermssuchasldquoclassicistrdquoldquoclassicalstudiesscholarrdquoorsimplyleftuntranslatedTheruwereexpertsinZhouperiodritualandversedinthetextsandtraditions
29
includingLunyuMengziandespeciallyXunziwhichdevotesanentirechapterto
clarifyingthedifferencebetweenthemandtruekingsForthephilosopherXunzi荀
子(XunKuang荀況313-238BC)thehegemonwasbetterthanatyrantkingbut
stillfarfromidealMengzi孟子(MengKe孟軻372-289BC)perhapsthemost
influentialruthinkerbesidesConfuciushimselfemphasizedtheirrelianceonbrute
power(力)overmoralcapacityorldquovirtuerdquo(徳)andappraisedtheminthefollowing
terms
OnewhousespowerasasubstituteforbenevolenceisaHegemonandaHegemonneedstohavealargestateOnewhousesvirtuetoeffectbenevolenceisaKingandaKingdoesnotdepend(forhissuccess)onthesizeofhisstate48以力假仁者霸霸必有大國以德行仁者王王不待大
BythetimeoftextssuchasMengziandXunzithehegemonwasan
establishedfigureofrule-by-mightandalthoughtheyarosealmosttwothousand
yearsbeforetheKamakurashogunatetheirdevelopmentduringtheZhouerais
similarenoughtothatofwarriorpowerinJapantosustainacomparisonthatisnot
onlyrhetoricallyeffectivebutlogicallycompellingaswellAsexplainedbyEdward
SlingerlandthehegemonwasapositionfirstrecognizedbytheZhoukingsin681
BCwhenDukeHuanofQiwasgiventhisappointmentinordertoleadtheChinese
defenseagainstbarbarianinvasionwhiletheyweretheoreticallyregentsofthe
Zhoumonarchthehegemonsinfactruledindependentlyandthepostitself
associatedwithConfuciusSeeMarkCsikszentmihalyiReadingsinHanChineseThought(IndianapolisHackett2006)p18448Mengzi2A3
30
representedanimportanterosionofZhouroyalauthority49AsChūganwaswell
awaresomethingquitesimilarmightbesaidabouttheshogunateaninstitution
nominallycaptainedbyamilitarydictatorbearingthetitleSei-itaishōgun征夷大将
軍ldquoGeneralissimooftheExpeditionaryForceAgainsttheBarbariansrdquoa
commissionoriginallygrantedintheNaraandearlyHeianperiodstocommanders
leadingJapaneseforcesagainstunassimilatedpeoplesinnorthernHonshuFor
ChūgantheKamakurashogunatewasnotlikeadynastythathadlostthelegitimate
righttogovernratheritwasakintothepolitiesofZhou-erahegemonsmorally
illegitimateinthiscapacityfromthebeginningMoreoveritisclearthattheterm
ldquohegemonrdquo(orldquohegemonyrdquo)asusedinthememorialwouldapplyinprincipletoany
systemofrulebyautonomouswarriorsuzerainsandthatChgūanrsquosdiscussionof
Go-Daigorsquoscentralaccomplishmentndashrevivingthekinglywayandabolishing
militaryhegemonyndashwasintendedbothasacelebrationoftheemperorrsquos
achievementsandasaprescriptionforthestateofaffairshehopedwouldobtainin
perpetuityundertheneworder
AnothernotableandinthecontextofJapanesethoughtfairlyunusual
featureofthememorialistheprominenceChūganaccordstotheWesternHan
thinkerDongZhongshu董仲舒(179-104BC)Asadvisertotheillustrious
EmperorWu武(r141-87BC)DongadvancedavisionofConfucianismthat
quicklybecameacentralpillarofHanpoliticaltheoryandstatecraftAttheheartof
hissyncreticphilosophywasanactiveHeavenwhoselawsgovernnotonlythe
naturalworldbuthumanaffairsaswellalongwithanabidingbeliefinthedynamic49EdwardSlingerlandAnalects(IndianapolisHackett2003)p239
31
interrelatednessofseeminglydisparatesocialandnaturalphenomena50Notunlike
DongChūganhopedtoshapethedecisionsofamatureandvigoroussovereignwho
waswillingtoembracecoercioninordertoremakethepoliticallandscapeTheaim
ofhismemorialtoGo-Daigowastoofferintellectualjustificationforrevolutionan
endtowhichYijingstudiesandDongrsquosperspectiveonhistoricalchangewasnicely
suitedInparticularDonghadarguedthatsovereignswhoaccededuringperiods
whentheworldiswellgoverneddonotalterthewayoftheirforebearsbutthose
whocometopowerduringtimesofdisorderdo51TheHanaccordingtoDong
ldquosucceededaftergreatdisorderrdquo(漢繼大亂之後)anditisthereforerightand
properthattheyshouldaltersomeofthenormsthathadprevailedduringtheZhou
justastheZhouadynastyalsobornofdisorderhaddoneamillenniumbefore52
AlthoughChūgandoesnotexplicitlyapplyDongrsquostheoryofhistorical
cyclicalitytoJapanitseemsclearthatinmattersofthemeanddictionhewas
stronglyinspiredbythefamoustriptychofldquoresponsesrdquo(對策)inwhichDong
50SeeMichaelLoeweDivinationMythologyandMonarchyinHanChina(NewYorkCambridgeUnivPress1994)pp134-41andldquoImperialSovereigntyDongZhongshursquosContributionandHisPredecessorsrdquoinSRSchramedFoundationsandLimitsofStatePowerinChina(LondonSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudiesUnivofLondon1987)pp33-5751SeeGaryArbuckleldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-9752Ibidpp591-92DongeffectivelyignorestheQinseeminglyregardingitinArbucklersquoswordsasanldquohistoricalmiscarriagerdquoThepeacefulsuccessionswerefromYaotoShunShuntoYuandYutohissonconstruedinthisschemaasthefirstformalruleroftheXiathedynastiestosucceedbyconquestweretheShangZhouandHan
32
outlinedhiscyclicaltheorytoEmperorWu53Thequestionsandresponsesare
preservedinHanshu漢書(TheHistoryoftheHan)afoundationaltextlongstudied
byJapaneseintellectualsandonetowhichChūganwouldundoubtedlyhavehad
ampleaccesslongbeforehisjourneytoChinaOtherworksbyDongZhongshualso
seemtohavebeenknowninJapansinceatleastthelateninthcenturyasonetext
attributedtohimismentionedinthebibliographicresourceNihonkokugenzaisho
mokuroku日本国見在書目録acatalogueofChinesetextsheldinJapan54Overall
howeverDongdoesnotappeartohaveenjoyedparticularprominenceinJapanese
politicalthoughtthisdespitewidespreadinterestamongJapaneseliteratiinboth
theinterpretationofomensandtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkcentralto
Dongrsquosscholarshipandpolicypositions55InnoothertextofwhichIhave
knowledgedoesDongZhongshufeaturemorecentrallythanhedoesinChūganrsquos
53AnanalysisofthesetextsisgiveninMichaelLoeweDongZhongshuAlsquoConfucianrsquoHeritageandtheChunqiuFanlu(BostonBrill2011)pp83-10154Compiledca891byFujiwaranoSukeyo藤原佐世theworklists1579separateChineseworksthattotalalmost17000fasciclesCuriouslythemostfamoustracttraditionallyascribedtoDongChunqiufanlu春秋繁露(LuxuriantDewofTheSpringandAutumnAnnals)isnotamongthemtheoneworkbearinghisnameistitledChunqiuzaiyiDongZhongshuzhan春秋灾異董仲舒占whichIhavenotfoundelsewhereAtentativetranslationmightbePrognosticationsofDongZhongshuConcerningDisastersandAnomaliesAppearinginTheSpringandAutumnAnnals55InJapanTheSpringandAutumnAnnals(Chunqiu春秋)andtheZuoCommentary(Zuozhuan左傳)hadbeenaformalpartofthestateuniversitycurriculumsinceitsinceptioneachmentionedexplicitlyassuchintheRegulationsoftheYōrōEra(養老令718)Themid-ninthcenturylegaltextRyōnoshūge令集解acompilationofexpansionsandexplanatoryglossesontheYōrōregulationsnotesthattheGongyang公羊andGuliang穀梁commentarieshadalsobecomederigueurNihonkokugenzaishomokurokulistsnolessthan33separateworksonChunqiuanditscommentaries
33
memorialandinfewotherperiodsofJapanesehistorycouldhisthoughthavebeen
morereadilyapplied
WhiletheworkofDongZhongshuwasquiteclearlyknowninJapanevenif
seldomstudiedindepthWangTonghasleftalmostnotracewhatsoeverinthe
worldofJapanesekanshibunoutsideofChūganrsquoswritingWenzhongziisabsent
altogetherfromNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuandacomputersearchofthevast
bodyofofficialdocumentsandcourtierdiariesdigitizedinrecentyearsrevealsnot
asingleexplicitmentionofitexceptinChūganrsquosmemorial56Theonlyother
referencetoWenzhongziofwhichIamawareoccursinthediaryoftheinimitable
EmperorHanazono花園(1297-1348r1308-18)whoafterperusingitinthe
summerof1324assessedWangTongasbeingonparwithXunziandYangXiong57
56DongZhongshudoesnotfaredramaticallybetterinthisregardthanWangTongbuthisChunqiufanluwhilenotlistedinNihonkokugenzaishomokurokuisquotedonceinMinkeiki民経記thediaryofthehigh-rankingofficialKadenokōjiTsunemitsu勘解由小路経光(1212-74)andalsoinaspecialreport(kanjin勘申)submittedbyFujiwaranoAtsumitsu藤原敦光(1063-1144)toEmperorSutoku崇徳in1135apparentlyinresponsetothelatterrsquosquestionsregardingportentsoffamineandsicknessThisreportwasincludedinthemid-twelfthcenturyHonchōzokumonzui本朝続文粹athoroughlyannotatedversionofitmaybefoundinYamagishietaledsKodaiseijishakaishisō(TokyoIwanamishoten2001)pp169-84TheHistoriographicalInstituteattheUniversityofTokyomaintainsasearchabledatabasethatincludesthedocumentcollectionsHeianibunKamakuraibunandDaiNihonkomonjoalongwithdigitizedversionsofdozensofdiariesandrecordsfromtheNaraHeianandKamakuraperiodsSeehttpwwwaphiu-tokyoacjpshipsshipscontroller57Hanazonotennōshinki花園天皇宸記Shōchū1412SeeAndrewEGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryHanazonorsquosAdmonitionstotheCrownPrincerdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies551(1995)p103ItisofinteresttonotethatcomparisonsofWangTongwithMengziXunziandYangXiongbecamecommoninChinaduringtheNorthernSongwhenWenzhongzibegantoappearonthecivilserviceexaminationsOnthisseeWongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97
34
LikeDongZhongshuWangTongsoughttounitemultiplestrandsofclassical
ChinesethoughtunderanessentiallyConfucianphilosophicalrubricandhedrew
heavilyonZhongyong中庸(TheDoctrineoftheMean)YijingChunqiuandthework
ofDongZhongshuhimselfYetWangattemptedsomethingthataWesternHan
figurelikeDongcouldnothaveintegratingintohissystemnotonlythoseparticular
textsandmodesofdiscourseidentifiedprincipallywithConfucianismandDaoism
butalsothoseassociatedwithBuddhismWenzhongziquotesdirectlyfromthe
AvatamsakaSutra(CHuayanjingJKegonkyō華厳經)andtheverychapteron
whichChūgandrawsinhismemorialcontainsanexchangebetweenWangandone
ofhisdisciplesinwhichWangidentifiedtheBuddha佛asasage聖人58The
unificationofConfucianismDaoismandBuddhismcollectivelystyledtheldquoThree
Creedsrdquo(CSanjiaoJSankyō三教)intherealmsofaestheticsmetaphysicsethics
andstatecraftwouldbecomearecurringtropeinmedievalJapanesethoughtandit
isquitelikelythatWenzhongziwasasignalworktoayoungChūganseekinga
holisticunderstandingofthevicissitudesofhisage59
MorethanthisChūganmayhaveseenhimselfasanintellectualheirtoWang
TongandaspiredtocontinuehislegacyinJapanChgūanrsquosphilosophicalmagnum
opusaportionofwhichwillbeconsideredbelowistheaforementionedChūseishi
58SeeZhangPeiZhongshuojiaozhu(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)pp11and114ThecontextseemstosuggestthatthebuddhainquestionisthehistoricalBuddhabuttheidentificationmightbeinterpretedassimplybeingbetweenabuddhaandasage59NotinfrequentlyConfucianismwasreplacedinthemedievalJapaneseversionoftheldquoThreeCreedsrdquobyrecentlydevelopednotionsofShintotheformulationofwhichowedmuchtoesotericBuddhismmountainasceticism(Shugendō修験道)andoldertraditionsofkamiworshipthathadnotpreviouslybeensystematized
35
中正子whichwascomposedseveralmonthsafterGenminandthememorialtoGo-
DaigoTheworktakesitstitlefromapseudonymousfictionalcharacterwho
representsChūganrsquosownviewsindialogicexchangesNotonlyisthename
ChūseishildquoTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderdquoimmediatelysuggestiveofWang
TongrsquosposthumousmonikerWenzhongzi文中子ldquoTheMasterofCultureand
BalancerdquoChūganrsquosworkisalsostructuredinpreciselythemannerofWenzhongzi
andcoverssimilarmaterialIntheopeningchapterofChūseishitheMasterof
BalanceandRectitudeevenopinesthatWangTongwasldquoremarkablysimilarrdquoto
Confucius60ItisprobablynotunreasonabletoassumethatChūganwhowas34at
thetimeandinthebeginningofhismostcreativeandexperimentalperiodhoped
thathetoomightsomedaybeaccordedcomparableapprobation
ANoteonGenreandStyleChūganrsquosMemorialintheContextofMedieval
JapaneseKanbun
GiventhesingularcircumstancesconfrontingJapaneseelitesand
intellectualsinthe1330sitisperhapsnotsurprisingthatintermsofcontent
60王氏後夫子千載而生然甚俏焉SeeIriyaYoshitakaedldquoChūseishirdquoinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp128and172ChūganseemstohavemeantthisasagenuinecomplimentoratleastasaneutraldescriptionofWangTongrsquosapproachtoscholarshipWangTongwashoweverinfamousforhisovertemulationofConfuciusinseeminglyeveryaspectofhislifestylesomethingforwhichhewascriticizedbylaterscholarsparticularlythoseassociatedwiththeDaoxuemovementSeeHowardJWechslerldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272andHoytClevelandTillmanUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)pp106-7
36
ChūganrsquosmemorialstandswellapartfrommostextantJapaneseexamplesofthe
genreOver40hyōbyJapaneseauthorsarepreservedintheinfluentialeleventh-
centurykanshibunanthologyHonchōmonzui本朝文粹(TheLiteraryEssenceofOur
Court)anddozensmoremaybefoundinprivatecollectionssuchasKankebunsō管
家文草 andToshibunshū whichrecordthewritingsofnotedliterati
SugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-903)andMiyakonoYoshika都良香(c838-
79)respectivelyAllofthesememorialsarebyaristocratsandthevastbulkare
formaldeclinations(jici辭)ofofficialappointmentsSuchdeclinationsfrequently
offeredmoreasdemonstrationsofhumilitythanasearnestrefusalsrepresenta
majortraditionalfunctionofthehyō61AlthoughMichizanedidcomposesomevery
briefhyōthataddressedissuesofgovernmentpolicyndashinoneherequeststhatan
additionalprofessorofliterature(monjōhakase文章博士)beappointedatthe
universityndashnonespeaktofundamentalpoliticalreformorbearuponthetotalityof
statesocietyandkingshipinJapanWereonetosearchfortextsbyJapanese
authorssimilarinbothintentandcontenttoChūganrsquosmemorialthelikeliest
candidateswouldnotbeHeian-erahyōbutratherworksofpoliticalcounseloffered
bycontemporariessuchasYoshidaSadafusa吉田定房(1274-1338)Amemberof
thehighnobility(kugyō公卿)Sadafusawasamongthemosteducatedmenofhis
generationandservedasroyalvizierandtutorintheChineseclassicstoEmperor
61SometimesappointeeswouldoffernotonebutthreedeclinationsfollowingtheexampleofDukeWenofJin(c771-476BC)whothricerefusedanofferofenfeoffment(册)beforeeventuallyacceptingitThispracticewasapparentlyfollowedfaithfullybysomeJapaneseofficialsasmemorialsofdeclinationlabeledldquofirstrdquoldquosecondrdquoandldquothirdrdquoarenotuncommoninHonchōmonzui
37
Go-DaigoIn1324hedraftedaten-pointldquokotogaki-stylerdquomemorial(sōjō奏狀)
analyzedindetailbelowinwhichhewarnedGo-Daigoagainstchallengingthe
bakufumilitarily62Thepieceisthoughtfulandlearnedexemplifyingwellthe
traditionofChineselearningwithinthearistocracyandillustratingtheimportance
oftheChinesehistoricallegacytopoliticalsuasioninJapanOlderanaloguesmight
alsobesoughtinkanmon(勘文)agenrewithouttheliterarypatinaofthehyōbut
usedfrequentlybyJapanesearistocratstoofferopinionsandrecommendationson
mattersofcourtpolicy
Altogetherthehyōseemstohavebeenagenrefarmorecommonly
composedbyHeian-period(794-1185)courtiersthanbymedievalliteratiand
predominantlyforpurposesotherthanremonstrationorpolicyproposalToa
muchgreaterextentthanotheresteemedChineseliteraryforms(egshi詩ron
(lun)論sho(shu)書san(zan)贊andfu賦)memorialsandperhapsthehyōmost
especiallyseemtohaveremainedinJapananichegenretiedcloselytoa
continentalcultureofofficialdomoneinwhicheducatedministerspliedtheir
serviceswithinasingularstatistauthoritystructureatwhoseapexstoodtheoffice
andpersonaoftheemperorThismodelofgovernancemetwithrespectable
successinJapanduringtheNara(710-94)andearlyHeianerasandwasinavery
62SeeKasamatsuHiroshietaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōvol2(TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp149-154Intheso-calledkotogaki事書きorkajōgaki箇条書きformateachentrybeginshitotsuhellipnokoto一 hellip 事ldquoItemIntheMatterofhelliprdquoorinlegalpreamblesldquoItemWhereashelliprdquoForexamplethefirstentryinSadafusarsquosmemorialopenswiththecaption一王者以仁勝暴事whichmightbereadaloudinJapaneseasHitotsuōwajinwomottebōnikatsukotoldquoItemThataKingOvercomesViolencewithBenevolencerdquoNotallJapanesememorialsbearingthesōzhuangdesignationarestructuredlikethis
38
basicsensethemodeltowhichChūganandGo-DaigoweremostattractedButby
thetimeChūganwaswritingsuchapolityhadlongsincebeentransformedbyboth
auniquelyJapaneseapparatusofstatistauthorityndashthebakufu幕府orldquoshogunaterdquo
ndashandnumeroussourcesofmorelocalizedldquolordlyrdquoauthoritysuchaswealthy
familiesandreligiousinstitutions63DuringtheMuromachiperiod(1338-1573)
eventheshogunatecouldmakenopretensetoanythingresemblingabsolute
nationalsuzeraintyandfunctionedinsteadasaninterdependentpart(albeitavery
powerfulone)inwhathasbeentermedaldquosystemoflordlycorporationsrdquo64Thisis
nottosaythateducatedaristocraticministersceaseddischargingthefunctionsof
theirHeianpredecessorstheycertainlydidnotButthecourtwasnolongeratthe
centeroftextualproductionanditsrelativeretreatfromleadershipinthisarea
roughlytracksthetrajectoryofitsfortunesasaninstitutionwhichexceptingthe
briefrevivalincourtauthoritybetween1321and1336declinedmarkedlyoverthe
courseoftheKamakuraperiodandfellstillfurtherinthecenturiesthatfollowed65
ThroughouttheMuromachiperiodhighlytrainedBuddhistscholar-priests
grewnotonlytooutnumberaristocraticministersandmembersofthehereditary
hakase博士scholarfamiliesbutalsotooutpacethemintheproductionofpoetry
63UseofthetermslordlyandstatistfollowMaryElizabethBerryTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)64Ibidpxxvii65SeeGCameronHurstIIIldquoTheKōbuPolityCourt-BakufuRelationsinKamakuraJapanrdquoinJefferyPMassedCourtandBakufuinJapanEssaysinKamakuraHistory(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1982)pp3-28GermanetoGo-DaigorsquospoliticalorientationwastheKamakurashogunatersquosroleineffectivelysplittingtheimperialfamilyintotworivallineseachdependingforincomeontheirowndiminishedportfoliosofestates
39
andexpositoryproseinChinese66WorkintheseareasbyfigureslikeChūgan
ZekkaiChūshinMusōSosekiGidōShūshin義堂周信(1325-88)Hanazonoand
manyothersreachedheightsofartistryandintellectualsophisticationunexcelledby
eventhegreatestofHeianliteratiOnamoremundanelevelkanbunremainedthe
mediumofchoiceinawidevarietyofpracticalcontextsandthecharacteristic
socialtrendsoftheagemostnotablythedecentralizationofauthorityand
expansionofthecommercialeconomymotivatedanimpressiveefflorescenceof
familyprecepts(kakun家訓)privatestatutorycodesforthemanagementoffamily
properties(egthemasterfulMunakatakotogakijōjō宗像事書条々of1312)along
withagalaxyoflegalrecordscontractsbillsofsaleandotherdocumenttypesseen
eitherlessfrequentlyornotatallinearlierepochs
Moreoverinasmuchastheliterarykanshibuntraditionduringthemedieval
erawasshapedlessbyaristocratsthanbymembersoftheclergysomeofwhom
hadspentextendedperiodsoftimeinChinaandwereproficientinbothldquoclassicalrdquo
ChineseandtheSongvernacularthereisprobablymorestylisticdiversityin
literarykanshibunofthistimethaninthatoftheHeianperiodTheprosestyleof
Chūganrsquosmemorialnolessthanitsboldsubjectmatterdistinguishesitfromits
HeianpredecessorsAsalreadynotedChūganpreferredtowriteinadirectguwen-
inspiredstylealthoughsomeofMichizanersquoshyōarerelativelystraightforwardthey
allfarbrieferthanChūganrsquosandtheexamplesofthegenreinHonchōmonzuitend
toexemplifythehighlywroughtpianwenstyleofparallelproseBycontrast
66KurozumiMakotoDavidLurietransldquoKangakuWritingandInstitutionalAuthorityrdquoinHaruoShiraneedInventingtheClassicsModernityNationalIdentityandJapaneseLiterature(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)p210
40
Chūganrsquosmemorialisnotonlydirectbutseemsalmostcolloquialinplacesasinthe
portioncitedabovewherehetellsGo-Daigothatrestoringthekinglywayinthisera
would(ordid)constituteaparticularlygrandachievementInthisexamplethe
phraseldquoespeciallyinthistimerdquo固在斯時isinsertedintotherhetoricalquestionina
waythatsuggeststheurgencyofaspokenutterance
陛下除覇興王不乃萬世鴻業之始固在斯時乎舊法之弊可不革耶 IfyourmajestyabolishesmilitaryhegemonyandrevivesthewayofthekingwouldthisnotbethebeginningofanachievementndashhereinourtimendashthatwouldringoutforathousandgenerationsHowcanweaffordnottoreformthebanefulscourgeofouroutmodedways67
TodayChūganrsquosmemorialstandsasasingularexampleofpolitical
argumentationinmedievalJapanandtestifiesimplicitlytotheopportunitiesfor
bothsocialadvancementandideologicalexperimentationpresentedbyGo-Daigorsquos
ambitionsArtisticallyitillustratestheconventionsofagenrethatwaspracticed
almostexclusivelybymembersofthearistocracyandwhichseemstohavebecome
lesscommoninthemedievalerathanithadbeeninHeiantimeswhentheimperial
courtwasatitsculturalapogeeWhileupholdingcertainconventionscommonto
67ReadaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventionsthephrase固在斯時isseeminglyquitesimple(makotonikonotokiniari)butinreadingtheentirelocutionthesituationiscomplicatedbytheneedtoadjusttheconjugationof在(ari)whenrenderingthenegativestructure不乃hellip乎whichwouldresultinsomethinglikeHeikahaonozokiōookosuwasunawachibanseikōgyōnohajimemakotonikonotokiniarankaJapanesereadersuntrainedinldquoChineserdquoassuchreliedlargelyuponkundokurulestoconstruekanbuntextsdespitetheoftenstiltedqualityofsuchrenderingsmostwereaurallycomprehensibletothosefamiliarwiththeconventionsForanextendedinvestigationofkundokuandrelatedmattersseetheappendixattheendofthisstudy
41
earlierJapanesememorialsitalsodemonstrateseconomyofdictionandclarityof
expressionstylisticsensibilitiesthatareperhapsbettersuitedtoprovidingactual
policyadvicethantheellipticalflourishesfrequentlyfoundinHeian-eraparallel
proseSignificantlynosimilarmemorialsbyotherJapanesefiguresintheGozan
milieusurviveTherenownedChineseeacutemigreacutemonkMingjiChujun(MinkiSoshun
明極楚俊1262-1336)didofferacongratulatoryhyōtoGo-Daigouponhisre-
acquisitionofpowerin1333butthiswasacelebratorypiecenotintendedto
advanceaprogramofreform68ThatChūganwasseeminglytheonlyGozanfigure
tohavecomposedsuchalengthyandideologicallyinsistentmemorialspeaksto
bothhisownpoliticalconvictionsunusuallystrongbythestandardsofhiseraand
totheuniquecircumstancesofthe1330sYetwhileChūganrsquosmemorialundeniably
evincestheidiosyncrasiesofbothitsauthoranditshistoricalmomentidiosyncrasy
isonlylegibleinreferencetowhatiscustomaryWhateverpowersofperlocution
thememorialmightbeseentopossessariseprincipallyfromcitationsand
rhetoricalconventionsthatsituateitsquarelywithinanesteemedgenericlineage
embracingcountlesstextsofsimilarimportwrittenbyprincipledcouncilorsboth
ChineseandJapaneseinagespast
68SeeSunRongchengldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)p98ThisisnottosaythatMingjihadnopoliticalagendaitisknownthathegavelectureswhichGo-Daigoattendedinwhichheadvocatedformilitarypreparedness(ifnotmilitancy)amongtheBuddhistmonasticcommunityAsSunnotesGo-DaigomayhavewelcomedthematerialsupportthatarmedmonksfriendlytohiscausecouldprovidebuttheideadoesrepresentanideologicaldifferencebetweenMingjiandChūganwhoopposedsoldieryamongmonks
42
ViolenceVirtueandRoyalLegitimacyTheMemorialofYoshidaSadafusa
AnillustrativecomplementtothesuasivestrategiesemployedinChūganrsquos
hyōwhichprovidedrealadviceonmattersofpolicybutwasnotremonstrativeor
criticalofGo-Daigoisprovidedbytheaforementionedmemorial(sōjō)ofYoshida
SadafusaWrittenin1324inoppositiontoGo-Daigorsquosplantomovemilitarily
againsttheshogunatethistextsoughtnottoflattertheemperorrsquoshistorical
positionbuttorelativizeitTraditionallythesō(奏Czou)wasanadmonitory
genrethatwasemployedoccasionallybyNaraandHeian-periodofficialsbutfor
purposestypicallyunrelatedtoremonstrationItshistoryinChinareachesbackat
leastamillenniumbeforeitsappearanceinJapanaccordingtoLiuXieldquothezoursquos
functioninaccusationandimpeachmentistoclarifythelawandridthestateof
evilhellipsinceitisitspurposetoexposeevilanimpeachmentmemorialcannothelp
butbesevereandharshrdquo(若乃按劾之奏所以明憲清國 hellip 術在糾惡勢必深
峭)69
TheevilsthatSadafusawishedtoexposewereprincipallythosethatresult
frommisguidedmilitaryadventuresHisviewsonJapanesekingshipandthe
responsibilitiesofsovereigntywereheavilyinfluencedbytheChinesephilosophical
andhistoriographicaltraditionwhichtohimofferedbothhistoricaldataand
69SeeVincentYu-chungShihTheLiteraryMindandtheCarvingofDragonsAStudyofThoughtandPatterninChineseLiterature(HongKongTheChineseUniversityPress1983)pp256-57ItisworthnotingherethatgenericterminologyisnotalwaysappliedrigidlyandshouldnotbetakenasdeterminativeofcontentinHeianJapanworksdesignatedsōjōareapttobeelegantlywordedpetitionsforcourtpromotionnotstridentmemorialsofimpeachmentInthisregardSadafusarsquossōjōissomewhatuniqueandcloserinspirittoLiuXiersquosnotionofthezou
43
philosophicalfirstprinciplesthatwereapplicabletocontemporaryJapanTwo
worksinparticularMengziandShijiloomespeciallylargeThisofcourseis
somethinghehasincommonwithChūganAltogetherhismemorialoffersa
valuableglimpseintopoliticalsuasionwithintheroyalcircleandillustrateshowat
leastoneeducatedministerunderstoodboththestrategicandtheethical
implicationsofmakingwarwiththeshogunate70
ThoughitwouldseemthatdisagreementspersistregardingYourMajestyrsquos
intentiontofoundanewstateIsubmitthatthewillofHeavenremainsunknownand
themostopportunemomentforactionisimpossibletoascertainRetracingthehistory
ofbothChinaandJapanIshallanswerYourMajestyrsquosrequestforcounselwithmyown
humbleobservationsThereislittletogainandmuchtoloseandsoIventureto
presentmyearnestsuggestionsdaringtoincurtherefromthefullmeasureofYour
Majestyrsquosdispleasure
国家草創事叡念雖似有議天命未知時機難測和漢両朝先蹤今就 勅命粗愚管小益多損試献数箇之鯁議敢犯十分之逆鱗矣1 ThataKingOvercomesViolencewithHumanity
70ThetranslationthatfollowsisbaseduponthetextinKasamatsuetaledsChūseiseijishakaishisōpt2(Nihonshisōtaikei22TokyoIwanamiShoten1981)pp148-54KasamatsuandSatōShinrsquoichihaveprovidedhelpfulannotationswhichhavebeenreproducedhereadditionalnoteshavebeenappendedtotermsorpassagesthatpresentparticularinterpretivechallengesThetextisalsoincludedinZokugunshoruijū(seeldquoJōshūbōzōnikki淨修坊雜日記rdquoZGSRJ92531pt2)butnoauthorisspecifiedItwasnotuntil1940thatscholarsMatsumotoShūji松本周二andMurataMasashi村田正志identifiedtheworkasSadafusarsquosaconclusionthatremainswidelyacceptedtodayOnthisseeSatōShinrsquoichirsquosexplanatoryintroductiontotheworkinCSSSpt2391-92
44
Inthewayoftheaccomplishedperson(shijin至人)itishumanity(jin仁)thatcomes
firstInmanifestinghumanityconcretelythemostfundamentalthingistonotkillThis
iswhatismeantinMengzibythenotionthattherealmmaybepacifiedbybeing
unified71ThefirstemperorofQinmobilizedallthepeoplewithinhisbordersandset
themupontheSixKingdomsTakingadvantageoftheunrestinShandonghewas
ultimatelyabletoconsumethewholeofChinaAndyethisregimeperishedintwo
generationsCaoCaoofWeiSimaYiofJinLiuYuofLiuSongXiaoDaochengof
SouthernQiXiaoYanofLiangYangJianofSuindashallofthesemenfoundeddynastiesbut
theirdescendantswouldnotbeperformingtheancestralsacrificesforlongThisis
becausetheyreliedonforceofarmstosolidifytheirpositionandmadetyrannyand
violencetheirfoundationGaozuofHanGuangwuofLatterHanandTaizongofTang
allfollowedthewayoftheFormerKingsandpossessedheartsofhumanityandloveAs
thestatestheyestablishedeachenduredforcenturiescantherebeanydoubtthat
Menciuswasright
一王者以仁勝暴事 至人之道只仁為先仁之為躰不殺為基孟子所謂天下定于一是也秦始皇駈境内之民当六国之役乗于山東之擾乱暫雖呑海内二世兮滅魏曹操晉司馬懿宋劉裕齊蕭道成梁蕭衍隨楊堅皆雖為草創之主子孫永不血食是皆以兵革為固以暴虐為基之故也漢高祖後漢光武唐太宗皆遵先王之道抱仁愛之心社稷各數百年孟子之言豈徒然乎
ThisfirstarticleimplicitlypresentsGo-Daigowithachoicebeamartialruler
whosesuccesswillbeshortlivedorbeavirtuousrulerwhosepolitywillendurefor
71ThereferenceistoMengzi1A7ldquoMengzihadanaudiencewithKingXiangofLiangWhenMengzilefthesaidtosomeotherslsquoWhenIlookedupathimhedidnotseemlikearulerofpeopleWhenIapproachedhimIdidnotseeanythingawe-inspiringinhimHesimplyblurtedoutlsquoHowcantheworldbepacifiedrsquoIrespondedlsquoItcanbepacifiedbybeingunifiedrsquoThekingaskedlsquoWhocanunifyitrsquoIrepliedlsquoOnewhodoesnothaveatasteforkillingpeoplecanunifyithelliprsquordquoSeeVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp7
45
generationsNoteworthyistheprideofplacegiventoMenciusathinkerwhois
typicallyassociatedwiththeviewthatpoliticallegitimacyiscontingentuponthe
moralfitnessoftherulerthatSadafusaforegroundsMenciusinthefirstarticleof
hismemorialimpliesunmistakablythatheseesGo-Daigorsquosruleandprobably
Japanesekingshipingeneralassubjecttothesameforcesthatbearuponkingship
elsewhereEventheMengzientryhecitespresentsarulerthatwhilenottyrannical
isnotparticularlyprescienteitherSadafusaiscertainlyromanticizingthelegacies
ofHanGaozuHanGuangwuandTangTaizongbutsuchwasstandardpracticein
tractsofpoliticalsuasion
2 ThattheManpowerofthePopulaceMustNotbeWastedTheQinemperorbuiltlavishlyonMountLiandtheSuiemperordebauchedin
Jiangdu72Thesealoneexemplifyarroganceanddissolutionhowmuchmoredotheir
militaryadventures
一不費民力役事 秦皇營驪山之侈隨帝專江都之遊尚是驕逸之甚也何況於軍旅之事乎
3 ThatUndertakingsWhichImperilPeoplersquosLivesMustBeTreatedSolemnly
72ThereferencesaretotheenormousmausoleumQinShihuanghadconstructedforhimselffamoustodayforthe1974discoveryofanarmyofterracottastatuesinterredonitsgroundsandtoaluxuriousdetachedpalacebuiltatYangzhoubyEmperorYangofSui
46
Akingisthemotherandfatheroftheentirepopulacehemakesthewholeoftherealm
hishouseandthepeoplehischildrenHowcouldalovingfatherpossiblywishtosend
hisowninnocentprogenytodieuponthetipsofspearsHowmanypeoplewillbesent
totheirdeathsbeforeorderisreturnedtotherealmOhhowIgrievetothinkofit
一重人死命事 王者萬民之父母也以天下為家以民庶為子使無罪之子孫死鋒鏑之下豈慈父之意乎天下草昧之間萬民役死幾多乎嗟呼哀哉
IntheseshortarticlesSadafusacitestwowell-knownexamplesofwasteand
immoralityinordertomakethepointthateventhesebadactspaleincomparison
tomisguidedmilitaryventuresHethenoffersanemotionallychargedexhortation
thataltogetherbypassestheldquostrategicrdquoquestionofwhetherornotwaragainst
Kamakuramightactuallysucceedandinsteadpointstothehumancostofwaging
suchawar
4 ThatldquoHeavenlyomensarenotasgoodasadvantagesofterrainandadvantagesofterrainarenotasgoodasharmonywiththepeoplerdquo73ThesearewordsthatMenciuswroteInrecenttimestheorderoftherealmissuch
thatofahundredpartsninetyarecontrolledbywarriorhouses(武家)Intermsof
martialcouragethepeopleinourShandongareeachworthathousandmenhow
couldthedelicatebabiesoftheKinaibepittedagainstthosemightyKanto
barbarians74Theutterimpossibilityofthisneedsnofurthercomment
73Mengzi2B1TranslationgiveninVanNordenMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentariesp5074ldquoOurShandongrdquoisasomewhatspeculativetranslationbasedontheassumptionthatSadafusaisusingShandong(ldquoEastoftheMountainsrdquo山東)whichbecametheterritorialbaseoftheQinempirefollowingitsconquestofQiasananaloguefor
47
一天時不如地利々々不如人和事 孟子書有此言矣頃年天下之躰百分兮九十者武家之有也戰士勇山東之民一兮當千豈以皇畿近州之嬰兒對東關蛮夷之勇健乎此事之不可亦叵言矣
5 ConcerningtheYellowEmperorrsquosPunitiveExpeditionChiyouwouldnotobeyimperialcommandssotheYellowEmperormountedan
expeditionagainsthim75TodaycanthewarriorsoftheKantobecountedonnotto
contraveneHeavenlyprinciple(Noofcoursenot)Thisisthefirstreasonforthe
impossibility(ofmountingasimilarexpeditionagainsttheKamakuraBakufu)
一皇帝征伐事 蚩尤不用帝命故征伐之今時關東之武士無逆天理之志歟其不可一也
InthisarticleandinthethreethatfollowSadafusaappealstoexamples
fromChinesehistorytocharacterizeGo-DaigorsquostenuouspositionHedoessorather
terselypresumablybecausehismessageisentirelycleartoGo-DaigoTheissuein
ArticleFiveseemstobethatwhiletheYellowEmperorneededtoenlisttheaidof
theldquofeudallordsrdquo(諸侯)ndashandsuccessfullydidsondashinordertoeffecthissubjugation
ofChiyouGo-Daigocouldnotcountonreceivingsimilarsupportfromeastern
easternJapanwhichbySadafusarsquostimewasalreadylongrenownedforthestrengthofitsfightingmen75Chiyou蚩尤ldquoTheWounderrdquowasapowerfullocalleaderwhowouldnotsubmittothenascentpoliticalorderledbytheYellowEmperorSadafusaislikelydrawingupontheinformationatthebeginningoftheFiveEmperors(五帝紀)sectionofShiji
ldquoChiyoufomentedrebellionandwouldnotobeyimperialcommandsThustheYellowEmperorproceededtocalluptroopsfromamongthefeudallordsanddidbattlewithChiyouinthewildsofZhulueventuallycapturingandkillinghimrdquo(Shiji13)
48
warriorswerehetochallengeKamakuraThatiseventhoughthereexistinthe
historicalrecordexamplesofsuccessful(andmorallyjustifiable)actsofmilitary
conquestpresentcircumstanceswillnotpermitGo-Daigotoenjoysimilarresults
6 ConcerningShunrsquosPacificationofTheSanMiaoTheMiaopeopleswouldnotsubmitandsoShunconqueredthemHoweverhis
conquestwasunsuccessfulHenceheputintoeffectthePlanofYufosteringculture
andvirtueandtherebygettingtheMiaotoyieldthisiswhatldquodancingunderfeathered
bannersonthepalacestepsrdquorefersto76Thisisthesecondreasonfortheimpossibility
(ofchallengingtheBakufu)
一舜服其三苗事 苗民不服故舜征之而無成功遂用禹之謀修文德服苗民舞于羽於兩階是也其不可二也
7 ConcerningChengDeposingJieDragonsdescendedintotheXiacourtandghostsweptonthefrontier77(Jie)
imprisonedTangatXiataiand(Tang)drovethepeopleawayfromvice78ChengTang
76ldquoTheemperorthenspreadwidecultureandvirtueandtheydancedunderfeatheredbannersonthepalacestepsrdquo帝乃誕敷文德舞于羽于兩階 (ShujingldquoDaYuMordquo大禹謨)Thetermsldquoculturerdquo文andldquovirtuerdquo德arevastlymorecomplexthaneitherofthesetranslationsconveyforpresentpurposesitisnotunreasonabletothinkof文德asacompoundusedbySadafusatomeansomethinglikeldquocivilvirtuerdquoiethesortofvirtueassociatedwithgovernancethroughmoralprobitynotthroughforceInasectionofChūseishitobeconsideredinthenextchapterChūgansets文德explicitlyoppositeofldquomilitarystrategyrdquo武略withtheformerconstitutingaguidingprincipleofgoodgovernmentandthelatteramereexpedient77ThisarticledrawsuponShijiandpossiblyShujing書經andwhileitsgeneralthrustisclearsomelinesaredifficulttoparseThefirstclauseintheopeninglinereferstotheappearanceofamaleandfemaledragonduringthetimeofEmperorKongjiaadissoluteandincompetentsovereignwhosereignasdescribedinShiji
49
receivedtheMandatefromHeavenandbanishedJietoMingtiaoandinthiswaywas
abletobuttresshisvirtue79AtpresentsignsportendingtheKantōrsquosfallhaveyetto
appearandwehaveyettohearofwidespreadanxietyandsufferingamongthe
populaceHowcouldYourMajestyrsquosdelicatesubjectsbemadereadytostrikeata
powerstillfavoredbyfortuneThisisthethirdreason(thatchallengingtheshogunate
isimpossible)
一湯取桀事
marksthebeginningoftheendfortheXiaDynastyKongjiareportedlyldquodelightedinfollowingghostsandspiritsandengaginginlicentiousanddisorderlyactionsrdquo(好方鬼神事淫亂)hewasunabletocareforthedragonsandlostthesupportoftheHuanlong豢龍(ldquoDragonRaisingrdquo)ClanSeeWilliamHNienhauserJretaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)p37UnfortunatelyIhavenotbeenabletolocatethereferenceforSadafusarsquosmentionofghostsweepingonthefrontierandSatoandKasamatsuoffernoexplanatorygloss78囚湯於夏臺驅民於無罪AlthoughparallelismwouldseemtosuggestthattheimpliedsubjectofthesecondsentenceisalsoJiesuchaninterpretationisdifficulttojustifyonhistoricalgroundsThoughthespecificlocution驅民於無罪seemstobeuniquetothismemorialSadafusawasprobablyrememberingtheldquoDeclarationofTangrdquo(湯誓)aspeechinShujingwhosecontentissummarizedintheShijisectionuponwhichhedrawsinthisandthefollowingarticleTangaccusesJieofhavingcommittedmanycrimesandtriestopersuadeaskepticalpeoplethathisoverthrowoftheXiaisthusjustifiableSadafusarsquosclaimthatthepeoplewereldquodrivenrdquotoastateofldquoinnocencerdquoisprobablybestunderstoodtomeanthattheywereimpelledtosupportTanginhisquestforaneworderThephrase無罪mightplausiblybeconstruedasmeaningtheonewhoiswithoutoffenseieTangThisdoesallowasomewhatstrongercasetobemadefortakingJieastheimpliedsubjectwhothroughhistyranny(inadvertently)ldquodroverdquothepeopletowardTang79成湯受命於天放桀於鳴條而有輔德SatoandKasamatsuconstrue而ascontrastiveandthusreadthephrase而有輔德asmeaningsomethinglikeldquobuthepossessedbuttressingvirtuerdquo(theirkundokuglossreadsしかるに輔德あり)Byitselfthephrase有輔德couldmeanldquotohavethemeansofbuttressingonersquosvirtuerdquoorldquotohavethatwhichbuttressesonersquosvirtuerdquo(ineithercaseanabbreviationof有所輔德)orldquotohavelsquobuttressingvirtuersquordquotaking輔德asacompoundobjectof有SatoandKasamatsursquosrenditionactuallymakesSadafusarsquosrebukeofGo-DaigoevensharperunlikeTangwhohadthemandatefromHeavenandthesupportofthepeopleGo-Daigopossessesnocomparableldquobuttressingvirtuerdquoforhiscause
50
龍降于夏庭鬼泣于國境囚湯於夏台駈民於無罪成湯受命於天放桀於鳴条而有輔德今時關東之妖孼未見萬民之愁苦未聞豈以微弱之王民伺天縱之武運哉其不可三也 8 ConcerningKingWuDeposingZhow80HemadetheMarquisofJiuintodriedstripsofmeatandtheMarquisofEinto
mincemeathedebauchedinapoolfilledwithwineandhungmeatinsuchabundanceit
resembledtreesinaforestHewasespeciallypreferentialtowardshisconsortDaJiand
enjoyedlongnightsofmusicandmerrimentHeinstitutedcruelpenallawsincluding
immolationinthefirepit(paoluohōraku )81ButtherewasKingWenaleader
whohadreceivedtheMandateandwhohadpentuphisgrievanceswhileinternedat
Youli82NextcamethesagaciousrulerKingWuwhosworehisoathofcommandat
80FollowingconventionthenameofthelasttyrantkingoftheShangDynastyZhou紂willberomanizedwithalsquowrsquoinsteadoftheotherwiseexpectedlsquoursquotodistinguishitfromZhou周81AbronzepillarwaslaidacrossafirepitandthecondemnedweremadetowalkacrossituntiltheyfellintothefireSeeTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50n111TheactsSadafusamentionsaredescribedinShiji3105-106百姓怨望而諸侯有畔者於是紂乃重刑辟有炮格之法hellip九侯有好女入之紂九侯女不喜淫肘怒殺之而醢九侯鄂侯爭之彊辨之疾并脯鄂侯ldquoThefamiliesofthehundredcognomenswerefilledwithresentmentandhatredandamongthefeudallordstherewerethosewhowereagainsthimZhowthenincreasedtheseverityofhispunishmentsandhadamethodofroastingpeopleonarackhellipTheMarquisofJiuhadafitdaughterwhoheputinZhowrsquosserviceTheMarquisofJiursquosdaughterwasnotinterestedindebaucheryZhowbecameangryandkilledherHemadetheMarquisofJiuintomincemeatTheMarquisofEremonstratedstronglyandarguedforcefullysoZhowalsohadhimmadeintodriedmeatstripsrdquo(TheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)82FearingthesupportKingWenwasreceivingfromthefeudallordsZhowimprisonedhiminanareacalledYoulilocatedinmodernHenanInanattempttosecuretheirmasterrsquosfreedomKingWenrsquosvassalscollectedvarioustreasures(andattractivewomen)topresenttoZhowwhowassoimpressedwiththegiftsthathepardonedWenKingWenthenknownsimplyasLordoftheWest西伯becameoneofthemostrespectedleadersofhisdayandevenconvincedZhowtoabolishimmolationIntimemostoftheotherfeudallordsswitchedtheirallegiancefromZhowtoWenwhosesonKingWu武woulddealthefinalblowtoZhowandbring
51
Mengjin83ButinourpresentMandate-alteringyearnosignsportendingtheKantorsquos
demisehaveappearedafactwhichIhavealreadystatedabove84Thisisthefourth
reason(thattheshogunateshouldnotbechallenged)85
一武王放肘事 脯九侯醢鄂侯瀝酒池掛肉林嬖愛妲己成長夜之樂以苛酷之刑法修炮烙之命爰有文王受命之君績憂於牖里繼以武王聖明之主發蹤於孟津革命之今時關東無妖其議聞上其不可四也 9 ConcerningtheHistoricalVicissitudesofOurImperialCourtInChinathefortunesofthethronehavetimeandagainbeensubjecttodeclineand
resurgenceThisislikelyduesimplytothefactthatdifferentfamilieskeepappearing
(toclaimpower)Inourcountrykings(setsuri刹利)comefromjustonelineasaresult
eventhoughthethronemaygrowweakerwitheachpassingdaynoresurgencecanbe
expectedThisissomethingthatYourMajestymustsurelyperceive86Particularlyafter
theHōgenera(1156-58)theMinamotoandTairafamilieseachmonopolizedpowerand
theauthorityofthethronegraduallydeclinedDuringtheGenryakuerathecaptainof
theRightPalaceGuardsLordYoritomopacifiedtherealmandswallowedupterritories
theShangDynastytoanendKingWenisthusoftenconsideredthehonoraryfounderofthesucceedingZhou周Dynasty83發蹤於孟津Mengjin盟津(alt孟津)waswhereKingWugatheredanarmyproclaimedhimselfheirtoWenandmadeaspeechbeforetheassembledlords84革命之今時關東無妖其儀聞上ThenotionofaldquoMandate-alteringrdquoyearreferstothekōshiorkinoe-ne甲子yearthefirstinthesexagenarycyclewhichinthiscasecorrespondstothefirstyearofShōchūor132485AfterproclaiminghimselfheirandannouncinghiswillingnesstodeposeZhowtheassembledlordsallsaidldquoZhowcanbechastisedrdquoButWustillrefusedtolaunchhiscampaignwaitingtwomoreyearstodosobywhichtimeZhowrsquosrulehadbecomeevenworseSadafusarsquospointseemstobethatevenKingWuwaitedfortheopportunitytostrikeattackingZhowonlywhenvictorywascertain86是聖徳之所觀見也Here聖徳meanssomethinglikeldquosagely(intellectual)capacityrdquosimilarinusageandmeaningto叡念whichSadafusauseselsewhereInessenceheissayingldquoyourownintelligenceshouldtellyouthataresurgenceofimperialpowerisunrealisticrdquo
52
largeandsmallAftertheShōkyūera(1219-21)LordYoshitokitooksolecontrolofthe
reinsofgovernment
Theabilitytoremoveasovereign(三通)orhisheir(儲貳)andtodemoteor
promotegrandministers(高槐)andsupremegenerals(大樹)areallthingsthatarise
frommilitarypowerAtpresentifYourMajestyrsquosambitionsarenotinaccordancewith
thepatternofthetimescantherebeanydoubtofaswiftandresoundingdefeatThe
imperiallinewillbenearlywipedoutTheverysafetyofthecourtitselfisnowatstake
howcanYourMajestynotreflectonthis
一本朝時運興衰事 異朝紹運之躰頗多中興蓋是異姓更出故而已本朝刹利天祚一種故陵遲日甚中興無期是聖德之所觀見也就中保元之後源平遞專國權皇威漸損元曆年中右大將賴朝卿平定天下并吞國邦承久之後義時朝臣專持國柄通三儲貳之廢立高槐大樹之黜陟事皆出自武威今時草創之 叡念若不叶時機者怱有敗北之憂歟天嗣殆盡此乎本朝安否在于此時豈不迴 聖慮哉
DepartingfromthethrustofpreviousarticlesSadafusamakesnoappeal
heretoConfucianmoralityortofamousrulersofChineseantiquityAmongthe
notablefeaturesofthisarticleisitsunusualnomenclatureofkingshipSadafusa
firstusesthesomewhatunusualwordsetsuriatermthatrefersspecificallytothe
KshatriyacastefromwhichIndianmonarchsaredrawntodescribeJapaneserulers
InasmuchasJapaneselexicalitemsofIndicorigintendtocarryBuddhistovertones
thetermmaybeseentoinscribeJapanesekingshipwithinapoliticalcosmology
differentfromthatwhichunderpinsdomesticnotionsofimperialdivinitySetsuriis
followedbyanothercomparativelyexoticwordofsimilarimporttsūsan通三(C
tongsan)whichoccursinHanshuItrefersliterallytothethreefundamental
activitiesofsoundrulendashselectingmenoftalentharmonizingwiththewillofthe
53
peopleandadaptingtotheexigenciesofthetimesbyakindofmetonymic
extensionitalsodenotesthesovereignhimselfAgaintheimplicationseemstobe
thatGo-DaigoinparticularandJapanesesovereignsmoregenerallyoccupyafully
historical(andhistoricizable)realminwhichgoodjudgmentanddecisionmaking
matter
10 ThattheHolyFortunesofRetiredSovereignsandthePowerofWarriorHousesMustEachRuntheirCourseAfterEmperorKōninassumedpowertheroyallinewasagainunified87Andalthough
EmperorHeizeiEmperorSagaandEmperorJunnawerebrothersruleoftherealm
eventuallyreturnedtothedescendantsofEmperorNinmeiThesonsoftheTenryaku
Emperor(EmperorMurakami)ReizeiandEnrsquoyūeachpracticedabdicationinfavorofa
non-linealdescendantbutintimetherealmreturnedonceagaintoEnrsquoyūrsquosline88From
thenuntilnowroyallinesspawnedfrombrothershaveoccasionallyemergedbut
ultimatelyeverythinghasstayedwithinthesamefamily89Thisischaracteristicofthe
87AfterthedeathofEmperorTenchi(r668-72)asuccessiondisputearoseinvolvinghissonPrinceŌtomoandhisyoungerbrotherPrinceŌamaPrinceŌamawasvictoriousandtookthethroneasEmperorTenmu(r673-86)severalofthesovereignswhoreignedduringtheeighthcenturywerehislinealdescendantsEmperorKōnin(r770-81)wasagrandsonofTenchiandallthesovereignswhofollowedhimwerehis(andhenceTenchirsquos)linealdescendantsTraditionalcommentatorsincludingKitabatakeChikafusahaveseenKōninrsquosascensionasareturntothecorrectlineofsuccession88ldquoAbdicationinfavorofanon-linealdescendantrdquorendersyūjō揖譲HereSadafusahighlightsthefactthatReizeiabdicatedinfavorofhisbrotherEnrsquoyūwhointurnabdicatedinfavorofhisnephewKazanYūjōiscloseinmeaningtozenjō禅譲aconceptinearlyChinesepoliticalthoughtdescribingatransferofruleinwhichthekingyieldsthethronevoluntarilytothemostvirtuouspersonintherealm 89或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時々雖出始終遂入于一家HereSadafusamentionsnotonlyroyallinesissuingfrombrothers( )butfromaffinalrelatives(kyūi )aswellThebasicsenseof iseitheramaternaluncleoronersquoswifersquosbrother indicateseitheramaternalauntoronersquoswifersquossisterandthecompound referstounclesandauntsonthemotherrsquossideSatoandKasamatsuoffernoglossonthisbutiftakenliterallyaroyallineissuingfromaffinalrelativeswouldseemtoimplya
54
JapanesecourtaloneAsregardstheaugustlineageestablishedbytheKangenEmperor
(Go-Saga)itwashisdecisiontoestablish(thelineof)EmperorKameyamaasthe
orthodoxlinethisissomethingunderstoodthroughouttherealm90EvenifEmperor
Go-Fukakusarsquoslineshouldunexpectedlyholdswayforthreeorfourreignsintheend
rulewillreturnassuredlytoYourMajestyrsquosimperialline91Thisisnodoubtbecausethe
EarthcannothavetwosovereignsanymorethanHeavencanhavetwosuns92
violationoftheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentThecomplexityofroyalfiliationandgeneralacceptanceofendogamywithintheextendedroyalfamilymakesmanythingspossiblebutatpresentitisuncleartomewhichsovereignsSadafusamighthaveinmindorifthenotionofaldquoroyallineagerdquo皇統issuingfromldquoaffinalrelativesrdquo(assumingthisiswhatismeantby舅姨)iseventenableandIhavethusavoidedthematterinthetranslationpendingmoreinformation90KameyamaandGo-FukakusawerescionsofGo-SagaandfullbrothersChikafusatooreportsthatGo-SagaintendedtohaveKameyamarsquoslineinheritthethrone91後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟Rhetoricalquestionsarecommoninhortatorywritingheretheimpliedanswerisaffirmativeyes(rule)willassuredlyreturntoyourroyallineThetermtōdai當代mayindicateeitherthepresentageorthecurrentheadofafamilysynonymousinthelattersensewithtōshu當主Whicheverisemphasizedintranslationthegistisunchanged(sinceGo-Daigocurrentlyoccupiesthethrone)IhavetakenthefirstclauseasconditionalbecausedoingsoreconcilesitnicelywiththenextsentenceHoweveritmightalsobetakenasadeclarativestatementaboutpasthistorywhichwouldbemoreinkeepingwiththeprecedingcommentsSadafusamadeaboutJapanesesovereignsInthisreadingtheclausemightbeconstruedasareferencetothefactthatpriortoGo-Daigorsquosaccessionthreeoutoffoursovereigns(FushimiGo-FushimiandHanazono)weresonsorgrandsonsofGo-FukakusaThisreadingdoeshoweverchangethesenseofthesentencethatfollows(seebelow)92蓋天無二日地無二主之故也Thesignificanceofthisdependsonwhetherweunderstandthepreviouslinetomeanthatrulewilleventuallyreturntothelegitimateline(iethatofKameyamaandthusGo-Daigo)orthatrulealreadyhasreturnedtothatlineTheformerworkswellif後深草院不慮雖及三四代istakenasaconditionalclausewhilethelatterisbetterifthatclauseistakenasastatementoffactldquoThough(thelineof)Go-Fukakusaunexpectedlyenjoyedarunofthreeorfourreigns(rule)hasnowdefinitivelyreturnedtoYourMajestyrsquoslinerdquoThisseemsastraightforwardreadingbutitbearsupontheinterpretationofthenextsentenceInsayingthatrulehasdefinitivelyreturnedtothelegitimatelineldquobecauseEarthcannomorehavetwosovereignsthanHeavencanhavetwosunsrdquoSadafusamightbeclaimingthattheBunpōCompromiseandthepracticeofalternatingruleisoroughttobeathingofthepastWhilesuchamessagewouldbecongenialtoGo-DaigorsquosambitionsitseemsoutofstepwiththeconservativetackSadafusatakes
55
MoreovertheDaoistswarnagainstthreesuccessivegenerationsholdingthe
positionofgeneral93TheKantōhascommandedthemilitarymightoftherealmfor
sevenoreightgenerationsalreadybutjustasitwaxesmustitnotalsowaneMakeno
useofarmsnowandinsteadwaitpatientlyfortheopportunemomentThisaboveall
istheessentialpointIwishtoconvey
一仙洞聖運武家權威可有其期事 光仁馭俗之後 皇胤既一統平城嵯峨淳和皆三人雖履皇位天下歸于仁明之余裔 天曆皇胤冷泉円融各兩三代遞雖有揖譲之義天下歸円融自尒以降或舅姨或兄弟之皇統時時雖出始終遂入于一家是本朝之故實而已寛元之聖統以亀山院為正統之条天下知之而後深草院不慮雖及三四代始終定歸當代之皇胤歟蓋天無二日地無二主之故也兼又三世之將道家所肆也關東天下兵馬元帥之權既七八代定有日月盈蝕之期歟不用兵革暫俟時運是大義而已
Theprecedingarticlesareclearenoughingeneraltermsthoughtherearesurely
omissions(漏脱)andambiguities(依違)Theseviews(意見)werewrittenand
everywhereelseHenceadifferentreadingalsobasedontheassumptionthattheclause後深草院不慮雖及三四代expressesahistoricalfactmightunderstandSadafusarsquosmessagetobethatrulehasrightfullyreturnedtothelegitimatelineandnowitistheheadofthatlinenotGo-FukakusarsquoswhoreignsunchallengedatthecenterofthepoliticalcosmosldquoyoursquorealreadyinchargeYourMajestydonrsquotgolookingforawaryoudonrsquotneedrdquo93三世之將道家所肆SatoandKasamatsusuggestthisderivesfromapassageinHouHanshuthatisidenticalinmeaning三世為將到家所忌ThenotionitselfisrelatedinmanyclassicalChinesesourcesthebiographyofWangJian王翦inShijiascribesthetaboototheaccumulatedldquoinauspiciousnessrdquo(不祥)thatresultsfrommultiplegenerationsbeinginvolvedinkillingldquohellipSomeonesaidlsquoWangLi(WangJianrsquosgrandson)isafamousgeneralofQinLeadingtroopsofmightyQintoattackthenewlycreatedZhaoheiscertaintotakethemrsquoAstrangersaidlsquoNotsoThosewhoserveasgeneralsforthethirdgenerationarecertaintogodownindefeatWhyaretheycertaintogodownBecausetheykilledandattackedmanyandtheirdescendantswillsuffertheevilfortunethatcomesfromthisrsquohellip或曰「王離秦之名將也今將彊秦之兵攻新造之趙舉之必矣」客曰「不然夫為將三世者必敗必敗者何也必其所殺伐多矣其後受其不祥今王離已三世將矣」(Shiji7313TranslationgiveninTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1p50)
56
submittedlastyearonthetwenty-firstdayofthesixthmonthThatdocumentwaskept
insidethepalaceIhaveheardarumortotheeffectthattheretiredsovereigntookit
forhimselfSurelyitwillsurfaceagainsomedayWhileitiscertainthatsomesentences
havebeenaddedandotherssubtractedandthatthingssaidinthebeginning(ofthe
firstdocument)mightnowbeattheend(ofthisone)thereisnodiscrepancy(between
thetwopieces)asconcernstheirbasicthrustHavingwrittenallthisdowncarelesslyin
travelerrsquoslodgingsIamchagrinedatwhatothersmightthink94
以前條々大概取意定有漏脱依違歟此意見去年六月廿一日狀也件狀者在禁中御調度之內仙洞被取置之由風聞定有出現之期歟文章增減首尾錯亂雖為勿論粗肝要旨趣者更不可有相違者也旅宿楚忽馳筆之間外見旁有憚矣
ThelastarticleofSadafusarsquosmemorialconcludeswitharatherlengthy
meditationontherecenthistoryoftheimperiumandtheshogunateThelessonis
bynowafamiliaroneeverythingthatwaxesmustalsowaneandpatienceis
everywherepreferabletoimpulsivenessWherepreviousarticlesappealedto
moralitythisoneappealstotwopolitico-cosmologicalideasinanefforttostayGo-
DaigorsquoshandThefirstisthatJapaneseimperialruledespiteoccasionaldeviations
alwaysreturnstothesolerightfullinendashsuchisthedefiningfeatureoftheJapanese
imperiumSadafusaexhibitsnoneoftheskepticismthatsomeothercontemporary
94ThisadmissionbySadafusathatthepresenttextisinfactacopyapparentlyfrommemoryofanearlierdocumentthathenolongerpossessesmightbeseentocompromiseitshistoricalveracityThecounterpointtothisconcernisthatifthisdocumentreallywassignificantlydifferentthananoriginalwhichwasstillextantandpossiblyinthepossessionoftheretiredsovereignthentherewouldbenopointinassertingasimilitudethatcouldbeeasilydisprovenLikewiseifSadafusaisdissemblingandhadforsomereasondestroyedtheoriginalorknewofitsdestructiontherewouldbenopointinevenbroachingitsexistenceitwouldbeeasiertosimplypassthisoneofftoposterityastheauthenticoriginal
57
thinkersmostnotablyEmperorHanazonohadexpressedconcerningtheperpetual
continuityoftheimperialfamilyIfsuchapositionseemsnaiumlveitshouldbe
rememberedthatSadafusarsquosobjectivewasentirelyperlocutionaryhesoughtto
dissuadeGo-Daigofromchallengingtheshogunatemilitarilyandmayhave
emphasizedthevauntedcontinuityoftheJapaneseroyalfamilyinordertoconvince
Go-Daigothathislinethelegitimatelinewouldultimatelywinoutregardless
makingbloodshedinthepresententirelyunnecessaryThesecondmajorconceptis
thatmilitarypoweritselfisinherentlypollutingSadafusacitestheldquoDaoistrdquobelief
thatwhentherankofgeneral(將)isheldbythesamefamilyforthreeormore
generationstheresultismisfortuneanddefeatafactthatsuggeststheKantois
overdueforafallTheoverallargumentseemstobethatimperialpowerwillonce
againriseandwarriorpowerwillinevitablyrecedeTotheextentthatsuch
processeseventhosewithanalmostldquokarmicrdquoinevitabilityareshapedbyhuman
decisionmakingSadafusaissurelywellawarethatarmedconflictmightplaya
pivotalroleinbringingaboutpoliticalchangeButheisalsoadamantthroughout
thatunderpresentcircumstanceswarwiththeshogunatewouldbeadisasterfor
boththecourtandthepopulaceatlargeandthuscounselsGo-Daigotowaituntil
conditionsaremorefavorable
IntheendGo-Daigowouldnotbedeniedandinearly1331Sadafusa
steadfastinhisownconvictionswouldbetraytheemperorrsquosplottotheshogunate
ItispossiblethatSadafusahaddecidedthatloyaltytothesystemndashincludingeven
theshogunatendashmustoutweighpersonalloyaltytotheemperoralternativelyhe
maysimplyhavewantednopartofwhathefeltwasarashanddestructivecauseIn
58
oneofthemorestrikingturnaboutsinthehistoryofJapanesecourtpoliticsa
victoriousGo-DaigowouldnotonlyforgiveSadafusabutin1333wouldreinstate
himasamajorfigureinhisnewregime95Nosubsequentwritingsattesttowhat
Sadafusathenalmost60thoughtawaitedtherealmunderGo-Daigorsquosuncontested
ruleYetamongthoseclosetotheemperortheprevailingmoodin1333seemsto
havebeenoneofconfidenceandtheinitialstepsGo-Daigotooktowards
consolidatinghispowerweremarkedmostlybyconciliationnotretributionTo
Chūgancertainly1333wasayearofpossibilitiesGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionhadfor
themomentsucceededspectacularlyforaConfucianmonarchistlikeChūganand
probablyforSadafusatooanimperialrestorationpromisedopportunitiesforsocial
andinstitutionalreformundreamtofjustadecadebeforeThechallengesinplacing
thenascentpolityonafirmfootingwouldproveimmensehoweverandthings
wouldnotturnoutastherestorationistshadhopedLessthanayearlatera
frustratedChūganwouldholdGo-Daigoresponsibleformismanaginghisown
revolutionHearticulatedhiscriticismsinafictionalizeddialoguemodeledonthose
inMengziitistothisworkwhichisaworldapartfromroyalmemorialsandunlike
anythingknownpreviouslyinJapanesekanshibunthatwenowturn
95SeeGobleKenmup139
59
AppendixEstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood
AlongwithGenminChūgansubmittedtoGo-DaigoacompanionessaytitledGensō
原僧(EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood)Thepieceaddressestheproblems
thatarisewhenboundariesbetweenmonksandlaypersonsbecomeblurredandit
offersadefenseoftheBuddhistpracticeoftonsuringandshavingwhichhadlong
beentheobjectofcriticismbycertainorthodoxConfucianswhovieweditasa
desecrationofthenaturalbodyItalsotakesuptheoldissueofmembersofthefour
traditionalclassesabandoningtheirvocationsforthepriesthoodamatterof
concerntobothecclesiasticalauthoritiesandgovernmentpolicymakers
EstablishingtheFundamentsofMonkhood96
Istheconceptofshukke(出家)simplysynonymouswiththecuttingofones
hairNoofcoursenotShukkeinvolvesleavingbehindonesabodeinthisdefiled
worldrenouncingworldlysentimentsandembracingthe(Buddhist)WayThe
Confucians(儒)saythatonemustneverdareinjureanypartofthebodydotheynot97
YetBuddhistteachingstipulatesthatonemustbetonsuredandshavenistherereally
nogoodreasonforthisIfweimagineasituationwhereamonkrsquosouterappearance
werethesameasthatofthelaitythenordinarypeoplewouldbeunabletodistinguish
themonksandpaythemtheappropriaterespectFortheirpartmonkswholookedno
96TextinGozanbungakushinshūpp394-5Gozanbungakuzenshūvol2pp105-697Deliberatelyharmingthebodycouldbeconstruedasaviolationofonersquosfilialobligationssincethebodywasagiftfromonersquosparentstakentotheextremethisviewwasthebasisforproscriptionsagainstshavingandcuttingthehair
60
differentfromthelaitywouldbeabletoconcealthemselvesamongthegeneral
populationandactwithoutshameinwayscontrarytotheirvowsHenceweBuddhists
moveabouttheworldtonsuredandshavenWhenordinarypeopleseeamonkwith
thatestimablyroundhead(圓顱之士)theyareinspiredwithasenseofrespectand
themonkthankstohisdifferentappearancecannotconcealhimselfinthecrowdand
hethereforedaresnotactinwayscontrarytohisvowsWhenmonksdonotactagainst
theirvowsthewayofBuddhismflourishesandwhenordinarypeopleharborfeelings
ofrespectforthemonkstheirownfortunesbrighten
TheteachingsoftheBuddha(釋氏之教)mostdefinitelypossessarationale(由)
Yettodaytherearethosewhotakereligiousorders(出家)butdonotfullybase
themselvesinthisrationaletheysimplychopofftheirhairandcallthemselvesmonks
Thefourclassesofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantshaveallseensomeoftheir
numbercastasidetheirrightfuloccupationsandlackinganyunderstandingofwhyone
becomesamonkmakevacuousclaimstohavetakenordersSuchunscrupuloushead-
shaverscanbefoundineveryhouseholdTheseimpostorsarenotonlymiscreantsin
theeyesoftheConfucians98theyareawickedlotdoingnefariousharmtotheBuddhist
LawaswellTheresultofthistrendistheinabilitytodistinguishmonksfromlaypersons
andmoreoverthediminutionofofficialsfarmersartisansandmerchantsanda
correspondingincreaseinthenumberofidlepersonswhichissurelydamagingtothe
state(國家)
出家也者斷髮云乎哉出離俗塵之家疎于世情親于道情之稱也儒不云乎身體髮膚不敢毀傷然則佛之教剃髪除鬚其無由乎 曰若使爾形質同彼在俗之人則俗不知所以擇而敬之僧亦以爾形質不與俗異故藏身於俗中以行非法之事而無所羞也是以吾佛教剃除鬚髮表而出之是故俗見彼圓顱之士殊生恭敬之心僧以爾形質異諸人而不可藏身故不敢行非法之事僧不行非法之事則其道愈隆焉俗生恭敬之心則其福愈昌焉釋氏之教固有由也今稱出家者不本其由而止斷髮而已士農工賈之民皆廢其業不知所以為僧偷空名於出家縱意斷髮者戸有諸非唯為儒者罪人而已抑又為弊佛法之魔族也僧亦斷髮俗亦斷髮何異之有 且夫士農工賈之民漸少而徒爾不用之人愈多亦為國家之害矣
98Presumablybecausetheyabandontheirpropersocialroles
61
UnlikeGenminGensōmakesnoexplicitpolicyrecommendationsbutsimplypoints
outaproblemAlthoughtheConfucianopponentsoftonsuringcomeoffas
shortsightedChūganrsquosharshestcriticismisnotdirectedatthembutatthe
opportunistswhotrytojointhepriesthoodsimplybyshavingtheirheadsand
proclaimingthemselvesmonksItisacritiquecouchedintermsthatareultimately
quiteConfucianthetonsureisdefendedbyreferencetoitspositiveeffectsuponthe
moralityofmonksanditsabilitytoengenderaldquosenseofreverencerdquo(恭敬之心)
amongthepopulaceinturnthephenomenonoffaithlesspersonsnominallyjoining
theclergyiscriticizedbyreferencetoitseconomiccoststothecountryasawhole
Chūganishowevercarefulnottoimpugnthevalueofpriestsorthepriesthoodas
suchandhislanguagealwaysmakesclearthattheobjectsofhiscriticismarethose
wholdquofailtobasethemselvesintherationalerdquo(不本其由)forshavingtheheadthose
wholdquodonotunderstandwhyonebecomesamonkrdquo(不知所以為僧)andthosewho
ldquounscrupulouslychopofftheirhairrdquo(縱意斷髮)Inotherwordsampleroomisleft
forpersonsofsincerereligiousinclinationtoenterthepriesthoodlegitimately
62
Chapter Two Figuring Moral Kingship Constant Norms and Expedient Policies in Chūganrsquos Chūseishi
ChūganrsquosmemorialalongwiththeessaysGenminandGensōwerecomposed
inlate1333followingthedestructionoftheKamakurashogunateandthe
triumphalreturnofGo-DaigotoKyotoAtthispointtheinstitutionaloutlinesofGo-
Daigorsquosnewregimehadyettobefullyarticulatedandmanagingthemultiplicityof
conflictinginterestsandoverlappingclaimswasalreadyprovingdifficult
particularlyasconcernedthedispositionoflandrights99Chūganrsquosforegroundingof
theconceptoftsūhen通變(Ctongbian)ldquoskillfuladaptiontotheexigenciesofthe
momentrdquocouldnothavebeenmoreappositeForhispartGo-Daigoseemstohave
embodiedtheprinciplewellremainingflexibleandwillingtocompromisewhen
particularpolicieswerenotworkingasexpectedThoughChūganwasnotoneof
Go-DaigorsquosclosestadvisorshispresenceattheprominentKyototempleNanzenji
affordedhimaclose-upviewofthingsasthenascentordertookshapeHoweverin
Januaryof1334ŌtomoSadamuneChūganrsquosprincipalpatrondiedunexpectedly
ChūganleftKyotoalmostimmediatelyandtookupresidenceatEngakujiin
KamakuraHerehewouldwritewhatistodayhisbestknownworkTheMasterof
99SeeGobleKenmupp145-172andpassim
63
BalanceandRectitude(Chūseishi中正子)aneclectictreatisecomprisedoften
chaptersthatcovertopicsrangingfromConfucianethicstohorologyandBuddhist
doctrineOfparticularinteresttothepresentdiscussionisthesecondchapter
ldquoKeikenrdquo經權orldquoTheConstantandtheExpedientrdquoThechapterbeginswiththe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeadramatizationofChūganhimselftravelingtothe
fictionalldquoLandofMobrdquo(Ukanokuni烏何之國)andinstructingitsbenightedruler
EnduringMulberry(Hōsōshi包桑氏)ontheimportanceofdistinguishingbetween
establishednormsofmorality(JkeiCjing經)andexpedientpoliciesorstratagems
(JkenCquan權)100Theepisodeismeantasasimpleallegoryforthesituationat
Go-DaigorsquoscourtasChūganperceiveditwithEnduringMulberryrepresentingGo-
DaigoonthewholetheldquoKeikenrdquochapterismoretheoreticalthanGenminGensōor
thememorialandunlikethosetextsitmakesgreateruseofallusionandlessof
directcitationItalsoprovidesthefirstinklingthatChūganwasnolongersanguine
abouttheprospectsforGo-Daigorsquosregime
TheConstantandtheExpedient101
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudewenttotheLandofMobItsruler
EnduringMulberrywelcomedhimandinquiredthuslyldquoDisturbancesoftherealmcan
onlybestoppedbyforceofarmsHenceIhavebeenfondofarmssinceIwasyoung
100ThenameldquoLandofMobrdquowasintendedbyChūganasapunontheChinesetermwuhe烏合whichhasthesamepronunciationas烏何itdenotesliterallyamurderofcrowsandisusedmetaphoricallytodescribeanunrulymoborrabbleThenameEnduringMulberryderivesfromYijingandwillbeanalyzedbelow 101ThetranslationisbasedonIriyaYoshitakarsquosannotatededitionofChūseishiinIchikawaHakugenetaledsChūseiZenkenoshisō(TokyoIwanamishoten1972)pp123-70
64
andthepeopleofmycountryarefondofthemtooBysevenyearsofagemypeople
areabletowieldswordsandbyagetenthankstothisskilltheycanbesentintobattle
WhenitcomestomilitarymattersIcansaysimplythatIhavepouredmywholeheart
intothem102Andyetourbanditsandrobbershavenotyetbeenchasedawayandin
everycornerarmscannotbelaiddownWhyisthissordquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectituderespondedsayingldquoDoesYourMajesty
knowaboutthewayoftheconstantandthewayoftheexpedientThekingreplied
ldquoNoIdonotbutIwouldliketohearwhatyouhavetosayrdquoTheMasterofBalanceand
RectitudethenrespondedasfollowsldquoThewayoftheconstantandtheexpedient(經權之道)isthekeytogoverningacountryTheconstant(經)referstothatwhichis
enduring(常)itiswhatcannotbealteredTheexpedientisnotfixedanditcannotlast
forlongThewayoftheconstantmustnotbeheldjealouslybutmustbemade
manifesttoallthepeopleoftherealmBytheexpedientismeantthatwhichruns
countertotheconstantbutinsodoingcompletestheWaySomethingthat
contravenestheconstantbutdoesnotcompletetheWaycannotbetheexpedient
Theconstantiscivilvirtue(文德)theexpedientismilitarystratagems(武略)
Theinceptionofmilitarystratagemswasnottheultimateintent(意)ofthesagesthe
sagesonlyputthemintoeffectbecausetheycouldnotbutdootherwiseSomething
thatisputintoeffectbutneverdiscontinuedcannotbethewayofmilitary
stratagems103If(militarystratagems)areputintoeffectandthendiscontinuedthe
orderrevertsbacktothatofcivilvirtueThisispreciselythemeritoftheexpedient
Whenthewayofcivilvirtueandconstantnorms(經常)isspreadwidelythroughoutthe
realmandmeasuressuchasmilitarystratagemsandotherexpedienciesarenot
undertakenthentheorderofYaoandShunwillobtainautomaticallyIwilltryto
explainthisfurtherIbeseechYourHighnesstolistencarefullyrdquo
102ThissentencedirectlyparallelsKingHuirsquoscommenttoMengzithatwithrespectto(thegovernanceof)hiscountryhehasldquopouredhiswholeheartintoitrdquo梁惠王曰寡人之於國也盡心焉耳矣(Mengzi1A31)103Inotherwordslegitimateldquomilitarystratagemsrdquo武略areemployedwhennecessarybutdiscontinuedthereafter
65
ThekingrepliedldquoYouhavemyfullattentionrdquo
TheMasterofBalanceandRectitudecontinuedldquoBroadlyspeakinghuman
beingsarebornintothisworldfundamentallydifferentfromthebirdsandbeaststhey
havenottalonsandteethwithwhichtocatchthethingstheywantnorhavethey
feathersandfurwithwhichtowardoffthecoldOfnecessitytheymustrelyonother
thingstonourishtheirlifeTheyformcommunitiesandpursuetheirlivelihoodsbut
whentheirpursuitscannotbesatisfiedamindsetofcompetitivestrifewillbegintoset
inThesagesofoldintheirloftyperspicacityactedbymeansofthecivilvirtuesof
humaneness(仁)love(愛)propriety(禮)anddeference(譲)Themassesresponded
tothemweretransformedandsubmittedtotheminsubmittingtothemthemasses
flockedtogether(群)andcalledthemlsquorulersrsquo(君)Therulerstooktheaforementioned
civilvirtuesandappliedthemuniversallytothewholeoftherealmthepeopleofthe
realmgravitated(往)tothemandcalledtheserulerslsquokingsrsquo(王)Thekingswerethose
whodevotedthemselvestothecultivationofcivilvirtueandeffulgentlytransformed
(旺化)thecommonpeople104
HencethatwhichisenduringandunalterableisthewayoftheconstantIfthe
kingsweretofallintolaxityandlosewhatisenduringthenthepeoplewouldalso
becomelaxandceaseholdingtowhatisrightIfthedegreeoftheirlaxityweresmall
theywouldbepunishedwithwhipsandcanesiflargetheywouldbebroughttoheel
104InthesesentencesChūgansuggestsetymologicalconnectionsbetweenwordsbasedonhomophoniesldquorulerrdquo君(CjunJkun)isimpliedtobecognatewithldquoflockrdquo群(qungun)andldquokingrdquo王(wangō)isimpliedtobecognatewithbothldquotogotowardsrdquo往(wangō)andldquoradiantrdquo旺(wangō)Theetymologicalassociationofldquorulerrdquo君withldquoflockrdquo群occursinBaihutong白虎通(ComprehensiveDiscussionsintheWhiteTigerHallc97AD)andtheseminalsecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字glossesldquokingrdquo王asldquohetowhomtherealmreturnsrdquo(王天下所歸往也)Theadditionalassociationof王with旺doesnotseemtobetraditionalandmaysimplybeadisplayofverbaldexteritybyChūgan旺isnotonlyhomophonouswith王butalsosynonymous(andhomophonous)withthecomparativelyrarecharacter暀(wangō)whosegraphicstructureobviouslyresembles往
66
bypunitivemilitaryaction105Thisisthewayofexpedientmeasures(權謀之道)Hence
itisdesirablethatthewayoftheconstantbeelevatedandthewayoftheexpedientbe
heldinabeyanceThewaythatoughttobeelevatedis(whatis)implementedduring
timesofpoliticalstabilitythewaythatoughttobeheldinabeyanceis(whatis)putinto
effectduringtimesofdisorder
NowthepoliticalorderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainandasaresult
thewayoftheexpedientcannotalwaysbeheldinabeyanceThusitisthat
punishmentsmaycometobecarriedoutandforceofarmsmayrisetothefore
Disorderissuppressedbyforceofarmsinordertocompletethewayofconstantnorms
assuchmilitarypowerismaintainedinorderthatitinspireaweandtrepidationBut
displayingittotherealmovertlyisunacceptableInthewordsofMasterZuoldquoIf
(militarypower)isdisplayedovertlyitwillbeusedirresponsiblyandifitisused
irresponsiblyitwillloseitsawesomenessrdquo106NowYourMajestyfailstopracticethe
wayofculture(文道)andblithelydispatchestroopsoutamongstthepeopleofyour
countryndashpeoplewhofortheirpartfeelnoparticularsenseofaweandtrepidation
Thisisthereasonthebanditsandrobbershavenotbeenchasedawayandwhythefour
cornersremainunsettledAndifthingsremainlikethisyouwilllosenotonlytheway
oftheconstantbutthewayoftheexpedientaswell
Losingthewayoftheexpedientyouspeakofhavingldquopouredyourwholeheart
intomilitarymattersrdquoWithduehumilityImustconfessthatItrulypityyourmajesty
Ingeneralifonewishestoseethewayofconstantnormsputintoeffectthroughout
thewholerealmoneoughtnotbesecretiveaboutitifonedoesnotwishtosee
expedientmeasuresexercisedovertlyonecannotbutbesecretiveaboutthem
Nowadaysthosewhocultivatethecivilvirtuesarefewandthosewhotalkabout
militarymattersaremanyTheonestalkingaboutmilitarymattersmeetwithsuccessin105大則甲兵之威征之Theideaseemstobethatiflaxityorresistancetogovernmentcontrolwerewidespreadthroughoutanentirecommunitysoldierswouldbedispatchedtoforcethepopulationbackintocompliance106左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威IhavenotbeenabletolocatethisquoteinZuozhuanorinanyothertextbutitsbasicthrustisidenticaltothequotefromGuoyuthatappearedinGenmin
67
theworldwhiletheonescultivatingcivilvirtuesfindthemselvesinstraightenedestate
Ifhighrankingcourtiersstateofficialsandcommonfolksuchasfarmersandmerchants
allengageinmartialpursuitsnonewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallfor
themselves(不奪不厭)andthecountrywillbeimperiled107 Touseanexamplesupposewehaveahouseholdinwhichallthechildrenand
servantsarethoroughlyinstructedintheconstantvirtuesofbenevolenceand
righteousnessShouldoneofthechildrenorservantsactdisobedientlythetaskof
censuringthemormetingoutcorporalpunishmentmaybedelegatedtoastewardof
theeldestsonthiswillinstillaweandtrepidationinthemandreflectsthewayof
expedientstrategiesButifthechildrenandservantsallwieldwhipsandcanes
themselvesandresistcensureorpunishmentwhatsenseofaweandtrepidationwould
theyhaveInthissituationtothink(happily)tooneselfldquomyhouseisaccomplishedin
martialpursuitsrdquowouldbeapathtocompletedisorderYourMajestyitwouldbemost
fittingifyouweretotakethisillustrationofgoverningahouseholdextrapolatefromit
andunderstanditsrelevancetoindividualprovincesandindeedtotheentirerealmrdquo
ThekingwasgreatlypleasedandofferedlavishgiftsTheMasterofBalanceand
Rectitudewouldnotacceptthemandtookhisleave
中正子適烏何之國其君包桑氏為迎而問曰夫天下之動非武不止是以寡人自幼好武國中之民亦好武民生而七歳能舞劍十歳者可以出征是寡人之於武可言盡心焉耳矣然國之盜賊未去四邊甲兵未休何如 對曰大王且知夫經權之道乎 王曰未也願聞其説對曰經權之道治國之大端也經常也不可變者也權者非常也不可長者也經之道不可秘吝也示諸天下之民可也權也者反經而合其道者也反而不合則非權也
經者文德也權者武略也武略之設非聖人意聖人不獲已而作焉作而不止非武略之道也作而止則歸文德是則權之功也文德經常之道誕敷天下而武略權謀之備不行於國則堯舜之治可以坐致吾嘗論之大王請聽之王曰寡人之望也
107ThislineriffsonceagainonthefamousopeningchapterofMengziwhichrecordsMengzirsquoscounseltoKingHuiofLiangMengziopinesthatifthekingprizesprofitoradvantage(利)overrighteousness(義)hispeoplewilldothesameandldquononewillbesatisfieduntiltheyhavewonallforthemselvesrdquoSeeMengzi1A1
68
凡人生天地之間實與禽獸相異無爪牙以供嗜好無羽毛以禦寒暑必假它物以養其生於是聚而有求求之不足爭心將作古之聖人卓然而行以仁愛禮讓之文德眾心感之化而附之附而成群謂之君君以斯文德普施天下天下之人歸而往之謂之王王者專修文德旺化諸人者也是以為常而不可變者經之道也王者之心苟怠而失常則民心亦怠而不守常繇是小則鞭扑之刑行之大則甲兵之威征之是則權謀之道也是故經之道欲舉權之道欲措可舉之道治世而施可措之道亂世而為夫堯舜之治不能常有所以權之道不能措之由是刑罰行焉甲兵興焉然而戡定禍亂以合經常之道故甲兵之具以有威懲也然而示諸天下則不可也左氏之語曰示則翫々則無威是也
今王不修文道而翫兵於國中之民々無以威懲之心故盜賊不去四邊不安宜也如是則不惟無經之道而已兼失權之道也權之道失之而謂於武盡心焉耳矣月也竊為大王惜之凡經常之道欲普行之天下不可秘也權謀之事不欲普示諸天下不可不秘今則修文者寡講武者眾講武者達修文者窮卿大夫士庶民農工賈客皆為武者不奪不厭而國危矣假令有一家者以仁義之經普教諸兒及臧獲其兒若臧獲或有悖者委其長子可用者叱之鞭之而威懲之則權謀之道也若其諸兒及臧獲咸手鞭而叱則抗鞭何威懲之有 而自以為吾家能武則大亂之道也大王以治家之喩推而知之於國且天下則可也大王喜厚幣遣之中正子不受而去
IntermsofcontenttheldquoKeikenrdquochaptercoversfamiliargroundChūgan
defendstheuseofforcewhencircumstancesrequireitbutemphasizesthesocially
corrosiveeffectsofexcessivemilitarizationItdepartsfrombothGenminandthe
memorialhoweverinitsexplicitinvocationofthebun-bu文武(Cwen-wu)binary
whichisitselfpositedasaspecialcaseofthemoregeneralkei-ken經權(jing-quan)
relationItalsodiffersinfromthosetextsinmoreadamantlyemphasizingthe
subordinationofthemartialtothecivilTheadjustmentmayseemaminoronebut
itisthefirstofseveralindicationsinChūseishithatby1334Chūganhadmisgivings
aboutthedirectionGo-DaigorsquosrevolutionwastakingTheviewespousedinldquoKeikenrdquo
thatthemartialaspectofkingshipshouldnotbeopenlydisplayedmighteasilybe
readasanargumentdirectedagainstanynumberofactionstakenbyGo-Daigonot
leastofwhichwashisdecisiontostylehisseventhregnaleraldquoKenmurdquo建武or
69
ldquoBuildingtheMilitaryrdquoWhilethecharactermu武hadappearedoccasionallyinthe
posthumousimperialtitles(shigō諡号tsuigō追号)ofJapaneserulersitsusebya
reigningJapanesesovereignindesignatinganewregnalerawasunprecedented108
NotcoincidentallyldquoKenmurdquo(CJianwu)wasalsothenameforthefirstregnaleraof
EmperorGuangwu光武thefirstsovereignoftheLaterHandynastyAsAndrew
GoblehasobservedGo-Daigowouldcertainlyhavefoundtheparallelswithhisown
situationcompellingthefoundingoftheLaterHanbymembersoftheFormerHan
rulinghouseconstitutedtheonlyexampleinChinesehistoryofthereacquisitionof
nationalhegemonybyadynastythathadbeenpreviouslyoverthrown109InJapan
whilethenominalsupremacyoftheimperialfamilyhadremainedunquestioned
theroughly100yearsbetweentheJōkyūWarof1221andGo-Daigorsquosrevolution
mightwellbecastasaninterregnumofsortsalbeitonecharacterizednotbythe
destructionoftheimperialinstitutionassuchbutbyitsincreasingsubordinationto
anautonomousmilitarygovernment110Go-Daigowouldrescuethethronefrom
thispredicamentandhewoulddosonotbyananachronisticturntoanidealized
imperialpastinwhichanidentifiableldquowarriorclassrdquoplayednoessentialpartbutby
embracingwarriorsandactivelyintegratingthemintohisnewnationalpolity111
TothisextentitmightbearguedthatwhileGo-Daigoisoftencast
(inaccurately)asabackward-lookingquixoticsovereignunawarethatthetideof
108WhilemostposthumoustitleswereselectedretrospectivelyGo-Daigotruetohispersonalityexplicitlyrequestedhisappellationinhisroyalwill(go-ishō御遺詔)109GobleKenmup176110TheJōkyūWarwasabriefinternecinedisturbanceprecipitatedbytherebellionoftheretiredemperorGo-Toba後鳥羽(r1183-98)againsttheKamakuraregime111GobleKenmupp264-70andpassim
70
historyfavoredwarriorhegemonyhewasprobablymoreatpeacewitharmedmen
andtheirintereststhanChūganwasYetcareisinorderwheninterpretingthe
positionsChūganespousesregardingwarriorsandmilitaryaffairsHispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewasasupporterofGo-Daigoandapowerfulwarriorleader
holdingthepostofshugo(militaryconstable)forthesouthernprovinceofBungo
HewasalsoamongthefewmenofhisstationtoformallytakeZenpreceptsdoing
soundertheChineseeacutemigreacutemonkQingchuoZhengcheng清拙正澄1274-1339and
hissonUjiyasu氏泰(1321-62)eventuallybecameaZenmonk112Manywarrior
familiesoftenattheurgingoftheHōjō北条thepreeminentwarriorhouseinthe
realmthroughoutmostoftheKamakuraperiodcameinvaryingdegreesto
patronizeZenTypicallytheysupportedthenewfaithbyfinancingtemple
constructionfundingthetravelsofJapanesemonksandhostingmonksfromChina
ItisthusdifficulttobelievethatChūganrsquosconcernsovertheroleofmilitarymenor
martialsymbolisminGo-Daigorsquosregimewasmotivatedbyanyspecialprejudice
againstwarriorsassuchNorisitlikelythatChūganwassimplyquixoticinhisown
rightofferingadvicegroundedinthehopelesspremisethatthenewpolitycould
ignoreoutrighttheinterestsofinnumerableindividualsandfamiliesconnectedin
somewaytosourcesofwarriorpowerwhetherthroughappointmentstojitō
(estatesteward)orshugopostsorbyhavingbeengokenin(retainers)ofthe
recentlyvanquishedKamakurashogunateInsteadtheldquoKeikenrdquochapteris
probablybestunderstoodasanattempttoofferaconceptuallycompelling
112MartinCollcuttFiveMountainsTheRinzaiZenMonasticInstitutioninMedievalJapan(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1981)p82
71
argumentforalessmilitarizedsociopoliticalordertoasovereignwhoserecent
successeshaveunderscoredtohimtheextraordinarypoliticalusefulnessof
preciselythoseindividualsandfamilies
ThefactthatldquoKeikenrdquoismoreinsistentthanGenminconveyingasenseof
crisiswithoutthecountervailingoptimismregardingroyalleadershipclearlyseems
toreflectalossoffaithinGo-Daigorsquosenterprise113Yetotherthanthechoiceof
Kenmuforthenameoftheregimersquosinauguralerandashtobesureaseriousmatterndashit
isdifficulttoidentifyspecificpoliciesundertakenbyGo-DaigobetweenDecemberof
1333andthespringof1334thatseemlikelytohavegivenChūganadrasticchange
ofheart114OnepossibilityisthatwiththedeathofSadamunewhohadbeena
supporterofGo-DaigoChūganwassimplymoreabletoexpresscriticismsthathe
hadwithheldearlieroutofconcernforSadamunersquosinterests(andbyextensionhis
own)Genericconventionstoomightbeadducedtoexplainatleastsomeofthe
differenceintonebetweenldquoKeikenrdquoandGenminwhileldquoKeikenrdquowasclearlywritten
withGo-Daigoinminditwasnotdeliveredtohiminthemannerofaformal
memorialChūganwasthusfreertoexercisehisownstylisticdiscretionchoosing
WangTongrsquosWenzhongziashisoverarchingtemplateforChūseishiandpatterning
thehypotheticalremonstrationwithEnduringMulberryintheldquoKeikenrdquochapter
directlyafterMengzirsquoswiseyetpointedcounseltoKingHuiofLiang
113SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100114RegnaleraswerechangedfrequentlyinpremodernJapantheirbinomialdesignationswerecarefullychosenforspecificpurposesbyaselectcadreofcourtscholarstypicallyonthebasisofportentologicalinvestigationsintonaturalorsocietalphenomenaBetween930and1336therewere36emperorsand124regnalerasmeaningmostemperorspresidedoverthreetofourGo-Daigorsquosreigncomprisedeight
72
InsofarasthefictionalEnduringMulberrycomesoffaswoefullymisguided
oratleastassomeonewhodoesnotappeartohaveldquoinheritedtheperspicacityof
KingWenofZhourdquothechapterseeminglydoesnofavorstoGo-Daigorsquosimage
Chūganrsquosuseofthefamily(家)asamicrocosmoflargersociopoliticalconstructs
suchastheprovince(國)orthewholeoftherealm(天下)wasentirelytraditional
butasacriticismoftheKenmupolityitcarriedparticularforceMultipleofGo-
DaigorsquossonswerepersonallyinvolvedinwarfareandthreeofthemMoriyoshi
TakayoshiandthecrownprinceTsuneyoshiwouldallmeetviolentendsoverthe
1330sastheKenmuregimefellapart115Itwashighlyunusualformembersofthe
imperialfamilytoreceivesubstantialmilitarytraininganddownrightshockingthat
theyshouldindefeatbekilledbytheiropponentsasopposedtosimplybeing
apprehendedandexiled116ItisdifficulttoknowwhetherChūganintended
specificallytocriticizethewayGo-Daigowasleadingtheroyalfamilybuttherecan
belittledoubtthathetookexceptiontowhatheperceivedastheemperorrsquos
fondnessforallthingsmartialNonethelessthechapterasawholedoesstilloffer
hopeforthefutureanditultimatelypositionsEnduringMulberryandhenceGo-
Daigoinamorepositivelightthanmightbeapparentatfirstglance
ThisismostevidentinthenameldquoEnduringMulberryrdquo(Hōsō包桑)itself
whichisadeftreferencetoYijingandnotatallunflatteringThetermhōsō(C
baosang)appearsinthetwelfthchapterldquoPirdquo否orldquoStandstillrdquowhereitdenotes
rapidlygrowingmulberryshootsTherelevantpassagereadsasfollows
115GobleKenmupp269-70116Ibid
73
NineinthefifthplacemeansStandstillisgivingwayGoodfortuneforthe
greatmanldquoWhatifitshouldfailwhatifitshouldfailrdquoInthiswayhetiesittoaclusterofmulberryshoots117
九五休否大人吉其亡其亡繋于苞桑
TheCommentaryontheAppendedPhrases(Xicizhuan繋辭傳)expatiatesonthe
enigmaticpassagethusly
TheMastersaysldquoDangerariseswhenamanfeelssecureinhispositionDestructionthreatenswhenamanseekstopreservehisworldlyestateConfusiondevelopswhenamanhasputeverythinginorderThereforethesuperiormandoesnotforgetdangerinhissecuritynorruinwhenheiswellestablishednorconfusionwhenhisaffairsareinorderInthiswayhegainspersonalsafetyandisabletoprotecttheempirerdquo118TherelevanceoftheforegoingtoGo-Daigorsquospositioniscleartheemperorisina
positionofstrengthbutmuststillnegotiatehisfortuitouscircumstanceswithskill
lesthelosewhathehasgainedThereisevidencehereandelsewherethatChūgan
thoughtthenewregimewasrushingaheadwithoutsufficientdiscretionandquite
beyondhisspecificconcernsovertherecrudescenceofwarriorpowerwantedGo-
DaigotobemorecautiousanddeliberateThephraseldquowhatifitshouldfailwhatif
itshouldfailrdquo(其亡其亡)referstotheconcernthattheldquosuperiormanrdquo(君子)has
forthefragilityofhisenterprisewhosecontinuedsuccessiscontingentuponhis
ongoingcareandvigilanceThemulberryshootsfigurevigorandendurancehence
117RichardWilhelmCaryFBaynestransTheIChingorBookofChanges(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1977)p55Thephraseldquonineinthefifthplacerdquoreferstoaparticulararrangementofyarrowstalksresultingfromacomplexdivinatoryprocedureoutlinedonpp721-23118Ibid55
74
thegreatmanrsquosuseofthemtoserveasbothanchorandguide(astheshootsgrow)
forhisendeavorChūganrsquospointseemstobethattheKenmurevolutionneedsa
moralanchorifitistobesuccessfulneedlesstosaythatanchorcannotsimplybe
martialpreeminencewhichisonlyanexpedient(ken)tothereestablishmentofa
well-orderedcivilsocietyInthefifthchapterofChūseishildquoExplicatingRevolutionrdquo
(ldquoKakukairdquo革解)whichtreatsthe49thchapterofYjingldquoGerdquo革orldquoRevolutionrdquoThe
MasterofBalanceandRectitudeopinesthatthepathofreformcannotbetread
recklessly(改革之道不可疾行也)FrustratinglyperhapsChūganoffersno
specificproposalsbeyondthatofdeemphasizingthemartialexpedientand
emphasizingthecivilconstantYetheprobablyfeltthatthisalonewouldbe
sufficienttobringaboutotherpositivechangesFurtherhealsoseemstohavefelt
itinappropriatetoreferencespecificactorsinthecurrentpoliticaldramabyname
neitherhismemorialnorChūseishimakesanyexplicitmentioncriticalorotherwise
ofthemajorpowerplayersintheKenmupolitysavethesovereignhimself119
AltogetherldquoKeikenrdquodoesnotrepresentawholesalerejectionofanyofthe
basicpointsadvancedinGenminthoughitdoesgomuchfurtherthanthatpiece
doesinimplicatingnotjustmilitarismintheabstractbuttherulerhimselfinthe
119InadditiontoriskingoffensegreaterspecificitymaynothavebeenthoughtnecessarysinceChūseishiwasprobablywrittenlessforposteritythanforGo-DaigoandarelativelysmallaudienceofcontemporaryelitesandintellectualsAsimilarsituationisobservableinJinnōshōtōkiwhichdespiteanotherwiselengthyandinformativedescriptionofGo-DaigorsquosreignhaslittleofacriticalorinterpretivenaturetosayaboutitssignaleventsChikafusamakesnoremarkaboutthecontroversialenthronementofEmperorKōgonwhoselegitimacyGo-DaigowouldlaterdenynordoeshecommentonGo-DaigorsquosexiletotheOkiIslandsafterhisinitialplotagainsttheKamakurashogunatewasbroughttolightSeeVarleyAChronicleofGodsandSovereignsp35
75
countryrsquostroublesYetdespitethisanddespitethemildlysatiricalparodicquality
ofEnduringMulberryrsquosboaststhechaptershouldprobablynotbereadasan
insultingportraitofGo-DaigonotonlydoesthenameEnduringMulberrycarry
unambiguouslypositiveconnotationsofgrowthandfortitudebuttheentire
exchangeishighlyreminiscentofthememorableexchangesinMengzibetween
MenciusandKingHuiKingHuimayappearlessthansagaciousintheseepisodes
butwhateverhismisstepshedemonstrateshisintellectualmaturitybysolicitingor
atleasttoleratingMengzirsquosadviceonmattersofstatecraftInthisconnectionit
shouldalsobenotedthatthereislittlereasontobelievethatanyJapanesesovereign
leastofallGo-Daigowouldhavetakenparticularumbrageatthenotionthathisrule
mightbeusefullyunderstoodandcritiquedthroughtheconceptsnomenclature
andsuasivestrategiesoftheChineseintellectualtraditionorthatbeingaldquogoodrdquo
sovereignentailedfaithfulconformitytoasuiteofethicalbeliefsandnormative
behaviorsdrawnprincipallyfromthattraditionItisalsoworthnotingthatMengzi
aworktraditionallyassociatedwiththeviewthatroyallegitimacyiscontingent
uponarevocableldquoMandateofHeavenrdquo(CtianmingJtenmei天命)appearstohave
hadafarmoreextensiveimpactonthemedievalJapaneseintellectuallandscape
thanissometimesassumedMengzifeaturesmorecentrallyinChūseishithanother
MastersrsquoTextssuchasXunziLaoziorZhuangzianditloomslargerthanany
ldquoclassicrdquosavepossiblyYijingMoreoverwhileMengziwasprobablymoreimportant
toChūganrsquosthoughtthantothatofanyotherfigureintheGozanmilieuhewasnot
76
theonlyfourteenth-centuryscholartovaluetheworkhighlyasbothEmperor
HanazonoandYoshidaSadafusadrewfreelyuponitaswell120
AlthoughMengziclearlyinspiredthestyleandstructureoftheldquoKeikenrdquo
chapteritwasprobablynottheprimaryinspirationforthatchapterrsquoscoreconcept
namelythedyadicrelationbetweenestablishedmoralnormsandexpedientpolicies
andtheimportanceofeachtogoodgovernanceTheexplicitjuxtapositionofkei
(jing)andken(quan)isoldoccurringasearlyasthesecondcenturyBCGongyang
commentaryontheSpringandAutumnAnnalswhichinitsdescriptionofthe
politicalfigureJiZhong祭仲(743-682BC)definesquanassomethingthatgoes
againstjingbutindoingsoultimatelyresultsingood121InMengziasimilar
relationispropoundedbrieflywhenMengziopinesthatalthoughritualpropriety
(禮)dictatesthatmenandwomenshouldnottouchoneanotherrsquoshandswhen120SeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp252SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop101TheimportanceofMengzitopre-TokugawaJapanesethoughtseemsuniformlyunderappreciatedSunobservesthatJapanesescholarstendtofocusprimarilyontheunderstandablylargeroleMengziplayedindiscussionsofrulershiplegitimacyandrevolutionbutpaycomparativelylessattentiontotheotherphilosophicalusestowhichtheworkcouldbeputThisisparticularlyunfortunateinChūganrsquoscaseashismostsustainedengagementwithMencianthoughtoccursinthesecondandseventhchaptersofChūseishiwhichconcernnotrevolutionbutthevirtuesofhumanitybenevolenceandrighteousness( )andhumannaturerespectively TothiswemightalsoaddthatinAnglophoneandChinesescholarshiptheproblemcanbequitetheoppositeasitisoftenassumedthatMengzirsquosviewsonlegitimaterulewereinherentlyanathematotheideologyofeternaldivinekingshiptheoreticallyinformingsovereigntyinJapanSeeforinstanceChenShuifengRibenwenmingkaihuashiluumle(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)pp63-64ConradSchirokauerABriefHistoryofChineseandJapaneseCivilizations(SanDiegoHarcourtBraceJovanovich1989)p144InemphasizingthispointbyitselftheauthorsriskimplyingthatMengziwasgenerallyrejectedbyJapaneseintellectualswhichitwasnotandthatJapaneseintellectualswereeverywherebeholdentoaldquonativistrdquoroyalorthodoxywhichtheywerenot121權者何權者反於經然後有善者也(GongyangzhuanldquoHuanGongrdquo桓公 11)
77
exchangingobjectsitwouldbeexpedient(quan)tograbyoursister-in-lawrsquoshandif
sheweredrowning122Herequanissetoppositetoldquoritesrdquoorldquoritualproprietyrdquobut
thebasicideaisthesameanestablishedmoralnormisviolatedbecauseexigent
circumstancesaresuchthatupholdingthenormwoulddomoreharmthangood
Thisconceptionofquanleadsultimatelytothearchetypaljing-quanbinaryofHan
Confucianisminwhichquanisconstruedasanydiscretionaryactionthatldquoin
violatingjingcompletestheWayrdquo(反經合道)123Althoughlaterthinkerssuchas
ChengYi程頤(1033-1107)andZhuXi朱子(1130-1200)woulddevelopthejing-
quandyadinnewdirectionsChūganrsquosusageoftheideainChūseishiaccordsmost
closelywiththatseeninHantextsandbearslittletraceoftheCheng-Zhuthought
withwhichhelikemostotherGozanliteratiwasotherwisequitewell
acquainted124
Itisnoteworthythatcontrarytotheusualrelationshipfoundtoobtain
betweenpre-TokugawaJapanesekanbuntextsandtheirChineseanaloguesthe
ldquoKeikenrdquochapteroffersamuchlongerandmoredetailedexpiationonthejing-quan
relationthananyoftheworkstypicallycitedforcomparisonthissuggestseither122嫂溺不援是豺狼也男女授受不親禮也嫂溺授之以手者權也(Mengzi4A17)ldquoIfyoursister-in-lawisdrowningbutyoulendnoaidyouarenothingbutabeastThatmenandwomenwhengivingandreceivingthingsshouldnottouchoneanotherisamatterofritualproprietythatwhenyoursister-in-lawisdrowningyouhelpherbyextendingyourhandisamatterofexpediencerdquo123SeeYueTianleildquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquoZhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebaoNo56(Jan2013)p1 124SpecificallyChengYiconcludedthatldquoquanarenothingbutjingrdquo(權即是經)ndashamovethatwouldseemtoundothedynamictensionthatChūganseesasessentialtothejing-quanbinaryZhuXiarguedinanevolutionaryveinthatldquojingaresimplyquanthathavebeenfullyestablishedwhilequanareasyetun-establishedjingrdquo(經是已定之權權是未定之經)whichseemstoadumbratequitemodernideasabouttheformationandhistoricalcontingencyofsocialnorms
78
thattherelevantChinesesourcetexthasyettobeidentifiedorthatChūgan
independentlychosetopursueanunusuallydetailedelaborationoftheidea125
Eitherwayhemusthavethoughtitausefulconceptualframeinwhichto
communicatehispointtocontemporaryreadersandtoGo-Daigoinparticular
Inherentintheconceptofquanasldquoexpediencyrdquoorldquodiscretionrdquoispreciselythesort
offlexibilitythatanyrulerinGo-Daigorsquospositionwouldfindcongenialpossiblytoa
faultSuchflexibilityismostnecessaryduringtimesofsocialrupturewhich
presentchallengesthatdemandunconventionalresponsesAsChūgansaysthe
orderofYaoandShuncannotalwaysobtainSincesuchapointcouldwellhave
beenmadewithoutframingitentirelyintermsofjingandquanitisreasonableto
assumethatGo-Daigowasalreadyquitefamiliarwiththejing-quandyadSuchan
assumptionisallthemoreplausibleinlightofGo-Daigorsquosunusuallyextensive
knowledgeofChinesetextswhichasearlyas1317wasappraisedveryhighlyby
HanazonohimselfamongthemostlearnedsovereignsinJapanesehistory126Texts
inwhichGo-DaigoisknowntohavebeenversedincludeShiji史記(Recordsofthe
125SunRongchengnotesthatwhilethepairingofjingandquanisitselfextremelycommonheisnotawareofanyotherworkeitherChineseorJapaneseinwhichtheyareexplicitlyassociatedwithwenbunandwubuastheyareinldquoKeikenrdquoJingandquandooccurtogetherintheldquoViscountofWeirdquo魏相chapterofWangTongrsquosWenzhongziatextwhoseimportancetoChūganhasalreadybeennotedbutthedyadisnotdevelopedindetailitisglossedbytheSong-eracommentatorRuanYi阮逸(flmid11thc)byreferencetotheGongyangcommentarySeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop100andIriyaChūseiZenkenoshisōp403126GobleKenmup11LestthereaderthinkHanazonowassimplyflatteringthefutureoccupantofthethroneitshouldbeemphasizedthathewasoftheJimyōinbranchoftheimperialfamilyrivaltoGo-DaigorsquosDaikakujilineandanoutspokenscholarunafraidtovoiceopinionsatoddswithimperialorthodoxy(seenote141below)HanazonosetgreatstorebythestudyofChinesehistoryandliteratureandhewouldnothavegoneoutofhiswaytodeemGo-DaigorsquosknowledgeofChinesetextsexceptionalhaditbeenmerelyaverage
79
GrandHistorian)Hanshu(HistoryoftheHan)andHouHanshu後漢書(Historyofthe
LaterHan)Zhongyong(DoctrineoftheMean)andLunyu論語(Analects)Shangshu
尚書(TheBookofHistory)YijingandLiji禮記(TheRecordofRites)Zuozhuanand
Laozi老子(knownfrequentlyasDaodejing)Difan帝範(ModelsforanEmperor)
andHuainanzi (MastersofHuainan)Go-Daigoalsosponsoredacademic
discussionsofworkslesscommonlyreadinJapansuchasYangXiongrsquos (53BC
ndash18AD)Taixuanjing太玄經orldquoClassicofGreatMysteryrdquo127
OfparticularrelevancetothepresentinquiryisHuainanziwhichcontains
numerouspassagestreatingthemoralandpoliticalsignificanceofquanWhileIam
notawareofanycurrenttreatmentofChūseishithatexploresthematicorrhetorical
parallelswithHuainanzithelatterseemsafarmorelikelytouchstonefortheviews
articulatedintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterthandoestheGongyangcommentarythe
responsesofDongZhongshuorWenzhongziAltogetherHuainanziprobably
offeredmoreintellectualjustificationforradicalpoliticalactionthananyothertext
Go-DaigoisknowntohavestudiedafactnotlikelytohavebeenlostonChūgan
Theconceptofquanasanexpedientstrategyfeaturesparticularlyprominentlyin
chapterthirteenldquoFanlunrdquo氾論orldquoBoundlessDiscoursesrdquowhosecentralthemeis
thesagerulerrsquosadaptabilitytocircumstanceAsSarahQueenandJohnMajor
observeldquoFanlunrdquoprovidesthemostcomprehensivediscussionofchangeinthe
entireHuainanziitisoneoftheworkrsquosmostovertlypoliticalchaptersemphasizing
boththehistoricalcontingencyoflawsandritesandthenecessityofadaptingonersquos
127GobleKenmupp2127-28
80
policiestosuittheneedsoftheage128Quanprovidesthekeytosuccessinan
inherentlyproteanworldthoughitisnotsomethingjustanyrulercangrasp
ExpediencyissomethingsagesaloneperceiveThusthosewho[first]disobey[ritualnorms]butultimatelyaccordwiththemaresaidtounderstandexpediency(Huainanzi1311)129權者聖人之所獨見也故忤而後合者謂之知權 IndaysofoldtheDocumentsofZhouhadasayingthatreadldquo[Sometimes]oneelevateswordsanddenigratespracticalities[sometimes]onedenigrateswordsandelevatespracticalitiesElevatingwordsisthenormdenigratingwordsistheexpedientrdquoThisisthetechniqueforsurvivinginthefaceofdestructionButonlyasageiscapableofunderstandingexpediency(1311)130 昔者周書有言曰「上言者下用也下言者上用也上言者常也下言者權也」此存亡之術也唯聖人為能知權
Itisimportanttonotethattheusageofthetermldquosagerdquo(聖)inHuainanziis
somewhatlessrestrictivethanthatseeninprototypicallyldquoConfucianrdquoclassicaltexts
AsintheFiveClassicsthesagesofhighantiquityarecreditedwithcreatingthe
moralandinstitutionalunderpinningsofhumancivilizationHoweverHuainanzi
doesnotlocatethechiefefficacyofthesageinthepastmodernrulersnotonlycan
attainsagelywisdomtheymustdosoiftheyaretobringharmonytotheirpresent
disorderedage131AccordingtoAndrewMeyerthesageofHuainanziismuchcloser
tothatofDaodejing(Laozi)thantothatoftheConfucianclassicsheachieves
sagehoodnotonlythroughthestudyofclassicaltextsandthephenomenalworld
128JohnSMajoretaledsTheHuainanziAGuidetotheTheoryandPracticeofGovernmentinEarlyHanChina(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2010)pp483-89129Ibidp508130Ibidp506131Ibidp887
81
butalsothroughldquoaprogramofapophaticpersonalcultivationcenteredonpractices
ofcontemplativemeditationandyogicregimensrdquo132OnecaneasilyimagineGo-
Daigowhoseinterestinesotericreligiousritualswaslegend133findingmuchtolike
aboutthefigureofthesageinHuainanziMasterofhispoliticalcosmosthesage
regulatesritesandmusicbutheisnotregulatedbythem(聖人制禮樂而不制于禮
樂)134
IntheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganinvokesthefigureofthesageonlytosaythat
theldquoexpediencyrdquoofformulatingmilitarystratagemsisnothisultimateaimbut
rathersomethinghedoesbecausethereisnootherchoice(武略之設非聖人意
聖人不獲已而作焉)Suchapositionwouldseemtobesomewhatdifferentatleast
inemphasisfromthatarticulatedinHuainanziwhichisonthewholeagooddeal
morepositivethanldquoKeikenrdquoregardingtheuseofquanYetthehierarchical
relationshipChūganpositsbetweenkeijingandkenquanwiththelatterclearly
morallysubordinatetotheformerisvisibleinHuainanziaswell
ThewayoftheFiveThearchsandtheThreeKingsconstitutesthewarpandweftoftheworldandtherulesandstandardsoforderNowShangYangrsquosldquoOpeningandClosingrdquoShenzirsquosldquoThreeTestsrdquoHanFeizirsquosldquoSolitaryIndignationrdquoandZhangYiandSuQinrsquosldquoHorizontalandVertical[AllianceSystem]allwereselectiveexpedienciesonesliceofthearts[ofgovernance]Theyarenotthegreatrootoforderortheconstantnormofservicethatcanbeheardwidelyandtransmittedthroughtheages(2034)135
132Ibidpp887-88133SeeGobleKenmupp96-97134Huainanzi133135MajoretaledsHuainanzip833
82
五帝三王之道天下之綱紀治之儀錶也今商鞅之啓塞申子之三符韓非之孤憤張儀蘇秦之從衡皆掇取之權一切之術也非治之大本事之恒常可博聞而世傳者也
ForChūganthemostdesirablestateofaffairsisonewherekeijingare
promoted(舉)anddevicesclassifiableaskenquanareputaside(措)untildisorder
requirestheiruseThemethodsoflegalistreformerssuchasShangYangShen
BuhaiandHanFeiziareheldinHuainanzi2034toconstitutesuchdevicesthe
particularityandtemporarinessofwhichstandsincontrasttotheenduringquality
ofldquoconstantnormsrdquo(恒常)InhismemorialtoGo-DaigoChgūancitesShangYangrsquos
reformsapprovinglybutcriticizestheQinforholdingtoolongtothelegalistcourse
TherethepointwastoapplaudandjustifyGo-Daigorsquoswillingnesstoviolatethe
statusquoinordertorectifycurrentillsanobjectivefacilitatedbytheinvocationof
keymomentsinChinesehistoryatwhichradicalactionwaswarrantedInldquoKeikenrdquo
theintentisquitetheoppositeemphasisisplacedontheinherentlyspecificnature
ofldquoexpedientmeasuresrdquo(權謀)whicharelimitedinscopeanddurationandstand
incontrasttotheunchangingwayoftheconstant(常而不可變者經之道也)
whichinturnisidentifiedwithcivilvirtue
InallldquoKeikenrdquooffersalucidallegoricalrepresentationofJapanese
sociopoliticalconditionsin1334Itsthoughtfulapplicationoftwodyadicrelations
jing-quanandwen-wutoJapanesepoliticswashighlyoriginalanditsuseofa
dramatizeddialogicexchangebetweenrulerandministerpatternedcloselyafter
thoseinMengzialsoappearstobeuniqueamongpre-Tokugawaworksofpolitical
suasionThedistinctionChūgandrawsbetweenenduringnormsandtemporary
83
expedienciesisstraightforwardasishisbeliefalreadystatedforcefullyinGenmin
thatfartoomanypeoplehavebecomeinvestedinmartialpursuitsInutilizinga
vocabularyofgovernanceandkingshiplargerandmoreflexiblethanthatofthe
ConfucianclassicsChūganwasabletodescribetheeventsofhisageinwaysthat
werenovelyetentirelylegiblewithinChinesepoliticaldiscourseThoughhewasby
nomeanstheonlyJapanesefiguretoseekanunderstandingofJapaninostensibly
ldquoChineserdquotermsndashevencontemporaryarticulationsofShintooftendrewheavilyon
ChineseBuddhismandyin-yangtheoryndashfewofhiscompatriotscouldboast
comparableknowledgeofthebroadercorpusofHanpoliticalwritingandprobably
nonesharedhisfamiliaritywiththeSui-eratextWenzhongzi
ChūseishiwasChūganrsquoslastmajorcontributiontopoliticaltheoryduringthe
KenmuRestorationThenetworkofalliancesonwhichGo-Daigorsquospolitydepended
provedvulnerabletodisruptionandinmid1335anunexpected(andunexpectedly
successful)uprisingbyHōjōremnantsagainstthehouseofAshikagaineastern
JapansetinmotionaseriesofeventsthatwithintwoyearswouldseetheAshikaga
riserapidlytomartialpreeminenceandeffectivelydisplacetheimperialcourtasthe
fulcrumofnationalgovernance136ItisnotdifficulttoimagineChūganreactingwith
dismaytothepoliticalmutationsandmachinationsthatplayedoutoverthe
followingyearGo-DaigoandhiserstwhileallyAshikagaTakaujieachscroungingfor
supportamongdozensofregionallypowerfulfamilies(andamongdifferent
branchesofthesamefamilies)bloodybattlesmotivatedmorebypersonalor
136TheHōjōuprisingwasthemostimportanteventinwhatisknownastheNakasendaiDisturbance(中先代の乱)DetailsmaybefoundinGobleKenmupp244-61
84
familialgrievancesthanbypoliticalidealsandtheJimyōinlineoftheimperial
familythrowingitssupportbehindtheupstartTakaujidespiteknowingfullwell
thattheimperialinstitutionitselfwouldbelittlemorethanadependentjunior
partnerwithinanAshikaga-ledconfederacyBeforetheendof1336Go-Daigofled
thecityofKyotoforasecureredoubtintheYoshinomountainsofYamatoprovince
withtheJimyōinprinceYutahitoenthronedasEmperorKōmyōbyTakaujiJapan
nowhadnotjusttworivalimperiallinesbuttwoimperialcourtsandanew
shogunatewithmorepowerovertheprerogativesoftheKyotoaristocracythan
everbeforeItishardtoenvisionasituationmoreantitheticaltotheidealsofroyal
preeminencesoenergeticallyespousedinChūganrsquosmemorialUnfortunatelythe
textualrecorddoesnotpermitadetailedreconstructionofChūganrsquospost-Kenmu
politicalthoughtafactwhichgivestheinaccurateimpressionofaretreatfrom
publicintellectuallifeInfacttheseemingpaucityofexplicitlypoliticalmaterial
fromthisperiodstemsinlargepartfromthelossofwhatfromamodern
perspectivemighthavebeenChūganrsquosmostsignificantintellectualworkhadit
survivedTheworkinquestionishisinfamoushistoricaltreatiseNihonsho日本書
ARecordofJapanabriefglimpseatwhatisknownofwhichwillconcludethis
chapter
Writtenin1341Nihonshoseemstohavebeenintendedasalong-termstudy
ofJapanesehistoryandperhapsmorespecificallyasacounterpointtoKitabatake
ChikafusarsquosrecentlycompletedJinnōshōtōkiItsexistenceisonlyknowntoday
becauseitadvancedanunusualtheoryregardingtheoriginsofJapanrsquosroyalfamily
Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryGozanliteratusTōgenZuisen桃源瑞仙(1430-
85
89)ChūganproposedthattheprimordialJapanesedeityKunitokotachinomikoto
國常立尊wasinactualitya(human)descendantofPrinceWuTaibo呉太伯(alt泰
伯)ascionofKingTaiofZhouandthepurportedfounderofthestateofWu137The
notionthattheJapaneseimperialfamilywasultimatelydescendedfromWuTaibo
wasnotinitselfnewitappearsinseveralChinesesourcesincludingWeiluumle魏略
(ABriefHistoryoftheWeiDynastymid3rdcentury)Liangshu梁書(ARecordofthe
LiangDynasty635)andJinshu晋書(ARecordoftheJinDynasty648)anditis
explicitlymentionedndashandsummarilydismissedndashinJinnōshōtōki138Whatdoes
seemtohavebeenoriginalwasChūganrsquoslinkingofWuTaibowithKunitokotachia
deityofcentralimportancetothemedievalreligio-culturalmovementthatcameto
beknownasIseShintoBeginninginthelateKamakuraandearlyMuromachi
periodspriestsassociatedwithIsersquosOuterShrine(gekū外宮)whichtraditionally
veneratedagoddessoffoodstuffsandfecunditynamedToyouke豊受(incontrastto
theInnerShrinenaigū内宮whichveneratedAmaterasu)undertookeffortsto
137ItmightbenotedthatTōgenwasfrankinhisrejectionofthisidealdquoSayingsomethinglikelsquothedeitycalledKunitokotachinomikotoisadescendantofWuTaiborsquoisnonsenseChūganwasaredoubtablemanbut(thistheory)whileelegantwasnonsenserdquo國常立尊ト云ハ呉太伯ノ后裔ヂャナンドト云ハ合ワザル事ゾ中巌ホドノ人ヂャガウツクシウモ合ワザル事ヲセラレタゾSeeInoueHonpōchūseimadeniokeruMōshijuyōshinokenkyūp263SunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquopp107-110138TheoriginofthenotionisunclearthoughtheChinesesourcesallreportthatitwastheWa倭themselveswhoclaimeddescentfromTaiboWeiluumlenolongersurvivesintactbutthepassagesconcerningtheWaarepreservedintheTang-eraworkHanyuan翰苑SeeSunldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquop158n321
86
articulateandevangelizeShintoinnewlycoherentterms139Inmattersofdoctrine
theInnerandOutershrinescouldofcoursebeseenascomplementarybutthey
wereadministeredbytwodistincthereditarypriestlyfamilies(theArakidaand
Watarairespectively)andthehistoricallyprivilegedpositionoftheInnerShrine
coupledwiththegrowingneedtosecurematerialsupportinaneraofdwindling
courtresourcesmadetherelationshipacompetitiveoneInordertoenhancetheir
positionvis-agrave-vistheArakidatheWataraipriestsproposedthattheirdeity
ToyoukewasinfactKunitokotachiwhoasoneoftheearlycreatordeitiesoccupied
aplaceinthepantheonostensiblyldquohigherrdquothanthatofAmaterasu
IseShintohadamajorinfluenceonelitesandintellectualsofthefourteenth
centurynotleastofwhomwasChikafusawhoseGengenshū元々集(Collectionof
theOriginofOrigins1337)explicatesthesignificanceofvariousshrinesanddeities
byreferencetotheteachingsofShintotheoristWataraiIeyuki渡来家行(1256-
1351)alongwithaccountsdrawnfromJapanesemythohistoricalchroniclesJinnō
shōtōkialsoreflectsIsedoctrineparticularlyinitsmemorableopeningpassage
whichhasbeenatouchstonepolemicfornativistwritersandideologuesdownto
thepresentdayldquoGreatJapanisthedivinecountryItwasfoundedbytheHeavenly
Ancestor(ieKunitokotachi)andistransmittedinperpetuitythroughthelineageof
theSunGoddess(Amaterasu)Thisissomethingtrueofourcountryalonethereis
nothingcomparableinotherlandsrdquo140ByidentifyingKunitokotachinomikoto
139SeeHagiwaraTatsuoldquoShintōtheWayoftheKamirdquoinKasaharaKazuoedAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKōsei2001)pp299-314140大日本は神國なり天祖はじめて基をひらき日神ながく統を傳え給う我國のみ此事あり異朝には其たぐひなし
87
whosenameprobablymeantsomethinglikeldquoTheAugustDeityWhoPermanently
EstablishestheCountryrdquowithWuTaiboChūganseemstoofferabluntrepudiation
ofthisnewlyburgeoningJapaneseexceptionalism141Possiblyheintendedtodo
morethanthishistheorymightbereadasanattempttointerpretmythical
accountsofJapanrsquosfoundingeuhemeristicallythoughwithoutfurtherevidence
suchareadingmustremainspeculative142Thattheworkhasnotsurvivedisa
greatlosstocurrent-daystudentsofmedievalJapanesehistoryhistoriographyand
politicalthoughtthoughitisperhapsnotaltogethersurprisingEvidencesuggests
thatevenduringChūganrsquoslifetimetheworkmetwithnosmallmeasureof
disapprovalandwiththeemergenceofShintoasadoctrinallydistinct(and
distinctlyldquonativerdquo)faithtraditionitsviewsprobablyappearedincreasingly
141ItisofinteresttonotethatChūganwasnottheonlyprominentintellectualtorejectsuchexceptionalismEmperorHanazonoisnotedforhisbluntdismissalofthenotionthatdivinedescentautomaticallyensuredtheperpetualcontinuityoftheimperialinstitutionHisKaiTaishisho戒太子書(AdmonitionstotheCrownPrince1330)anessayonsovereigntyandgoodgovernmentthathecomposedforhisnephewPrinceTokihitoindicatesquiteclearlythatthenativistideologywithinwhoseframeworktheJapaneseimperialfamilywassupposedtoexistwasnotinitselfsomethingautomaticallychampionedbymembersoftheimperialfamilySeeGobleldquoSocialChangeKnowledgeandHistoryrdquop119142SeeUenoTakeshildquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquoinMoriKōichiedNihonnokodaivol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo(TokyoChūōKōron1985)p327UenoseesinthispossibilityaldquoConfucianrationalismrdquo(儒教的合理主義)thatissetoppositetobeliefindivineorsupernaturalforcesasagentsofhistoryWemightnotethatsuchaviewisalsoreminiscentofAraiHakusekirsquos(1657-1725)boldbutlinguisticallyproblematicargumentthattheJapanesewordforldquodeityrdquokami神simplydenotedthosewhoweresociallyldquoaboverdquo(kami上)ordinarypeopleWhilethewordsareentirelyhomophonousinModern(andMiddle)JapaneseinOldJapanesethesyllablemiinkami神wouldhavebeenpronounceddifferentlythanthemiinkami上
88
subversiveasthecenturiespassed143Theonlydirectevidenceconcerningthe
contemporaryreceptionoftheworkisprovidedbyGidōShūshinwhowasamong
ChūganrsquosforemostintellectualdisciplesandisregardedtodayasoneoftheldquoTwin
Pillarsrdquo(双璧)ofGozanliteraturealongsideZekkaiChūshinInashortaddress
deliveredinChūganrsquoshonorin1367GidōmakesdeftreferencetoNihonshoandthe
controversysurroundingit
He(Chūgan)assiduouslystudiedthecountryrsquoshistoryldquounderstandmeby
theSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoHisconductwasinkeepingwiththemonasticrulesinwalkinghewasastheMasterinrushinghewasastheMaster144
修國史兮知我春秋罪我春秋行清規也步亦夫子趨亦夫子
ThelineldquounderstandmebytheSpringandAutumnAnnalscontemnmebythe
SpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquoisadaptedfromapassageinMengzi
143Itisdifficulttodeterminewhetherthelossoftheworkwasactuallyduetointentionalsuppressionorsimplytothehistoricalvicissitudesbearinguponmanuscriptcopyingandre-copyingwithoutwhichverylittlefrombeforetheearlymodernerawouldbeexpectedtosurviveThegreatearlymodernNeo-ConfucianthinkerHayashiRazan林羅山(1583-1657)whosupportedChūganrsquostheoryreportedinhisJimmutennōron神武天皇論thattheimperialcourttookumbrageattheworkanddestroyeditChūganwashighlyactiveinpublicreligiouslifeforthenexttwodecadesandwhileheseemstohavesufferednopersecutionorofficialcensureforNihonshoitmaybethathedecideditwouldbebettertoabandontheprojectthantoriskalienatinginfluentialbackerswiththeresultthatfewifanycopiesoftheworkwereevermadeTōgenhimselfseemsnevertohavepossessedacopyoftheworknotinginhisShikishō史記抄(NotesonShiji)thatChūganrsquosworkldquocausedcontroversyandwasnevercirculatedrdquoTheJimmutennōronmaybefoundinNakagawaTarōldquoHayashiRazanrdquoinAbeYoshioetaledsShushigakutaikeivol13ldquoNihonnoShushigaku(2)rdquo(TokyoMeitoku1975)pp163-67withrelevantportionstranslatedindeBaryetaledsSourcesofJapaneseTraditionpp357-60144GZBTvol2p982
89
WhentheworldfellintodeclineandtheWaywasobscuredperniciousdoctrinesandviolentactsaroseagaintherewerecasesofministersmurderingtheirrulersandcasesofsonsmurderingtheirfathersConfuciuswasfrightenedatthisandsocomposedtheSpringandAutumnAnnalsAworkliketheSpringandAutumnAnnalsisthebusinessoftheSonofHeaven145ItwasforthisreasonthatConfuciussaidldquoThosewhounderstandmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsthosewhocontemnmewillsurelydosobywayoftheSpringandAutumnAnnalsrdquo世衰道微邪説暴行有作臣其君者有之子其父者有之孔子懼作春秋春秋天子之事也是故孔子曰知我者其惟春秋乎罪我者其惟春秋乎(Mengzi3B9)
GidōsuggeststhatChūganlikeConfuciushasbeenbothappreciatedandscorned
forwhathehaswrittenandheimplicitlyaccordsChūganrsquoshistoricaltreatisea
placeinJapanesepoliticalthoughtanalogoustothatoccupiedbytheSpringand
AutumnAnnalsinChinaThecomparisonofthetwotextsmightsimplyhavebeen
GidōrsquoswayofaccordinghismentortheloftiestpossiblepraiseYetitisbynomeans
inconceivablethatChūganhadintendedallalongtoadvanceNihonshoasaJapanese
SpringandAutumnAnnalsaworkmeantforanageofdivisionandldquopernicious
doctrinesrdquoandonethatmostlikelyofferedanessentiallyConfucianvisionof
JapaneseculturalandinstitutionalhistoryWhateverthecaseinhavinghiswork
comparedtosuchanesteemedclassicandhisconductlikeneddirectlytothe
MasterrsquosChūganseemsultimatelytohaveearnedboththeaccoladesandthe
opprobriumbefittinganoutspokenscholar-monkandfaithfuladmirerofthatmost
controversialofChineseConfucianistsWangTong
145Becauseitoffersmoraljudgmentsconcerningrulersandministerswhichistheprerogativeoftheemperoralone
90
Chapter Three An Essay on the Kun and the Peng Hermeneutics Cosmology and the Figural Reading of Fictional Characters 或問荘老中正子曰二子爰清爰静荘文甚奇其於教化不可SomeoneaskedaboutLaoziandZhuangziTheMasterofBalanceandRectituderepliedldquoThosetwomastersexemplifytranquilityandquiescenceZhuangzirsquosproseisparticularlywondrousthoughassuchitisentirelyunsuitableformoraleducationrdquo Chūseishi(1334)
物者也名言之迹也非言非默之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已 WhatwecallldquothingsrdquoarethetracesofwordsandnamestheyaretheprincipleofthatwhichisneitherspeechnorsilenceOnlyZhuangziwasabletousewordsinamannersufficienttoexhausttheirlimitsKonpōron(c1350)
WhenChūganleftKyotoinearly1334andbeganwritingChūseishimoral
suasionwasstillhisforemostconcernGo-Daigorsquosrevolutionwasongoingandas
suggestedbythestructureandcontentoftheldquoKeikenrdquochapterChūganstillsought
toinfluencetheemperorrsquosthinkingonmattersofpolicyEventhehistoricalwork
Nihonshopresentedtothecourtin1341hadamongitsostensibleobjectivesthe
repudiationoftheldquoofficialrdquonarrativeregardingdivineimperialdescentInso
openlychallengingnativistformulationsofJapanesehistoryandimplicitly
91
repudiatingtheviewsoffavoredintellectualssuchasKitabatakeChikafusaChūgan
wasalmostsurelyguidedbythehopethathisscholarshipwouldprovemeaningful
inthepublicdomainAswehaveseenhisinterventionwasunwelcomeand
unsuccessfulanditprobablyaddedtothepersonalandprofessionaldifficultieshe
facedthroughoutthe1340s146Ontheintellectualfronthoweveritwaslikely
duringthistimethatanembattledChūganbegantoventurebeyondtheConfucian
traditionproperandreconsidertextsthathehadoncedismissedForemostamong
thesewasZhuangzi
ThoughrecognizedbybothChineseandJapanesecontemporariesforhis
exceptionalacquaintancewithmultipleschoolsofChinesethoughtChūganrsquosearly
workshowsgreateraffinitywithbothclassicalConfucianismandtheldquoNeo-
ConfucianrdquoCheng-Zhuschoolthanwithanytextortraditionthatmightreasonably
belabeledDaoistAsChūgansawittheworkofConfucianthinkerssuchasMengzi
XunziandYangXiongsimplyhadgreaterrelevancetopracticallearningandpublic
policythanthatofLaoziorZhuangzi147Exactlywhatsparkedhismid-lifeinterest
inthelatterisunclearthoughinlightofthevicissitudesheenduredafterhismove
fromSōtōtoRinzaiZenoneistemptedtopositatraditionalindeedalmost
146AsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionthesinglemostsignificanteventinthisregardwasnotChūganrsquosauthorshipofNihonshobutratherhisdecisiontoswitchsectarianaffiliationsfromtheSōtōlineofDongmingHuiritotheRinzailineofDongyangDehui147ThissentimentthoughdiscernibleinseveralplacesisarticulatedmostdirectlyinthethirdchapterofChūseishildquoHōenrdquo方円ldquoThethreemastersMengziXunziandYangXiongareoftheutmostvaluetolearningAlthoughZhuangziiswithoutvalue(tolearning)(histhought)maybetakenasawarningtocheckonersquosdesiresrdquo孟荀揚之三子最有益於學者也惟荘無益然可以為窒欲之警也SeeIriyaYoshitakaetaledsNihonkotenshisōtaikeiv16ldquoChūseiZenkenoshisōrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1972)pp134and173
92
stereotypicalturnfromtheparadigmaticallypublicrealmofConfucianismtothe
privateanodynerealmofphilosophicalDaoism148Whateverhismotivations
sometimeafter1340Chūganauthoredanextraordinaryessayonthesymbolic
significanceoftwofamouscharactersfromtheopeningchapterofZhuangzithe
giganticKun鯤fishandtheenormousPeng鵬birdThisldquoThesisontheKunand
thePengrdquo(Konpōron鯤鵬論)offersanallegoricalreadingthatintegratesBuddhism
yin-yangtheoryandnumerologyinamannerthatisconceptuallycompellingand
entirelywithoutprecedentintheJapaneseexegeticaltraditionItalsoinvites
productivequestionsregardingfigurationandfiguralreadingthepowerand
limitationsoflanguageandtheinterplayofaffectanddiscursiveintellect
Longbeforethepost-HeianemergenceofinstitutionalZenandthe
efflorescenceofChineseliterarystudiesitfosteredseveralclassicalcommentaries
onZhuangzihadenjoyedwidespreadfavoramongJapaneseliteratiincludingthose
byGuoXiang郭象(c252-312)SimaBiao司馬彪(c243-c306)andCheng
Xuanying成玄英(flmidseventhc)LinXiyirsquos林希逸(1193-1271)ZhuangziYan
Zhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義mayalsohavebeenavailableinChūganrsquosdaythoughthe
firstJapanesescholartomakesubstantialuseofthisworkseemstohavebeena
slightlylaterGozanwriterIshōTokugan惟肖得巖(1360-1437)TheNihonkoku
kenzaishomokuroku日本國見在書目錄abibliographicresourcefromtheearly148ThisintellectualtrajectoryistraditionallyassociatedwithministersorliteratiwhofallfrompoliticalfavorInHeianJapanlearnedmenwhofoundtheirchancesforofficialprefermentdiminisheddoseemtohaveturnedfrequentlytoDaoismforsolacethefamousstatesmanandpoetSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真providesthehistoricalarchetypeOnthisseeRobertBorgenSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)pp57and295
93
Heianperiodlists21ZhuangzititlesthenextantinJapanincludingGuoXiangrsquos
commentaryinthirtyfasciclesandSimaBiaorsquosintwentyfascicles149Newerworks
hadlikelybeenintroducedbyJapanesemonkswhotraveledtoChinaandKoreafor
religiouspurposesafterthecessationofofficialcourt-sponsoreddiplomatic
relationsintheninthcenturyStillothersmighthavebeenobtainedbyJapanese
religiousestablishmentsviaprivatetransactionswiththesizableexpatriate
communityofChinesemerchantsresidinginthesouthernportcityofHakata150
Finallythroughouthiseight-yearstayinChinaChūganwasanactiveparticipantin
thesalon-likeatmospherethatprevailedatsomeofthetempleshevisited
exchangingpoemsndashandstrugglingatleastinitiallytoconverseinvernacular
ChinesendashwithsuchcelebratedliteratiastheCentralAsianpoetandpainterSaDula
薩都刺(fl1320s)151Itisquitepossiblethatduringsuchinteractionshewas
exposedtonovelinterpretationsofZhuangzithoughtomyknowledgenospecific
attestationstothiseffectarefoundinhiswritingsItisalsoabundantlyclearthathe
wasdeeplyfamiliarwithmodesofinterpretationassociatedwithyin-yangtheory
andcorrelativecosmologyandwasalmostsurelywellacquaintedwiththepost-
HanBuddhistreceptionoftheprincipalworksofphilosophicalDaoismAmore
thoroughaccountingofthesepotentialinfluencesuponhisthoughtwillbegiven
149SeeYajimaGenryōNihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)pp122-4150ForahistoryofHakatacityanditsroleinbothofficialandprivatetradeseeBruceBattenGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)ContactswithprominentChinesemerchantscouldbehighlyprofitableforfledglingZentemplesinonefamouscaseawealthylocalnotableknownasXieGuoming謝國明fundedtheconstructionofJōtenji承天寺atemplethatremainsactivetothisday151KagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p224-25
94
belowitisenoughtonoteherethathewasworkingfromaknowledgebasethat
whileimpossibletoreconstructwithprecisionwascertainlyextensiveandpossibly
quiteup-to-date
Konpōronisbothaseriousworkofhermeneuticsandanexercisein
imaginativeallegoresisInordertocarrytheprojectoffChūganfirstneededto
performaground-clearingoperationinwhichliteralinterpretationsofZhuangzi
wererejectedandtheKunandthePengwereconstruedasbothallegoricaland
entirelyfictionalInthistheybecomepurposivecreationsofthesortknownin
medievalWesternhermeneuticsasallegoriainverbisthepurelyliterary
counterparttothetypeofallegorymostoftenassociatedwithscriptural
interpretationallegoriainfactiswhereineventsareheldtohavesymbolic
significanceyetalsotobefactuallytrue152Toalimiteddegreethishadbeen
standardpracticesinceatleastGuoXiangwhonotedinhiscommentarythathe
couldnotattesttotheexistenceofactualcreaturesfittingthedescriptionoftheKun
andthePengEvidentlycontenttoletthematterrestGuoXiangopinednofurther
afterthisdisclaimerHeprobablyfelttherewasnoneedingeneralthetraditional
commentariesarenotdedicatedtothedisclosureofanocculttextfromthereceived
Zhuangziandtheydonotforcefullyandsystematicallyattempttoprivilegelatent
overmanifestsenseInthefollowingpassagesChūgansetsthestageforhisown
symbolicinterpretationoftheKunandthePengbyrefutingthewayinwhich
credulousreadersingeneralandmisguidedNeo-Confuciansinparticularmighttry
toapprehendthem152SeeSimonBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)p21
95
BeforeZhuangzitherewasnobodywhotalkedabouttheKunandthePengandnothingaboutthemisrecordedinancienttextssuchasShijingShujingYijingandChunqiuOnlyinZhuangziismentionmadeofthem153LatergenerationsmistakenlybelievedthattheKunandthePengwererealTheirfailuretoconsiderreason(道理)andtheirfruitlessclingingtowordsandtracesissurelyanextremecaseofnotthinking154 WhenIwasyoungIaskedthevariouslearnedmeninmyvillageaboutthisbuttoamanalltheycoulddowashemandhawWhenIreflectbackonitnowitseemsobviousthattheycouldnthopetohaveknownjustwhatkindoffish(theKunwas)orwhatkindofbird(thePengwas)Alltheycoulddowasstareatthesentences(文)comprisingZhuangzirsquosworkorhearexplanationsaboutparticularwrittencharacters(字)bylaterConfucians155Havingonlythetextitself(文字)theylostsightofthefactthatitssubstance(實)wasthestuffofpurefantasy156
莊子前無云鯤鵬之事如詩書易春秋之古書所不戴也惟莊子一言之後世以爲實有云鯤鵬之物其不考之道理徒拘於言迹且不思之甚也予幼年時問之之諸先生皆含糊而已今反復而思之固應不知夫果爲何等之魚耶何等之鳥耶特以覩其文於莊子之書又聞其字於後儒之言而已徒有文字而亡其實者兔角龜毛是類焉
Apparentlyfeelingitinsufficienttosimplyrejecttheassumptionofliteral
referentialityoutofhandChūgangoesontoargueinalmostpatronizinglyexplicit
termsthatabirdsuchasthePengisaphysicalimpossibilityWhilethisisbyfarthe
leastconceptuallyinterestingportionofhisessayappearingatfirsttobelittlemore
thanasimplisticfoilforthemorenuancedreadinghewilloffersubsequentlyits
153AswillbecomeclearlaterinhisessayChūganisnotsuggestingherethattheactualwordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquodidnotexistpriortotheirappearanceinZhuangzionlythattheapplicationofthosedesignationstotwofantasticcreatureswasnovel154Theconnectionbetweenwords(言)traces(迹)andthings(物)isoffundamentalimportancetoChūganrsquosthesisandwillbeaddressedinmoredetailbelow155ldquoLaterConfuciansrdquorenderstheepithetkōju後儒(Chouru)whichappearsinbothChinaandJapanasabroadreferencetoConfucianscholarsofrecenttimesandduringtheSongeraandthereaftertoadherentsoftheCheng-Zhu程朱schoolinparticular156LiterallyldquohornsonarabbitorhaironaturtlerdquoacommoneuphemisminZenliteratureforsomethingthatdoesnrsquotexistinnature
96
forceandsimplicityrecallshisapproachtohomilyndashagenreinwhichChūganlike
otherGozanliteratiwasextremelyproficientInitslaboriousnessitisalsowryly
funny
ThenatureofabirdistoflyIftherewereabirdwhosewingsreallybeatthewindfor90000liandwerelikecloudssuspendedfromtheheavensthentheywouldcoverallthelandinChinawhenspreadTravelling(fromChina)inthefourdirectionsoneneednotevengo10000litotheeastbeforepassingthethreeKoreankingdomsandgoing(10000li)tothewesttakesonebeyondtheKunlunMountainsGoing(10000li)tothenorthtakesonebeyondthedesertand(10000li)tothesouthbringsonetotheedgeofmountainandsea157AllofthiswouldbeunderthePengrsquoswingsandforthoseaffecteditwouldbelikebeingunderneathanoverturnedbowlonewouldbeunabletoseethelightfromthesunorthemoonandtherewouldbenodifferencebetweendayandnightItwouldbeperpetuallydarkWhatrsquosmoretheforceofthewindandwaves(thatthePengwouldgenerate)wouldbesostrongthateveryboatwithinthefourseaswouldbequitebeyondsalvation158JustonebirdtakingtotheairwouldimperilthecountrynowimaginethesebirdsflyinginaflockthentherealmwouldbeinrealtroubleYetIhaveneverheardofsuchastrangeoccurrenceinanyepochTheChunqiucontainsveritablerecordsoftheagesandallofthemmentionnaturalcalamitiesandunusualeventsBut(aPeng-induceddisaster)issomethingthatisnotwrittendowninanyofthehistoriesClearlythenthestoryissimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegories(寓言)couchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguage
鳥之性以飛爲常且如九萬里搏風之翼若垂天雲者一展其翅亦縣神州之地四方不過萬餘里東及三韓西過昆崙北踰沙漠南際嶺海皆在翼下如覆盆中不見日月之照無晝夜之分永爲暗昧也且夫風濤之勢四海舟揖之利不可濟也一鳥一飛尚難爲國土況此鳥飛以群則國土奈之何未聞何代何時而有如斯之怪乎春秋歷世有實錄皆記災異然諸史所不戴也是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳
157Thetermldquomountainandseardquorenders嶺海whichseeminglyreferstotheFiveRidgesofsouthernChina(Dayu大庾Qitian騎田Mengzhu萌渚Dupang都龐andYuecheng越城)andtheseaoffthecoastofwhatistodayGuangdongandGuangxiprovinces158Thephrase四海舟揖之利不可濟也seemstomeansomethinglikeldquoeventhebenefit(利)gainedfromthesupplications(揖)ofeveryboatinthefourseaswouldnotbeenoughtosavethemrdquo
97
HavingthusdeniedsimplereferentialinterpretationsofZhuangzirsquosPengonthe
basisofhistoryandcommonzoologicalsenseChūganturnstophilologyinrejecting
theoftencounteredassociationofthePengwithanotherlegendarybirdthefeng鳳
commonlyrenderedinEnglishasldquophoenixrdquo159Hearguesthatthiserroneous
identificationstemsfromconfusionwithyetanotherquasi-mythicalbirdtheso-
calledldquoblazingfirebirdrdquo(jiaoming焦明)ofSimaXiangrursquosfamousRhapsodyon
ShanglinImperialPark(Shanglinfu上林賦)Theblazingfirebirdwasexplainedby
thenotedfifth-centuryscholarPeiYinasabirdthatldquoresemblesthephoenixrdquo似鳳
thisglossseemstohavetakenrootveryearlyasitisalsogivenbythethird-century
lexicographerZhangYi160TomakemattersworseSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHan
shucallsthisbirdnotjiaomingbutjiaopeng焦朋andChūganfocusesonsemantic
correspondencesbetweenthethreecharactersfeng鳳peng朋andpeng鵬as
centralfactorscontributingtothemisinterpretationofZhuangzirsquosallegoricalbird
Thecharacter鵬wasoriginallywritten朋(peng)andwassynonymouswiththecharacter鳳(feng)Thetraditionalexplanationforthisisthatwhenthefengbirdfliesflocksofotherbirdsfollowitenmassetherebyearningitthestyleldquopengrdquo鵬hellip161Zhuangziwasfondofallegoriesandsohesimplyborrowedthewordldquopengrdquo朋and
159HealsorejectsoutofhandthestillmoreexoticassociationofthePengwiththegolden-wingedgaruda(金翅鳥)ofBuddhistlore160ZhangYiisnotedforcompilingthedictionaryGuangya廣雅whichcontainsover17000charactersSomewhatunusuallyhisglossonthejiaopengassociatesitwiththewestasopposedtothesouthSeeTakahashiTadahikoShinshakukanbuntaikeiv80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquopt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)p104161Thislineisanearquotefromthesecond-centurydictionaryShuowenjiezi説文解字Chūganaddsthatthetermldquopengrdquo isusedpredominantlyasignifierforapair(相偶)suggestingthatitisthesenseofbirdscomingtogetherorldquopairinguprdquothatisbehindtheuseofthegraph鵬todenotethebirdcalledldquofengrdquo
98
useditasthenameofagiantbirdItwaslaterConfucianswhoonthebasisofthebirdradicalinthecharacter鵬assumedthattherereallywassuchabird鵬本爲朋與鳳字同説者曰鳳飛則群鳥相從以萬數故爲鵬hellip 莊子好寓言故假朋字爲大鳥之名而已後儒從鳥成鵬以為實有斯鳥也
ThatChūganwouldmustersuchlengthysoberappealstophilologyand
recordedhistorytoadvancetheseeminglyobviouspointthatthereisnosuchthing
asthePengisconsistentwithhispenchantfordramaticandpolemicalarguments
ItisalsopossiblethatthehighculturalstatusaccordedtotheChineseclassicswould
foratleastsomemedievalJapanesereadershaveeffectivelyguaranteedthe
historicityofthestoriestheyrelatemakingsuchathoroughgoingrebuttalauseful
propadeutictothetypeofsymbolicreadingthatheintendedtooffer162The
foremostgoalofChūganrsquosreadingwastoelucidatetheprincipleofldquotransformationrdquo
(物化)anideaoffundamentalimportanceinbothBuddhistandDaoist
philosophicaldiscourseandonewhichChūganbelievedwasaptlyfiguredbythe
physicalmetamorphosisoftheKunintothePeng
162HereitmightbenotedthattheKunwasapparentlylesscontroversialItsnamewasconstruableasdenotingeitherasinglegiganticfishorsomewhatparadoxicallyminisculefisheggsndashabasicmeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoAswillbeseenbelowChūganbelievedthelattersensewasactuallythemoreimportantbutperhapsbecausegiganticseacreaturessuchaswhaleswereknowntoexistheofferednoexplicitcritiqueofthegargantuanproportionsascribedtotheKuninthestory
99
Hebeginshisinterpretation
byexplainingthesignificanceofthe
termNorthernDarkness(北冥)the
bodyofwaterinwhichtheKunis
heldtoresideAccordingtoChūgan
northisthedirectionwhereyang
energyliesdormantandwherethe
ldquoOneofHeavenrdquo(天一)bringswater
intobeingHerehedrawsexplicitly
ontheldquoYellowRiverChartrdquoorHetu(河圖)afamousdiagraminwhichasymmetric
arrangementofgroupsofdotsrepresentcorrespondencesbetweenthenatural
numbersfromonetotenthecardinaldirectionsandthefivephases(fig1)He
furtherexplainsthatthedirectionnorthisassociatedwiththedivinatorytrigram
kan(坎)whichshowsoneyanglinetrappedinbetweentwoyinlinesand
symbolizeswaterFinallyhenotesthatthecharacterming冥(Jmei)canbeusedto
denotetheseaandthatthecloselyrelatedhomophonouscharacter溟connotesa
particularlydarkseamaking北冥suggestiveofthatwhichisldquohiddendark
mysteriousandatrestrdquo(幽晦玄寘)ToChūganZhuangzirsquosNorthernDarkness
representsldquoaplacewherethemyriadthingsliedormantandconcealedrdquo(萬物潛藏
之地耳)
ThisinterpretationoftheNorthernDarknessbuttressedandperhapseven
helpedmotivatehisdecisiontofocusnotonthemanifestsenseoftheKunasa
Fig1
100
giganticfishbutratheronthemeaningofthewordldquokunrdquoasfisheggs(魚卵)which
maybeseentoembodythesamequalitiesoflatencyinchoatenessandhidden
potentialassociatedwiththekantrigramPhilologicallyspeakingthisreadingis
wellsupportedthegreatpre-QinlexicographicalworkErya爾雅definesldquokunrdquoas
roewhichisalsohowthewordappearsinGuoyu國語atextcompiledbetweenthe
fifthandfourthcenturiesBC163HistoricallyZhuangzischolarshiphasbeendivided
onthematterwithsomeearlyscholarssuchasWeiZhao韋昭(204-73)notingat
leastthatthetermldquokunrdquoproperlymeansroewhileothercommentatorsavoided
thiscomplicationaltogetherandadheredintheirinterpretationstothemanifest
qualitiesofZhuangzirsquosKuntheEasternJinscholarCuiZhuan崔譔forinstance
proposedthattheKunwasinfactawhale(鯨)164Chūganrsquosreadingwasprobably
motivatedlessbyageneralconcernforphilologicalrigorthanbytheneedto
establishthelogicalgroundworkforhissymbolicinterpretationofthepassageasa
wholeConstruingtheKuntobeawhaleorothersuchcreaturesapstheanecdote
ofthehumorandironicwitcharacteristicofsomuchofZhuangziandobviously
rulesoutfictionalallegoryasaninterpretivemodeBycontrastforegroundingthe
basicsenseofthewordldquokunrdquocreatesaratherstarkbutextremelyproductive
terminologicaldisjunctionbetweenthenameandthecharacterthatbearsitTothe
extentthatitplainlysubvertscategoricaljudgmentsconcerningsizendashkunaretiny
163SeeWangShuminZhuangzijiaoquanvol1pp4-5164IbidEnglishtranslationsofZhuangzialsofrequentlyunderstandtheKunsimplyasanenormousfish(HerbertGilesfamouslyrendereditLeviathan)withnoreferencetothefactthatthewordldquokunrdquomeantroeManymodernChineseandJapaneseeditionsdosoaswellapparentlywishingtoavoidaninterpretiveschemethatwouldrequiretoolongadetourintophilologyorsymbolism
101
buttheKunisenormousndashthisdisjunctionishighlyconsistentwithZhuangzian
rhetoricingeneralanditiswhatwilllaterallowChūgantoplacephilologyinthe
serviceofphilosophy
Aldquokunrdquoisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethefullformofafish165ItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYettheambitionitnurturesisvaststretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandliAlthoughonemightsaythatitistinyandhiddenitnonethelessrepresentstheseedofadragon(iesomethingwiththepotentialforgreatness)鯤體渾渾然而未具魚體之卵也潛伏而微小之甚也然所養之志氣浩大不知其幾千里也雖云微潛亦龍種耳HereChūganunderstandsthephraseldquowhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquo不知其
幾千里whichinthetextostensiblydescribestheactualphysicalsizeoftheKunas
anentirelyfigurativeexpressionThedefiningcharacteristicofZhuangzirsquosKunis
thusitsimmensepotentialtheultimaterealizationofwhichisitstransformation
intothePengAndjustastheinitiallocationoftheKuninthecoldwaterofthe
NorthernDarknesscanbywayofYijingsymbolismbeunderstoodtoadumbrate
thecreaturersquoscentralqualitiesndashlatentyangenergyconcealedbutreadytoburst
forthndashsothedirectionintowhichthePengfliescanbeseenasamarkerofits
significanceasasymbolofnewlyliberatedradianceChūgannotesthatthesouthis
associatedwiththetrigramli(離)whichshowsoneyinlinebetweentwoyang
165ItisimpossibletoconveyinEnglishthedoubleentendrethatChūgancreateseverytimehewritesldquokunrdquo鯤whichbothdenotes(orconnotes)thegargantuancharacternamedKunandconverselyconnotes(ordenotes)thewordthatmeansroeThedescriptiongiveninthispassageismanifestlyaboutthewordbutthereaderismeanttoholdZhuangzirsquosKuninmindaswellasitssymbolicconnectiontoroeiswhatdrivesChūganrsquosentireinterpretation
102
linesandrepresentsfireandbyextensionbrightnessandclear-sightedness166He
observesfurtherthatfirehastheabilitytoldquotransformthingsrdquo(化物)andthat
accordingtotheelementalcorrespondencesintheHetudiagramitisbegottenby
theyinnumber2Waterasalreadynotedisbegottenbytheyangnumber1To
Chūganthiscorrelationbetweennumerologyandfive-phasestheoryisreflectedin
thephysicalformsoftheKunandthePengjustasthenumber1precedesthe
number2sotheKunwhichisunitary(單)andodd(奇)precedesthePengasits
ldquoelderbrotherrdquo(kun昆toaddtoanalreadymultilayeredwordplay)ThePengby
contrastiseven(偶)afactreflectedinthebilateralsymmetryofitswingswhich
formapair(peng朋)AndwhereasthebodyoftheKuniswholeand
undifferentiated(一合昆侖)asitlayssubmergedintheNorthernDarknessthe
Pengrsquostwowingsworkinunison(二張朋會)asitsoarsintothesouthernsky167
Thestrategyofexplicatingaparticularwordviareferencetoahomophonous
wordwrittenwithacognatecharacterfeaturesprominentlyinChūganrsquosessay168It
166CommentingontheirhexagrammaticformswhichsubsumethesymboliccontentofthetrigramsRichardWilhelm(translatedbyCaryFBanes)putsitevocativelyldquoWhileKanmeansthesoulshutwithinthebodyListandsfornatureinitsradiancerdquo(TheIChingp118)167ThesearedifficultlinestoparseandIsuspecttheremaybeawordplayatworkinvolving昆侖and朋會thatenrichesanotherwisesimpleparallelismInfullthelinesreadasfollows鯤體一合昆侖而伏于溟北鵬翼二張朋會而騫于天南InYijingthefirstdivinatoryjudgmentpertainingtothesecondhexagramndashwhichhappenstobepronouncedkun( )ndashsaysthatthesuperiorman(君子)willgainfriendsinthesouthorwestandlosethemifhegoesnorthoreast西南得朋東北喪朋SeeSuzuki(1974)pp100-1andWilhelmandBaynes(1976)p11168Recallalsothevariousphono-semanticlinksChūganemphasizedbetweenthecharacters君and群andbetween王往旺and暀intheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishi(seeChapterTwoofthepresentstudy)
103
driveshisfinalactofcorrelativereasoningwhichbeginswiththestraightforward
associationofnorthwiththecelestialstemren壬(Jnin)andsouthwiththe
celestialstembing丙(Jhei)Thereisnothingparticularlynovelaboutthissince
renandbingaretraditionallyassociatedwithwaterandfirerespectivelyandthe
HetuaswehaveseenassociatesthoseelementswithnorthandsouthButChūgan
proposesafurtherphoneticandsemanticconnectiontotheZhuangzistoryarguing
thatthenorthbeingrensymbolizesastateofpregnancy(CrenyunJninrsquoyō妊孕)
andthesouthbeingbingastateofbrightness(CbingyaoJheiyō炳曜)169Even
thesecompoundsseemcarefullychosenasthesecondcharacterineachcontains
radicalelementssuggestiveoftheKunandthePeng子(childprogeny)羽(wings)
隹(bird)Rhetoricallyspeakingthetermsalsoconcludethisportionoftheessay
nicelyaseachencapsulatesandrestateskeymotifsoftheZhuangzistorywherethe
KunispregnantwithpotentialhiddenintheNorthernDarknessthePengasits
transfigurationescapesthisdarknessandascendsintothelight170
Toreturntoanissuebroachedbrieflyabovesuchameticulousfigural
readingofaChinesetextbyaJapanesescholarwillnaturallyleadthegeneticcritic
(andtheintellectualhistorian)tooneintriguingquestionhowmuchofthisreading
wasoriginaltoChūganandhowmuchistraceabletoknownChinesesources
169ThesephoneticcorrelationsholdinbothLateOldChinesethelanguageofZhuangziandMiddleMandarin(PulleyblankrsquosEarlyMandarin)whichreferstothelanguageoftheZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻compiledcirca1300whichisalsoaroundthetimeChūganwasinChinaNotsurprisinglytheyalsoholdinJapanesesolongasoneusesthegorsquoon呉音readingldquoninrdquofor壬170AsawholethepassageinwhichtheseideasarearticulatedisdenseandsignificantlymoredifficultthantheportionstranslatedearlierAcompletetranslationisventuredintheappendixtothischapter
104
WhileIhaveyettodiscoveranythingdirectlyparallelingKonpōroninthe
commentarialtraditionitisclearthatinterpretationsoftheKunandthePengin
termsofyin-yangtheorydidexistInhisZhuangziYanZhaikouyi莊子鬳齋口義the
aforementionedLinXiyirejectedsuchreadingsonthegroundsthattheywere
overwroughtunfortunatelyhiscommentsareterseanddonotgiveasenseofhow
theinterpretationshehadinmindwereconstructedphilosophicallyor
rhetorically171Moregenerallyawell-establishedpoeticsofnatureinwhichfish
embodiedyinandbirdsembodiedyangwasseeminglycommonknowledgeandthe
juxtapositionofthetwoanimalsinliteraturepredatesevenZhuangzi172Moreover
theYijingsymbolisminformingChūganrsquosKonpōroniscloselyconsonantwithseveral
importanttrendsinSong-eraYijingexegesisTheintellectualcultureofthe
NorthernSongDynasty(960-1126)evincedextraordinaryfascinationwith
divinatorychartsanddiagramsandYijinginterpretationduringtheerareflecteda
resurgentinterestintheXiangshu象數(ldquoImagesandNumbersrdquo)andChenwei讖緯
(ldquoPrognosticardquo)traditionsthatfirstemergedduringtheHan173TheDaoistpriest
ChenTuan陳摶(d989)aneclecticandapparentlyquitepopularfigureconversant
171LinremarksldquoThenamesKunandPengaresimplyallegoricalSomehaveexplicatedthembymeansofyinandyangbutallsuchinterpretationsareforcedandintroduceunnecessarycomplexitiesrdquo(鯤鵬之名亦寓言耳或以陰陽論之皆是強生節目)SeeZhuangzikouyi(TaipeiHongdaowenhuashiye1971)pp2-3172SeeAkatsukaKiyoshiZenshakukanbuntaikeiv16ldquoSōshirdquo(TokyoShueisha1974)pp26-7ForanearlyexampleoftheliteraryjuxtapositionofbirdswithfishAkatsukacitesthepoemldquoHanLurdquo早麓(ldquoTheFoothillsofMountHanrdquo)fromShijing詩經(Maono239)whichcontainsacoupletthatreads鳶飛戾天魚躍于淵ldquoThekitetakesflightandreaches(戻=至)theheavensandthefishfrolicinthedeeprdquo173SeeRichardJSmithFathomingtheCosmosandOrderingtheWorldTheYijing(I-ChingorClassicofChanges)andItsEvolutioninChina(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2008)p114
105
withbothBuddhismandtheConfucianclassicstaughtXiangshuideaswidelyandis
oftencreditedwithpromulgatingtheHetuandLuoshudiagrams174Connections
betweenYijingandZhuangziwerealsodeepandlongstandingcenturiesearlierthe
famedscholarandexegeteWangBi王弼(226-49)haddrawnheavilyonLaoziand
ZhuangziindevelopinganapproachtoYijingstudiesthateventuallybecamethe
schoolofldquoMeaningsandPrinciplesrdquo(Yili義理)aninfluentialalternativetothe
XiangshuschoolNearertoChūganrsquosowntimethepoetYeMengde葉夢得(1077-
1148)evenopinedthattheessenceofYijingisentirelycontainedinZhuangziand
anotherDaoistclassicLiezi列子175BeginningintheSixDynastiesera(220-589)
BuddhistwriterstoomadefruitfuluseofLaoziandZhuangzifewmoreextensively
thanSengzhao僧肇(384-414)176Aswillbeseenbelowtheenigmaticopening
passageofKonpōroncloselyparallelsportionsofSengzhaorsquosfamouscollectionof
essaysZhaolun肇論DuringtheTangDynastytheBuddhistscholasticfootprintin
YijingstudiesgrewdramaticallywithnotablecontributionsmadebyHuayan華嚴
(Kegon)exegetessuchasLiTongxuan李通玄(635-730)whocreativelyinvoked
bothYijingitselfandtheldquoYijingapocryphardquo(易緯)inordertoexplicatecertain
aspectsofHuayanphilosophy177Lestthisaccountingofplausibleinfluencesupon
Chūganrsquosthoughtgrowunmanageablylongwemayconcludebynotingthatthe
eminentdualmasterofHuayanandChanGuifengZongmi圭峰宗密(780-841)
174Ibidp114-15TheLuoshu洛書wasadiagramsimilartotheHetubutusedadifferentarrangementofcorrespondences175Ibidp133176SeeWangZhongyaoZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi(TaipeiDazhan2003)p100177Ibidpp256-68
106
perhapsthemostfamousBuddhistthinkerofhiseradeftlyglossedvarious
doctrinalconceptsfundamentaltoMahayanaBuddhismbywayofreferenceto
YijingZhuangziandLaozi178
ThefoundationslaidbySixDynastiesandTangtheoristswouldcontinueto
inspiresyncreticallymindedwritersoftheSongandYuaneraswhichwere
characterizedbytheincreasinglywidespreadparticipationofostensiblyldquoConfucianrdquo
scholarsinChanBuddhismandtheparticipationofChanprelatesintheacademic
studyofldquoexteriorrdquo(ienon-Buddhist)classicaltextsHencelikeanywell-placed
BuddhistscholarofthefourteenthcenturyChūganwasheirtoalongandfertile
intellectualtraditionthatincludedelementsofIndicphilosophynotablyYogācāra
andMādhyamikaphilosophical(andevenalchemical)Daoism179numerologyyin-
yangtheoryandConfucianethicsItwasatraditionofimmensebreadththatcould
bemarshaledinsupportofanextraordinaryvarietyofinterpretiveapproachesnot
leastofwhichwasallegoresis
178Ibid343-67SeealsoPeterNGregoryAnInquiryintotheOriginofHumanityAnAnnotatedTranslationofTsung-mirsquosYuumlanjenlunwithaModernCommentary(KurodaInstituteClassicsinEastAsianBuddhismHonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1995)passim179FamousalchemicaltextssuchastheHan-eraZhouyicantongqi周易參同契(TokenfortheAgreementoftheThreeAccordingtotheZhouChanges)attesttothelongstandingconnectionbetweenYijingscholarshipandalchemicalDaoismandChenTuanwasakeyfigureinthedevelopmentoftheSong-eraldquoinneralchemyrdquo(neidan内丹)traditionSeeSmithFathomingtheCosmos106-7and115
107
InterpretationandAuthorialGenius
IntheChinesecommentarialtraditionatypeofreadingthatcanjustifiably
betermedldquoallegoricalrdquowasencouragedbymultiplefactorsthemostbasicofwhich
wasthepersistenttendencyofcommentatorstomakeevenanostensiblysimple
textsuchasapoemfromShijingmeansomethingotherthanitsmanifestsense
TheapproachwaswellknowntoJapanesescholarsoftheNaraandHeianperiods
andiscommonlyassociatedinbothChinaandJapanwithConfucianmoral
imperativestodiscover(andultimatelyprivilege)politicalmessagesinclassical
proseandpoetryFromalinguisticstandpointallegoresiswasfurtherabettedbya
processofterminologicalsedimentationwherebycertaintermsofartgradually
accretedmanylayersofmeaningthroughcenturiesofuseinchangingconceptual
environmentsThewordswerethusstronglypalimpsesticanditwasrelatively
easyforphilologicallyinclinedcommentatorstobringtolightlatentmeaningsof
specificwordsandphrasesTheeffectwasthustomultiplythenumberofpossible
newldquotextsrdquondashunderstoodfollowingMcGannasldquolacednetworksoflinguisticand
bibliographiccodesrdquondashthatcouldbewroughtfromthewordsofanexistingwork180
Yetanothersignificantfactorwastheenduring(post-Han)influenceofwhathas
beencalledbyWesternscholarsldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoamodeoftaxonomic
thinkingconducivetotheproliferationofconnectionsbetweenseeminglydisparate
180JeromeMcGannTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)p13
108
phenomena181NeedlesstosayKonpōronmakesextensiveuseofthisparadigm
forginggeographicelementalandnumericalrelationshipsbetweenvariouskey
wordsintheZhuangzipassageitexplicates
Whilesymbolicrepresentationandfiguralreadingwereintegraltothe
Chineseinterpretivetraditionquestionswereraisedseveraldecadesagoregarding
thespecificnatureofthesymbolsandfiguresthemselvesThetypeofallegory
commonlyencounteredinChineseliteraturehasbeenheldbymanyscholarsto
differfundamentallyfromthatwhichpredominatesintheliteraturesoftheWest
TheformerasanalyzedbyAndrewPlaksissynecdochicthingsmayrepresent
otherthingsbutasaruleboththevehicleandthetenorinanymetaphoric
substitutionareofthesameontologicalorderwhereWesternallegoryldquolooks
upwardrdquotowardsaprivilegedmetaphysicalplaneChineseallegoryldquolooks
outwardrdquo182QuiteunlikehisWesterncounterparttheChinesepoethasthusbeen
judgedtoinhabitanessentiallymonisticcosmosinwhichnoabsoluteseparation
waspositedbetweentheldquohumanrdquoandtheldquodivinerdquobetweenphenomenaand
noumenaTotheextentthatsuchadescriptionisaccuratefiguresandsymbolsin
ChineseliterarytextsnecessarilyworkmetonymicallythereisasPaulineYuputit
nomovementtowardsldquoatranscendentrealmthatisautonomousanddifferentin
kindfromthesensoryworldofthepoetandhisreaderssimplybecausesucha
181ThephraseldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquoisnotatranslationofatraditionaltermbutarelativelyrecentneologismThecomplexofideasitattemptstocaptureisdenotedinhistoricalsourcessuchasHanshu漢書(111AD)andWenxuan文選(ca530)byphrasessuchasldquothejunctureofHeavenandManrdquo天人之際182SeeAndrewPlaksArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)p180
109
realmwasnotheldtoexistrdquo183Thepoetmoreoverwasnotacreatorassuchbut
anorganizerorexcavatorofestablishedtropesandfiguresthatembodiedpre-
existingrelationships184Yuhasevenappliedthispositiontothesymbolismfound
inBuddhist-inspiredpoetrycitingthenon-dualismofformandemptiness
articulatedintheHeartSutraandnotingthatldquotheapparentdichotomybetweenthis
worldandanothersamsaraandnirvanatheillusoryandtherealcouldbe
explainedbyBuddhistdialecticianswithintheirsystemoflsquodoubletruthrsquoasmerely
conventionaltruthrdquo185TheresultpredictablyisthattheBuddhistpoetlikehis
ldquoConfucianrdquocounterpartisheldnottohavebeenalludingtoarealmthatwas
fundamentallyotherThepointiselegantandpowerfullygermanetoour
understandingofaworklikeKonpōronthoughitmightbehedgedwiththeobvious
provisothatthemetaphysicalperspectivesoftheHeartSutraandother
PrajntildeāpāramitāsutrasneednotbeautomaticallymappedontoeveryBuddhistpoet
oreverypoeticinvocationofldquoemptinessrdquo(空)Morefundamentallythebroad
metaphysicalcommitmenttoanon-dualorganismiccosmosamongEastAsian
intellectualsdidnotinitselfmeantheabsenceofdiscoursesoftranscendence
whichattheveryleastservedheuristicandrhetoricalpurposeseveniftheymight
beshownbyanextendedjourneyontheviaphilosophicatodifferfromsimilar
discoursesintheWest
183PaulineYuldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)p220184Ibidpp220223andpassim185Ibidpp223-24
110
NonethelessevenasChūganrsquosallegoresisimpliesthepossibilityof
transcendencethemetaphysicsbehinditmaystillbelabelednon-dualisticallthat
theKunwillbecomeiscontainedgerminallywithinitndashanalmosttooobvious
implicationofthenameKun(ldquoRoerdquo)ndashandnowheredoesChūganrsquosdiscussion
dependexplicitlyonthepresumedexistenceofldquohigherrdquoorotherwise
incommensurableordersofrealityByandlargethenKonpōronmaybesaidto
lookldquooutwardrdquoinpreciselythewayscharacteristicofcorrelationistexegeses
revealingaunifiedsocio-cosmicordergovernedbynaturallawsandpre-existing
correspondencesThereishoweveronesignificantrespectinwhichChūganrsquos
accountoftheKunandthePengdoesdepartfrombothpurelyyin-yang
correlationistandConfucianistallegoricalreadingsWhileheholdstheoverarching
purposeofthestorytobethesymbolicillustrationoftheprincipleof
transformationhealsoholdstheKunandthePengthemselvestobeingeniousand
entirelyfictitiousliterarycreationsofthehistoricalZhuangzi
ItseemsMasterZhuangwasabletoperceivetheprocessofchangedrivingthetransformationofthingsandelucidatetheiressentialnature186Thisiswhyhelefthis
186ldquoEssentialnaturerdquorendersseishō精性(Cjingxing)精seemsanalogoustoitsuseintermssuchasseiki精氣(jingqi)ldquoessentialpneumardquoandseishin精神 (jingshen)ldquoquintessentialspiritrdquo(thesetranslationsfollowCsikszentmihalyiedReadingsinHanChineseThoughtandMajoretalTheHuainanzirespectively)SeishōisnotaparticularlycommoncompoundthoughitdoesoccurinBuddhisttextsandwithespeciallyhighfrequencyintheHeroicValorSutra(首楞嚴經)ItisreminiscentofotherBuddhisttermstreatingvarioustypesofldquonaturerdquosuchastaishō體性(tixing)whichhasalsobeentranslatedasldquoessentialnaturerdquo(seeSwansonFoundationsofTrsquoienTrsquoaiPhilosophyp77)ChūganseemstobelievethatseishōisdifficultbutnotimpossibletounderstandthroughlanguagepresumablyotherbaserformsofnaturearemorereadilyaccessibleAndalthoughhedoesnotofferanexplicitcounterparttoldquoessentialnaturerdquooneisremindedofthedistinctionbetweenldquooriginalnaturerdquo(本然之性)andldquophysicalnaturerdquo(氣質之性)madebyZhuXi
111
traceinathingthatwasnotathingwhichwassufficienttoenablehimtoleavetraceswherenonecouldotherwisebeleft187HewasalsoabletotakeaccountofthevastnumberofnamesandnormsanddiscerntheirmysteriousprinciplesThisisthereasonhegroundedhiswordsinanamelessnameanditispreciselyhowhewasabletosaythatwhichcouldnotbesaid
蓋夫荘生能觀物化之變而明其精性故遺迹於無物之物足能迹所不能迹之迹也又籌名數之量而分其玄理故立言於無名之名是能言所不能言之言也
ToChūganZhuangziwasamastersymbolistwhousedfictionalizedcreatures
whichistosaycreatureswhosenames(名)asdeployedwithinthetextdidnothave
directreferentsoutsideitinordertoldquosaywhatcouldnotbesaidrdquoFictionalityitself
wasfundamentaltothisendeavorsincetousenamesinamannerthatsimply
denotedwellknownreal-worldreferentswouldbetoremainentirelywithinthe
associationalparadigmtypicaloftraditionalConfucianallegoryByemploying
signifiersinawaythatwasatoncedenotativelynewndashpriortoZhuangzithewords
ldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquohadnrsquotbeenusedinparadoxicalfashiontonameagargantuanfish
andacontinent-sizedbirdndashyetwhichsimultaneouslypreservedandplayeddeftly
uponthereferentsthetermsoriginallydidpossessZhuangziachievedsomething
bothstylisticallyandconceptuallynovel
OnthisaccountatleastChūganrsquosreadingoftheepisodecomesremarkably
closetoPaulineYursquosconceptionoftheprototypicalWesternallegorywhichldquocannot
betakenatfacevalueasaliteralrecordofactualeventsrdquobutisratherldquoasystemof
signswhoseverymeaningconsistsinassertingtheirfictivenessandtheirfunction
187Thenounphrase迹所不能迹之迹mayberenderedmoreliterallyasldquotoleave[astrace](迹)thesortoftracethatcannotbeleftastrace(所不能迹之迹)rdquoorldquotoleave[astrace]tracesinaplacewherenotracesmaybeleftrdquodependingonhowonechoosestoconstrue所不能迹
112
assignifiersforsomethingbeyondthetextrdquo188Thislastqualificationofcourse
returnsustotheissueofmetaphysicsandthequestionathandbecomeswhether
ornotortowhatextenttheprincipleoftransformationmightmeaningfullybe
construedaslyingldquobeyondrdquothetextAlongstandingproblemfacingexegetes
workingonthetextsofphilosophicalDaoismwasthefactthattheDaowasboth
immanentandtranscendentitwasapproachablevialanguageinitseffectsor
ldquofunctionsrdquo(CyongJyō用)butnotinitsundifferentiatedtotalityastatethat
precedesandbydefinitionprecludesldquonamesrdquoofanysortYetintheworkof
renownedLaozicommentatorLuXisheng陸希聲(fl9thc)namesldquoareaccorded
valueinananagogicwaytheyaretheyongofDaotheyrelyonitandpermitthe
searchforthelsquofoundationrsquo(CtiJtai體)rdquo189Tothisextentnamesarepartofa
metaphysicalorderthatdoesnotadmitofanontologicaldualityinthemannerof
AbrahamicorPlatonicthoughtbutwhichinmostformulationsisnonetheless
hierarchicalChūgantoopositsaclearhierarchybetweentheDaoandthe
phenomenalworldofwhichlanguageisoneparticularconstituentAsthe
conditionofpossibilityforbothsensoryexperienceanddiscursivereasontheDao
cannotbeentirelycapturedndashldquoexhaustedrdquo(盡)ndashbyanyordinarydevicelinguistic
orotherwise190Yetldquothingsrdquo(物)whicharespecificinstantiationsoftheDaoand
188PaulineRYuldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412189RobinetldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop147190IntheinterestofcompletenessitmightbenotedthatChūgandoesnotcommentonthepossibilityofexperiencingtheDaothroughmysticalunion
113
thusgesturetowardsitareamenabletoverbalexplicationatleastbysomeoneas
skilledasZhuangzi
ThosewhocansaysaywhatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftNowtheDaoistheprincipleofspontaneousorderItcannoteitherwithwordsorwithsilencebewillfullymadeintosomethingwithdeterminateexistenceorwillfullydenieddeterminateexistenceZhuangzisaidldquoifspeakingwereenoughthenonecouldspendalldayspeakingandtherebyexhaustivelydescribetheDaoifspeakingwereinsufficientthentospendalldayspeakingwouldyieldanexhaustivedescriptionofthingsrdquo191ThingsrefertothetracesofnamesandwordsTheyembodytheprincipleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentOnlyZhuangziwasabletospeakaboutthemandfullyprobetheirlimits能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹夫道也者自然之理也不可使言之與默強有之強無之耳荘子曰言而足則終日言而盡道言而不足則終日言而盡物物也者名言之迹也非言非黙之理獨荘子能言而足盡其極而已
ThesearethememorableopeninglinesofKonpōronTheyfeatureseveralof
themostpotentandpolysemoustermsoftheDaoistcommentarialtraditionshizen
自然(Cziran)ri理(li)u有(you)mu無(wu)andbutsu物(wu)while
unambiguouslyaffirmingofthepoweroflanguageandZhuangzirsquossingularuse
thereofThephraseldquoneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非黙)isseenin
Zhuangzi2510AsrenderedbyVictorMair(1994)thatpassageendswiththe
followingstatementaboutthenatureoftheDaoldquoTheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsNeitherwordsnorsilencearesatisfactoryforconveyingitWithoutwords
andwithoutsilenceourdeliberationsreachtheirutmostlimitsrdquo(道物之極言默不
191Zhuangzi2510
114
足以載非言非默議有所極)192Thereisevidentlysomedisagreementamong
scholarsoverwhethertointerpretthestatementldquotheWayisthedelimitationof
thingsrdquo道物之極asMairdoesorwhethertotake道asbeingparalleltothenoun
phrase物之極ieldquotheDaoandthelimitofthingsrdquobutinanyeventthemessageis
thatneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentndashbothofwhichareultimatelydiscursive
strategiesndashcandothejobChūganhoweverseemsnottoregarddefianceof
discursiveexplicationasanintrinsicpropertyofthingsbutratheraresultofhuman
limitationswhichZhuangziwasabletoovercomeInthetranslationaboveldquothe
principleofneitherspeakingnorremainingsilentrdquo(非言非默之理)wasconstrued
astheoperativeprincipleofthingsItisalsopossibletoconstruethatphraseasa
topiconwhichtheensuingsentenceisacommentieldquo(Withrespectto)the
principlethatisneitheroneofspeechnorofsilenceonlyZhuangziwasableto
speakaboutitandfullyprobeitslimitsrdquoIneithercasetheclaimisthatZhuangzi
stoodaloneinhisabilitytouselanguagetorevealsomethingaboutthehidden
orderinformingphenomenalrealityAcompleteunderstandingofthisorderor
ldquoprinciplerdquowouldseemtoaffordthemostcompletediscursiveknowledgeofthe
Daopossiblesincesuchanunderstandingwouldrepresentamoregeneralldquometardquo-
physicalgraspofphysical(andsocial)phenomena193
192VictorHMairWanderingontheWayEarlyTaoistTalesandParablesofChuangTzu(NewYorkBantamBooks1994)p267193InthisandsimilarcontextsldquoprinciplerdquoisanoccultthoughstillimmanentaspectoftheDaoAsRobinetexplainstheDaoldquoactsthroughanaturalorderwhichsomecallli andwhichisalsooneofitsaspectsrdquo(ldquoTheDiverseInterpretationsoftheLaozirdquop149)
115
AnotherconceptcentraltoChūganrsquosessayisthatoftheldquotracerdquo迹(JsekiC
ji)avestigialrelationthroughwhichthingsandwordsremaincommensurableThe
termisparticularlyredolentofBuddhistphilosophicaldiscoursewhereitdenotes
externalindicationsorempiricalevidenceastraightforwardextensionofitsbasic
meaningoftracksorfootprintsChūganholdsthings(物)tobetheldquotracesofnames
andwordsrdquo(物也者名言之迹也)Thisprovocativeformulationappearstoinvert
therelationshipthatmightordinarilybeexpectedtoobtainbetweenlanguageand
thingswhoseexistencewouldotherwiseseembothlogicallyandtemporallyprior
tothatofthenamesandwordsdevisedtoidentifythemUnfortunatelyhedoesnot
expandupontheclaimorreturntoitelsewhereintheessayabsentfurther
evidenceaconservativereadingofChūganrsquospositionwouldsimplybethatheholds
ldquothingsrdquotobetheoutwardlysensiblesideofadipartiteidiographicrelationwords
andthingsarecoevalinsofarasanygivenldquothingrdquoisnrsquotperceivedassuchuntilitis
identifiedandidentificationisnecessarilyalinguisticactThetracerelation
providesthekeylinkbetweenwordsandobservablephenomenathatenablesthe
formertoldquoexhaustrdquothelatterwithrespecttothePengpassageitisthislinkthat
ultimatelymakespossibleZhuangzirsquoselucidationoftheprincipleoftransformation
Chūganinscribesthisthesiswithinalargeandlongstandingdiscourseon
languageandepistemologythatatleastinpartfindsitsoriginintheworkofthe
aforementionedSengzhaoSengzhaowasaneclecticBuddhistthinkeranda
talentedrhetoricianandChūgandrawsexplicitlyonhisstyleofexpositioninthe
veryfirstlineofKonpōronAsrenderedabovethislineproclaimsldquothosewhocan
saysaywhatthatcannotbesaidthoseabletoleavetracesleavetraceswhereno
116
tracesmaybeleftrdquo(能言者言其所不能言能迹者迹其所不能迹)Theenigmatic
wordingcloselyparallelsapassagefromalettertraditionallyincludedamongthe
fouressayscomprisingZhaoluninwhichSengzhaorepliestoquestionsposedto
himbyaneducatedandpiousaspirant194TherelevantportionreadsldquoHenceone
whoisskilledatspeakingwordsseekstosaythatwhichcannotbesaidonewhois
skilledatleavingtracesinvestigateshowtoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
(是以善言言者求言所不能言善迹迹者尋迹所不能迹)195Yettheclose
similaritiesindictionbelieasubtledifferenceinphilosophicalfocuswhereas
Sengzhaorsquosdiscussionofnamesandthingssoughttohighlightthearbitraryand
contingentnatureofthesignifyingprocessitselfChūganrsquossoughttoposition
Zhuangziastheultimatemasteroflanguagesomeonendashindeedtheonlyonendashwho
wasabletoexhaustthemysteriesofthingsthroughwordsThegoalofKonpōron
wasthusnottodeconstructaspurioushomologybetweennamesandphenomenal
realitybuttoreconstructthepathbywhichZhuangzigotfromtheformertoan
otherwiseinscrutableaspectofthelattertransformationassuchisnotathingbut
194ForacompletetranslationseeRafalFelburldquoEssaysofSengzhaordquoinThreeShortTreatisesbyVasubandhuSengzhaoandZongmi(MoragaBDKAmerica2017)pp47-135WalterLiebenthalChaoLunTheTreatisesofSeng-chao(HongKongHongKongUnivPress1968)pp81-100195Thephrase迹所不能迹mightbetakenas迹之所不能迹apartitivestructureinwhichthefirst迹isanounthesecondisaverbandthewholethingmeanssomethinglikeldquotracesofthesortthatcannotbeleftastracesrdquosimilarinmeaning(thoughnotinsyntax)to所不能迹之迹aboveAlternativelyitmaybereadsimplyasaverbphraseinwhichthefirst迹isatransitiveverbldquotoleaveastracerdquotakingthenounphrase所不能迹ldquothatwhichcannotbeleftastracerdquoorperhapsldquotheplacewherenotracemaybeleftrdquoasitsdirectobjectThelatterresultsinthetranslationgivenaboveldquotoleavetraceswherenotracesmaybeleftrdquo
117
aprinciplethatactsthroughanduponthingsandonewhoseoperationmaybe
communicatedgivensufficientmasteryoflanguage
Thusfartheanalysisundertakeninthepresentstudyhasnotaddressed
whatissurelyamongthemostobviousandenduringproblemsofhermeneutics
namelythattheexegesisofanyparableplacestheformitselfinquestionif
somethingismeanttobeunderstoodandmayinfactbeexplainedwhyofferonlya
symbolicorellipticalillustrationofitIfZhuangzirsquospurposehadbeentoelucidate
theprincipleoftransformationasChūganclaimswhydidhenotdosodirectlyvia
thesortofcorrelativeexpositionChūganhimselfemploystoldquodecoderdquotheKunand
thePengChūganprovidesnoexplicitanswerstothesequestionsthoughhis
commentssuggestatleasttwointriguingpossibilities196Thefirstandperhaps
mostcompellingpointheraisesregardingZhuangzirsquosuseofsymbolismisthatit
simplymakeshisworkmoreenjoyablethanapurelyexpositorytextofsimilar
importwouldbeandthatthispropertyenablesaqualitativelydifferentkindof
readingexperienceoneinwhichdelightseemsbothanenduntoitselfandanaidto
theacquisitionofknowledge
hellipClearlythenitwassimplyoneofZhuangzirsquosallegoriescouchedinthemostfancifulandfar-fetchedlanguageStupidConfuciansadheredinvaintothetracesandfailedtoglimpsetherealprincipleAretheynotoffendersagainstZhuangziWhatcouldmatch
196ItisworthpausingheretoemphasizethatChūganwouldneverhaveentertainedthepossibilitythatZhuangzididnotofferapurelyexpositoryaccountbecausehewasnrsquotabletodosoAssuchthefactthatmuchofwhatconstitutesldquocorrelativecosmologyrdquopostdatesZhuangzibyseveralcenturiesisnotespeciallyrelevantthevariouscorrelationsandcorrespondencesChūganpurportstorevealinthePengpassageweretohimfundamentalaspectsofnatureandtherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganwouldhaveassumedasamatterofcoursethatthehistoricalZhuangziwasperfectlyawareofallofthem
118
transformingoneselfintoapersonwithoutanameridinguponthisbirdbefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsandfollowinghimasheroamsuntotheendsoftheEarthIsthisnotdelightfulhellip 是乃莊子寓言荒唐開誕之語耳愚儒徒泥乎言迹而不見眞理不亦為莊子罪人耶何當吾化成無名人而乘是鳥拍莊子肩於壙埌之野從遊於八極之表不亦快哉 ChūganhadalreadycriticizedldquolaterConfuciansrdquo後儒forfailingtolookbeyondthe
manifestsenseofthetextandherehetreatswithevengreatercondescensionthose
ConfucianswhofailtoappreciatethepleasureofidentificatoryexperienceItis
unfortunatethathedoesnotdevelopthispointfurtherasitrepresentsan
uncommonlystrongaffirmationofthevalueofdelighttoeducationZhuangziit
wouldseemsurpassesotherworksofphilosophybecauseitencouragesthe
dynamicinterplayofbothcognitiveandaffectivefacultiesThatsaidperhaps
Chūgandidnrsquotbelaborthepointbecausetodosowouldhaveweakenedtheraison
drsquoetreofhisownprojectoneneedharbornoRomanticprejudicesagainstallegory
toconcedethatthehabitsofminddrivingafinelywroughtcorrelationist
allegoresisareratherdifferentfromthosethatpermitareaderthepaidicjoyof
ldquoridinguponthePengbirdrdquoandldquobefriendingZhuangziintheboundlesswildsrdquo197
197InthisconnectionitmightbeobservedthatthereareperRogerCailloisrsquodefinitionsofludus(controlledrule-boundplay)andpaidia(uncontrolledfantasy)stronglyludicelementstotheapplicationofyin-yangcorrelativethinkingtotextualinterpretationInformulatingareadingbasedonyin-yangtheoryalargeandwellestablishedbodyofconventionsactasrulesthatstructureanddelimittherangeofpermissibleinterpretationsasatisfyinginterpretationisonethatsuccessfullyconnectstogetherasmanyelementsaspossiblewithoutviolatingtheconventionsSeeMeyerBarashtrRogerCailloisManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)p13
119
AnadditionalpointofinterestisChūganrsquosassertionthatincreatingtheKun
andthePengasfictionalcharactersZhuangzildquogroundedhiswordsinanameless
namerdquo(立言無名之名)TheldquonamesrdquoreferencedhereareKunandPengandthe
locutionsuggestssomethingakintoastrategyofdefamiliarizationAswehaveseen
thewordsldquokunrdquoandldquopengrdquoalreadypossessedreferentswhosequalitieswere
differentfromandinthecaseofldquokunrdquoverynearlyoppositetothoseascribedtothe
fictionalKunfishandPengbirdTheconceptualconnotationsofbothtermsalong
withthenumerousassociationseachhadwiththeotherfirestheimaginationina
waythatChūganclearlybelievesisproductiveofgreaterunderstandingZhuangzirsquos
carefullycraftedsymbolismiseffectivebecauseitencouragesreaderstomake
conceptualleapsItisworthnotingthatsuchapositionisbroadlyconsistentwith
viewsofparableespousedinotherhermeneuticaltraditionsearlyChantheorists
associatedwiththeNorthernSchoolforinstancerejectedtheliteralreadingsof
importanttechnicaltermsinfavorofallegoricalglossesdesignedtosupport
doctrinalpositionsthatwereinmanywaysatvariancewiththoseofIndian
Buddhism198FurtherafieldofChūganThomasAquinasopinedthatspiritualtruths
areusefullyveiledinsymbolandmetaphorbecausedoingsoldquodoesnotlettheminds
ofthosetowhomtherevelationhasbeenmaderestinthemetaphorsbutraises
198SeeJohnRMcRaeTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)p198-99AccordingtoMcRaewhilemetaphorwasutilizedbyallschoolsofBuddhismthedeviceplayedanespeciallylargeroleinNorthernSchoolChanwithmostofthemetaphorsfoundinNorthernSchooltextsaimedattransformingallofBuddhismintoldquoanallegoryforthepracticeoflsquocontemplationofthemindrsquordquo(JkanshinCguanxin觀心)
120
themtotheknowledgeoftruthsrdquo199Aquinasrsquohandlingoftheissuereflectsof
courseanapproachtoscripturalallegorythatisrootedinanontologydifferent
fromthatofBuddhismandDaoismStillexegetesineachtraditionsharedthebasic
needtodetermineorthodoxyconstrueparablesldquocorrectlyrdquoasserttheirpedagogical
valueandattempttoexplainhowwordsandworldlythingscouldfiguretruths
whosevalueastruthstranscendedanyparticularmanifestationorinstantiation
thereofintherealmofordinaryexperience
Toreturntoapointraisedatthebeginningofthisinquiryitisnotable
thoughnotespeciallysurprisingthatChūganrsquosacademicappreciationofZhuangzi
seemstohavearisenlaterinlifeafterhisinitialperiodofscholarlyproductivity
duringthe1330sTherecanbelittledoubtthatChūganviewedZhuangziasa
seriousworkofphilosophyatleastifbythatismeantaworkwhosechiefaimwas
theinvestigationandadvancementofhumanknowledgeThereisalsolittledoubt
thathewasdeeplyimpressedwithwhathetooktobethesingularintellectand
rhetoricalpanacheofthehistoricalZhuangziConvenientlytheparableoftheKun
andthePengisheldinKonpōrontodemonstratethatworldlylearningandliterary
skillofpreciselythesortprizedbytheGozanintelligentsiawasthekeytoachieving
uncommoninsightintoacomplexnaturalorder
AhMasterZhuangHeperceivedthetransformationsexhaustedtheessencesaccountedforthenormsprobedthemysteriestotheirutmostextentandroamedfreelyacrossthewideworldWondrouslyhedroveallofexistenceintothetipofhisbrushndashverilythemyriadthingshadnowheretorunHisinfluencereachedevenunto
199SummaTheologica11i9QuotedinBrittanPoetrySymbolandAllegoryp31
121
thingsthatlayhidinthedarkwithoutsubstancewithoutformandwithoutnames200AndyethewasstillabletowondrouslyseekthesethingsoutdrivethemonandmakeallofthemintohisownendowmentWithhisprosehemadethembeatandmadethemdanceandinthisheglimpsedtheirsublimity吁莊生觀化盡精籌數極玄逍遙乎六合之表冥驅萬物入己筆舌萬物固無攸逃焉其餘波遠及於幽冥無象無質無形無名之物猶能冥搜之旁驅之而皆為己資文章鼓之舞之以見其玅也
ItisonlyafterthisencomiasticdescriptionofZhuangzirsquosaccomplishmentwhich
comesquiteneartheendoftheessaythatChūganproceedstoofferhisown
analysisoftheparableoftheKunandthePengAssummarizedpreviouslyChūgan
readstheparablethroughamultitudeoflaw-likenaturalcorrelationsorldquonormsrdquo數
andtakesittofiguretransformationThroughouthisreadinghereturnsrepeatedly
tothetwintropesofconcealmentandrevelationChūganrsquosZhuangzimarshalshis
extensiveknowledgeandrhetoricalabilitiestoexposewhatishiddenHe
investigatesandldquodrivesrdquo驅thethingsoftheworldasonedrivesahorseultimately
ldquomakingthemallintohisownendowmentrdquo皆為己資Chūgancomescloseto
personifyingtheldquomyriadthingsrdquo萬物whenhesaysthattheyldquohadnowheretorunrdquo
無攸逃201ratherasanomotheticallyinclinednaturalistmightdoinspeakingof
NatureasldquosurrenderinghersecretsrdquoHebookendshisaccountwithyetmorepraise
200TheideaofaldquonamelessrdquothingseemsacuriousandpossiblycontradictorynotiongivenChūganrsquosearlierdefinitionofthingsastracesofwordsandnamesReasoningasbeforethatathingisonlyrecognizedassuchinandthroughlanguageitmightbesupposedthatwhatChūganhasinmindherearesimplyphenomenandashldquothingsrdquointhebroadestsensendashthatnoonehasyetperceivedandwhichthushaveyettobenamed201 isequivalentinmeaninghereto所andthephrase無攸逃wouldlikelyhavebeenreadnogarurutokoronashiinJapanese
122
forZhuangzirsquosredoubtablelinguisticskills(JhitsuzetsuCbishe筆舌)whichareto
himnotmerelydecorativebutthemeansforcommunicatingperceptualinsights
thatarenormallyineffable
OhtoperceivethetransformationswithoutdependingonessencesTotraversethenormsinawaythatdidnotdependonbeingmysterious(玄)WhoelsecouldgothisfarWhatrsquosmoreitwasbymeansofthemarveloussubtletywithwhichhedevelopedtheseinhiswritingthathewasabletoexhaustthemandprobetheirlimitsAuthorsoflateragescouldnotevenattempttomatchhim吁觀化不以精步數不以玄則孰能造於此哉加之以其筆舌鼓舞之玅盡之極之後世作者不能企而及也
ThesearetheclosingwordsofKonpōronChūganrsquosdecisiontobookendhis
allegoricalreadingoftheKunandthePengwithyetmorepraisefortheircreator
suggeststhathewishedhisownaccounttobeseennotasanactofcreationassuch
butsimplyofrevelationandthatwhatitrevealsisnotonlythetruemeaningofa
parablebutthematchlessauthorialgeniusbehinditAtthesametimeand
particularlywhentakeninconjunctionwithhisearliercelebrationofidentificatory
delightthemoveexposesameasureofanxietyovertheactofinterpretationitself
FromamodernperspectiveChūganrsquosreadingdemonstratesthewaysinwhichyin-
yangcorrelativecosmologydramaticallyamplifiesthehermeneuticpotentialofa
textallowingappropriatelyconditionedreaderstolinkvariouselementsofthe
storyworldtoaplethoraofphenomenaoutsideitTheparadigmaticsubstitutions
licensedbythisapproachareinprincipleboundedbyyin-yangtheoryYetin
movingfreelyacrossanenormousrangeofentitiesandideasthechainsof
associationcangrowlonganddependingontheconnectionsbeingproposedthey
123
canthreatentobreakawayfromthesyntagmaticexpectationsthatwouldordinarily
structurethereadingprocess
InKonpōronthefirstchainofassociationswiththeKunwereasfollows
NorthernDarknessnorthwaterthenumber1thefirstEarthlyBranch(ieldquoratrdquo
子)childbeginningtheanimalldquoratrdquo(鼠)water(again)lurkingconcealmentthe
BlackTortoise(玄武)202Somelinksinthischainareperfectlysyntagmaticgiven
theelementsoftheparablethenumberonewaternorthandchildarejoinedin
thestorybythefactthattheKunisasinglefishlivinginanorthernbodyofwater
anditsnameisalsoawordthatadmitsldquoroerdquoasaprincipalmeaningStillitisplain
thatthiskindofapproachmightleadtoevenmorebaroqueinterpolationsand
ChūganwasprobablywellawarethattherehadalreadybeencriticismslikeLin
Xiyirsquosoftheapplicationofyin-yangtheorytoZhuangziRecallthatLinrsquosopinionof
yin-yangcorrelationistreadingswasthattheyinsisteduponintroducingldquoknotsrdquo(強
生節目)LinhadreadilygrantedthatthenamesKunandPengwereallegoricalthe
problemitwouldseemwasthatcorrelationistallegoresestendedtostraytoofar
fromthemanifestsenseofthetextandindoingsotheycreatedcomplexitieswhere
noneneedexistLinrsquosbasicpointishardtorefuteaheavilywroughtworklike
Konpōronisimplicitlybasedontheseeminglyunprovableassumptionthatthe
parableitexplicateswasalwaysintentionallycomplexalwayspossessedofasurfeit
ofmeaningthatwasnotcreativelyimputedbytheexegetebutintendedallalongby
itsauthorandnotimmediatelyapparentattheldquosurfacerdquolevelofdenotationItisan202SeethetranslationinAppendix1attheendofthischapterAtpresentIhavenotbeenabletodeducethesymbolicsignificanceofsomeoftheseandtheythereforedidnotfeatureinmyanalysisofChūganrsquosaccount
124
assumptionthatinthiscaseinevitablyrevealsmoreaboutChūganthanitdoes
aboutZhuangziwholikemanyancientwritersisknownalmostexclusively
throughthewritingascribedtohimMoregenerallyitalsobespeaksthe
precariousnessoftheinterpreterrsquospositionforitishardtobebothafaithfulinsider
andanactivecreatorbothconduitandsourcethecloserinterpretationcomesto
resembleauthorshipthefurthertheinterpreterisestrangedfromhisobject
TothisextenttheeffusivepraiseofZhuangziinoculatesChūganand
perhapshisreaderstooagainstthepossibilitythatitistheyandnottheNeo-
Confucianswhoaretherealoffendersdistortingthetextbyimposingextraneous
materialuponitKonpōronmakesnoclaimtomysticalorotherwisenon-discursive
accesstoZhuangzi(ortoZhuangzi)yetintheverycomplexityofitsinterpretation
itclearlypurportstoofferaninsiderrsquostakeontheKunandthePengWhatmakes
suchapositioncredibleatleastwithintheinterpretiveframeworkChūgan
developsisaratherremarkablepropertyheimputestothehistoricalZhuangzi
whoaccordingtohimwascapableofldquoprobingthemysteriestotheirutmostextentrdquo
(極玄)yetalsoabletoldquotraversethenormswithoutbeingmysteriousrdquo(步數不以玄)
ThiscommentseemsmeantinparttodistinguishtheapproachtakenbyZhuangzi
fromthattakenbyLaoziwhowascloselyassociatedwiththeconceptofldquomysteryrdquo
(CxuanJgen玄)onaccountoftheprominencethatnotionenjoysinthefamous
openingchapterofLaozi(Daodejing)203Stillmoreimportantlythehistorical
203ThatChūgantooassociatedLaozifirstandforemostwithmysteryissuggestedbytheopeningcoupletofashortpanegyricverse(JsanCzan贊)hededicatedtotheoldmasterldquoInmysteryhisthoughtsdidrightlyrestamindcontentandself-possessedhelliprdquo玄宜思潭澹泊心甘(GBZS440)
125
Zhuangzirsquosabilitytodowhathedidwithoutbeingmysteriousiswhatenables
ZhuangzitobeinterpretableintheordinarydiscursivesenseItisboththemeans
toachievingauniquefusionofaestheticandintellectualexperienceandthe
conditionofpossibilityforinterpretationinthefirstplaceanditissomethingwe
aretoldthatnootherauthor(作者)oflateragescouldmatchItisapitythat
Chūgandidnottry
126
Appendix1ACompleteTranslationofChūganrsquosCorrelativeAccountoftheKunandthePeng
WithrespecttothetermldquoNorthernDarknessrdquonorthrepresentsconcealment
accordingtotheHetudiagramitisthedirectioninwhichyangenergyliessunkand
concealedTheoneofHeavenbegetswaterinthenorthOneisthebeginningof
numbersinthesexegenarysystemitisthechild andmayalsobeglossed( )as
ldquobeginningrdquo Itrsquosspirit( )isthatoftherat ananimalthatlurksconcealedin
poolsofwaterInform( )itbelongstotheBlackTortoise anditstrigramiskan
(TheAbysmalWater)204IntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryitis
writtenthatwateristhatwhichsoaksanddescendsandinsoakinganddescendingit
makessaltrdquoThisdescribestheseaMing isalsoanamefortheseawhichbased
uponitsblackcoloriscalledming andwhichinitsdarkobscurity()becomes
hai 205ZhuangziusedthetermNorthernDarknessinordertoputintowordsthat
whichisdarkprofoundpossessedofahiddenessenceandistheplacewherethe
myriadthingsliedormantandconcealedAfishisacreatureofthewaterwhorsquosnature
istobesubmergedkunisaneggwhosebodyisamorphousandhasyettoassumethe
fullformofafishItlieslatentandconcealedandisextremelyminisculeYetthe
ambitionitnurturesisvastldquostretchingforwhoknowshowmanythousandlirdquoAlthough
onemightsay(thatkun)istinyandhiddenitrepresentsnonethelesstheseedofa
dragonTheloftyflairofZhuangzirsquosstylecanbeglimpsedhere
Thesubstanceofthefengbirdistobeofbrilliantvariegatedcolorsandtosoar
intotheheavensHowmeetitisthatitfliestothesouthSouthisthedirectionof
patternedbrightness()anditstrigramisli (TheClingingFire)Libelongstofire
204TheBlackTortoiseisoneoftheldquoFourCelestialAnimalsrdquo(四神)orldquoFourSymbolsrdquo(四象)mythologicalcreatureseachassociatedwithaseasonadigram(爻)atrigram(卦)acardinaldirectionandalsowithaspecificsetofsevenoftheTwenty-EightMansions(二十八宿)inChineseastronomy205Heretwowordsthatdenotethesea(溟海)areexplainedascognatewithtwowordsthatsuggestdarknessandobscurity(冥晦)
127
andfirehastheabilitytotransformthingsThusthetext(ofZhuangzi)saysldquo(theKun)
transformsintoabirdrdquoIntheldquoHongFanrdquochapterofTheBookofHistoryfireisthat
whichblazesandascendsandinblazingandascendingitbecomesbitterrdquoBitteristhe
tasteofthatwhichisburnt(jiao) andthePengisalsotermedjiaopeng afact
duesimplytoSimaXiangrursquosrhapsody206InformitbelongstotheVermillionBird
ofthesouth
IntheHetudiagramtheTwoofEarthbegetsfireTwoisdivisible being
divisibleitiseven andcomprisedofapair (peng)Thenumberoneisunitary
beingunitaryitisodd andasingularindividualamongmany (kun)207Forthis
reasonthebodyoftheKunissingularlyconceived( )andconcealedinthedarksea
ofthenorthThePenghastwowingsthatspreadsymmetricallyanditsoarsintothe
heavensandgoessouthWithrespecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunnorthisren it
representsastateofpregnancy whereeggs (kunrsquoer)liesubmergedWith
respecttopositionvis-agrave-visthesunsouthisbing itrepresentsastateofbrightness
(bingyao)whereflocksofbirds (pengyu)ascendintothesky
206Likethefengabirdknownasthejiaoming焦明hasalsobeenassociatedwithZhuangzirsquosPengitappearsinSimaXiangrursquosfamousrhapsodyontheimperialhuntingpark(上林賦)andisrenderedldquoblazingfirebirdrdquobyDavidKnechtgesThealternatetermjiaopeng焦朋appearsinSimaXiangrursquosbiographyinHanshuwhetherChūganissimplyconflatingthepoem(asitappearsinWenxuan)withthebiographyorwhetherhewasusinganeditionofWenxuan(oranothersourcealtogether)inwhichthebirdinthepoemwasrenderedjiaopenginsteadofjiaomingisunclearThispartofChūganrsquosessayissomewhatperplexingatleastinsofarashewaspreviouslyquiteadamantthatZhuangzirsquosPengisnotidenticaltothefengandhereheseemstobedrawingconnectionsbetweenfeng鳳jiaopeng焦朋andpeng鵬notingtheassociationeachhaswithfireTheVermillionBirdisoneoftheFourCelestialAnimalsandisassociatedwithsouthfireandyang207ldquoSingularindividualamongmanyrdquoisanadmittedlycumbersomerenderingof昆thatattemptstoconveyChūganrsquosunderstandingofthecharacterwhichseemstobebasedmainlyonthesenseitpossessesintermssuchaskunchong昆蟲ldquo(aswarmormultitudeof)insectsrdquoandkunqun昆羣ldquomultituderdquoThissenseisobviouslypresentinkun鯤whenconstruedasldquoroerdquoandwhatChūganseemstobeemphasizingintheconnectionbetweenunity單oddness奇andkun昆isthesenseofbeingsmallanddiscreteevenifpartofalargergroup
128
129
Appendix2
IntheHetudiagramlinkedblackandwhitedotsrepresentnaturalnumbersfrom1to10Even(yin)numbersarerepresentedwithblackdotswhileodd(yang)numbersarerepresentedwithwhitedotsAdjacentpairsofyinandyangnumberscorrespondwiththefiveelements1and6withwater2and7withfire3and8withwood4and9withmetaland5and10withearthThesepairsaresaidtobecomprisedofasmallerldquobegettingnumberrdquo(生數)andalargerldquocompletednumberrdquo(成數)thecommondifferencebetweenwhichisalwaysfive
130
Chapter Four
Poems of Remembrance Poems of Social Engagement 1 Chūgan Engetsu and Early Gozan Poetry An Historical and Stylistic Overview
PoetrywasthecentralliteraryendeavorwithintheGozanmonasteriesso
muchsothatthemoderncoinageldquoFiveMountainsLiteraturerdquo(Gozanbungaku五山
文学)ubiquitousinsurveysofmedievalJapaneseliteratureisfrequentlyusedasif
poetrywereitsonlyconstituentThoughsomewhatmisleadingthisconvention
suggeststhelongstandingappreciationforboththequantityandartisticqualityof
thepoetrycollectionsintheFiveMountainscorpusthesecollectionshavegenerally
beenheldbymodernandearlymodernscholarstorepresentthezenithofmedieval
JapanesekanshiFormallyspeakingthevehiclesofchoiceamongGozanpoetswere
thegātha(JgeCji偈)astrictlyreligioustypeofverseintendedtoencapsulateand
conveydoctrinalpositionsandtheshi詩whichinitsfive-andseven-syllable
varietieshadbeenpracticedassiduouslyinJapansinceatleasttheeighthcentury
LikeeverynotablecontributortoGozanliteratureChūganwasanaccomplished
poetthathewasarguablyanevenbetterexpositorandessayistisbutoneofthe
idiosyncrasiesdistinguishinghimfromhiscontemporariesAnothermorespecific
totherealmofpoetrywashiswillingnesstothematizethepoliticaltumultofthe
eraandtouseunorthodoxoratleasthighlyuncommonpoeticformsandsyllabic
metersAlthoughtheprincipalcollectionofChūganrsquosworkTōkaiichiōshū東海一漚
131
集isdominatedbyexpositoryproseitrsquosfirstfasciclecontainsthreefu賦(lengthier
metricallyunregulatedpoemsusuallytermedldquorhapsodiesrdquo)whilethenextfive
contain227shialargenumberrelativetootherGozancollectionsMostofthe
majorstylesofshiarerepresentedincludingfive-andseven-syllableldquorecent-stylerdquo
quatrains(JzekkuCjueju絶句)regulatedverses(risshiluumlshi律詩)ldquoancient-stylerdquo
versesofvaryinglengthandevenhexasyllabicquatrains208Stylisticallythe
collectionishighlyvariableandbespeaksnosinglepreponderantsourceof
influenceorinspirationwhilesomescholarshavenotedChūganrsquosfondnessforHigh
Tang(c713-66)poetryothershaveemphasizedtheinfluenceofSong(960-1279)
models209MoreoverthefactthatheplayedaseminalroleinpopularizingSantishi
三體詩(JSantaishi)ananthologyofmostlyMid-andLateTang(c827-907)verse
plainlysuggestsinterestinthosestylesaswellInthepoemstreatedbelowthe
mostsalientthematicconnectionsaretobefoundwiththeworkofpoet-scholars
suchasOuyangXiu歐陽修(1007-72)andFanChengda範成大(1126-93)who
wereespeciallynotedfortheirattentiontosocialillsandthevicissitudesofplebian
life
208So-calledldquorecent-stylepoetryrdquo近體詩(JkintaishiCjintishi)isgovernedbyprosodicandstructuralconstraintsstricterthanthosethathadgovernedearlyshipoetryafterthefullestablishmentofrecent-styleverseduringtheTangthelessrule-boundvarietycametobetermedldquoancient-stylepoetryrdquo古體詩(kotaishigutishi)Shipoetryinthesix-syllablemeter(六言詩)isvastlylesscommonthanpenta-andheptasyllabicvarietiesChūganappearstohavebeenthefirstGozanfiguretousetheformandsomegeneralremarksregardingbothitshistoricaldevelopmentanditsadaptationofrecent-styletonalconventionswillbegiveninthefollowingchapter209SeeKagekiHideoGozanshishinokenkyū(TokyoKasamaShoin1977)p219
132
AsaresultofthisartisticorientationChūganoccupiesasingularniche
withintheroughly250-yearhistoryofGozanpoetryThishistoryisoftenheldto
comprisetwobroadepochsthefirstcharacterizedbygrowthandcreativitybegins
aroundthetimeofChūganrsquosbirthin1300andpeaksneartheturnofthefifteenth
centurythesecondmarkedunsurprisinglybystagnationanddeclinebeginsinthe
midfifteenthcenturyandroughlytracksthegradualeconomiccollapseoftheGozan
establishmentitselfTheeacutemigreacutemonkYishanYining一山一寧(JIsshanIchinei
1247-1317)whoarrivedinJapanasaYuanemissaryin1299isoftenidentifiedas
theprogenitoroftheGozanliterarymovement210Otherseminalwritersinclude
YishanrsquosJapanesediscipleSessonYūbai雪村友梅(1290-1348)whowouldspend
twenty-twoyearsinChinaandbecomeoneofthefirstmajorGozanpoetsand
KokanShiren虎関師錬(1278-1346)whosegroundbreakingtreatiseGenkō
shakusho元亨釋書constitutestheearliestgeneralhistoryofJapaneseBuddhism
TomanyscholarswhatdistinguishesGozanliterature(andindeedGozanmonastic
life)ofthistimefromthatofthelatefourteenthcenturyandbeyondisitsexplicitly
religiouscharacterwritersofthiseraincludingevengiftedlyricistslikeSesson
wereZenpriestsfirstandforemostnotliteratiwhohappenedtoresideinZen
temples211
210ThissuggestionseemstohaveoriginatedwithKamimuraKankō上村觀光(1873-1926)thefirstmodernscholartostudyandcollateasignificantfractionoftheGozancorpusitremainswidelyacceptedtodaySeeKamimuraGozanbungakushōshi(TokyoShōkabō1906)pp3-4211HagaKōshirōldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquoinYamagishiTokuheiedsNihonkanbungakushironkō(TokyoIwanamiShoten1974)pp409-415
133
Theimpetusbehindtheshiftawayfromreligiouslifeandtowardssecular
avocationswasironicallytheincreasingsuccessoftheZensectitselfWhile
AshikagapatronagebroughtthemajorGozanmonasteriesunprecedentedwealth
andpoliticalprominenceitalsodrewthemostartisticallyandintellectuallygifted
prelatesawayfromreligiouspraxisandintoelitesocialcircles212Thepivotalfigure
inthistrajectoryisZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-1405)whoalongwithGidō
Shūshin義堂周信(1325-88)helpedmaketheso-calledKitayama北山erandashnamed
forthelavishprivateestateoftheshogunAshikagaYoshimitsu足利義満(r1368-
94)ndashaheydayofmedievalhighculture213FlourishingagenerationafterChūgan
Zekkairepresentstomanymodernscholarsthetriumphofsecularaestheticsover
religiousconvictionhisliteraryrenownbespeakstheapogeeofGozanpoetrywhile
alsoauguringthedecadencetocome214WhereasChūganisrelativelywellknown
tointellectualhistoriansbutfiguresonlymodestlyinmostsurveysofGozanpoetry
ZekkaiisalmostuniversallyregardedasthegreatestshimasterintheGozanmilieu
ThisappraisalisdueinlargeparttotheunusualesteemhisworkearnedinChina
tellinglyheistheonlyJapanesepoetinhistorytohaveoneofhispoemshonored
212SeeCollcuttFiveMountainspp98-102213ThisestatecontainsthefamoustempleRokuonji鹿苑寺betterknowntodayasKinkakuji金閣寺ldquoTheTempleoftheGoldenPavilionrdquoYoshimitsuisalsofamous(orinfamous)foracquiescingtothehierarchicaldiplomaticdemandsoftheMingcourtinordertoreestablishtraderelationswithChinaThemoveearnedhimthetitleldquoKingofJapanrdquo(日本國王)inChinaandtheenduringdisfavorofJapanesenationalists214HagaldquoZenbungakutoGozanbungakurdquop409HeinrichDumoulinZenBuddhismAHistoryJapan(BloomingtonWorldWisdom2005)pp169-77
134
witharesponsorialversebyareigningChineseemperor215Andalthoughmodern
criticswouldgenerallyavoidevaluatingJapaneseliterarySiniticmediasolelyonthe
basisoftheirfidelitytoChinesenormstherecanbelittledoubtthatZekkairsquos
historicalreputationhasbeenpredicatedonjustsuchacriterionInhisNihonshi
shi日本詩史(AHistoryofJapaneseShiPoetry1771)theearly-modernpoetand
scholarEmuraHokkai江村北海spokeofZekkai(andGidōShūshin)intermsthatif
somewhatpolemicalarenonethelessentirelyrecognizableinmuchscholarship
today
ZekkaiandGidō(Shūshin)areoftenmentionedtogetherandheldupasrivalsIread(Zekkairsquos)ShōkenkōsometimeagoandIhavealsoread(Gidōrsquos)KūgeshūItisclearthattheyarethetwogreatbulwarksofZen216Ifwersquoretalkingaboutwhoadvancedfurtherinlearning(學殖)thenitwouldseemthatGidōsurpassesZekkaiButintermsofpoetictalent(詩才)GidōisnomatchforZekkaiZekkairsquospoemsnotonlyhavenoequalintheancientandmedievalperiodsbuteventhefamouspoetsofrecenttimeswouldinalllikelihoodcastofftheirarmorandfleeintothenightThereasonisthatalthoughtheworksoftheancient(ieNaraandHeian-era)courtgentlemenarenotwithoutbeautifullinesandarrestingcoupletstheyarealsofulloffaultsanditisveryraretofindversesthatarebeautifultheentirewaythroughAndwhileimpeccableversesmayoccasionallybefoundtheyarestillonlypoemsofourcountrywhichwhen
215SeeInoguchiAtsushiShinshakukanbuntaikeivol45ldquoNihonkanshirdquopt1(TokyoMeijiShoin1972)p96OnZekkairsquosaudiencewiththeHongwuEmperor(MingTaizu)seeMicahSpencerHechtldquoConventionsofUnconventionalityrdquo(PhDDissUnivofHawairsquoi2005)pp124-30InbriefZekkaiappearedbeforetheemperorin1376toanswerquestionsonBuddhistdoctrineEvidentlycuriousaboutZekkairsquoshomelandtheemperorpointedtoamapofJapanandaskedaboutthefamoussiteofKumanowhereaccordingtolegendtheancientdivinerXuFu徐福traveledinsearchoftheelixirofimmortalityZekkaicomposedapoemattheemperorrsquosrequestandtheemperorgenerouslyauthoredaresponsorialverseofhisownBothversesthematizeKumanoandXuFursquoslegendaryjourneytheyaretranslatedinHechtpp125-29216ldquoThetwogreatbulwarksofZenrdquorendersthephrase二禅の壁壘FromcontextitseemsthatEmuramustmeanZenliteratibutitisalsopossiblethathedidnotentertainasharpdistinctionbetweenspiritualadvancementontheonehandandexcellenceinlettersontheotherandtookthelattertobeindicativeoftheformer
135
comparedtothoseoftheChinesearevastlyinferiorEventhepoetsoftodaycanseeforthemselvesthattheseareafteralljustJapanesepoemsperenniallyblightedbyunorthodoxiesofdictionButinthecaseofZekkaithisisnotso217絶海義堂世多く並稱して以て敵手と為す余嘗て蕉堅藁を讀み又空華集を讀む二禅の壁壘を審かにす學殖を論ずれば則ち義堂絶海に勝るに似たり詩才の如きは則ち義堂絶海の敵に非ず絶海の詩 古昔中世敵手無きのみに非ざる也近時の諸名家と雖も恐らくは甲を棄てて宵に遁れん何となれば則ち古昔朝紳の詠言佳句警聯無きには非ず然れども疵病雜陳全篇佳なるもの甚だ稀なり偶佳作有るも亦唯我邦の詩のみ之れを華人の詩に較ぶれば殊に 我邦の詩なり往往俗習を免れ難し絶海の如きは則ち然らず
WhileChūganrsquospoetryismorevoluminousandthematicallyvariegatedthan
Zekkairsquosithasrarelywoncomparableacclaimfromearly-modernormodern
scholars218NonethelessChūganrsquospoeticoeuvremuchlikehiscorpusofprose
remainsamongthemostcompellinginthehistoryofmedievalkanshicomprising
notonlyworksoneremitismreligiouscontemplationandscenesofnaturendash
commonthemesamongZenpoetsndashbutalsostridentpoliticalworkstreatingthe
effectsofpovertywarfareandsocialdislocationWhilesuchtopoiarewellwithin
theambitoftraditionalChinesepoetrytheyareseldomencounteredinpremodern
kanshiandareevenrarerinwakaEvenbytheeclecticstandardsofGozan
literatureChūganrsquosldquopoliticalrdquopoetryisentirelyuniqueinbothquantityandlyrical
217ShimizuShigeruetaledsShinNihonkotenbungakutaikeiv65ldquoNihonshishiGozandōshiwardquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1991)pp77 218ThefamousMeiji-TaishoerasinologistandpoetKuboTenzui久保天随(1875-1934)istomyknowledgetheonlyliteraryfigureofnotetofavorChūganrsquospoetryoverZekkairsquosSeeInoguchiShinshakukanbuntaikeiv45pt1p48EmuramakesnomentionofChūganinNihonshishi
136
intensityperhapsnotsurprisinglyitisthistypeofpoetrythatismostoften
selectedtorepresenthiminmodernanthologiesofJapaneseliterarySiniticverse
WhilemanyofChūganrsquosthematicinclinationsadhereinthemaintoartistic
precedentsthatinsomecasesdateasfarbackastheEasternHan(25-220)andJin
(265-420)dynastiesothersreflectthecomparativelyrecentinnovationsoftheSong
DynastyIngeneralpoetsoftheSongweredistinguishedfromtheirTangandSix-
Dynastiespredecessorsbytheirwillingnesstotreatawidevarietyoftopicsdrawn
fromordinarylife219OnesuchtopicwasillnessandphysicalinfirmitywhichSong
poetsbuildinguponprecedentssetbyHanYuandMengJiaowouldapproachwith
extraordinarycandor220UnusuallyforaJapanesepoetofhiseraChūgantoowould
poeticizeillnessdetailinginversethebodilyexperienceofbeingsickwithmalaria
whileontourinChinaAlthoughthepiecetitledsimplyldquoMalariardquoisnotinany
sensealdquopoliticalrdquopoemitslanguagestructureandrelativelyearlydatemakeitan
especiallyfineintroductiontoChūganrsquospoeticsensibilitieswhichinmanyways
remainedquitestableevenashematuredstylisticallyoverthe1330sTheworkis
theonlyofitskindinTōkaiichiōshūandtomyknowledgenosimilarworksare
foundelsewhereinthecorpusofGozanpoetryUsefullyitillustratesmultiple
rhetoricalfeaturescommontoallbutoneofthepoemstreatedintheremainderof
thischapter
219RonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)p308220StephenOwenThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)passimPoemno13ofMengJiaorsquosseriesldquoAutumnMeditationsFifteenPoemsrdquo秋懷十五首analyzedonpp179-81isparticularlystrikinginthisregard
137
瘧疾
Malaria三尸謀疾疫 TheThreeCorpsesplotmalaise二竪穴胸膈 TheTwoChildrenburrowinsidemychest221老夫盍誅之 ldquoThisolrsquowightletrsquosputhimtodeathrdquo222陰蟲放毒螫 Hiddenpestswithpoisonbarbs熏熇氣相蒸 Inthehotsmokeoffumigationmyqiisbrazedaway風雷勢 Windandthunderroarswithfrighteningforce天地成 Thewholeworldbecomesaboilerandhotplate223濈濈汗流腋 Sweatstreamsfrommyarmpits俄爾輙送寒 ThensuddenlyIhavethechills凛凛氷底溺 Likebeingdrownedatthebottomofanicyriver衾裯重繒絖 Silkenfabricspiledatopmyquiltandbedsheets當暑莫之 Whentheweatherrsquoshotnothingismoredetestable胡為須臾間 Howinthespaceofaninstant陰陽忽變易 Canyinandyangchangeplacessoabruptly咳嗽和噴嚏 Coughingandsneezing涕泗交津液 Tearsandsnotmixedwithotherfluids224221TheThreeCorpsesalsoknownastheThreeWorms(三蟲)andTheTwoChildrenrefertospiritsresidinginsidethebodythoughttocauseillness222Thephraseldquooldfellowrdquo老夫(ClaofuJrōfu)hastorefertoChūganthoughhewasonlyinhistwentiesatthetimeThetranslationabovetakes盍as蓋ldquooughttordquoandconstruesthelineasaninterjectioninthevoiceoftheTwoChildrenAlternativelyif老夫istakenasafirstpersonsubjectpronoun(anattestedusage)and盍isunderstoodasaninterrogativepronounessentiallyequivalentto何thenthelinemightberenderedldquoHowamItoeliminatethemrdquo(withthereferentof之nowbeingtheTwoChildren)223Theactualcharacterthatappearsinthefinalpositionofthislineisnot butthe
variantform whosetypesetversionsarenotrecognizedbyMicrosoftWord224Thetermshinrsquoeki津液(Cjinye)isageneralreferenceforbodilyfluidsintraditionalChinesemedicinebyitselfthecharacter津mayrefereithertosalivaorperspirationandsincethelatterwasmentionedalreadyinlineeight(albeitwithadifferentword汗)wemightimaginephlegmtobeintendedhereThepreviouscompoundteishi涕泗(Ctisi)ldquotearsandsnotrdquohasalonghistoryinpoetryappearinginworksbyRuanJiandDuFuamongothers
138
反仄不蹔安 TossingandturningIcannotgetcomfortableforlong何當定枕席 WhenwillIfinallybeabletoresteasy起臥偕歎為 Sittinguporlyingdownbotharetaxingtodo動輙求扶掖 AgainandagainIaskforhelp眼眩混方圓 DizzyIcanrsquottellsquaresfromcircles顛倒視黒白 AndIconfoundblackandwhite平生茹蔬荀 AllmylifeIhaveeatengreensandshoots欣然口自適 FortunatelyIfindtheysuitmypalette今設五候鯖 NowIhavebeforemesomeFiveMarquisfishstew苦淡同氷蘗 Asbitterandblandasamealoficeandcork225少間倚繩牀 AfterawhileIreclineonafoldingchair痩質如乾腊 Irsquomasgauntasapieceofdriedmeat傍有相過者 Atmysidearesomewhorsquovecometovisit視吾疑欺魄 UponseeingmetheycouldswearIrsquomaghost終日口唅呀 AlldaylongImuttertomyself觸事多怒嚇 Contactwiththingsoftheworldentailssomuchangerandfear回心自省身 Iturnmymindinwardandreflectuponmyself萬里海外客 Atravelerfromfaracrossthesea所志無人知 ThefeelingsIharbornooneknows越語憐莊舃 InmyownldquoYuetonguerdquoIsympathizewithZhuangXi226
Genuinethematicinnovationisalmostalwaysaccompaniedbyatleastsome
liberalizationintherealmoflanguageThispoemwrittenwhenChūganwas
twenty-sixincludesmultiplewordsandphraseswellremovedfromthemainstream
ofJapanesekanshiwhichonthewholeemphasizedselectmodelsfromtheTangand
225ldquoFiveMarquisStewrdquo五侯鯖wasawellknownstewoffishandmeatherethecharacter鯖simplymeansldquostewrdquonotldquomackerelrdquo226ZhuangXiwasanativeofthecoastalstateofYue越whoservedasanofficialintheinlandstateofChu楚thoughsuccessfulandwellassimilatedherevertedtothedialectofhishomelandwhenillZhuangXiappearsinShijiinthememoirofZhangYi張儀andalsoinWangCanrsquosfamousrhapsodyldquoClimbingtheTowerrdquo(登樓)
139
Six-DynastieserasAndwhileeveryagehasitsiconoclastsalineofverseconsisting
simplyofldquocoughingandsneezingrdquo(咳嗽和噴嚏)ndashtheseremainthestandardterms
inmodernChinesendashprobablyfindsaneasierhomeinSongpoetrythaninthe
poetryofanypreviousepochIntermsofnarrativestructureldquoMalariardquolikeallof
Chūganrsquoslongpoemsislineartracingthepathoftheillnessfromonsettopartial
recoverywithnodisruptionsintemporalcontinuitySomewhatatypicallyfor
ChūganthelyricalldquoIrdquoispresentatleastimplicitlyineverysinglecoupletandin
mostlinestheobjectofdescriptionremainsthesubjectofenunciationInsumitis
anentirelyautobiographicalpieceThecoupletshavingtodowithphysical
symptomsarestrikingthattheyoccupyjustafractionofthepoemrsquostotallength
mightsuggestacautiousapproachtosuchdetaillestanunrelentingfixationonthe
morbidcasttooheavyashadowoverthewholeoftheworkAlternativelyitis
possiblethatChūganrsquosprimaryinterestwasnottheparticularharrowingdetailsof
theexperienceitselfbuttheensuingreflectionuponhumanfrailtyanddependency
towhichsuchanexperienceleadsIneithercasethecontrastproducesaneffect
commontoagreatmanyofChūganrsquospoemswhichoftenbringonekindofaesthetic
sensibilitytothereaderrsquosattentiononlytoabruptlywithdrawitinfavorofanother
Nowhereisthisrhetoricalstrategyemployedmorefrequentlyandmoreeffectively
thaninhispoliticalpoemswhicharebothsufficientlynumerousandartistically
compellingenoughtomeritextendedtreatment
140
2 A Country Divided A Future Uncertain Poetry in Times of Turmoil
1333-1343
Poemsofsocialcommentarysomewithastrongsubtextofpoliticalcriticism
begintofeatureprominentlyintheyear1333whichwitnessedthestunning
collapseoftheKamakuraShogunateandEmperorGo-Daigorsquostriumphantreturn
fromexileHavingonlyrecentlyreturnedfromChinaChūganwasstillinKyushuas
theseeventsunfoldedBythefifthmonthhehadtakenupresidenceatthewell-
knowntempleManjuji萬壽寺inBungoProvince227Atthebehestofhispatron
ŌtomoSadamunewhowasanallyofGo-DaigohedepartedthatautumnforHakata
ShortlythereafterheembarkedforKyotoinSadamunersquoscompanywherehewould
deliverhismemorialtotheemperorThejourneytookhimpastmultiplesitesof
localinterestandinsomecaseshistoricalorreligiousimportanceandit
occasionedaseriesoftencommemorativequatrainstwoofwhichspeakdirectlyto
theupheavalsofthetime
檀浦
Dannoura228
晚浦煙橫日影斜 Atduskonthebaymistspreadswidecastingshadowsaslantin
theeveningsun漁歌送恨落蘋花 Fishermenrsquossongsbetellinggrievancesofoldscattertheping
blossoms229
227InformationconcerningChūganrsquostravelsandthetemplesatwhichheresidedcomesmostlyfromhisBusshuEsaiZenjiChūganGetsuoshōjirekifu(hereafterjirekifu)GBSSv4pp611-32Thisisachronologicallyorganizedautobiographicalrecordcomprisedofbriefsummariesofvariouskeyeventsforeachyear228Thesiteofafamoustwelfth-centurybattle(seebelow)
141
封侯能有幾人得 Intheendhowmanycanwinenfeoffment戰骨乾枯堆白沙 Bonesofthewardeadliedriedandbleachedmoundsofwhite
sand230
鞆津TomoHarbor231
楸梧風冷海城秋 Throughcatalpaandparasoltreesthewindblowschillseaside
rampartsmantledinautumn燹火煙消灰未收 Thefiresthatragedinwarsmoldernolongerbuttheirashes
haveyettobecleared232229Thepingorbaiping白蘋(HydrocharisdubiaJtochikagami)isafloweringaquaticplantthatgrowsinshallowmuddywaterPerhapsbecausetheblossomsreachjustinchesabovethewaterrsquossurfacepoemsdescribingthemashavingldquofallenrdquoseemtoberelativelyrareTheinterpretationfollowedherewassuggestedbyKamimurawhosekuntenmarkingsinGBZSindicateaJapanesereadingofgyokauramiookuritehinkaootosuinwhich落isconstruedasatransitiveverbwithsubject漁歌andobject蘋花230GBZSv2pp32-33GBSSv4p327231AnhistoricallyimportantharborinwhatisnowHiroshimaPrefecture 232ThelastcoupletrecallsDuMursquosfamousquatrainldquoMooredontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo泊秦淮whosesecondcoupletreadsldquoSinginggirlsknownothingoftheshameofthecountryrsquosruinStillintoningfromacrosstheriverthetuneofRearGardenBlossomsrdquo商女不知亡國恨隔江猶唱後庭花ThespecificeventreferredtointhesecondlineofldquoTomoHarborrdquoisunclearafactthathasledtosomeconfusioninmodernsourcestreatingthispoemTheseriestowhichitbelongsendswithanoteseeminglywrittenbyChūganhimselfthatreadsldquoTheforegoingtenpoemswerecomposedaftertheGenkōDisturbancewhenIwasonmywayfromHakatatothecapitalrdquo右十首元弘亂後自博多上京道中作也Howevertheearliestrecordofaneventcorrespondingtothelanguageofthepoem(andindeedofamajorfortificationatTomoHarbor)isfrom1342intheBattleofTomo鞆合戦theDaigashimaFortress大可島城builtearlierthatyearonanislandjustoutsidetheharborwasattackedbyforcesoftheNorthernCourtandcompletelydestroyedItisconceivablethatincollatingthismaterialseveraldecadeslaterChūganmisrememberedwhenldquoTomoHarborrdquowascomposedontheotherhandthelocationhadbeenofstrategicandcommercialimportanceforcenturiesanditisequallypossiblethathesimplywitnessedtheaftermathofanearlieroutbreakofviolencethatoccurredaroundthetimetheshogunatefellIneithercasetheldquorampartsrdquomentionedinthepoemcannotrefertoTomoCastle鞆城whichwasconstructedundertheaegisoftheMōrifamilyinthe16thcentury
142
遊妓不知亡國事 Thecourtesansknownothingoftheruinationofthestate聲聲秦曲泛蘭舟 Singingtomusicalaccompanimenttheybobalongonbedizened
boats233
Thejuxtapositionofdescriptivecoupletswithcriticalordidacticonesisa
recurrentfeatureinChūganrsquospoliticalpoemsThisjuxtapositionmoreoveris
alwaysanunevenonewiththepoliticalstatementsinthesecondcouplet
unambiguouslyprivilegedoverthedescriptionofferedinthefirstStructurally
speakingthisisconsistentwithpopularpoeticpracticeoftheSongandYuaneras
accordingtothecompositionalprinciplesadvancedintheaforementionedSantishi
whichwascompiledaround1250bythepoetandtheoristZhouBi周弼(1194-
1255)thethirdlineofaquatrainisthedominantlineandthemostimportanttothe
overallsuccessofthepoem234InldquoDannourardquotheturninthethirdlinetowards
discursiveprosaiclanguagecomesneartowhatZhouBitermsldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
虛接whereinthefirstandsecondlinesofaquatrainarenon-affectiveorldquosolidrdquo實
whilethethirdrevealsthefeelingsoropinionsofthepoetandistermedldquoemptyrdquo
虛235ldquoEmptycontinuationrdquowasacommonstrategyandonethatgrantsspecial
prominencetothepoemrsquosdiscursiveldquopointrdquobysettingitinreliefagainstan
233GBZSv2p33GBSSv4p328234ZhouBirsquoscriticalcommentsaretranslatedandanalyzedbyStephenOweninReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)pp421-34235OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtpp422-25AlthoughthefirstcoupletofldquoDannourardquoisheavyondescriptiontheuseofthetermldquogrievancerdquo恨inthesecondlinedoesimplyjudgmentandhencealyricalsubjecttotheextentthatitforeshadowsthepoliticalmessageofthesecondcouplettherupturebetweenthecoupletsisnottotalandthepoemisnotaperfectexampleofldquoemptycontinuationrdquo
143
ostensiblyobjectivenon-evaluativebackgroundChūganstructuredmanyofhis
quatrainsthiswayandinlightofhisnotedfondnessforSantishiitisreasonableto
positthatheusedthecollectionverymuchasZhouBihadintendednamelyasan
explicitlyldquowriterlyrdquoguidebooktopoeticcomposition
Fromanartisticstandpointthebrevityofthequatrainformmakesitabetter
vehicleforimagismthanforsocialcritiqueandldquoDannourardquoinparticularseems
almostcalculatedtofrustrateaestheticexpectationsinitiallyofferingthereaderthe
pleasureofdetachedimagisticdescriptiononlytosnatchitawaywiththe
impositionofabluntmoralmessageItisanapproachthatcontrastsmarkedlywith
thattakenbyotherGozanpoetswhogenerallyavoidedovertdidacticismeven
whencomposingpoemsthatfitthematicallyintotheldquohistoryrdquo(JeishiCyongshi咏
史)sub-genreWhiletheBattleofDannouramayhaveheldparticularsignificance
forChūganasanexampleofsenselessfeudalwarfarehewasnottheonlyGozan
poettomemorializetheeventinverseNolessafigurethanZekkaiChūshinwould
alsodososeveraldecadeslaterthoughtomuchdifferentartisticeffectandmost
likelywithmuchdifferentmotivationsinmindThecontrastbetweenthetwo
versesisinstructive
赤間関
Akamagaseki236 風物眼前朝暮愁 Thescenebeforemyeyesbringsgrieffrommorningtillevening 寒潮頻拍赤城頭 Acoldtideceaselesslypoundingruinsofredstoneramparts 236AlocationonthesouthwesterntipofHonshuinwhatistodaythecityofShimonosekiItoverlookedthewatersinwhichtheBattleofDannouraoccurred
144
怪岩奇石雲中寺 Fearsomecragsandcuriousrocksguardatempleintheclouds 新月斜陽海上舟 Underthenewmoonandthesettingsunaboatdriftsuponthe
sea 十萬義軍空寂戚 Arighteousarmyofhundredthousandvanishedintoemptiness 三千剣客去悠悠 Threethousandswordsmenlostforalltime 英雄骨朽干戈地 Bonesofheroeswitheredawayuponthebattlefield 相憶倚欄看白鷗 LostinremembranceIleanonthebalustradewatchingthe
gulls237
TheBattleofDannourawasthefinaldecisiveengagementoftheGenpeiWar
源平合戦(1180-85)anepisodeofstrifeandgenerallawlessnessframedprincipally
bythecontestbetweentwomilitaryhousestheMinamoto源andtheTaira平The
TairawhohadbeenfleeingwestwardafterlosingKyotoweresoundlydefeatedand
wouldneverrecovertheirspectacularriseandfallwouldinspirewriters
throughoutthemedievaleraandtheBattleofDannourawouldcometobeseenas
themostpoignantanddramaticofallhistoricalJapanesebattlesThiswasnot
simplybecauseitwaslargebythestandardsoftheerabutbecausetheannihilation
ofthenewlyascendantTairawastotalandbecausetheyoungEmperorAntoku(r
1180-83)bornofaTairamotherandbarelysixyearsoldatthetimewasamong
thethousandsdrownedinthemelee
BothldquoDannourardquoandldquoAkamagasekirdquotreatthesamehistoricaleventbut
theirdifferencesarestrikingwhereChūganspeaksonlyofthebonesofthewar
237GBZSv2p1920IriyaedldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp96-97
145
deadZekkaispeaksofthebonesofheroeswhereZekkaiconcludeswithan
aestheticizationofviolencethatmovesthereaderfromhumanmortalitytothe
freedomofnatureChūgansimplysuggeststhatthewarwasamisguidedconflict
overalimitedresource(ldquoIntheendhowmanycouldwinenfeoffmentrdquo)Zekkairsquos
poemmaybeinterpretedasoneofspiritualconciliation(chinkon鎮魂)a
traditionalfunctionofmuchmedievalliteratureontheGenpeiWarChūganmay
havechoseninsteadtoemphasizethefutilityofthatconflictformoreimmediate
purposesalmostsurelyintendinghisversetobeseenbyGo-DaigoandSadamune
HereitshouldberemarkedthatinsofarastheGenpeiWarrepresentedexactlythe
sortofconflictmostantitheticaltoafundamentallystatistConfucianworldview
Chūgansurelysawnocontradictioninbemoaningitevenashebackedtheroyal
causeagainsttheKamakuraregimeinhismemorial
AsobservedpreviouslyChūganbegantoexpressmorecriticalviewsofGo-
Daigorsquosrevolutioninearly1334followinghisreturntoKamakurauponthesudden
deathofSadamuneWhathefoundwhenhearrivedwasatownscarredbyviolence
anddespoliationDuringthesummerof1333aforcegatheredbythewarlordNitta
Yoshisada(1301-38)hithertoaprincipalvassaloftheshogunatehadmarchedon
KamakuraandattackedtheHōjōgarrisonAccordingtothefamousaccountinthe
historicalchronicleTaiheiki太平記thefightingwasheavyandlastedforsome
dayswithdefeatimminentHōjōTakatokisetfiretonumerousadministrative
buildingsretreatedtothetempleTōshōjiandcommittedsuicidealongwithseveral
146
hundredofhismen238ApproximatelyfiveyearslaterChūganmemorializedthese
eventsinaseriesofheptasyllabicquatrainsandbemoanedtheongoingpolitical
disarray
惜陰偶作
ImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTime
昔年是日鎌倉破 SeveralyearsagoonthisdaythecityofKamakurafell 所在伽藍氣像皆 Thetemplesthatweretherethesceneryndashallofitwasreduced
tonothing239 商女不知僧侶恨 Thepeddlergirlsknownotthemonksrsquogrievances 賣柴賣菜打官街 Sellingfirewoodandgreenstheyhawkupanddownstreetsonce
linedwithgovernmentoffices240 雨壓炎塵涼似秋 Raintampsthescorchingdustandthecoolnessfeelslikeautumn 無根緑樹翳林丘 Rootlessverdanttreesshadewoodedhills241 摩挲老眼看如畫 Strainingmyoldeyesitlooksjustlikeapainting 若箇濛濛佛也愁 ButinthisdrizzlymisteventheBuddhawouldfeelmelancholy
238Taiheiki102104239Thecharacter皆nearlyalwaysadverbialheredenotesaverbmeaningldquotobereducedtonothingrdquoIhavebeenunabletodiscovercomparableexamplesofthisusageinChinesetextsthoughthevernacularJapaneseexpressionsminaninasuldquoexhaustrdquoldquoreducetonaughtrdquoandminaninaruldquobeexhaustedrdquowereincommonusebythemid-thirteenthcenturyTheearliestexampleseemstobefromKokonchomonjū古今著聞集acollectionofsetsuwa説話from1254KamimuradoesnotindicateakunreadingforthecharacterwhileYamagishiTokuheisuggeststsukiruwhichimpliesaroughsynonymywith盡hiscompletekundokurenderingofthepoemmaybefoundinldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquopp90-91240ThiscoupletonceagainseemstodrawdirectlyonthesecondcoupletofDuMursquosldquoMooringontheQinhuaiRiverrdquo(seenote214)241Presumablymistisobscuringthelowerportionofthetreesmakingitappearasiftheywereldquorootlessrdquo
147
佛也愁時神更悲 InatimewheneventheBuddhafeelsmelancholythegodsmust
besadderstill腥風鼓海社簾吹 Afoulwindwhipstheseaandtheblindsoftheshrineareblown
open去年華表隨龍去 Lastyeartheornamentedcolumnsfollowedthedragonand
departed水稽天人作龜 Amidstabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensmen
becomeasturtles 更無前代好衣冠 Gonemoreoverarethegoodgentryofagespast 滿眼氛埃暗社壇 Myeyesfillwithbalefulduststhatbenightthealtar 終古黃梅時節雨 Fromtimeimmemorialtheseasonofripeplumshasbrought
rain今朝特地著愁看 TodayhoweverIlookuponitwithasenseofanxiousgrief242 世事隆衰自有時 Theaffairsoftheworldflowandebbeachinitsowntime 山河是矣但人非 Mountainsandriversareconstantbutmanisnot 戰骨未収邊戍起 Bonesofthewardeadlieuncollectedasbordergarrisonsarise 鐡衣早晩復儒衣 Butthesuitsofarmorsoonerorlaterwillbeexchangedonce
againforConfucianrobes243
242IfthesubjectistakentobetheseasonitselfthelastlinemightberenderedldquoTodayhoweveritwears(著)amienofgrief(愁看)rdquoThebasicsenseofthelineseemstobethattherainyseasonusuallyahappytimeisnotsothisyeartheinvocationofrainmayalsobeseentocontinuethefloodmetaphorintroducedinthesecondverse243GBZSv2pp35-36GBSSv4p352ThefourthverseisfoundonlyinGBSSwhichalsoincludestwoadditionalversesinthisgroup
148
AsinldquoTomoHarborrdquowomengoingabouteverydayactivitiesarepresented
asfiguresofignorancewhiletheylacknotformaterialmeanstheyremain
oblivioustothesociopoliticalproblemsthatsoexerciseChūganInthefourthand
lastversethecorrosiveeffectofmilitancyisthematizedintermsreminiscentofhis
essaysGenminandGensōNotablythispoemalsoemploysastrikingtonalprosody
thatreinforcesitsmessagewheretheopeningcoupletadheresperfectlytothe
tonalconventionsofarecent-stylequatrainthesecondquiteunexpectedlybreaks
entirelywiththoseconventionsTheresultisadramaticandproductivedissonance
inwhichinitialfidelitytoprosodicrulesbuttressesthedetachedandaphoristic
qualityofthefirstcoupletwhilethesubsequentviolationofthemamplifiesthe
impassionedcriticaltenorofthesecond244
Thesecondthirdandfourthversesseemjoinedinnarrativecontinuitywith
thesecondfunctioningasamostlydescriptivepreambletotheothertwoIneffect
thethreepoemsevinceanextensionofthedescriptive-didacticmodeswitching
observedpreviouslyonthelevelofindividualcoupletsThethirdverseisarguably
themostinterestingandtheonlyonethatallowsaplausibledateofcompositionto
beadducedItsfirstcoupletframedclearlyasacontinuationofthepreviousverse
244Thetonaldistributionisasfollows仄仄平平仄仄平 平平仄仄仄平平 仄仄仄平平仄仄(theexpectedpatternis平平仄仄平平仄) 仄平仄仄仄平平(theexpectedpatternis仄仄平平仄仄平)SuchalterationwasbynomeansunprecedentedintheChinesetraditionitishighlightedonlytodemonstratethemannerinwhichtonalpatterningaformalpropertymaycontributeintegrallytoapoemrsquoscontent
149
isamongthefewinChūganrsquospoetrytoexplicitlymentionJapanesekamiWhat
becomesclearinthenextcoupletwhichasdetailedbelowseemsdrivenbyan
uncommonlybolddoubleentendreisthattheentirepoemisanacerbictakeonthe
presentconditionoftheJapaneseimperiumByearly1337EmperorGo-Daigohad
fledKyotofortheruralmountainsofYoshinowherehehastilyestablishedarival
courtthatwouldholdoutagainsttheAshikagaShogunateforthenexthalf
century245AssumingGo-DaigorsquosflighttoYoshinoisindeedwhatChūganis
referringtotheversemusthavebeencomposedsometimein1338Theterm
renderedasldquofloodofexcessrdquoiskōsui 水(Cjiangshui)arelativelyrarephrasethat
appearsmostfamouslyinMengzi
BoGuisaidldquoIexcelevenKingYuinwatermanagementrdquoMengzirepliedldquoYouaremistakensirInwatermanagementKingYufollowedthewayofwaterForthisreasonKingYuhadtheFourSeasashisreservoirButyouonlyhaveneighboringstatesasyourreservoirOpposingthecourseofthewateriswhatledtotheldquooverflowingwatersrdquo( )Theoverflowingwaterswerefloodingwaters(洪水)ThisissomethinghatedbybenevolentpeopleYouaremistakensir246白圭曰丹之治水也愈於禹孟子曰子過矣禹之治水水之道也是故禹以四海為壑今吾子以鄰國為壑水逆行謂之 水 水者洪水也仁人之所惡也吾子過矣
BoGuifailsbecauseheunlikethegreatKingYuattemptstocontrolwaterwithout
regardforitsnatureInlightofbothChūganrsquospreviouswritingsandtheother
versesinthisgrouptheimplicationofthepoemseemsobviouslikeBoGuirsquos
245ThisiswhatisreferredtoastheSouthernCourtitsestablishmentmarksthebeginningoftheso-calledNorthernandSouthernCourts(Nanbokuchō)南北朝erainJapanesehistorywhichcontinueduntilarapprochementbetweenthecourtswasreachedin1392246Mengzi6B11VanNordenMengzip168
150
misguidedapproachtomanagingwaterthepursuitofsuzeraintythroughmartial
preeminenceisaviolationthewayofthebenevolentman(仁人)andtheupheavals
ithaswroughtuponthecountryhavesaddenedthekamiThephraseldquomenbecome
asturtlesrdquoisintriguingandpossiblyquiteedgyAtfirstblanchldquoturtlerdquomayappear
anunsurprisingimageinacoupletthatcontainsfloodwatersandadragonsince
bothdragonsandturtlesareconventionallyassociatedwithwaterAconservative
interpretationofthelinemightthereforebethatpeoplenormallyterrestrial
creaturesareforcedtobecomeldquoamphibiousrdquoinordertosurvivethenewpolitical
environmentThewordldquoturtlerdquohowevercouldalsobeaninsultinvernacular
Chinesemeaningeitherldquobastardrdquoorldquocuckoldrdquo247Inthislightthelineseemsto
suggestthatpeoplehavebeendupedanddegradedamidstapowerstrugglethat
representsorhasunleashedadeluge(水)ofpoliticaldysfunctionItneednotbe
assumedthattheldquofloodofexcessrdquoisGo-DaigorsquosaloneChūgansurelywouldhave
laidagreatdealofblameupontheascendantAshikagawhorepresentedprecisely
thekindofauthorityheloathedndashyetanotherldquohegemonrdquo覇inastatestillwithouta
truekingEvensogiventhatldquodragonrdquoisamongthecommonesteuphemismsfor
247ThefirstsensederivesfromafolkbeliefaccordingtowhichmaleturtleswereincapableofcopulationrequiringfemaleturtlestomatewithsnakesinordertolaytheireggstherebymakingturtlesldquobastardsrdquobydefinitionAccordingtoMorohashiTetsujithesenseofldquoturtlerdquoassomethinglikeldquocuckoldrdquo(specificallyamanwhosewifeisengagedinextramaritalliaisonsorprostitution)datestotheTangasmightbeexpectedhowevertextualexamplesaremuchmoreplentifulinlaterperiodsAninformativeanalysisofvernacularinsultsinthenovelShuihuzhuan水滸傳(WaterMargin)theearliestportionsofwhichwereauthoredaroundthetimeChūganwasactiveisgiveninLiuPeipeildquolsquoShuihuzhuanrsquolimayanjiujiqizaiHuayuwenjiaoxuezhongdeyiyirdquo(MAThesisNationalChengchiUniversity2011)ldquoTurtlerdquoandrelatedtermsarecoveredonp39
151
emperorsandthedragoninthisverseseemsunambiguouslytobeGo-Daigothe
coupletmaywellbethemostdaringinhisoeuvre248
Continuingthefocusonthedeclineofoncehallowedinstitutionsthefourth
verselamentstheabsenceofestimableofficials(衣冠)andseeminglytheprofaning
ofthereligiousworldbycurrentevents(thisatanyratewouldappeartobethe
implicationoftheintriguinglocutionldquobalefuldustsbenightingthealtarrdquo)249The
termrenderedasldquoaltarrdquoisshadan社壇(Cshetan)thisisthebroadestandmost
elementarytranslationanditisconsistentwiththeuseofthewordinpre-and
earlyimperialChinaInaspecificallyJapanesecontexthowevershadanmayalso
denotetheraisedareaofearthonwhichthemainbuilding(shaden社殿)ofaShinto
shrineisbuiltItisreasonabletoassumethatthissensewouldhavebeeneasily
apprehendedbymostmedievalreadersespeciallyinlightoftheexplicitmentionof
kamiinthepreviousverseTotheextentthatterminologyassociatedwithkami
worshipleadssyntagmaticallytoJapanesekingshipandthetraditional
apotheosizedbodypoliticonemayreadilyinterpretthebenightingoftheldquoaltarrdquoto
figurethecorruptionorocclusionoftheimperialmajestyAltogetherthelanguage
mightseemtosuggestaratherromanticizedvisionoftheoldroyalorder
248Intheinterestofphilologicalcompletenessanadditionalandquitedifferenthistoricalmeaningofthephrase作龜isldquosetuptheturtlerdquoandreferstoplastromancyamethodofdivinationinwhichturtleplastronsareheatedandtheresultingcracksinterpretedItisnotimpossibletoconstruethelineonthebasisofthissenseforinstancebysupposingittomeanthatinuncertaintimespeopleturntodivinationHoweverthiswouldseemarathermildandanticlimacticconclusiontoalinethatbeganbyemphaticallydescribingastateoframpantmoralwaywardnessandmismanagementndashldquoabanefulfloodofexcessthatreachestheheavensrdquo( 水稽天)249Onldquobalefuldustsrdquo氛埃seenote252below
152
objectivelyspeakingJapanwasprobablygovernedaswellduringtheKamakura
periodasduringanyageofitspremodernhistoryEventheimperialcourtwhile
increasinglyovershadowedbytheshogunatewasatthattimeasubstantially
healthierinstitutionthanithadbecomebytimeofthispoemIndeedChūganmay
beimplicitlyadmittingasmuchthroughhisuseofthesomewhatelastictermzendai
(Cqiandai前代)whichcouldjustaseasilyrefertothepreviousageastoldquopastagesrdquo
ingeneralAndgiventheseeminglynostalgicreferenceinthefirstversetoldquostreets
(once)linedwithgovernmentofficesrdquo(官街)itisevenconceivablethatChūganwas
nolongerquitesoilldisposedtowardsthevanquishedKamakuraregimeashehad
beeninhisearlierwritingshavinggrownupinthevicinityofKamakuraitselfhe
couldnotbuthaverecalledthattheyearsofhisyouthwereatleastmarkedby
politicalstabilityifnotbyhisdesiredpoliticalorderInanyeventtheoverriding
themeoftheseversesndashdissolutionandlossonlevelsbothinstitutionalandspiritual
ndashwasonetowhichChūganwouldreturnfrequentlyduringtheyearsofcivilunrest
thatinauguratedtheturbulentMuromachiera
Yetregardlessofhisdistasteforshogunalauthorityorhishopeforunitary
imperialgovernanceChūgancouldseeaswellasanyonethatbytheendofthe
1330sthefightinghadsucceededonlyinmovingJapanevenfurtherfromthatideal
Inthewinterof1339Chūganassumedtheheadshipofthenewlybuilttemple
KichijojiandpubliclyembracedtheRinzailineageofDongyangDehuiDespitethe
hostilitythisprovokedtheearly1340swereaproductivetimehispoeticoutput
remainedhighandhishistoricalworkNihonshowhichwouldprobablyhave
requiredmanymonthsofresearchwascompletedin1341Thatyearalso
153
occasionedwhatisprobablyhismostfamoussinglepoemalengthymeditationon
thesufferingofthepoorduringanunusuallydestructiveblizzardThepieceis
amongthefinestworksofsocialengagementinmedievalJapaneseliteratureand
waspossiblythefirstofChūganrsquospoemstobetranslatedintoEnglish250
春雪
SpringSnow 辛巳二月二十五 Onthetwenty-fifthdayofthesecondmonthintheyearofjunior-
metalsnake(1341)相陽大雪深五尺 Sōyōrecordedasnowfallfivefeetdeep251初聞郭索歩窗前 AtfirstIheardasoundlikecrabsmarchingatthewindow俄驚樹杪風淅瀝 Thensoonaroseawindwhistlingthroughthetreetops252
250SeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol2(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)pp28-29251ThefirsttwolinesdespiteseemingmorelikeparatextualheadnotesaretreatedinthevulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūandallsubsequentsourcesaspartofthepoemproperThisseemstobebecausetheentering-tonecharacter尺rhymeswiththeremainingfinalcharactersofeven-numberedlinesallofwhichareenteringtoneandinMiddleChineseconcludewiththeconsonantclusteriekiɛk252ThesoundofcrabsmarchingisanunusualfigureforthesoundsassociatedwithfallingsnowChūganseemstohavelikeditforitappearsintheopeningcoupletofanotherofhispoemsldquoExpressingMyFeelingsontheTopicofSnowrdquo題雪寄懐ldquoThemarchingofcrabsiswhatfirstIheardinthebamboosoutsidemywindowInadreamitrapsuponmyfreezingpillowasoundlonelyandsparserdquo蟹歩先聞窓外竹夢敲寒枕響疎々AlocusclassicusforthisfigurehasremainedelusiveIriyaYoshitakaremarksthatheisunawareofexampleselsewhereSeeldquoGozanbungakushūrdquop297Thewordkakusaku郭索(Cguosuo)doesappearinacoupletbyLinBu林逋(967-1028)ldquoThroughthegrassandmudcrabsgomarchingFrombecloudedtreescomecriesofthefrancolinrdquo草泥行郭索雲木叫鉤輈TherestofthispoemseemstohavebeenlostbutthecoupletiscitedwithadmirationbyOuyangXiuinhisGuitianlu歸田錄andagainbyShenKuo沈括(1031-1095)inhisfamousMengxibitan夢溪筆談(DreamPoolEssays)TherelevanceofthisissimplythatLinBuwasalreadymuchbelovedbyGozanpoetsandacoupletofLinrsquospraisedbyOuyangwouldstandanexcellentchanceofcirculatingwidelyamongthem
154
淅瀝轉作砰湃聲 Thenthewhistlingbecamearoaring百千雷霆鬭相撃 Athousandthunderclapsatwarwithoneanother253開窗昧目萬斛灰 Openingthewindowmygazewasdarkenedbyvastmassofash急掩扉頃便堆席 HurriedlyIshutthedoorandstackedupthemats254去年栽竹忽遭摧 ThebamboosIplantedlastyearwerecrushedinaninstant林木挫抑何是惜 Butwithwholestandsofwoodlandtreesbentandbowedwhat
useisthereinbewailingthem鎌倉城在海東南 InKamakurathecitybytheseasoutheastofhere古老皆言未嘗覿 Theoldmenallsaytheyrsquoveneverseenanythinglikethisbefore且如今年元日来 ThoughthefirstdayoftheNewYearhasdawned天弄陰機非旦夕 Heavenhasseenfittolooseitsmysteriousdesignanderaseall
distinctionbetweenthedawnandtheevening255陌上泥濘没牛尻 Onroadsthemudswallowsoxenuptotheirhindquarters故旧訪我難為屐 Impedingtheprogressofoldfriendswhotrytovisitme北客見慣能憑陵 Visitorsfromthenorthaccustomedtosuchconditions
shamelesslybullyandcadge土人縮頸不便僻 Localsmerelykeeptheirheadsdownunwillingtoactspeciously253ThiscoupletrecallslinesfromOuyangXiursquosldquoRhapsodyontheAutumnWindrdquo秋聲賦ldquoAtfirstitblewwithawhistlingshrillThensuddenlyitroaredlikeathunderinggalloprdquo初淅瀝以蕭颯忽奔騰而砰湃254WhiteashappearsinearlierChinesepoemsasametaphorforsnowHoweverashalsocarriesconnotationsofdeathandinthecontextofthispoemthesensethetermgeneratesisoneofforeboding255ThelinescontainamildpunonthefirstdayoftheNewYearwhichisconventionallytermedgantan(Cyuandan元旦)orldquoFirstDawnrdquoThecompoundterminki陰機(Cyinqi)renderedaboveasldquomysteriousdesignrdquoseemstobeparticularlycommoninpoemstreatingblizzardsItisfoundforinstanceinonebyHanYutitledldquoSnowintheYearofJunior-MetalHarerdquo(辛卯年雪)whichincludestheexactphrase弄陰機andinonebytheQingpoetQianQianyi錢謙益(1582-1664)alsotitledldquoSpringSnowrdquo(春雪)
155
咫尺鄰里少相過 Evenpeoplefromtheclosestneighboringvillagesseldomcrosspaths
百賈晝眠絶交易 Merchantssleeptillnoonandceaseconductingbusiness富門御冬蓄有余 Therichhaveamplestorestogetthemthroughthewinter机俎羅張厭脯腊 Withtraysandtablessplendidlyarrayedtheyhavetheirfillof
driedmeats銷金帳裡那知寒 Shutsafelybehindgoldencurtainswhatdotheyknowofthe
cold淺斟低唱情自適 Sippingwineandsingingsoftlytheyarecompletelyatease256窮家数日突無煙 Butfrompoorhousesnosmokerisesfordaysonend嬴臥陋巷同窀穸 Inmeanalleyshovelslielowlikerowsofgraves詩書萬巻徒撑腸 Allthepoemsandbooksintheworlddonothingtofillanempty
stomach竟不能療朝饑慼 Nevercouldtheyofferrelieffromthemorningrsquoshunger一束柴索價遼天 Forasinglebundleoffirewoodthegoingpriceishigherthanthe
heavens五合黄陳無處糴 Andameaslyfivecupsofstaleyellowedgrainarenowheretobe
bought或言雖晩瑞豊年 Somesaythatalthoughitcamelatetheblizzardbetokensayear
ofgoodharvests為我未免按剣戟 Buttomeitaugursnotbutfurtherresorttoswordsandspears257
256Thephraseldquosippingwineandsingingsoftlyrdquo淺斟低唱isacommonidiomthatappearsinnumerousSong-erapoemsincludingonebyFanChengda257HereChūganmaybemakingapunonthephrase為我(CweiwoJwagatame)whichhappensalsotodenoteYangZhursquosldquohedonistrdquophilosophyofself-preservation(inthismeaningthecompoundwouldgenerallybepronouncedigainJapanese)Ifthisissotheideawouldseemtobethatrampantself-interestperhapsintensifiedinthewakeoftheblizzardisultimatelywhatmakesthefightinginevitableAsaprepositionalphrase為我appearsinHanyuefuwiththemeaningofldquoonmy(orour)behalfrdquoandinChūganrsquospieceitisprobablybestunderstoodtomeansomethinglikeldquobymylightsrdquo
156
IntheJapanesekanshitraditionldquoSpringSnowrdquoisreminiscentofamasterful
seriesoftenpentasyllabicpoemstitledldquoFeelingtheColdEarlyrdquo寒早bySugawara
noMichizane菅原道眞(845-903)acourtscholaroftheHeianperiodwhoremains
oneofJapanrsquosmostwidelyappreciatedliterarySiniticpoetsAlltenpoemsbegin
withthelineldquoWhofeelsthecoldtheearliestrdquo何人寒氣早theythenproceedto
identifyvariouspeoplesuchaspeasantrunawaysorphansandelderlywidowers
whosewintertimesufferingisexacerbatedbytheirdifficultpersonalcircumstances
ThoughtheindividualsandsituationsMichizanedescribedwereinspiredbyhis
actualexperiencesasaprovincialgovernorthepoemsthemselvesbetraylittle
informationregardingthecontextoftheircompositionandtheartisticgazeofthe
poetisrarelyifeverintrusiveorinsistentTothisextenttheyareperhapsmore
aestheticallysatisfyingthanldquoSpringSnowrdquowhichdespitepossessinggreater
linguisticrichnessthanldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoshareswiththoseversesa
persistentlyldquosingulativerdquothrustthatanchorsitfirmlytoitshistoricalmoment258It
ishardtoconceiveofalesspoeticcoupletthantheonewithwhichldquoSpringSnowrdquo
beginsthismatter-of-factstartalongwiththestrictchronologicalorderinwhich
eventsarepresentedimpartstothepieceastronglydocumentaryordiaristicflavor
TheclosinglineforegroundsthelyricalldquoIrdquowhooffersfinaljudgmentonthe
significanceoftheeventsjustdescribedThisspeakerwhomthereaderisledby
conventiontoconstrueasChūganhimselfposesquestionsrelatesindirectquotes
258BycontrastMichizanersquospoemscomeclosertoldquoiterativediscoursesrdquowhereasinglediscourseevokesapluralityofsimilareventsSeeRichardHowardtransTzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)p31
157
andrecountsbothhisownresponsestotheblizzardandtheresponsesofothers
Asidefromldquocrabsmarchingatthewindowrdquoandtheconventionalsubstitutionofash
forsnowfigurativelanguageisalmostnonexistentparticularlyinthesecondhalfof
thepoemwherenearlyeverycoupletseemstoadvancesocialcritiqueDescription
tooiskepttoaminimumatleastifthattermistakentomeanthesortofdetached
non-evaluativetreatmentofobjectivephenomenainwhichsymbolismratiocination
andintertextualcodingiseschewed
ItiseasyenoughtounderstandtheserhetoricalfeaturesofldquoSpringSnowrdquoas
aconsequenceofChūganrsquospoliticalcommitmentswhichwhenarticulatedinverse
producedworksmoreorlessanalogousinspirittohisexpositoryproseSocial
protestisofcourseamongtheoldestestablishedfunctionsoftheshiandtothat
extentldquoSpringSnowrdquofitsreadilyintothebroaderChinesepoetictradition
Moreoverasanancient-styleshiwithnofixedlengthorstringentprosodic
requirementsldquoSpringSnowrdquoissubstantiallyfreerandmorecapaciousthantightly
knitrecent-stylequatrainssuchasldquoDannourardquoandldquoTomoHarborrdquoProseof
courseisfreerstillandsentimentslikethoseexpressedinthesecondhalfof
ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldindeedbewellsuitedtothevariousnon-fictionalprosegenres
commonlyusedtolodgeprotestinmedievalJapanegge解mōshijō申状and
shūjō愁状Butbyexpressingtheminashithepoetautomaticallyunderscores
theiremotionalauthenticitywithoutcompromisingthehistoricalveracityofthe
eventsrelatedIncontradistinctiontoworksfromgenressuchasfushiwere
traditionallyreadasnon-fictionalemotionallysinceretreatmentsofthings
158
witnessedorexperiencedbythepoet259Whilethisassumptionofnon-fictionality
canprobablyberelaxedsomewhatforpost-Tangshi260ldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldstill
generallyhavebeenreadbyChūganrsquoscontemporariesasbothatruthfulaccountof
andaliterarymemorialtoreal-lifehardshipswitnessedfirsthandAdditionallyby
fusingmoralconcernwithaestheticexperiencepoemslaidclaimtoavastlylarger
readershipthanpracticaldocumentstypicallydidwhilealdquopeasantgrievance
reportrdquo(hyakushōshūjō百姓愁状)wasintendedtoelicitactionfromgovernment
officialsandestateproprietorsapoemwasintendedforposteritySolongasthe
shigenreremainedvitalevenoneassingulativeasldquoSpringSnowrdquowouldsurvivethe
passageoftimeintactandundiminisheditsinterventionistpotentialoperativenot
justontheleveloflogosbutalsoandindeedprimarilyonthelevelofpathos
InthemeanddictionampleprecedentforldquoSpringSnowrdquomaybefoundasfar
backastherealistpoetryoftheJianrsquoan建安era(196-220)particularlyinthework
ofpoetssuchasWangCan王粲(177-217)CaoZhi曹植(192-232)andtheslightly
laterFuXian傅咸(239-94)whosebriefpentasyllabicpieceldquoSufferingThrougha
RainySpellrdquo(愁霖詩)touchesonaverysimilarthemeandemploysstrikingly
similarmotifs
舉足沒泥濘Iliftupafootonlytosinkintothemuck市道無行車Ontheroadtothemarketnocartsgo
259StephenOwenTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)pp3457260OwennotesthatsomeofLiShangyinrsquospoetrycomesveryneartofictionandthatSong-erapoetsnolongersharedthesamefaithastheirforebearsinanldquouncreateduniverserdquowheretraditionalmodesofpoeticexpressionweresimplyldquonaturalrdquoSeeTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoeticspp5288-89
159
蘭桂賤朽腐Orchidsandcinnamonarecheaperthanrottingtrash柴栗貴明珠Firewoodandmilletaremorepreciousthanlustrous
pearls261
ThelatterhalfofldquoSpringSnowrdquoispropelledbyaseriesoftropesthatwouldhave
beenimmediatelyrecognizabletoFuXianamillenniumbeforethedisparity
betweentherichandthepoorthedifficultiesingettingaroundandthepriceof
dailynecessitiesIfthereisanotablepointofthematicdifferenceintheway
ChineseandJapanesepoetshandledthistypeofmaterialitisthatpolitical
conditionsinChinaatleastduringerasofunityandstrongcentralgovernance
ofteninclinedpoetstheretofocusspecificallyontheroleoferrantgovernment
policiesincausingorexacerbatingpovertyBoJuyi白居易(772-846)probablythe
bestknownChinesepoetinpremodernJapanproduceddozensofintenselydidactic
poemssomeintheldquoNewMusicBureaurdquo(xinyuefu)genrebemoaningpeasant
hardshipsandexcoriatingofficialcorruption262Shipoetryexpressingsimilar
sentimentswascommonthroughouttheSongDynastybeginningwiththeworkof
earlyfiguressuchasOuyangXiuandWangAnshi王安石(1021-86)Bothwereelite
scholar-bureaucratswhoexpressedinverseharshcriticismsofgovernmentpolicies
theythoughtmisguided263AndFanChengdaapoetofotherwisehumble
261Taipingyulanv1ldquoTianburdquo11ldquoYuxiardquo262SeeKondōHaruoHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakushingafushinchūginnokenkyū(TokyoMeijishoin1990)LiaoMeiyunYuan-Baixinyuefuyanjiu(TaipeiTaiwanxueshengshuju1989)263FamousexamplesincludeWangrsquospoemldquoConfiscatingSaltrdquo(收鹽)whichdepictstheenforcementofthegovernmentsaltmonopolyandOuyangrsquospoemldquoThePeopleWhoEatDregsrdquo(食糟民)whichcriticizesthegovernmentmonopolyonwine-making
160
beginningsstillaspiredlikemostofhiscontemporariestoacareerintheofficial
bureaucracyanaspirationherealizedafterpassingtheimperialexaminationin
1154LikeOuyangXiuandWangAnshihispoeticoeuvrecontainsmanyverses
highlightingthesufferingofthepeasantryseveralofwhichmakereferencetotax
burdensndashathemealsoaddressedbyBoJuyi264
ThoughnotunknownsuchpoetrywasagooddeallesscommoninJapan
Whileseveralfactorsmightbeadducedtoexplainthisdifferenceinartistic
sensibilitytwoseemparticularlyrelevantFirstandmostparsimoniouslythe
numberofovertlyldquosociallyconsciousrdquoJapanesepoetswaslimitedbythefactthat
vernacularpoeticmediawereseldommarshaledforsocialcriticismalthoughthe
greatManrsquoyōshūpoetYamanouenoOkura山上憶良(c660-733)diddoexactlythat
hestandsfaroutsideofwhatbecamethemainstreamwakatradition265Second
andmoregermanetopresentpurposesprofessionalservicetoalargecentralized
bureaucraticstatewithwidespreadauthorityovertaxationandlandadministration
wasnotanavenueavailabletothemedievalJapanesepoetsincesuchastatesimply
didnotexistTherewasnoimperialexaminationsystemorcomparablemechanism
fordrawingmenoftalentintogovernmentserviceandeveniftherehadbeenthe
Kyotoauthoritiesevenbeforethewrenchingeventsofthe1330swereinno
positiontomakeandenforcepolicyonacountrywidescaleItistherefore
264SeeRonaldEganldquoShiPoetryAncientandRecentStylesrdquoinCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp324KondōHaku-shimonjūtokokubungakupp307-311265Justhowdifferenthewas(andremains)fromanyothermajorwakapoetisrevealedbythefactthatinjustonelongversehisfamousldquoDialogwiththeImpoverishedrdquo(ldquoHinkyūmondōnoutardquo貧窮問答歌)heuses30termsfoundnowhereelseinManrsquoyōshūndashacollectionofalmost4500poems
161
unsurprisingthatChūganrsquospoemconcludesnotbycastigatinggovernment
monopolies(therewerenone)orexcessivetaxationbutwithconcernoverthe
ever-presentpossibilityoflocalizedwarfare266
WhileldquoSpringSnowrdquomayhavedrawninspirationfromthewritingsofSong
DynastyintellectualssuchasFanChengdaandOuyangXiuthepoemisotherwise
consonantwithlongstandingrhetoricalconventionsregardingthetreatmentof
socialillsinshianditdoesnotrevealcharacteristicallySong-eraaesthetic
preferencesasplainlyassomeofChūganrsquosothercompositionsdoAndbecausefew
linesweresetinthedescriptivemodeldquoSpringSnowrdquoalsoevincesgreaterstylistic
uniformitythanapoemsuchasldquoDannourardquowhichswitchedfromacomparatively
staiddescriptivevignetteofflowersandfishermentoasubject-centeredmoral
argumentaboutfeudalcompetitionSuchmodeswitchingcreatescleavagesinthe
poemthatdisruptthereadingprocessandbeckonthereaderbacktothelevelof
narrativecontentalthoughtheapproachworksagainstaestheticreverieitmakes
forveryeffectivehomilyahortatorygenreinwhichChūganlikemostGozanliterati
266OppressivetaxationcouldofcoursebeaprobleminmedievalJapantoobutrarelyifeverbecauseofpoliciesadoptedbytheimperialcourtoreventheshogunateBythethirteenthcenturylegalrightstoagriculturalincome(shiki職)wereofmanifoldvarietyonagivenpropertymanydifferenttypesofshikiwouldbeheldbymanydifferentclaimantswhoseinterestsmighteasilycomeintoconflictWhilethehighnobilityortheshogunatemightclaimrightstoincomefromacertainpropertysotoomightmilitarygovernors(shugo)andtheirdeputies(shugo-dai)localestatestewards(jitō)estatesuperintendants(gesu)estatemanagers(tadokoro)andsoonMoreoftenthannotthosemostresponsibleforsqueezingtheresidentsofaparticularestatewerenotKyotoaristocratsbutjitōandotherldquomenofthelandrdquo(kokujin)Bytheearly15thcenturytaxesleviedbyshugowereoftenmoreonerousthanthoseleviedbytheMuromachishogunate
162
waseminentlyproficient267Whilethisfactisnotespeciallyrelevanttoworksthat
werenotintendedtoteachorpersuadeitiscentraltopoemswhosemanifestaimis
toimparttothereaderreligioustruthsSuchisthecasewithmanyverses
exchangedwithotherZenprelatesthesetendtounfoldratherlikesermonsand
theyresemblegāthasintheclarityoftheirdoctrinalargumentsThefollowing
poemwritteninresponsetoonefromfellowGozanluminaryBetsugenEnshi別源
円旨(1294-1364)isamongChūganrsquosfinestandillustratestheapproachwell
和答別源
HarmonizingReplytoBetsugen 窓間吐月夜沈々 Thewindowdisclosesthemoonasnightwearson 壁角光生藤一尋 Inacorneroftheroomitglintsinthelightmysix-footstaff 窮達与時倶有命 Frustrationandsuccessarrivewhentheywillasbothare
determinedbyfate268 行藏於世総無心 Actioninandwithdrawalfromtheworldmustalwaysbedonein
astateofno-mind 夢中誰謂彼非此 Whointhemidstofadreamwoulddeclarethatldquothatrdquoisnot
ldquothisrdquo 覺後方知古不今 Itisonlyuponwakingthatoneknowsthepastisnotthepresent 自笑未能除僻病 Ilaughatmyselfforbeingstillunabletoeliminatemywayward
habits 逸然乗興發高吟 IneaseandidlenessIfollowwherevermyinspirationleadsand
chantversesaloud
267Chūganmayhavebeenevenmoreadeptatdoctrinallyfocusedhomileticexpositionthanhispeersasreligiousdisquisitions(説)andcommentaries(疏)arefoundingreaternumbersinTōkaiichiōshūthaninmostGozancollections268Thephraseldquotobefatedrdquo有命isunderstoodasinLunyu125ldquoI(Zixia)haveheardthislsquoDeathandLifearemattersoffatewealthandworldlyhonorareinthehandsofHeavenrsquordquo商聞之矣死生有命富貴在天
163
Iftheopeningcoupletofthisversemaybeascribedaspecificrhetorical
functionitistoclearthemindandallowittorestinimagerythatisinsomeway
propadeuticaltotheensuingmessageThesuddenappearanceofthemoonitselfa
conventionalsymbolofenlightenmentrevealsinitslightanobjectthatisbotha
metonymfortheBuddhistpriesthoodandowingtoitssheen(ithasbeenrubbed
smoothoveryearsofuse)asymbolforoldageandtheworld-wisdomitbrings
Possessedofaquietdignitybefittingitssymbolicpotencythestaffconnectsone
prelatetoanotherandinturnconnectsanywould-bereadertothebroader
BuddhistepistemeHavingthussettheappropriatemoodChūganproceedstooffer
aseriesofthematicallytraditionalaphoristicstatementsaboutthenatureofaction
andindividualachievementBothldquofrustrationrdquo(窮)andldquosuccessrdquo(達)are
contingentuponbeingintherightplaceattherighttimeundersuchcircumstances
thechoicefacingtheprincipledscholariethatbetweenacting(行)intheworld
andwithdrawing(蔵)fromitisbestmadeinastateofnon-intentionalityHere
twoconceptsredolentofBuddhistthoughtldquono-mindrdquo無心andldquoawakeningrdquo覺are
marshaledtoaddresswhatisinessenceaclassicproblemofConfucianethicsactin
corruptedworldandriskbeingcorruptedorwithdrawandwaitforamore
opportunemomentInamovetypicalofZenliteraturethefinalcoupletresolves
thematterbylettingitgoandturnsinsteadtowardsprivatejoys
ThereismuchinthispoemthatspeaksdirectlytoChūganrsquospersonal
experiencestheidealisticscholar-vizieronceeagertoservehiscountryinaldquopublicrdquo
capacityisrejectedforhisbeliefsyetinturningwithinandreflectinguponhisown
164
shortcomingsheultimatelyachievesameasureofpeaceItisoftenthecasein
Chūganrsquospoetrythatplaintsofindividualmisfortuneandstatementsofself-
reflectionfeaturemostprominentlyinversesexchangedwithfriendsThisistobe
expectedalthoughworkssuchasldquoDannourardquoldquoSpringSnowrdquoandthepoems
comprisingldquoImpromptuVersesLamentingthePassageofTimerdquoallexpressthe
subjectivemoraljudgmentsoftheirauthortheymainlydescribesocietalas
opposedtoindividualmisfortunesandareaddressedtonooneinparticularThe
nextversewhichwascomposedforanotherofZhuxianFanxianrsquosJapanesedisciples
UnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤isessentiallyapersonallettersetinrhymingcoupletsIt
beginswithafamiliarrecountingofsocietalillsbutthennarrowsitsfocustothe
varioustrialsbesettingthetwofriendsaswithldquoSpringSnowrdquoitsadherencetothe
formalconventionsoftheshirendersitnotjustadescriptionofbutalsoamemorial
tothehardshipsitrecounts
送澤雲夢
SeeingoffTakuUnbō269乾坤干戈未息時 Atatimewhentheviolenceoftheworldremainsunabated氛埃眛目風橫起 Balefuldustsblownaslantcloudtheeyes270餓者轉死盈道路 Thestarvingdieinturnfillingtheroads
269ldquoTakuUnbōrdquo澤雲夢isaninvertedthree-characterabbreviationofUnbōEitaku雲夢裔澤theseabbreviationshadbeenacommonpracticeamongJapaneseliteratisinceantiquityAsnotedinthebiographicalintroductionChūganEngetsu中巌円月usuallybecomesldquoGetsuChūganrdquo月中巌270IriyaYoshitakaunderstandsthecompoundfunrsquoai氛埃(Cfenrsquoai)asldquodustofwarrdquo戦塵(senjinzhanchen)atermthatdoesappearelsewhereinChūganrsquospoetryItsbasicsenseissimplyldquofoulairrdquo
165
荒城白日狐狸嬉 Intheruinedcityfoxesandbadgerssportinbroaddaylight我問楽土在何許 WhereIaskisthereaplacefreefromsorrow一身可以安棲遲 ThatImightliveinpeaceandease固欲適他無所適 HowIhavewishedtogosomeplaceelsebutthereisnowhereto
go之子先我將何之 Thisfellowwhogoesbeforemendashwhereishegoing倉卒告別難為情 Withsuchahurriedpartingfeelingsareimpossibletoexpress袖出剡藤索吾詩 Itakefrommysleeveapieceofpaperandtrytocomeupwitha
verse浮雲流水無定跡 ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleavenofixedtrace再得會合試難期 Thereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo久厄艱危我羸臥 LongbesetbytroublesIlaydownillandgaunt磨墨揮毫皆不為 Irubinkandtakeupmybrushbutitisalltonoavail感君拳拳有厚意 Movedbytheearnestnessofyourconviction勉強起來拂烏皮 Iforcemyselfupandclearoffmydesk惜君學道不日成 Ilamentthatyourstudieswillsoonbecomplete如何早離金仙師 Howisitthatyoutakeleavesosoonofyourgoldensaintly
master271想君似我乏供給 Ithinkyoulikemeareinstraightenedestate不得已故得相辭 Andwethushavenochoicebuttosayourgoodbyes望君此去逢佳境 Ihopeafteryouleavehereyoufindaplaceofhappiness招我薯蕷同充饑 Invitemethenforsomewildyamsandletuseatourfill
together272271IeZhuxianFanxian272GBZSv2p7GBSSv4p335IriyaldquoGozanbungakushūrdquopp289-91
166
Asinthemoreexplicitlypoliticalpoemsencounteredalreadywarandsocial
unrestfigureprominentlybutthisversearrivesataconclusionthatisintriguingly
ambiguousThefinalcoupletoffersawarmentreatythatbespeaksatleastthe
possibilityofenjoymentamidstprivationyettherestofthepoemclearlybelies
Chūganrsquosconfidencethataldquoplaceofhappinessrdquocaninfactbefoundorthatthetwo
friendsreallywillseeeachotheragainOtherfeaturessuchasself-interrogation
andlanguagesuggestiveofeverydayspeecharehighlytypicalofChūganrsquoswork
whiletheinsertionofametacouplet(ldquoDriftingcloudsandflowingwaterleaveno
fixedtraceThereisbutthefaintesthopethatwewillevermeetagainrdquo)itselfpart
ofanekphrasticaccountofthewritingprocessisuniquetothispoemEvenby
ChūganrsquosstandardsthepieceisunusualintherangeoftopicsitcoversThegazeof
thepoetmovesgraduallyfromalargethematicspace(medievalJapan)anda
universaloratleastwidelysharedemotionalexperience(livingintimesofstrife)
toanintimatespace(theZenmonasticcommunity)andasinglemomentinthearc
ofaparticularfriendship
ForChūganpersonalexperienceandsocietalexperiencewereimbricatedto
adegreeunseeninthepoetryofhiscontemporariesThisisnotofcourse
equivalenttoclaimingthathefeltthesufferingofothersorthetumultofhisage
morekeenlythandidotherpoetsonlythathewasmorewillingthantheywereto
directlythematizeviolenceandsufferinginhisworkAtthispointitisnaturalto
wonderwhetherChūganeverdidexpressinpoetrythesamesortofadvocacyfor
unitaryimperialgovernancendashandforaroyalmonopolyonmilitaryforcendashthathe
167
espousedsoforcefullyinhismemorialtoGo-DaigoAsmightbeinferredfromthe
materialsurveyedherenearlyearlyeveryversethattouchesuponthepolitical
situationduringthe1330sseemstoechothedenunciationofwarandmilitarism
putforthintheldquoKeikenrdquochapterofChūseishiaworkthatlikemostofthepoems
treatedabovewaswrittenafter1333Onefeaturesharedbyallofthesepoemsis
thattheywereeitherunbiddenldquodeclarativerdquoresponsestoworldlyeventsor
ldquodialogicrdquoproductsofprivateexchangeswithclosefriendsYetfornotedGozan
writersespeciallythosepatronizedbyshogunsorpowerfulprovincialleaders
poetrynolessthanprosecouldsometimesserveentirelyprofessionalendsA
cleardemonstrationofthisisthenumberofinscriptions(JmeiCming銘)
preservedinGozancollectionsincludingTōkaiichiōshūthesemightbeengraved
uponnewlycasttemplebellsandothervaluedobjectsandtheyoftenconcluded
withformaltetrasyllabicpoemsInChūganrsquoscasethesocialandfinancialsupport
hereceivedfromSadamunecouldwarrantreciprocationintheformofpublicbelle-
lettristicsupportforŌtomofamilyobjectivesThatthisarrangementmighthave
resultedinatleastsomeldquopro-Kenmurevolutionrdquopoetryisrevealedbythefollowing
versewhichisuniqueinformandthematiccontent
軍士圖
SoldiersinFormation 沈而思 Immersedtheyponder呑而知 Imbibingtheyknow承歟乘歟 DowetakeitonDoweride兵莫持疑 Amongthesoldiersnotonehasdoubts笑而喜 Laughingtheyrejoice
168
嗔而恚 Scowlingtheyrage壯哉驕哉 HowstrongHowproud人馬美矣 Themenandthehorsesndashallsobeautiful273
Seeminglycraftedtoeulogizeadepartingarmyitisdifficulttooverstatehow
differentthispieceisfromanythingelseinTōkaiichiōshūItisclassifiedinthe1764
vulgateeditionasaformalpanegyricorsan(Czan贊)Thisappearstobeunique
tothateditionwhichwaspreparedbythepriestDaigeSōdatsuandpresumably
reflectshispersonalclassificatorychoices274Whilethelackofparatextual
informationprecludeseasycontextualizationwemightsurmisethatChūganwas
askedtocomposethepoemforaspecificcompanyofsoldiersperhapsone
marshaledbytheŌtomointheearlydaysoftheKenmuRevolutionThoughthe
brevityofeachutteranceandthemixingofmetersimpartstoeachhemisticha
staccatorhythmthepieceasawholeishighlysymmetricalandgovernedby
extremelytightparallelismThebeautyofstrongconfidentmenontheeveofbattle
isanunusualthemeforanykanshipoetparticularlyoneofChūganrsquosideological
temperbutasabenedictivepraisepoemldquoSoldiersinFormationrdquoisundeniably
successful
273GBSSv4p363GBZSv2p41274TheeightversesSōdatsugroupedundertheheadingsanarescatteredthroughoutTamamuraTakejirsquosmoderneditionofTōkaiichiōshūSōdatsuseemstohavelistedtheseversesassanbecauseoftheircontent(egofferingpraisetofamousfiguressuchasLanxiDaolongLaoziLieziZhuangziandConfucius)orbecauseoftheiruseofthesolemn-soundingtetrasyllabicmeterwhichisidentifiedasessentialtoaproperzaninthelatefifth-centurycriticaltreatiseWenxindiaolong文心雕龍
169
Withtheexceptionofthisversethepoemstreatedinthischapterare
broadlyunifiedbytheirattentiontopoliticalillsandpopularwelfareAcompelling
casecanbemadethatthewillingnesstotreatthesesubjectsatlengthwasChūganrsquos
mostnotablethematiccontributiontoJapanesekanshiandanoutstanding
contributiontoJapaneseliteraturemorebroadlyInitsunusualformldquoSoldiersin
FormationrdquoalsorevealsChūganrsquosequallynotablewillingnesstoventureoutsidethe
dominantpenta-andheptasyllabicmetersandexperimentwithmetrical
irregularityTheseexperimentsmoreoverwerenotconfinedtospecialsub-genres
suchaspraisepoemsorinscriptionsChūganexperimentedwithmetricalvarietyin
shitoocomposingaseriesofquatrainsintheunusualsix-syllablemeterEven
moreunusuallyforaJapanesepoethealsostudiedtheldquosonglyricrdquoorci詞whilein
ChinaandincludedacompositionofhisowninTōkaiichiōshūTheciwasamajor
poeticgenrebythe11thcenturyandthegradualexpansionofitsthematicand
stylisticrangeranksamongthemostculturallysignificanttrendsinChinese
literatureaftertheTangDynastyBeyondofferingfurthertestimonytotheartistic
adventurousnessofanindividualpoetthesepiecesshedlightonthescopeof
ChineseliteraryformsinmedievalJapan
170
Chapter Five
New Directions in Form Ci Poetry and Hexasyllabic Shi
ItisnosurprisethatinthehistoryofJapanesekanshipoemsinthefiveand
seven-syllablelineshouldpredominatealmosttotheexclusionofallothermeters
TheconcertedstudyofChinesepoetrybeganinJapanonlyintheseventhcentury
bywhichtimethepentasyllabicmeterhadbeendominantonthecontinentfor
severalhundredyearsandtheheptasyllabiclinewasrapidlygainingtraction
ThoughearlyJapanesekanshiwereoverwhelminglypentasyllabicbythemiddleof
theHeianperiod(794-1192)kanshianthologiescontainedmostlyheptasyllabic
eight-linepiecesthatgenerallyconformedtothecomplexrulesofrecent-style
regulatedverse275PerhapsbecausemostHeianpoetswerearistocratstrainedto
appreciatefinedistinctionsandtoupholdexactingstandardsofdecorumthe
prosodicconstraintsofregulatedversedidnotimmediatelygiveriseto
countervailingpressuresforgreaterartisticlibertyAsEdwardKamenshas
observedinrelationtovernacularJapanesepoetryofthesameeratheprotocolsof
publicaristocraticlifesometimesmeantthatcourtersrsquopoemswerenotsomuch
expressionsastheywereperformancesofexpression276
275SteinengerChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanp85276KamensldquoTerrainsofTextinMid-HeianCourtCulturerdquoinAdolphsonetaledsHeianJapanCentersandPeripheries(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2007)p136SeealsoHelenCraigMcCulloughBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)pp46-48andp421
171
So-calledldquoancient-stylerdquopoetrywhichdevelopedintandemwithrecent-
styleversebutwasprosodicallyfreerroseinpopularityduringthemedievalperiod
andwaswidelyfavoredbyZenliteratiWhilemanyGozancollectionsstillboasted
animpressivenumberofcarefullycraftedrecent-stylequatrainsregulatedverses
andeventheoccasionalextendedregulatedverse(JhairitsuCpailuuml排律)theless
ornamentedancient-stylewasseentofacilitatedirectlyricalexpressionandcould
beturnedeasilytocausesrangingfromreligiousdevotiontosocialcritiqueYet
withtheexceptionofreligiousencomiainscriptionsanddeathpoemsndashsmallbut
importantsub-genresthatfrequentlyusedthesolemnsoundingtetrasyllabicmeter
ndashfiveandseven-syllablelinesremainedthenorminmedievalJapanregardlessof
subjectmatterortonalprosodyTobroachapointthatwillbeaddressedingreater
detailbelowtheoverwhelmingdominanceamongkanshipoetsofpenta-and
heptasyllabicshiisatleastmildlysurprisingsinceJapaneseliteratiweregenerally
wellacquaintedwithcontemporarytrendsinChinaandnewerpoeticmediasuchas
theci詞(Jshitenshi塡詞)andqu(Jkyoku曲)whichemployedmixedsyllabic
meterswerecomposedbysomeofthesameChinesepoetsalreadywellregardedin
Japanfortheirshipoetry277
Atpresentrelativelylittleisknownaboutthepracticeofcipoetryin
medievalJapanorwhatinfluenceitmighthavehaduponJapanesekanshiasthe
277Owingtothehomophonybetweenthecharacters詞and詩inJapanesethecompoundtermtenshi塡詞whichliterallymeansldquofillingin(themusicalpiece)withlyricsrdquoispreferredwhenreferringtoci
172
topichasreceivedonlysporadicinterestfromscholarsmostofitquiterecent278
TheoldestknowncibyaJapanesepoetwascomposedbyEmperorSaga(r809-23)
andispreservedintheroyallycommissionedcollectionKeikokushū經國集(827)
despitethisearlyimprimaturtheformwouldnotreceivesustainedattentionin
JapanuntiltheearlyTokugawaperiod(1600-1868)279Fewcompletecifrombefore
theseventeenthcenturyremainandnonebutEmperorSagarsquosexplicitlyindicate
theirtunetitles(cipaishihai詞牌)Withouttheseaccurateidentificationrequires
theattentionofaspecialistasthecompositionsappearatfirstglancesimplytobe
unregulatedpoemsofmixedsyllabicmeterIndeedpremodernJapanesecollators
ofliterarycollectaneamayhavebeengenerallyunawareoforunconcernedwith
thehistoricalconnectionbetweenciandmusictheearliestclearindicationthata
Japanesepoetunderstoodcitobelyricssettomusicappearsinthesixteenth-
centuryworkNotesonAchievingPerfectiontheStudyofPoetry詩學大成抄bythe
GozanmonkIkōMyōan惟高妙安(1480-1568)280Whilethematerialconsidered
278SeeMatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu13(Dec2016)pp60-82NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū25(1999)pp96-109NogawaldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū26(1999)pp71-84AnearlyinvestigationofciinJapanisKandaKiichirō神田喜一郎NihonniokeruChūgokubungaku日本における中国文学vol1ldquoNihontenshishiwardquo日本塡詞史話(TokyoNigensha1965)279SagarsquoscimaybefoundinGunshoruijūvol6p562ItissettothetuneldquoAFishingSongrdquo漁歌子andappearstobemodeledcloselyononebytheTangpoetZhangZhihe張志和(c730-810)280ThisworkcontainsJapaneseglossesandexplanationsofmaterialexcerptedfromthelateSongorearlyYuan-eratreatiseShixuedacheng詩學大成(AchievingPerfectionintheStudyofPoetry)SeeMatsuoldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquopp61-62
173
belowmakesitnearlyimpossibletobelievethatIkōwasthefirsttograspthiseven
inChinatheactualmannerinwhichthecituneswereoriginallysunghadlongbeen
lostandthefewJapanesepoetswhoattemptedtocomposecimayhavesimplyseen
thetunepatternswhichdeterminedmeterrhymeplacementandthepositionof
tonesasakindofchallengenotunliketherequirementsofrecent-styleshi281
SignificantlyChūganrsquospersonalcollectionofwritingsTōkaiichiōshūisone
ofonlytwofromthemedievaleracurrentlyknowntoincludeacompleteciTōkai
ichiōshūhappensalsotobethefirstGozancollectiontofeaturequatrainssetinthe
unusualhexasyllabicmeterwhilesix-syllablelineswereusedfrequentlyinciand
quregularhexasyllabicshiwerequiterareinbothChinaandJapanThischapter
willexaminethesepiecestogetherwithanothercisettothesametunepatternby
oneofChūganrsquosoldercontemporariesandwillattempttosituatetheminrelation
torelevantChineseprecedentsScholarshiponthereceptionandcompositionofci
inpre-TokugawaJapanhasonlyjustbegunandthefactthatChūganrsquosciwasnot
indentifiedassuchuntil1999despiteTōkaiichiōshūhavingbeenavailableinprint
foralmost90yearsshouldsuggestthediscoveriesthatremaintobemadeamong
thevastbodyofGozanpoetryyettobesurveyedBecausebothciseemtohave
beencomposedinthe1320spredatingthehexasyllabicquatrainsbyadecadeor
moreouranalysiswillbeginthere
281OntherulesgoverningciseeMajiaBellSameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetrypp245-48
174
兜率寺陋房夜為大風雨所擺搖醒而作 ComposedwhenIwasawakenedinmyramshackleroomatDoushuaiTemplewhich
thankstofiercewindandrainwasbeingjostledabout雨澎滂 Rainfallsinawildonslaught 海雷浪 Theroilingseahaththunderbrought 1313轆轆侵柴牀 Surgingandrumblingitassailsmybrushwoodcot 建瓴 Theeaveslikecaskswithwaterbrimming 潢盈庭 Poolsandpuddlesthegardenfilling 屋欲流兮動不停 Myhutrsquosabouttobewashedawayndashitshakeswithnorelenting 中正禪子住其中 ButwithinresidesthePrelateofBalanceandRectitude 至於此極未為窮 Whoevenbroughttothisextremeisnotamanentrapped睡受三禪天上樂 DozinghereceivesthejoyoftheThirdMeditationHeaven 夢覺又御冷然風 Wakingfromhisreverieheshieldshimselffromicydrafts282
PerhapsowingtotheextremerarityoftheciinJapanthevulgateeditionof
Tōkaiichiōshūwhichwascompiledin1764simplylisteditasanancient-styleshi
NogawaHiroyukihasidentifiedthepieceasonesettothetuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquo(木
蘭花)whichappearsinthecollectionHuajianjiandisgenerallytracedtotheFive-
DynastiespoetWeiChengban魏承班(d925)283AsisoftenthecaseinciChūganrsquos
compositionincorporateselementscommontomultiplepoeticgenresrepeateduse
ofthereduplicativebinomespengpang澎滂(Jhōbō)yinyin1313(inrsquoin)andlulu轆
轆(rokoroku)evoketheverbosestyleoffuorldquorhapsodiesrdquo(Jfu賦)whilethe
trisyllabiclinesrecallyuefu(Jgakufu樂府)Therhymeschemeismixedina
mannertypicalofciwhichusesstrophes(asopposedtocouplets)asthebasic
282GBSSv4p354283NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop105-06
175
structuralunit284HeretheendrhymesswitchinEarlyMandarinfromndashaŋ(滂浪
牀)inthefirstthreelinestondasheŋ(瓴庭停)inthefourthfifthandsixth285
Whereasinshinarrowlydefinedthesamesyllabicmeterisgenerally
retainedthroughouttheentiretyofthepoemciusuallyemploylinesofvariable
lengthThisenablesgreatvarietyinrhythmandreflectsthestructureofthemusic
towhichthelyricswereoriginallyset286Thespecific3+3+7syllabicpatternofthe
firsttwostrophesofChūganrsquosciisidentifiableasfarbackasHan-erayuefuandit
appearsincompositionssuchasDuFursquosfamousldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquo(兵車行
c750)Whilethismediumlengthworkispredominantlyheptasyllabicitopens
withasinglestanzathatiscloselyanalogoustothestrophesfoundinci
車轔轔 Thecartsgoclikety-clack 馬蕭蕭 Thehorseswhinnyandneigh 行人弓箭各在腰Withbowsandarrowsattheirwaiststhesoldiersmarch
awayhellip287
284ThetermstropheindicatesaunitofverseendinginarhymeincitheymaybecomprisedofonetofourindividuallinesSeeSameildquoCiPoetryrdquop248285ReconstructedpronunciationshereandelsewherefollowEdwinGPulleyblankLexiconofReconstructedPronunciationinEarlyMiddleChineseLateMiddleChinese
andEarlyMandarin(VancouverUnivofBritishColumbiaPress1991)AsnotedinChapterThreeEarlyMandarinreferstothelanguageofthefourteenth-centuryrimebookZhongyuanyinyun中原音韻somescholarsincludingMichaelFullertermthislanguageMiddleMandarin286SameildquoCiPoetryrdquopp245-46287QTS21611ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoisanancient-stylepoemofmixedmeter(雜言古詩)representativeofatypeofnarrativepoemtermedaldquosongballadrdquo(CgexingJkakō歌行)ExamplesmuchbelovedinJapanareBaiJuyirsquosldquoBalladoftheLuterdquo琵琶行andldquoSongofEverlastingSorrowrdquo長恨歌ldquoBalladoftheArmyCartsrdquoalsoappearsinthewellknown18thcenturyanthologyTangshisanbaishou唐詩三百首(ThreeHundredTangPoems)whereitisclassedasaheptasyllabicyuefu
176
ThelastfourlinesofChūganrsquosciwhichcompriseitssecondsectionorldquoverserdquo
(CqueJketsu )returnthereadertothetypeofprosodicsymmetry
characteristicofshiTheselinesinvokebothBuddhismandallusively
Confucianismwhilemaintainingtheplayfulchattyqualityofthefirstsection
Togethertheunbalancedhemistichesmirrortwodifferentaspectsofthepoetrsquos
psychologicalexperiencethequiescentjoyofmeditationpunctuatedbytheexciting
tumultofastorm
NogawatheorizesthatChūganwasfirstintroducedtocibytheexpatriate
monkRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)afellowZenprelatewhowasofa
differentRinzailineagebuthadalsostudiedunderGulinQingmao288Fora
JapanesemonkRyūzanwasunusuallywellestablishedintheChineseChan
communityandwashighlyfamiliarwiththeliterarycultureofthemajorsouthern
monasteriesHehadalreadybeenlivinginChinafor24yearswhenChūganmet
himattherenownedmonasteryYunyansi雲巖寺in1325andhewouldnotreturn
toJapanuntil1349Ryūzanhastohiscreditonesurvivingcithatisalsosettothe
tuneldquoLilyMagnoliasrdquoItsheavyuseofallusionandstronglyreligiouscharacter
makeitconsiderablyhardertointerpretthanChūganrsquosthesefeaturesalsosuggest
thattheworkwasprobablynotRyūzanrsquosfirstattemptatci
288RyūzanbelongedtotheHuanlong黄龍lineagewhileChūganbelongedtotheYangqi楊岐bothofwhicharoseintheNorthernSongGulinseemsnottohavebeenparticularlyconcernedwithestablishingconsistenttransmissionthroughasingledharmalineagereportedlyacceptingdisciplesprincipallyonthebasisoftheirskillincomposinggatha偈頌SeeNogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquop99
177
送有知客參黄龍 呉人 SeeingoffVisitorsrsquoOfficerYouWhoisGoingtoJointheHuanlongSchool
(HersquosaManofWu)289
蘇州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminSuzhou常州有 WersquovegotlsquoeminChangzhou 擬議思量成過咎 Exercisingthemindwithdeliberationistofallintoerror 收驢脚 Sowithdrawyourdonkeylegs 展佛手 AndextendyourBuddhahand 道火何曾燒著口 Evenifyouspeakfirehowcouldyourmouthbeburned 處處秋林落葉黃Everywhereautumnwoodsaredeckedwithfallenleavesofgold 處處春風鬧花柳Everywherevernalbreezesrousetheblossomsandwillows 還它有眼定古今 Ifyoudefertothoseoftrueinsighttodeterminepastandpresent六六元來八十九 Thensixbysixturnsouttobeeighty-nineafterall290
TotakethelastlinefirstNogawasupposesittobeadeliberatelynonsensical
propositionthatrepudiatesconventionaltruthThecharacters六六areconstrued
assixtimessixonthebasisofwhatwouldappeartobeasyntacticallyhomologous
linefromoneofGulinrsquospoems九九依然八十一whichplainlyseemstosayldquonineby
nineisasusualeighty-onerdquoToassumestrangenessorincomprehensibilitytobe
anintendedfeatureofthetextandnotaneffectofcurrentcriticallimitationsis
alwaysariskybusinessbutNogawarsquoshypothesisiscompellingsolongasRyūzanrsquos
lineisunderstoodtoworkgrammaticallylikeGulinrsquosthisinturnseemsa
reasonablesuppositionasitisunlikelythatacopyistrsquoserrorcouldresultin三十六
289ThetitleisdifficulttounderstandAzhike知客(Jshika)wasoneofthesixadministrativeofficersatatemple(六頭首)andwaschargedwithreceivingvisitorsYou有appearstobehisfamilynameandNogawabelievesthesmallercharacters呉人belowthetitleidentifyMrYouassomeonefromtheWuareatheopeninglinesofthepoemseemtopunhumorouslyonhisnameandplaceofbirth290GBSSv3p278
178
appearingas八十九Wemightofferfurthersupportfortheinterpretationby
notingthatifRyūzanrsquospurposewasindeedtopositanarithmeticidentitythatis
logicallyabsurdhehaschosenhisnumberswelleighty-nineisprimewhilethirty-
sixcontainsmoredivisorsthananyintegersmallerthanitmakingitaso-called
ldquoanti-primerdquoorhighlycompositenumber291
ThehumorousopeninglinesalludetoapopularNewYearrsquoscustominthe
SuzhouregionthehistoricalcenterofWu呉cultureonNewYearrsquosevechildren
wouldshoutmaichidai賣癡獃ldquoduncesforsalerdquoasiftoinvitebuyersfromother
regionstohelpreducethesurplusofidiotstraditionallyheldtoresideinWu292
Howexactlythisconnectsconceptuallywithwhatfollowsisdifficulttodetermineit
isconceivablethattheidiotsareinthiscasethosewhodoexercisetheirmindsin
ratiocinationandtherebyfallintoerrorNogawanotesthatthepracticeoflikening
onersquoshandstothoseoftheBuddhaandonersquoslegstothoseofadonkeyistraceable
tomethodsofChaninstructionusedbythepatriarchoftheHuanglongschool
291Thereremainsofcoursethepossibilitythatthereisinfactalegitimatearithmeticconnectionbetween六六and八十九(whateverthesecharactercombinationsaretakentomean)orthatthepurposeofthelineistopresentakindofnotationalpuzzleforthereadertointerpretandsolveIf六六and八十九areallowedtobereadasshorthandfortwodifferentmathematicaloperationsthensuchconnectionsmaybefoundegif八十九istakennotaseighty-ninebutastheproductof810and9and六六isallowedtomean6(sixfactorial)thenwewouldhavethelegitimaterelation6 5 4 3 2 1=8 10 9=720Moderngamesofthissortarequitecommonldquoperfect3srdquoforinstancepresentsexpressionssuchas333=7andasksreaderstocreatetrueequationsusingonlythesenumbersandbasicoperationseg(3divide3)+3=7292NogawaldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakurdquopp99-100ThecustomwasevidentlywidelyrecordedamongthecollectedworksofthepoetFanChengdawhosepossibleinfluenceuponChūganwasdiscussedinChapterFourisacientitledldquoSellingDuncesrdquo賣癡獃
179
Huinan慧南(1002-69)293Likethefinallineofthesecondversethefinallineofthe
firstversealsomakesaseeminglyparadoxicalclaimandtheoveralllessonofthe
poemseemstobethatrationaldiscursivethought(擬議思量)cannotleadto
enlightenment
Astheseexamplessuggestcimayemploysyntacticrhythmsandpatternsof
metricalvariationseeninolderformssuchasfuandyuefuandtheymayalso
includewholesectionsthataremetricallyregularandprosodicallyakintoshi294
Pointsofoverlapbetweentheciandshiwereinfactnumerousandlongstanding
andthegradualexpansionofthecirsquosthematicrangeduringtheSongDynasty
eventuallygaverisetocriticaldiscussionsofwhatitsproperpurviewoughttobe
vis-agrave-vistheolderandmoreprestigiousshi295EliteliteratilikeSuShibroughtthe
refinedsensibilitiesofshitotheciwhiletheleadingcipoetoftheNorthernSongLi
Qingzhao李清照(1084-1151)criticizedSursquoseffortsasyieldingldquonothingbutshi
withirregularlinesrdquo296BythetimeChūganarrivedinChinaithadlongbeenthe
casethatpoetsknownprimarilyforcomposingshiwouldalsocomposecievenif
fewwouldhavewishedthisfacttobeartooheavilyupontheirownliterary
293Ibidp102294NotethatinthesecondsectionofChūganrsquoscithecharactersattheendofthesecondandfourthlines風and窮behavepreciselyastheywouldbeexpectedtoinshibotharelevel-tonewordsandalthoughtheyareonlyslantrhymesinModern
MandarintheyrhymecompletelyinbothEarlyMandarin(fuŋkʰjuŋ)andMiddleChinese(fjywŋkɦiwŋ) 295OnconnectionsbetweenearlyciandshiseeShuen-fuLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTzrsquourdquoinPaulineYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricinChina(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)pp14-17296XindaLianldquoLongSongLyrics(Manci)rdquoinZong-qiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetryp263
180
legacy297Whileitisdifficulttoascertainwhetherornotthestudyofciplayeda
meaningfulroleinencouragingChūgantobemoreexperimentalinhisshiitseems
fittingthataftertryinghishandatcicompositionhewouldlaterventuretocompose
shiintheunorthodoxhexasyllabicmeterCimadefrequentuseofsix-character
linesandhexasyllabicshioftenusedlanguagethatwascomparativelycolloquial
andprosaicWeiShaoshenghassurmisedthatthedevelopmentofciwasinfact
influencedbyhexasyllabicshi298giventhatshiemployingthatparticularmeter
whilealwaysraredidbecomemoreprevalentaftertheTangitalsoseemspossible
thattheburgeoningpopularityofciamongseriouspoetslikeSuShifostered
increasedcompositionofsix-syllableshi
ThefourhexasyllabicshiincludedinTōkaiichiōshūareinformalvignettesof
ChūganrsquostravelsaroundaruralestateineasternJapantheyaredescriptivebutnot
austereusingordinarylanguageandavoidingtheimagisticdensityoftenassociated
withSongandYuan-eradescriptivepoetryThereisnoindicationastowhyhe
chosethisastheoccasiontoexperimentwithanovelsyllabicmeterbutinsofaras
hewasclearlycomfortabletreatingjourneysandlandscapesinverseitispossible
thathefeltanewventureinformwasmorelikelytobesuccessfulifthetopicwasa
familiarone
297SeeRonaldCEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquouDuringtheNorthernSungrdquoinYuedVoicesoftheSongLyricpp191-225298WeiShaoshengLiuyanshitiyanjiu(BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)pp183-203
181
利根山行春LateSpringintheMountainsofTone299
陰涯或有残雪 平平仄仄平仄春溪 平平仄仄平平風日乍寒乍暖 平仄仄平仄仄杖屨且留且之 仄仄仄平仄平ShadycragsndashsomewithremnantsnowSpringtimestreamsndashhalffullwithicefromthemeltWindandsunshinendashitrsquoscoldoneminuteandwarmthenextOutfittedforthehikeItarryandgotarryandgo白雲溶溶洩洩 仄平平平仄仄 流水潺潺湲湲 平仄平平平平乗興行春未盡 平仄仄平仄仄胡為倦烏先還 平平仄平平平WhitecloudsundulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggently300IshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatspringisnotyetoutHowcouldItireHowcouldIturnback301 299ldquoLatespringrdquorenders行春whichinthisusageliterallymeansldquodepartingspringrdquoAnothermorespecializedmeaningthatmayalsobegermaneisldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquowhichdescribesthecustomofofficialsconductinginspectionsonfootorhorsebackoncewinterhadendedofplacesundertheirjurisdictionItwasnotuncommonforZenmonkstobetaskedwithadministrativedutiesontemplepropertiesoronestatesheldbyprivatepatronsgiventhatTonewasanŌtomofamilyshōenitispossiblethatsuchaninspectiontourwasthecontextforthetravelsdescribedinthepoems300TheimageryandheavyuseofreduplicativebinomesisstronglyreminiscentofacoupletbytheChanmonkZhengjue正覺(1091-1157)whichispartofthesixthverseofhisseriesldquoTwoHundredandFiveGathasrdquo偈頌二百零五
溶溶洩洩山上雲 Undulatingsoftlyndashthecloudsoverthemountain 潺潺湲湲山下水 Babblinggentlyndashthestreamatitsbase301Inthethirdlineif行春 istakentomeanldquospringtimeinspectiontourrdquothelinewouldmeanldquoIshalltakeadvantageofthefactthatmytourhasnotyetfinishedrdquo
182
枯藤屈曲蟲盤 平平仄仄平平怪石斕 仄仄平平仄平拒暘雪積巌罅 仄平仄仄平仄揺緑春囘燒痕 平仄平平平平DriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikewormsStrangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsTheyblockthesunrsquosraysallowingsnowtoaccumulateinthecrevicesAmidstswayinggreenspringreturnstoreclaimgroundoncecharredbywildfire302 山深風俗淳朴 平仄平仄平仄民楽無懐之時 平仄平平平平溪梅別有風韻 平平仄仄平仄野質村姿更奇 仄仄平平仄平 DeepinthemountainscustomsaresimplePeopleareateaseasinthetimeofWuhuai303PlumblossomsinthevalleypossesseleganceunmatchedYettherusticityofthefieldsandbeautyofthevillagesismorecharmingstill
DatingtheseversesisdifficultbutthereferencetoToneinthetitlesuggests
theywerelikelycomposedafter1337Between1337and1359Chūganspentpart
ofnearlyeveryyearatoneoftwoŌtomofamilypropertiesineasternJapan
WisteriaValley(Fujigayatsu藤谷)andToneEstate利根庄thelatteramountainous
demesneinwhatistodayGunmaPrefectureToneEstatewasthesiteforthe
302ThelanguagehererecallsthelineldquoSittingdownIseethespringreturntogroundoncecharredbyfirerdquo坐看春回入燒痕fromaquatrainbythemonkHuihui慧暉(1097-1183)HuihuirsquospoemisincludedinthewellknownseriesNineteenVersesEulogizingtheOld頌古十九首compiledbytheChanmasterFaquan法全(1114-69)TheseriescontainsbothshiandcianditstitlemaybeanodtotheNineteenOldPoems古詩十九首afoundationalgroupofearlypentasyllabicshi303Wuhuaishi無懐氏(JMukaishi)isamythicalrulerwhoissometimesplacedinthegenerationjustafterFuxi伏羲andthecreatorgoddessNuwa女媧orasinShijiinthemuchlatergenerationjustprecedingtheYellowEmperorHiseraisinvokedheretofigurepeaceandpopularcontentment
183
templeKichijōji吉祥寺builtwithŌtomosupportin1339andheadedbyChūgan
andanattachedZenretreatcalledShishian止止庵304Theseplacesofferedprivacy
andrespiteduringthedifficulttimesfollowinghisrejectionoftheSōtōsectand
adoptionofDongyangDehuirsquoslineofRinzaiZenThefourversesarelistedinthe
vulgateeditionofTōkaiichiōshūashexasyllabicquatrains六言絶句Though
somewhatmorecommonthanhexasyllabicregulatedversesquatrainsinthismeter
arestillextremelyrareOftheapproximately48000shiintheQuanTangshi全唐
詩onlyabout150arehexasyllabicandthemostprolificuseroftheformZhang
Yue張説(667-730)iscreditedwithjusteightverses305Amongpoetsofwider
reputeWangWeiisknowntohavecomposedsevenhexasyllabicshiLiBaithree
andBaiJuyitwo306NostudyofwhichIamawareexaminestheprevalenceofthe
forminJapanthoughbecauseitspopularitywasrisinginChinathroughoutthe
SongDynastyitislikelythatmanyJapanesepoetswereawareofitAmongGozan
writerstheprincipalusersseemtohavebeenChūganandhisillustriousyounger
compatriotGidōShūshin(1325-88)wholeftnolessthaneleveninhismassive
collectionKūgeshū空華集307
304ThenameofboththetempleandtheretreatalludetotheaphorismldquoGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo吉祥止止whichisderivedfromZhuangzi21ldquoObservethevoidndashtheemptyroomemitsapurelightGoodfortuneliesinstoppingwhenitistimetostoprdquo瞻彼闋者虛室生白吉祥止止(trMairWanderingontheWayp33)GivenChūganrsquosabidinginterestinmoralbalanceandhisviewthatGo-DaigohaddisastrouslyoverplayedhishandintheKenmuRestorationthenamesarewellchosen 305Liuyanshitiyanjiup95306Ibid307GBZSv2pp472-73
184
Thereisdisagreementamongscholarsastowhetherpoemsofthismetercan
infactqualifyasrecent-stylepoetryatallwithsomeoptingtolimitthatdesignation
topenta-andheptasyllabicpoems308Intermsoftonalprosodyhexasyllabicshi
maysometimescontainlinesofwhichfourfiveorinsomecasesallsixwordsare
homotonousandtheso-calledldquoadherencerulerdquo(粘法)ofrecent-styleversewhich
helpstiecoupletstogetherisnotfollowedrigorously309Nonethelesshexasyllabic
shididgenerallyincorporateatleastsomeofthepatternsoftonalalteration
characteristicofrecent-styleversestrongtonalcontrastbetweenwordswithina
singlelineandbetweenlinesofasinglecoupletwasmorecommonthanthelack
thereofandhexasyllabicshialmostalwaysupheldtheessentiallyinviolablerecent-
stylerulethatevenlinesmustrhymeandthatrhymingwordsmustbeinlevel
tone310Thesimilaritieswereevidentlyenoughtomotivateatleastsome
premodernpoetstoincludesix-syllableshiintheircollectionsofquatrainsHong
MairsquosencyclopedicWanshouTangrenjuejuuml萬首唐人絶句(late12thc)forinstance
includes48suchversesndashstillamodestnumbergiventheimmensesizeofthe
work311Inanyeventtheboundarybetweenancient-styleandrecent-stylepoetry
washistoricallyratherfluidwithsomepoemscharacterizedasquatrainsor
308RenBantangTangshengshi(ShanghaiXinhuaShudian1982)309Therulestipulatesthatthefirsttwowordsofthelastlineofonecoupletshouldbeofthesametoneasthefirsttwowordsofthefirstlineofthesucceedingcouplet310Anoverviewoftheconventionsofrecent-stylepoetrymaybefoundinZong-QiCaildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77311WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup150HongMai洪邁(1123-1202)aministerandscholarduringtheSouthernSonginitiallycompiledacollectionof5000TangquatrainsandpresentedittoEmperorXiaozong孝宗thiswassubsequentlyexpandedintoaworkof100volumescontaining100quatrainseachaboutthreequartersofwhichareheptasyllabic
185
regulatedversesbasedseeminglyonthefactthattheysomehowldquosoundedrdquolike
recent-stylepoemsdespitecontainingagreatmanytonalviolations312
Intermsoftheirgrammaticalstructurehexasyllabiclinesdonotscanin
thepatternstypicalofpenta-andheptasyllabiclinesproducingsyntacticrhythms
thatarenotonlystrikinglydifferentbutmorevariableaswell313Incipoetry
associatedwiththeschoolofldquoHeroicAbandonrdquo(ChaofangJgōhō豪放)thesix-
charactermeterwassometimesusedtoproducedramaticandhighlyimagisticlines
thatreliedonpureparataxisandavoidedfinalpredication
名月別枝驚鵲 Thefullmoonslantingbranchesastartledmagpie XinQiji辛棄疾(1140-1207) 孤村落日殘霞 Alonelyvillagethesettingsunlingeringhuesofpink輕烟老樹寒鴉 Lighthazeanagedtreeacrowinthecold BaiRenfu白仁甫(1226-1306)
WhiletheconventionsofclassicalChinesegrammardonotadmitofrigidly
definedpartsofspeechndashagivenwordmayfunctionasanounverbadjectiveor
adverbdependingoncontextandsyntacticpositionndashtheselineseffectivelycontain
312OwenReadingsinChineseLiteraryThoughtp432313ThedifferencesinsyntacticrhythmbetweenshiofdifferentmetersarenotnecessarilyapparentifreadingisdoneaccordingtoJapanesekundokuconventions(anymorethansuchdifferencesarenecessarilyapparentinEnglishtranslation)AsnotedintheintroductiontheworkingassumptionofthisstudyisthatChūganwasattentivetothewayhispoemssoundedinChineseEminentkanshipoetswereusuallywelltrainedinmattersoftonalprosodyeventhoughmostdidnotspeakChineseandtheassumptionthatChineseprosodywassignificantforapoetsuchasChūganwhobyallaccountsdidpossessnotableproficiencyinspeakingseemsespeciallywarranted
186
noverbssavethoseusedasparticiples(egthesettingsun落日)andtheyuseno
prepositionsparticlesorotherdevicestospecifygrammaticalrelationsThelines
scaninthe2+2+2semanticrhythmproducingadistinctivestaccatostyleChūganrsquos
versesworkdifferentlymakingfrequentuseofgrammaticalparticlesandfeaturing
linesthatconstitutecompleteornearlycompletesentencesInterestinglythismore
prosaicstylewasnotonlycommoninciandquwhichisunsurprisinggiventhe
vernacularoriginsofthoseformsbutwasalsoamainstayofhexasyllabicshiafact
WeiShaoshengbelievesmayreflecttheinfluenceoffu314Examplesreflectingthe
prosaicstylebyLiBaiWangJianWangWeiandmanyothereminentpoetsappear
plentifulwhenconsideredasafractionofthetotalnumberofsurvivinghexasyllabic
shiandtheversesofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquobearmanysimilarities
toarchetypessuchasthefollowing
題舒州山谷寺石牛洞 WrittenonShiniuGrottoatShanguTempleinShuPrefecture315
水泠泠而北出 Thewaterisclearandcoolandflowsnorth 山靡靡而旁圍 Thehillsarescatteredaboutandencirclethearea 欲窮源而不得 Iwantedtofindthesourcebutwasunabletogetit竟悵望以空歸 IntheendmyhopeswentunrealizedandIreturnedemptyhanded316 WangAnshi王安石(1021-86)314WeiLiuyanshitiyanjiup168 315ShanguTempleismorecommonlyknownasSanzuTemple三祖寺owingtothefactthattheThirdChanPatriarchSengcan僧璨(510-606)onceresidedthereShuPrefectureislocatedinthemodernAnhuiProvince316Ibidp168
187
田園樂七首
SevenPoemsontheJoysofFieldsandGardensno6
桃紅復含宿雨 Peachblossomsflushwithcolorstillholdlastnightrsquosrain柳緑更帶春烟 Willowslushandgreenremainmantledinspringtimemists 花落家僮未掃 Petalsliestrewnaboutandthehouseboyhasyettosweepthemaway鶯啼山客猶眠 Anoriolecallsoutbutthemountaintravelerstaysfastasleep317 WangWei王維(699-759)
OfthetwoWangWeirsquospoemisthemoredescriptiveandthelessinsistently
subject-centeredthoughineachlinewordssuchasldquostillrdquo(復更猶)andldquohasyettordquo
(未)underscorethepoetrsquospersonaljudgmentaboutthesceneSuchwasalsothe
casethroughoutthefirstverseofldquoLateSpringintheMountainsofTonerdquowhich
reliedheavilyuponsimilaradverbialexpressions(或半乍且)andinthesecond
versewhosesecondcoupletfeaturedtwointerrogativelocutions(胡為烏)318The
particlesandconjunctionsinWangAnshirsquosverse(而以)imparttoitastrongly
prosaicqualitythispointcanbeeasilyappreciatedbyimaginingthesecondlineas
onerephrasedinthepentasyllabicmeterwithout而where山靡靡而旁圍yields
ldquothehillsarescatteredaboutandencircletheareardquothetruncated山靡靡旁圍might
bestberenderedldquohillsscatteredaboutencircletheareardquoTogetherwiththeclearly
metaphoricalsecondcoupletndashthewordsldquosourcerdquo源andldquoemptyrdquo空areredolentof
Buddho-Daoistthoughtndashthepoemasawholecouldnotbemuchfurtherfromthe
317Ibidp74318Throughaprocessofparanomasticborrowingthecharacter烏isusedforitssoundwu(EarlyMandarinuMiddleChineseɁuǝ)torepresentthewordldquohowrdquo
188
austerenaturalisticmodeglimpsedinthelinesofHeroicAbandoncibyXinQijiand
BaiRenfu
ThepentasyllabicparaphraseofWangAnshirsquoslineadumbratesafeature
commonnotonlytoChūganrsquoshexasyllabicpoemsbuttohexasyllabicshimore
generallynamelyhowreadilyagreatmanylinesmayberecastintohypothetical
fiveorseven-syllablevariantswithnosubstantivechangeinmeaningForinstance
thefirstcoupletofChūganrsquosthirdverseldquoDriedoutwisterialiecoiledlikeworms
Strangerocksofvariegatedcolorsresemblecrouchingbeastsrdquomightberephrased
intheseven-syllablemeteras枯藤屈曲若蟲盤怪石斕斒似獣蹲whichsimply
makesexplicittherelationsoflikenessimpliedintheoriginalBothlinesnowscan
intheveryfamiliar2+2+3patternbetterstillsince若(ldquoasifrdquo)and似(ldquoto
resemblerdquo)areentering-tonewordsbothlinesnowalignperfectlywithrecent-style
tonalrequirementsSimilarlytheopeninglinesofthesecondverseldquoWhiteclouds
undulatingsoftlyStreamsbabblinggentlyrdquomightbeshortenedfrom白雲溶溶洩洩
流水潺潺湲湲to白雲溶洩洩流水潺湲湲althoughtheresultingtonaldistribution
doesnotaccordentirelywithrecent-styleconventionsthelinesscaneasilyand
theirmeaningremainsunchanged
Thisexercisemayseemlittlemorethanaspeculativeindulgencebutit
suggeststherelativeeasewithwhichaparticularpoeticimagemightberealizedin
multiplesyllabicmetersItalsoillustratesacompositionalstrategythatisinfact
knowntohaveinformedtheearlydevelopmentofpentasyllabicshipoetrynamely
theexpansionoffour-syllablelinesintofive-syllableequivalentsviatheuseof
particlesorbinomes(forinstanceusingdaolu道路forldquoroadrdquoinsteadofjustdao道
189
orlu路alone)319Historicallyofcourseheptasyllabicversewasrarebeforethe
TangDynastyandthusplayednoformativeroleinthedevelopmentofhexasyllabic
shiassuchButitseemsquitepossiblethatpentasyllabicpoetrymighthaveandin
anyeventbythetimeChūganwasactivetheseven-syllablelinehadbeendominant
inbothChinaandJapanformanycenturiesmakingmoreorlesscontinuous
interplaybetweenalloftheseformslikelyItisthereforeunsurprisingthatin
additiontotheapparentstylisticinfluenceofearlierhexasyllabicshiastockof
phrasesandpoeticimagesculledfromheptasyllabicpoemssuchasthosebythe
monksZhengjueandHuihuiseemalsotohaveinfluencedtheversesofldquoLateSpring
intheMountainsofTonerdquo
ConclusionCiandSiniticPoetryinMedievalJapan
ThecentralaimofthischapterhasbeentohighlightworksinTōkaiichiōshū
whoseformalpropertieswereunusualforSiniticverseinJapanandtoconsider
theminreferencetorelevantpoeticdevelopmentsinChinaChūganwasnotthe
onlyfigureintheGozanmovementtounderstandthesedevelopmentsbuthewas
evidentlymorewillingthanmostofhiscontemporariestoexperimentwiththemin
hisownverseoratleastmorewillingtopreservetheresultsforposterityYetin
lightoftheextraordinarypopularityandartisticvibrancythecihadachievedin
ChinabytheendofthetwelfthcenturyitsneartotalabsencefromGozan
collectionsisamongthemostcuriousfacetsofGozanliterarycultureandindeedof
319SeeStephenOwenTheMakingofEarlyChineseClassicalPoetry(CambridgeMAHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2006)p74
190
medievalkanshibunmoregenerallyTheproblemitshouldbenotedwasnotalack
ofbasicknowledgetheearliestandmostinfluentialanthologyofciZhaoCongzuorsquos
tenth-centuryHuajianji花間集islongknowntohavecirculatedamongGozan
literati320andseveralotherfamousworksthatdiscussorcontainexamplesofci
suchasShirenyuxie詩人玉屑andJuefanHuihongrsquosLinjianlu林間錄wereprinted
inJapanviawoodblockandpublishedbymajorGozanmonasteries321Giventhe
generalesteemaccordedtoChinesebellelettresitisthusrathersurprisingthat
notableJapanesepractitionersofcididnotappearuntiltheeighteenthcentury
nearlyamillenniumaftertheformrsquosemergenceinChina322
Multipleexplanationsmightbeadducedfortheapparentlackofinterestinci
amongpremodernJapanesepoetsthemostparsimoniousofwhichissimplythat
thenewformwastothemlargelysuperfluoustheshiremainedartistically
sufficientfortheirpurposesandfewJapanesepoetswereinclinedtostudyanew
formwhosemasterydemandedknowledgeofdozensoftunepatternsthat
determinedmeterrhymeschemeandtonalprosodyButtressingthispositionis
thefactthatkanshipoetsbyallindicationswereneverbesetbyasenseof
320SeeKandaKiichirōNihonniokeruChūgokubungakuvol1(TokyoNigensha1965)pp56-7321SucheditionsareknowntodayasldquoGozaneditionsrdquo(Gozan-ban五山版)SeeKandaNihonniokeruChūgokubungakup53322SeeChenZhuhui陳竺慧ldquoNomuraKōennolsquogashirsquotoShindainoshidansonoeibutsushiotegakarinirdquo野村篁園の「雅詞」と清代の詞壇その詠物詞を手がかりにWasedaDaigakudaigakuinbungakukenkyūkakiyō62(Mar2017)pp203-215AsChennotesevenintheEdoperiodciremainedaminorartformoflittleinteresttomostkanshipoetsThefirstJapanesetreatiseofcipoeticsTenshizufu塡詞図譜wascompiledbyTanomuraChikuden田能村竹田(1777-1835)andpublishedin1807
191
belatednessorBloomiananxietyvis-agrave-visthegreatChinesepoetsofthepastnor
didtheyfeelaneedtoescapefromtheweightofanoppressiveshitradition
Meaningfulparticipationinthattraditionwasaccomplishmentenoughandthefact
thatLiBaiorDuFuremainedunsurpassabledidnotdriveJapaneseshipoetsaway
fromthemediumortowardsconspicuousstylisticnovelty323
Anadditionalandperhapsevenmoresalientfactorthatmighthave
motivatedthearmrsquos-lengthapproachGozanmonkstooktocindashreadandreprint
thembutdonrsquotwriteyourownndashwastheformrsquoshistoricalassociationwithwomen
andtheentertainmentquarters324IndeedHuajianjiisdominatedbytheostensibly
femininethemesofloveandabandonment325andtotheextentthatthiscollection
wasthemajorsourceofinformationaboutciinearlymedievalJapanGozanpoets
mighthaveapprehendedtheformasaninherentlyfeminizedoneMoreoverwhile
mostmaleliteratiexpressedvaryingdegreesofdisapprovalforexcessive
indulgenceinciGozanmonksmighthavetakenspecialnoticeofthefactthatitwas
aChanmonkFayunFaxiu法雲法秀(1027-1090)whoofferedthegreatpoetHuang
Tingjian黃庭堅(1045-1105)afamousadmonitionagainstdabblingintheformat
all
323LestthisbethoughtsimplyareflectionofageneralconservatismamongJapaneseliteratiitisworthnotingthatintherealmofvernacularpoetryattemptstobreakfreefromcertaintraditionalpoeticstrictureswerebeingmadeatthistimebywakapoetsoftheKyōgyoku京極schoolandthedevelopmentofseriouslinkedverse(renga連歌)wouldsoonfundamentallytransformJapanesepoetryandpoetictheory324SameildquoCiPoetryShortSongLyrics(Xiaoling)rdquop245EganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp194-207andpassim325Sameip251
192
hellipOnedaythedharmamastersaidtoLuzhi(HuangTingjian)ldquoTherersquosnoharminwritingasmanyshiasyoulikebutyoushouldstopcomposingeroticsongsandlittlecirdquoLuzhilaughedldquoTheyarejustwordsintheairIrsquomnotkillinganyoneandIrsquomnotstealingSurelyIwonrsquotbesentencedtooneoftheevildestiniesforwritingthesesongsrdquoThedharmamasterrepliedldquoIfyouusewickedwordstoarouselustinmenrsquosheartscausingthemtoignoreproprietyandviolatethelawthenyourwordswillbeasourceofcrimeandwrongandIrsquomafraidyouwillnotmerelybepunishedwithevildestiniesrdquoLuzhinoddedandsubsequentlystoppedwritingsongs326
AsithappenedHuangTingjiandidnotstopwritingcithoughinhisown
accountofthisexchangetheChanmasterisevenmoreexplicitinhiswarning
opiningthatrebirthintheHellofSlitTonguesawaitsthosewhouseoffensive
language327Notablythemasterisdecidedlyunconcernedwithshianditiseasyto
imagineZenmonksinJapanharboringasimilarprejudiceagainstthecievenasthey
pursuedshicompositionassiduouslyHadthecibeenasartisticallyprominentin
theeighthcenturyasitwasbythetwelfthitmighteasilyhavefoundquick
popularityamongNaraandHeianaristocratswhoatthetimewerethetastemakers
inthesmallworldofJapanesekanshibunandmuchenamoredwithpalace-styleshi
whosethematicsimilaritiestociweresubstantial328Andinsofarasmotifssuchas
clandestineromancesabandonmentandunrequitedloveemergewith
extraordinaryprominenceinvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryoftheHeianera
itisquiteconceivablethatmalearistocratsofthetimemighthavebeenmore
326QuotedinEganldquoTheProblemoftheReputeofTzrsquourdquopp202withminororthographicchanges327Ibid328SeeKang-iSunChangTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)p18citedinLinldquoTheFormationofaDistinctGenericIdentityforTrsquozurdquop16
193
amenabletostereotypicalcithemesthantheirmonasticcountrymenweretobe
fourcenturieslater
194
Conclusion
Gozan Literature in Retrospect
1 KanshibunandtheKokugaku国学LegacyInmodernformulationsofJapaneseliteraturetheGozancorpusoccupiesa
uniquepositiononethatisunquestionablycentraltothehistoryofJapanese
kanshibun漢詩文ndashpoetryandprosecomposedinthetrans-nationaltrans-
linguisticmediumofldquoliterarySiniticrdquondashandyetforthatveryreasonperipheralto
thecanonasawholeToasignificantdegreethisstateofaffairsistheresultofthe
monolingualandphonocentricimperativesthatbegantoinformtheconstructionof
aldquonativerdquoJapaneseliterarycanonintheeighteenthcenturyScholarsassociated
withthekokugaku国学orldquonativestudiesrdquomovementsoughttorecoverthe
indigenouslinguisticandculturalsensibilitiesofearlyJapanTheireffortswere
motivatednotsimplybyphilologicalcuriositythoughmanywereindeedgifted
philologistsbutbyanabidingdesiretodevelopanideologicalalternativetothe
Neo-ConfucianismascendantinTokugawa-eraintellectuallifeThoughcoloredby
ananti-Chineseandanti-BuddhistoutlookthatGozanliteratiwouldundoubtedly
havefoundbizarreanddistastefulthemovementwasextremelyproductive
kokugakuscholarsundertookrigoroushermeneuticalexaminationsofJapanese
textsthathadnotpreviouslyreceivedsuchattentionthemostculturally
consequentialofwhichwouldturnouttobethelittleknownmythohistorical
195
chronicleKojiki古事記(ARecordofAncientMatters712)Equallysignificanttothe
fieldofliterarystudiesweretheirreconsiderationsoffamousvernacularworksof
poetryandprosefictionsuchasIsemonogatari伊勢物語(TalesofIse9thc)Genji
monogatari源氏物語(TheTaleofGenjic1010)Manrsquoyōshū万葉集(Collectionof
MyriadLeaves759)andKokinwakashū古今和歌集(CollectionofJapanesePoems
AncientandModern905)Theseinvestigationslaidthegroundworkforsubstantial
advancesinlinguisticsandlexicography329AndacenturybeforeEnglishliterature
hadearnedaplaceintheBritishacademyalongsidetheGreekandLatinclassicsthe
effortsofkokugakuscholarshelpedestablishtheformalstudyofvernacular
JapaneseliteratureasanacademicenterpriseonparwiththestudyoftheChinese
classicswhichuntilthenhadbeentheonlyldquoclassicsrdquorecognizedassuchinJapan330
Bythelatenineteenthcenturythenativistimpetusbehindkokugakuhad
beenaugmentedbyaburgeoningnationalismasJapansoughttodefineitsplacein
329SeeSusanBurnsBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)passimThisisnottosaythatkokugakuwasexclusivelyorevenprimarilyaphilologicalorldquotextualrdquomovementonlythatitsideologicalgoalsnecessitatedtheinterpretationoftextsandthatthisimperativeledtovariouscriticaladvances330Terminologicallyspeakingwordsoftentranslatedasldquoclassicsrdquo(tenseki典籍tenpun典墳)referredmostoftentoChinesetextsSimilarlywordssuchassaigaku才学ldquolearningrdquoreferrednotjusttoknowledgeingeneralbuttoknowledgeoftheChineseclassicsinparticularForexamplethepoetandloverAriwaranoNarihira在原業平(825-80)whoseadventuresarerecountedinIsemonogatariisdescribedinthehistoryNihonsandaijitsuroku日本三代實録asldquoratherbereftofsaigakubutexcellentatcomposingwakardquo略無才學善作倭歌WhiletheprecisemeaningofthislineisthesubjectofongoingdebatethetraditionalviewfirstputforthbykokugakuscholarshasbeenthatthecompilersofSandaijitsurokuwereappraisingNarihirainrelativetermsasbeingunremarkableinChineselearningbutdistinguishedinwakacompositionMeijiacademicsfromthelate1880sonwardwouldbegintofreelyapplythetermkoten古典ldquoclassicsrdquotovernacularJapaneseworks
196
theWestphalianworldorderEuropeanphonocentrismjibednicelywiththe
longstandinganti-logographicbentofkokugakuwhichhadfromitsinception
praisedJapanesekana(andSiddhamscript)whiledisparagingChinese
characters331AndEuropeannotionsofanessentialorganicrelationbetweena
peopletheirspokenlanguageandtheliteraturewroughtfromthatlanguagewere
easytoreconcilewiththeethnocentricclaimsofkokugakuscholarswhowereoften
atpainstoemphasizethealterityofallthingsChineseWhenKadanoAzumamaro
荷田春満(1669-1736)afoundingfigureinthekokugakumovementreferredto
Manrsquoyōshūasldquotheessenceofoutnationaltemperamentrdquo(国風の純粋)hewas
positingthepersistenceinJapaneseliteratureofwhatHippolyteTaine(1828-93)
wouldlateridentifyastheldquoinnateandhereditarydispositionsrdquothatbelongtoa
particularpeopleandaremanifestintheirliterature332Tainewasoneofseveral
WesterntheoristswhoseworkwouldbeenthusiasticallyreceivedbyMeiji-era
scholarsinJapanbothbecauseitansweredcontemporarypedagogicaland
ideologicalneedsandbecauseitdovetailednicelywithlongestablishednativist
convictionsInasimilarveinthereverenceshowntofolksongsbythepoetand
philosopherJohannGottfriedHerder(1744-1803)alignedneatlyinbothitsmotives
331SeeReganEMurphyldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91332QuotedinWmTheodoredeBaryedSourcesofJapaneseTradition(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1958)pp513HVanLauntransHippolyteTaineHistoryofEnglishLiterature(LondonChattoandWindus1878)p10ThesedispositionscomprisewhatTainefamouslytermsldquolaracerdquothemeaningofwhichasexplainedbyhistorianNathalieRichardsisnotsomuchaldquodeacuteterminismebiologiquerdquobutaldquoformedrsquoespritcollectiverdquoSeeRichardsHippolyteTaineHistoriePsychologieLitteacuterature(ParisClassiquesGarnier2013)p145
197
anditscriticalnomenclaturewithkokugakuscholarsrsquovenerationofsimilarmediain
JapanHerderbelievedthatlanguagewasafoundationalevensacredconstituent
ofapeoplersquosidentityandhisnotionofthesprachgeist(spiritoflanguage)foundan
easyhomeamongMeiji-eratheoristslongaccustomedtotherevivifiedand
repurposednotionofkotodama言霊(thespiritofwords)whichhadbecomea
centralconceptinlateTokugawakokugakudiscourse
Theeventualresultoftheseinteractionswastheformationofanew
academicandideologicalventureknownaskokubungaku国文学orldquonational
literaturerdquowhichbythe1890shadbecomethedominantcriticalparadigm
governingthestudyofpremodernJapanesetextsThoughheirtomuchofthe
intellectuallegacyofkokugakukokubungakuassimilatedEuropeanideasabout
literaryformandhistorythattookthenation-stateasthepreeminentexpressionof
culturalandpoliticaldevelopmentThisimpartedtothedisciplinecertain
ideologicalobjectivesandformalinterestsnotsharedbyitspredecessorWhereas
kokugakuhadplacedparticularemphasisonwakapoetrykokubungaku
emphasizedJapaneseprosefictionwhichsharedmanyattributeswiththe
novelisticwritingthathadwonsuchesteemintheWestAndwhereaskokugaku
hadsoughttouncoveranauthenticprelapsarianYamatoidiomunsulliedby
continentalinfluenceskokubungakuendeavoredtopresentJapaneseliteratureas
theuniquelyidentifiableproductofatranshistoricalculturemore-or-less
coterminouswiththetraditionalgeopoliticalboundariesoftheJapaneseimperium
Inprinciplekokubungakuthushadthepotentialtobequitecapaciousasany
writtenartifactofarchipelaganoriginmightconceivablybeconstruedasfalling
198
withintheboundariesofldquoJapaneserdquoliteratureYetwhileitscanonwasindeed
largerthanthatofkokugakumainlybecauseitdidnotexcludeTokugawa-period
workskokubungakutoostruggledtoaccommodateJapanesekanshibunand
continuedtoprivilegevernaculargenresasthequintessenceofJapaneseliterary
expression
FortheleadinglightsofMeijikokubungakukanshibunwasitwouldseem
stilltooldquoChineserdquoAsearlyas1890thepioneeringkokubungakuscholarHaga
Yaichi芳賀矢一(1867-1927)haddefinedacircumlocutoryldquogracerdquo(yūbi優美)as
theessenceofJapaneseliteraryaestheticsincontrasttotheldquostrengthrdquo(yūsō勇壮)
ofChineseliteratureandtheldquoprecisionrdquo(seichi精緻)ofWesternliterature333
NearlytwentyyearslaterHagawouldarguestronglyfortheincorporationof
kanshibunintoacademictreatmentsofJapanrsquosnationalliterature334butbythenthe
dyehadlargelybeencastInpartkanshibunliteraturewasexcludedbyaesthetic
fiatitslanguagetostatetheobviousaspiredtoartisticeffectsdifferentfromthose
ofwakaormonogataritomostspecialistsofnationalliteratureevenwhenitwas
gooditwasnotreallyJapaneseFurtherpushingkanshibuntothemarginswas
kokubungakursquosformalfocusonthenovelAlthoughkanbunfictionwasnot333HagaYaichiandTachibanaSensaburōedsKokubungakutokuhoninHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshūvol2(TokyoKokugakuin1983)pp192-93AsimilarviewwaspropoundedbyMasaokaShikithoughinexplicitrelationtolanguagesheheldWesternlanguagestobeprecise(緻密)andgiventometiculousdescription(叙事詳細)Chinesetobeboldandmagnificent(雄渾雄大)andJapanesetobegracefulandfine(優美繊柔)SeeMatsuiToshihikoldquoMasaokaShikishūrdquoinNihonkindaibungakutaikeivol16(TokyoKadokawaShoten1972)p132334MatthewFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModernJapan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)pp6-7
199
unknownitwasvastlyoutweighedinquantityandqualitybyvernacularfictionIn
lightofboththeformidablelinguisticchallengesandlongstandingscholastic
prejudicesagainstfictionitselfitisprobablysafetosaythatthesmallminorityof
JapaneseBuddhistorConfucianliteratiwhopossessedsufficienttechnical
competenceinliterarySinitictocomposefictionalstoriesmarkedbycomplex
characterizationandpsychologicaldepthhadlittleinterestinactuallydoingso
WhileoutstandingJapanesekanshipoetsdidoccasionallyproduceworkssufficient
tomeetwithapprobationinChinandashZekkaiChūshinandAraiHakuseki(1657-1725)
arefamousexamplesndashthereistomyknowledgenoworkofliterarySinitic(or
vernacularChinese)fictionbyaJapaneseauthorthatiscomparableinqualityto
notableworksoffictionbyChineseauthorsortonotablevernacularJapanese
monogatari335
Thethornyissueoforiginalityposedyetanotherproblempremodern
JapanesehistoricalandphilosophicalwritingwasasdeeplysteepedinBuddhism
andConfucianismasEuropeanhistoryandphilosophywasinPlatonismand
AbrahamictheologyButwhilerepublicanRomeandtheancientGreekpoleis
bulkedlargeintheEuropeanimaginationtheywerelongextinctandbore
essentiallynorelationtothepolitiescontrollingItalyandthePeloponnesusinearly
335AsnotedinChapterFourZekkaiexchangedpoemswiththefoundingemperoroftheMingDynastyZhuYuanzhangForHakusekimattersunfoldedmoreserendipitouslyAcollectionofhispoemsseemstohavebeenbroughttotheRyūkyūKingdomandthensubsequentlytoChinawhereaHanlinacademyscholarZhengRenyue鄭任鑰appraisedithighlyandwrotealaudatoryprefaceSeeBurtonWatsonJapaneseLiteratureinChinese(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)v2pp13-14andYoshikawaKōjirōHōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji(TokyoShinchosha1971)pp81-193
200
moderntimesBycontrastChinesedynastiesincludingeventheMongolYuan
(1280-1368)andManchuQing(1644-1912)purportedtoupholdidealsofroyal
paramountcyandculturalexcellencethatinprincipleextendedasfarbackasthe
ZhouDynasty(1046-256BC)QingrulerspartookextensivelyofChinesehigh
cultureadoptingBeijingastheircapitalcityandretainingthebasicbureaucratic
machineryoftheirvanquishedMingpredecessorsItwasanapproachthat
contrastsmarkedlywiththatoftheroughlycontemporaneousOttomanrulersof
GreeceandithelpedfosterthesensethatldquoChinardquoasapoliticalandculturalentity
wascharacterizedbyanextraordinarydegreeofcontinuitycertainlyfarhigher
thanthatwhichcharacterizedthevariousearlymodernEuropeanstateswhose
landswereoncehometotheMediterraneancivilizationsofantiquityThissenseof
anldquoeternalrdquoChinalongnotedinEuropeanwritingsonAsiawasalsoverymucha
partofthepremodernandearly-modernJapaneseimaginationInthisconnection
itisillustrativetocontrasttherelationshipthatearly-modernEuropeanpowers
enjoyedwiththefruitsofGreco-RomanculturewithJapanrsquosrelationshiptothe
ChineseculturallegacyWhereastheformerwaslargelycuratorialandrarelyif
evermarkedbychauvinismonthepartofEuropeansthelatterwascomplicated
fromtheoutsetby6thand7th-centuryJapaneserulersrsquodesireforpoliticalparity
withtheSuiandTangcourtsEventheopenhostilitydisplayedtwelvecenturies
laterbyjingoistickokugakupartisansfoundasympatheticdomesticaudiencein
partbecauseQingChinaremainedageopoliticalcompetitortoJapan
FinallythehistoricallegacyofGozanwritersmustbeunderstoodin
referencenotonlytoJapaneseattitudestowardsChinaandtheChineselanguage
201
butalsototheebbingfortunesofinstitutionalBuddhismduringtheTokugawaera
(1600-1868)FormallyspeakingBuddhismwasanldquoestablishedrdquoreligionatleast
insofarastheTokugawashogunatedeterminedtoextirpateChristianityinthe
wakeoftheShimabaraRebellion(1637-38)legislatedtheuseoftemplesascenters
ofcompulsoryreligiousregistrationOntheintellectualfronthoweverthefaith
wasincreasinglyonthedefensiveasNeo-Confucianandkokugakupolemicistsndash
ideologicallyalignedinthisparticularinstancendashattackedbothitstenetsandits
institutionalstructure336Asearlyas1666thedaimyoofOkayamadomainIkeda
Mitsumasaorderedthat598Buddhisttemplesbeabolishedandthatreligious
registrationattemples(tera-uke)bediscontinuedinfavorofregistrationatShinto
shrines(shinshoku-uke)337Similarpolicieswerecarriedoutbyotherdaimyo
sometimesundertheaegisofpromotingShintoandalwayswithaneyetowards
strengtheningdomainalfinancesbyreturningtemplelandstothetaxrollsBythe
endoftheTokugawaperiodactsofviolenceagainsttempleshadoccurredin
multipledomainsandfurtherdespoliationofBuddhistpropertyfollowedinthe
yearsaftertheshogunatersquosdissolution338TheMeijireformersfortheirpartdid
notactuallyseekthewholesaleeradicationofBuddhismndashtheinfamousslogan
haibutsukishaku癈佛毀釋ldquoAbolishtheBuddhaandDestroyShakyamunirdquowasnot
officialpolicyYettheyleftlittledoubtthatBuddhismwasatbesttobeseenasan
unessentialelementintheculturallifeofthenewnationandatworstasan
336SeeMartinCollcuttldquoBuddhismTheThreatofEradicationrdquoinMariusBJansenandGilbertRozmanedsJapaninTransitionFromTokugawatoMeiji(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1986)pp143-167337Ibidp146338Ibidp146
202
unwelcomeadulteranttoShintofromwhichitwastoberigorouslyseparated339
ThiscleavingofBuddhismfromShintoshinbutsubunri神佛分離wasofficialpolicy
anditbroughttoanendalmostamillenniumofinstitutionalreligioussyncretism340
Morethanthisithelpedinstantiateinthereligiousrealmthesamepursuitofpurity
andnationalessencethatsooftenpropelledkokubungakudiscourse
AsaresultoftheseprocessestheGozancorpuswasmultiplyalienatedfrom
themodernunderstandingofJapaneseliteratureitslanguage(oratleastits
orthographyndashmoreonthisbelow)wasChineseitsdominantgenreswereshi
poetryandnon-fictionalexpositoryproseanditseclecticsubjectmatteraimed
mostlyateliteaudienceswasheldtoreflectvaluesthatwerefundamentallyalien
andpossiblyevenanathematotheindigenousJapaneseVolksgeistFully
integratingtheworksofleadingGozanliteratiintotheJapanesecanonwasthus
ideologicallyfraughtinawaythatforexampletheintegrationintotheEnglish
canonofWilliamofOccamrsquostheologicalandscientificwritingswhichareinLatin
wasnotThebroadexclusionofGozanliteratureandotherliterarySiniticwritings
meantthatanimmensevolumeofshipoetryalongwithanimposingbodyof
scholarshipinareassuchasstatutorylawandpoliticalphilosophywasassigneda
moremarginalpositionthanithadinfactoccupiedhistorically341Evenmore
339Ibidpp150-51340Ibidpp151341ThecentralityofkanbuntextstopremodernJapaneseeducationisdetailedextensivelyinHaruoShiraneldquoCurriculumandCompetingCanonsrdquoinShiraneandTomikoYodaedsInventingtheClassics(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2000)pp220-249InsomecaseskanbuntextsconstitutedtheentiretyofacurriculumandoccupiedthebulkofextracurricularreadingTheAshikagagakkōaninfluentialinstitutionofcollegiateeducationforsamuraimaintainedacurriculumcomprised
203
perniciouslybyfosteringtheimpressionthatpremodernandearly-modernJapan
producedhighlyoriginalvernacularpoetsandprosewritersbutnotjuristsand
philosophersthemonolingualcharacterofthekokubungakucanonabetted
essentialistandanti-rationalistclaimsaccordingtowhichJapanunlikeChinaand
theWestwasacultureofaffectiveimmediacynotdiscursivereason
Whilesuchclaimsprovedremarkablydurablecontinuingeventodaytohold
securepurchaseuponthenationalistimaginationitwouldbemisleadingtoimply
thatideologicalfactorsaloneexplaintherelegationofkanshibuntotheperipheryof
theJapanesecanontheydonotNolessgermaneisthesimplefactthatachieving
masteryofliterarySiniticwashardcomparativelyspeakingforJapanesewriters
Evenwithextensiveformaltrainingitisnomeanfeattowriteartfullyinamedium
developedtotranscribealanguagedrasticallydifferentfromthatwhichonespeaks
AndevenifweassumeasiscommoninmuchcurrentscholarshiponJapanese
kanshibunthateducatedwritershadsothoroughlyinternalizedthekundoku訓読
methodsthroughwhichliterarySiniticscriptwasrealizedinJapaneseastomakeits
useldquosecondnaturerdquoitmuststillberememberedthatasaproductivemedium
literarySiniticisnotanalternativeorthographyfortheJapaneselanguageinits
entiretyRatheritisanalternativeorthographyforkundokubun訓読文itselfwhich
isbutoneveryparticularregisterofJapaneseItisofcoursetheoreticallypossible
ofbothBuddhistandsecularChinesetextswiththelatterassuminganincreasinglydominantpositioninthe15thcenturyAsShiraneobserves76percentoftheuniversityrsquosbooktitleswereworksofChineseliteraturephilosophyanddivination16percentwereBuddhisttextsand7percentwereJapanesetextsthatmoreoftenthannotwerewrittenwhollyorpartlyinkanbunegWakanrōeishūAzumakagamiandGoseibaishikimoku
204
thataJapanesewriterrsquosinnermonologuemightbeinsomethingquitecloseto
kundokubuninwhichcasehecouldeasilyputhisthoughtstopaperusingliterary
SiniticwhathecouldnotdowithliterarySinitichoweveristranscribethespoken
languageofanyeraofJapanesehistory342
Therelevanceofthisfacttotheskillofkanshibunwritersortheliterary
valueoftheirworksisdifficulttoassessdisinterestedlyasanysuchassessmentwill
appeartoimplyeithersupportfororresistancetothekokubungakuvalorizationof
vernacularlanguageTraditionallyofcoursethemostcommonassumptionamong
criticshasbeenthatalthoughJapanesekanshipoetsmightpossessestimable
technicalproficiencytheircompositionswillgenerallylacktheartisticpanacheand
ldquoauthenticityrdquoofvernacularJapanesepoemsOnceagaintheproblemwithsucha
conclusionisnotthatitisdemonstrablyfalsebutthatitspremiseonlyinvites
furtherquestionsIfoneprizesspontaneityabovecraftorbelievesthatan
ldquoauthenticrdquopoeticvoicenecessarilyemploysthepoetrsquosspokenlanguagethen
kanshiwillfallshortbydefinitionYetinthecontextofpremodernJapanese
literatureonemaywellaskwhythelineshouldbedrawnatkanshiawakapoetof
thenineteenthcenturymightchoosetocomposeinthelanguageoftheninthwhich
isgrammaticallyneartomodernJapaneseinmanyrespectsbutisnonethelessa
verylongwayfromvernacularSuchcompositionsmoreovermayinvolveasmuch
mentationandcraftasthetypicalkanshiparticularlyforwakapoetswhoarepartial
tothecomplexregimeofwordplaysandrhetoricaldevicesdevelopedoverthe
courseoftheHeianperiod(794-1185)Itisalsoworthrememberingthatdebates342TheseandrelatedpointsaredevelopedmorefullyintheappendedessayldquoKanshibunKundokuandtheJapaneseLanguagerdquo
205
regardingtheartisticmeritofversescomposedspontaneouslyasopposedtothose
carefullyworkedandreworkedoverlongerperiodsoftimehadbeencommonplace
forcenturiesinbothChineseshiandJapanesewakacriticism343Andwhilesome
post-Heianwakapoetsdidaspiretoamoredirectunembellishedstylethefact
remainsthatagreatmanypremodernJapanesepoetsgrantedasecureplaceinthe
kokugakuandkokubungakucanonsweremastersofcraftsticklersforconvention
andeverywherereliantuponanimmensebodyofacquiredtextualknowledge
Henceifunusualartisticqualityorldquoauthenticityrdquoaretheparamountcriteriafor
admissionintothecanonitbecomesdifficulttojustifyconsigningkanshitothe
marginsunlessoneispreparedtodothesametomanymajorwakapoetsofthe
conservativeNijōschoolforexample
Suchanapproachtoclassicalliteraturewouldofcourseresultina
dramaticallysmallerandartisticallyimpoverishedcanonNijōwakaareproperly
canonicalnotbecausetheyappearbrilliantwhenderacinatedfromtheirhistorical
context(theyusuallydonot)butbecausetheywerevaluedhighlybygenerationsof
poetsschooledtoappreciatetheparticularqualitiesoftraditionalcourtlyverse
Thefactthatsuchpoetrygenerallyfailstosatisfymodernaestheticsensibilities
oughtnotbematerialtoitscanonicityespeciallysincethecanonisnotprimarily
envisionedbymodernreadersasprescriptiveandldquowriterlyrdquoinnatureGozan
kanshitooisworthyofstudyandappreciationbecauseitconstitutestheverybestof
343SeeStephenOwenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)pp107-129EsperanzaRamirez-ChristensenMurmuredConversationsATreatiseonPoetryandBuddhismbythePoet-MonkShinkei(StanfordStanfordUnivPress2008)pp36-3953-5568-60
206
anesteemedgenrethatwaspracticedcontinuouslyinJapanforovertencenturies
ifitisnotagenrethatanswersadequatelytomodernneedsthecontemporarypoet
mayfreelyabandonitbutforthecritictodothesamewouldbetolettheaesthetic
preferencesofthelasthundredyearsguidethecriticalevaluationofthelast
thousand
Suchconsiderationsnotwithstandingworksofliteraturethatseemingly
transcendtheaestheticandideologicalvaluesthatgovernedtheirproductionare
rightlydeservingofspecialattentionTheseareworksthatlaterreadersmay
approachontheirowntermsandwhichareaestheticallyrewardingevenwhenread
withminimalknowledgeofthesemioticsysteminwhichtheirvarioussymbolsand
motifsoriginallyencodedmeaningInsofarasthepoetryandproseofGozanwriters
rarelysatisfiesthiscriterionthemodernstudentofGozanliteraturemuststillface
thequestionofwhythisimposingcorpusisworthyofintensivestudyOneanswer
wouldreturnusimmediatelytotheissueofcanonformationinthelonguedureacuteeof
JapaneseliteraryhistoryGozanliteratureappearsofminorimportancenotbecause
ofitslowintrinsicqualitybutbecauseitwasexcludedfromearly-modernand
moderncanonsdespitepossessingimpressivethematicbreadthandconceptual
richnessItsometimeshappensinthehistoryofliteraturethattextscanbe
extremelyimportantwithoutbeingparticularlyldquogoodrdquo(earlyMeijiexperimentsin
approximatingthestyleofEuropeanfictionmightbeadducedasonesuchexample)
inthebestGozankanshiwefindtheconverseworksthatwerequitegoodbythe
standardsoftheshigenrendashinthebestcasesevenearningtheesteemofcriticsin
Chinandashbutwhichwerenotenormouslyimportanttothesubsequenttrajectoryof
207
Japaneseletters344EventhishoweverprobablyunderstatesthecaseforGozan
literatureforifitappearstodaytohavebeenlittlemorethanacul-de-sacin
Japaneseliteraryhistoryitbearsemphasizingthatduringthefourteenthand
fifteenthcenturiesleadingGozanliteratiwereinfactveryimportantfigureswho
helpedshapetheelitecultureofthateraandtheirwritingsyieldinsightsinto
medievalJapanesepoeticshermeneuticsandpoliticalthoughtunavailable
anywhereelseTheprincipalsubjectoftheforegoingstudyChūganEngetsu
illustratesthiswithparticularclarityEvenifoneerrsonthesideoftraditional
criticsandremainsskepticaloftheartisticmeritofawrittenmediumsofar
removedfromthespokenvernacularinthematteroforiginalityatleasttherecan
benodoubtthatChūganwasamongthemostoriginalthinkersinallofJapanese
history
SomeGozanwritingsmoreoverdidinfluencedevelopmentsbeyondthe
medievalperiodForinstanceincontradistinctiontoliteratifromhereditary
scholarfamiliesGozanliteratieagerlyembracedSongNeo-Confucianismandwere
thefirsttoproduceannotatedJapaneseeditionsofsuchfoundationalworksasZhu
344HerethereadermightaskwhethertheldquostandardsoftheshigenrerdquowhichhistoricallyspeakingderivedentirelyfromChinesemodelsconstituteanappropriatecriterionforevaluatingJapaneseshiIbelievetheydoandthatmostGozanwriterswouldhavesaidthesame(theidiosyncraticBanriShūku(1428-1502)mightbeoneexception)ItwasnotuntiltheTokugawaperiodthatJapanesekanshipoetsinordertobettertreatthequotidianaspectsofEdosocietybegantowidelyembracerhetoricthatdeviatedmarkedlyfromChinesepoeticnormsOnBanrirsquospoetryseeDavidPollackZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)p146ForatreatmentofQing-DynastyChineseviewsofldquoJapanizedrdquo(和習)Tokugawa-erakanshiseeGuoYing(HanshiyuhexicongldquoDongyingshixuanrdquodaoRibendeshigezijue(XiamenXiamenDaxuechubanshe2013)pp202-24andpassim
208
XirsquosCommentsontheFourBooksinSectionsandSentences(Sishuzhangjujizhu四書
章句集注)345Gozanscholarshipwouldappearintheworkofphilosophers
FujiwaraSeika(1561-1619)HayashiRazan(1583-1657)andYamazakiAnsai
(1619-82)andisthereforeimmediatelyrelevanttothestudyofNeo-Confucian
thoughtduringtheearlyTokugawaeraFinallyitshouldnotbeforgottenthatfew
Japaneseliterarymovementswhethermodernorpremodernhaverangedsofreely
acrosssovastanepistemeBuddhismConfucianismDaoismandcorrelative
cosmologyformtheintellectualmatrixoftheGozanwriterwhoseprincipalgenres
includedexpositoryessays(ron論)religiouscommentaries(sho疏)sermonsor
disquisitions(setsu説)inscriptions(mei銘)poeticrhapsodies(fu賦)ldquoclassicalrdquo
Chinesepoetry(shi詩)devotionalverses(ge偈)andinthecaseofChūganroyal
memorials(hyō表)Itisacorpusthatgenerouslyrewardscriticalinquirymaking
uniquecontributionstothestudyofintertextualityandphilosophicalsyncretism
withinaspecificallypremoderntransnationalcontext
345Shishokunten四書訓点byGiyōHōshū岐陽方秀(1361-1424)istheseminalworkinthisareabutseveralothernotableGozanscholarslecturedonNeo-Confuciantopicsafactdemonstratedbythemanysurvivingshōmotsu(altshōmono抄物)whichrecordthecontentoftheselecturesSeeYamagishiTokuheiedNihonkotenbungakutaikeivol89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)pp14-21andAishinImaedaldquoTheZenSectsrdquoinKazuoKasaharaedPaulMcCarthyandGaynorSekimoritransAHistoryofJapaneseReligion(TokyoKosei2002)pp227-54
209
Appendix
Kanshibun Kundoku and the Japanese Language
Theanalysisofkanbun漢文proseandkanshi漢詩poetryleadsquicklyto
conceptualandterminologicaldifficultiessurroundinglanguageandorthography
Sincethe1990sthesedifficultieshavemotivatedseveralnotablechangesinthe
nomenclatureusedbyAnglophonescholarsofEastAsianliteratureswhereitwas
oncecommontoseekanbunrenderedsimplyasldquoChineserdquoandkanshiasldquopoetryin
ChineserdquophraseologiesthatdonotusethewordldquoChineserdquosuchasldquoLiterarySiniticrdquo
ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoandthelikearenowprevalent346Eventheonce
ubiquitoustermldquoChinesecharacterrdquohasbeenreplacedinrecentscholarshipbythe
neologismldquoSinographrdquoandforreasonsthatwillbeaddressedbelowtheJapanese
termskanbunandkanshiarethemselvesoftenavoidedThesechangesreflect
greaterrecognitionoftwofundamentalpointsThefirstisthatthetrans-regional
reachandtrans-culturalimpactofldquoSiniticrdquowritingmakesitusefultodevelopa
nomenclaturethatdoesnotcalltomindaculturalorgeopoliticalconstructas
specificasphraseologiesinvolvingldquoChinardquoorldquoChineserdquomightHeretheskeptical
346ThephraseldquoliterarySiniticrdquoseemstohavebeenpopularizedfirstbyVictorHMairseeldquoBuddhismandtheRiseoftheWrittenVernacularinEastAsiaTheMakingofNationalLanguagesrdquoTheJournalofAsianStudies533(Aug1994)pp707-751ldquoSino-JapaneserdquoisthepreferredtranslationofkanbunforJohnTimothyWixtedseeldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31ldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoisusedbyMatthewFraleighandmanyothercurrentscholarstorenderkanshiseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsNarushimaRyūhokuandSiniticLiteraryTraditionsinModern
Japan(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2016)p20
210
readerwillnodoubtopinethattheshiftismerelycosmeticsincethemodern
EnglishtermChinaalongwiththeJapaneseShinaPersianCīnīSanskritCīnaand
LatinSina(fromwhichisderivedtherootSino-)areallthoughttohavearisenfrom
thesamesourcenamelytheancientstateofQin秦orconceivablythestateofJing
荊347NonethelessitisdifficulttodenythatldquoSinographrdquoandsimilarneologismsdo
notsuggestmodern-daylinguisticorpolitico-culturalreferentssoreadilyTheir
relativeopacityinthisregardmakesthemwellsuitedtoapplicationinmore
specializedacademiccontextswherethemildinconvenienceofnewvocabulary
maybepreferabletotheconnotativebaggageentailedbymorecommonterms
Thesecondfundamentalpointisthatcaremustbetakentoavoidconflating
orthographywithlanguageAsamodeofinscriptionkanbunwassothoroughly
adaptedtotheJapaneselanguageviathedevelopmentofkundoku訓読that
Japanesewritersofkanbunproseandkanshipoetryneedneverhaveconceivedof
themselvesaswritinginalanguagethatwasanythingotherthanldquoJapaneserdquono
matterhowcloselythetextstheyproducedhappenedultimatelytoconformto
orthodoxChineseusageAndtheldquodomesticityrdquoofkanbunemergeswitheven
greaterclarityoutsidetherealmofhighliteratureTocountlesspremodern
governmentofficialsmerchantsandliteratewarriorskanbunbroadlyconceived
347EndymionPWilkinsonChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)p753SeealsoJoshuaAFogelldquoNewThoughtsonanOldControversyShinaasaToponymforChinardquoSino-PlatonicPapers29(Aug2012)SuZhongxiang positedthenameofthestateofJingastheoriginofthetermZhina支那whichwasfirstusedbyIndianmonksandcenturieslatergainedcurrencyinearly-modernJapanSeeldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48citedinFogelp13
211
wassimplythemostnaturalmediumofrecordforawidevarietyofordinary
workadaypurposesWhetherthedocumentstheyproducedusedSinographsin
accordancewiththesemanticandsyntacticnormsoflanguagessuchasOldChinese
(c600BCndash0AD)MiddleChinese(c0ndash800AD)ortheearlyandmiddlestages
ofMandarin(800ndash1600AD)orwhethertheywouldhavebeenintelligibleatallto
adenizenofthecontinentwasentirelyimmaterialtotheirutilityinJapan
Inthisconnectionitisimportanttorememberthatthewordldquokanbunrdquoisa
superordinatetermthatcanbeappliedtoanextremelywidespectrumoftextsIn
modernJapanesenomenclatureoneendofthisspectrumisoccupiedbywhatare
sometimescalledjunkanbun純漢文orldquopurekanbunrdquotextstheseareentirely
logographicandadherecloselytoconventionsofusagetypicalofwhatiscalled
wenyanwen文言文inmodernChinaandldquoliteraryChineserdquoorldquoclassicalChineserdquoin
theWestThisisthekindofwritingthatpredominatesthroughoutsuchworksas
Nihonshoki日本書紀(c720)Honchōmonzui本朝文粋(mid11thc)andmost
Japaneseanthologiesofshi詩poetryTherestofthespectrumisoccupiedbytexts
thatuseChinesecharactersinwaysthatdepartinvaryingdegreesfromthenorms
ofliteraryChineseSuchtextsaresometimesassignedtocategoriessetexplicitly
againstjunkanbunsuchaswashūkanbun和習漢文(ldquoJapanizedkanbunrdquo)orhentai
kanbun変体漢文(ldquodeviantkanbunrdquo)Alternativelythewritingstylemaybe
describedinreferencetoatextualcategoryofwhichitischaracteristiceg
kirokutaikanbun記録体漢文(ldquodocument-stylekanbunrdquo)whichfromapurely
linguisticperspectiveissynonymouswithldquoJapanizedrdquoorldquodeviantrdquokanbunandis
212
simplyanalternativetermonemightencounterinthefieldofJapanesediplomatics
(komonjogaku古文書学)FinallyperhapsbecauseJapanrsquosoldestextant
mythohistoricalworkKojiki古事記(710)haslongreceivedspecialvenerationits
scriptisoftendescribedasldquokanbunthatbendstherulesrdquo(hensokunokanbun変則
の漢文)amorerespectfulphraseologythanldquohentaikanbunrdquo
Worksemployinganytypeofkanbunmayofcoursebeenunciatedorldquoread
outrdquoinliteraryJapaneseviatheapplicationofkundokurulesSignificantlyfor
presentpurposesalthoughkundokuisoftenunderstoodprimarilyasamethodof
translationalreadingitcouldalsoserveasasetofinstructionsmdashaldquoprogramrdquoof
sortsmdashforcomposinginkanbunwithoutanydirectknowledgeoftheChinese
languageassuchMoreinterestingstillisthefactthatthekanbuntextresulting
fromsuchaprocedureneednotbeldquodeviantrdquoorldquoJapanizedrdquoatallToreiteratea
pointraisedearlieraJapaneseauthorwithprofoundexpertiseintheconventionsof
kundokuyetentirelyignorantofanyChinesedialectcouldintheorywriteatextin
kanbunthatisindistinguishablefromliteraryChinesetextswrittenbyChinese
authorsThepowerofkundokuisthustwo-folditenablesessentiallyanyliterary
ChinesetexttobereadasifitwereencodingmeaninginJapanesealbeitinarather
specializedregisterofJapanese(moreonthisbelow)anditenablesanauthor
speakingorthinkinginthatregistertowriteldquoJapaneserdquousingSinographsina
mannerfullyconsistentwithChineselinguisticnorms
ItisforthisreasonthatDavidLuriehascautionedagainstinvokingtheterms
ldquoJapaneserdquoandldquoChineserdquotodistinguishbetweensaythelanguageofKojikiandthat
ofNihonshokibothofwhicharewrittenentirelyinSinographsForwhileitistrue
213
thatthelatteradheresmorecloselytoliteraryChinesenormsandcanberead
smoothlyasChinesebothtextsareequallyrealizablethroughkundokuandthus
equallyreadableasJapanese348EvenaChineseworksuchastheeclecticHuainanzi
淮南子animportantsourceforthecompilersofNihonshokicouldbeapprehended
asaJapanesetextbyareaderhighlyskilledinkundokuyetsomehowunawareof
Huainanzirsquoscontinentalprovenance
Kundokuisindeedanastonishingachievementinlinguistictechnology
utterlywithoutparallelinWesternlanguagesandmoreextensivelydevelopedthan
similarsystemsknowntohaveexistedinKoreaandVietnam349Moreoverin
specificallylinguistic(asopposedtoculturalorldquoliteraryrdquo)termstheexistenceof
kundokuundeniablyunderminesthecommoncomparisonofkanbuninJapanto
LatininEuropeasLuriehasobservedwhileanearlymodernEnglishwritermight
beextremelyproficientinLatintherewasnosystematicsetofstructuralandlexical
equivalencesallowinghimtomentallyprocesswrittenLatinasEnglishYetforthe
purposesofthisstudyandforthestudyofJapanesekanshibunmoregenerallyI
believecautionisinorderwhenoptingfornomenclaturesthatinattemptingto
redressthesimplisticsuppositionsofearlierscholarshipeschewreferenceto
348LurieRealmsofLiteracyEarlyJapanandtheHistoryofWriting(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2011)p180349MethodsanalogoustokundokuareknowntohaveemergedontheKoreanPeninsulasometimepriortotheiremergenceinJapananditislikelythateacutemigreacutescholarsfromPaekcheplayedaninstrumentalroleindevelopingandpopularizingthesemethodsonthearchipelagoJapanesekundokuisuniquenotbecauseitwastheearliestsuchsystembutbecauseithasbeenincontinuousattesteduseforwelloveramillenniumanditscomplexarrayofrulesandconventionsarewelldocumentedEventodayitremainstheprincipalvehiclethroughwhichstudentsinmodernJapanbeginlearningliteraryChinese
214
ldquoChineserdquo(orldquokanbunrdquo)altogetherMypurposeisnottorejectattractiveneologistic
alternativessuchasldquoliterarySiniticrdquowhichhappenstobeanexcellentparaphrase
ofldquojunkanbunrdquoandwhichIusefrequentlythroughoutthisstudyHoweverinthe
remainderofthisessayIwillattempttohighlightsomepotentialshortcomingsof
thenewterminologyandtoarguebrieflyfortheongoingutilityoftheever
capacioussuperordinatetermldquokanbunrdquoinWestern-languageJapanological
scholarshipIwillalsoofferabriefdefensewithinspecificparametersoftheold
practiceofdescribingJapaneseworksofliterarySiniticasldquoChineserdquo
2 Between Style and Language Kundokubun and Literary Sinitic
ldquoPeople[inearlyJapan]oftendidnotreallyknowwhatlanguagetheywerewritinginChineseorJapaneseandweareofteninnobetterpositiontomakeajudgmentonthequestionwhenwestudysomeofthedocumentstheyproducedrdquo
RAMiller1967350
ldquoFromthevantagepointofscriptbothBaiJuyirsquosandMichizanersquospoemscanbecharacterizedasldquoChineserdquobutreadaloudby[MiddleCaptain]TadanobutheyarejustasequallyldquoJapaneserdquo
BrianSteininger2017351
350TheJapaneseLanguage(ChicagoUnivofChicagoPress1967)p131351ChineseLiteraryFormsinHeianJapanPoeticsandPractice(CambridgeHarvardUniversityAsiaCenter2017)p8
215
ThecourtscholarandstatesmanSugawaranoMichizane菅原道真(845-
903)wasamongthefinestshipoetsofHeianJapanThedegreetowhichhiswritten
worksmaybeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseoratleastnotasexclusively
Chinesedependsuponthedegreetowhichlogographicscriptcanbeunderstoodto
representtheJapaneselanguageSincekundokuclearlyliesatthecruxofthematter
itwillproveusefultoexpanduponthepointsbroachedaboveandinvestigateits
propertiesmorecloselyTobeginitisimportanttorecognizethatthekundoku
registerisnoticeablydifferentfromthatofvernacularJapaneseproseandpoetryof
anytimeperiodadmittingmanyphraseologiesfoundnowhereelseintheJapanese
language352Thekundokuregisterevenincludessomephraseologiesthatstrictly
speakingareungrammaticalbythestandardsofvernacularJapanese353Whilea
352ItmightbeobjectedthatourcurrentunderstandingoftheprecisekundokurulestaughtindifferenttimeperiodsoratparticulartemplesoracademiesistooincompletetopositsuchawholesaledisjunctionbetweenkundokuandvernacularJapaneseItistruethatthekundokumethodswidelytaughttodaygenerallyrepresentconventionscurrentinthenineteenthcenturyandthatthetechniquesofagreatmanypremodernschoolsofkundokuhavebeenlosttohistorySomesurelyhewednearertovernaculardictionthanothersbutaswillbeshownbelowanytruekundokusystemndashonethatpermitsboththereadingandcompositionoflogographiclocutionsndashwillrunupagainstchallengesthatmakedeparturesfromvernacularJapaneseusageessentiallyinevitableAtbottomthisisbecausevernacularJapanesecannotbefullyencodedlogographicallyatleastsolongastheonlylogographsatyourdisposalareldquoSinographsrdquo353Anexampleistheenunciationofthepossessiveparticlenousedtoglossthecharacter之insentencessuchas仕王之人ldquoapersonwhoservesthekingrdquoThismaybereadviakundokuasldquoŌnitsukaurunohitordquodespitethefactthattheparticlenoisnotusedinvernacularJapanesetosubordinatenounstoverbssuchrelativeclausesareformedbydirectlymodifyingthesubordinatenounwiththeverbinaspecificconjugationcalledtherentaikei連体形HeretheJapaneseverbtsukau(tsukafu)whichisthekundokuglossfor仕isalreadyinitsrentaikeiformtsukauru(tsukafuru)makingnosemanticallysuperfluousandindeedgrammaticallyldquowrongrdquoThoughtheviolationdoesnotcompromiseintelligibilitytheeffectisperhapsakintosayinginEnglishsomethingalongthelinesofldquoapersonwhodoesservesthekingrdquo
216
fullaccountingofthesefeatureswouldnecessitatetoolengthyadigressionclose
examinationofoneexampleshouldhelpclarifyboththepowerandthelimitations
ofkundokuasaninterlingualmediumAsamethodoftranslationalreading
kundokuiseasilyappliedtoalogographiclocutionsuchasthis王為臣之所尊ldquothe
kingisesteemedbyhisministerrdquoWhiledifferentkundokutraditionscanbe
expectedtoproducedifferentrenderingstwobroadapproachesmaybeidentified
namelythatofmetaphraseandthatofparaphraseTheformerseekstopreservea
senseofalterityandtomaintainmaximumlinguisticfidelitytothesourcetext
theseprioritiesleadtoaJapaneserenditionsuchasŌshinnotōtomutokorotonasu
王臣の尊む所と為すThelatterbycontrastmightresultinthesomewhatmore
liberalŌwashinnitōtomaru王は臣に尊まるThissentenceuseseveryday
JapanesegrammarandbetraysnoconnectiontologographicwritingorldquoChineserdquo
savepossiblyforthetermsldquokingrdquoandldquoministerrdquowhichdoappearfrequentlyinthe
ChineseclassicsBothoftheseapproachesareinfacttaughtinmodernkanbun
textbooksasequallyvalidstandardwaysofhandlingtheliteraryChineseldquopassiverdquo
constructionX為Y(之)所VwhichmeansldquoXisV-edbyYrdquo354Yetitisapparent
howdramaticallythetworenditionsdifferThemetaphraseattemptstoaccountfor
asmanylexicalelementsintheoriginalsentenceaspossibleandconsequentlyit
354TechnicallythisstructureshouldprobablynotbelabeledldquopassiverdquoasitsimplymeansldquoXisthatwhichYV-srdquoTheword所constituteswhathistoricallinguistEdwinPulleyblanktermsaldquorelativepronounrdquoitsfunctionistotransformtheverborverbphraseitprecedesintoanounphraseeg買=ldquotobuyrdquo所買=ldquothatwhichonebuysrdquoorldquothatwhichisboughtrdquoForpedagogicalpurposeshoweverthisconstructionisoftenpresentedinbothEnglish-languageandJapanese-languagetextbooksofliteraryChineseasoneofseveralgrammaticalpatternsexpressingthepassivevoice
217
departsfromvernacularJapaneseusageparticularlyinitscharacteristic(though
notungrammatical)useoftokorotorenderthespecialpronoun所355Likea
smudgeonaphotographoramicrophoneboominamoviescenethepresenceof
lexicalelementsredolentofthekundokuregisterisalinguisticpunctumreminding
thereaderthattheotherwiseJapaneselocutionldquotōtomutokorotonasurdquois
stylisticallyconnectedtotheworldofkanbun
BycontrastthesecondreadingconstitutesavernacularJapaneseparaphrase
completewithpostpositionalparticles(wani)notpresentanywhereintheoriginal
alongwithaJapaneseverbconjugationthatexpressesthepassivevoiceChineseof
courseisanuninflectedlanguageandhasnoverbconjugationswhatsoever
Consideredtogetherthesetworenderingsof王為臣之所尊revealthedifficultyin
acceptingtheviewthatkundokucaneverbequiteasldquoinvisiblerdquoassomescholars
haveimpliedeitheronemustoptforametaphrasethatinFriedrich
Schleiermacherrsquosterminologywillgenerateatleastamildsenseofldquoalienationrdquoin
thetargetlanguageoronemustoptforaparaphraseandtherebyldquonaturalizerdquothe
355Like所inEarlyChinesethebasicsenseoftheJapanesewordtokoroisldquoplacerdquoorldquolocationrdquoItadmitsawiderangeofextendedusesincludingdesignatingaldquopointintimerdquooraldquopartrdquoofsomething(egomoshirokarikerutokoro=ldquothepartIfounddelightfulrdquo)BythemedievalperiodusesderivingfromtheliterarySinitic所constructionareseeninworksofJapaneseprosethatseekspecificallytoreplicatetheformalauthoritativeregisterofliterarySiniticHenceinthefirstchapterofHeikemonogatariwehaveminkannoureurutokorooshirazarishikaba=ldquobecause(rulerslikeZhaoGaoofQinandWangMangofHan)wereignorantofthepeoplersquosdistresshelliprdquoTheuseoftokorotomakerelativeclausessuchastsukurutokoronoteraldquothetemplesthatwerebuiltrdquostemsdirectlyfromkundokupracticessomethingveryneartothiswasalmostcertainlyhowtheliterarySiniticphrase所造之寺whichappearsinBook25ofNihonshoki(Taika188)wasenunciatedSuchrelativeclausesarefoundoccasionallyinvernacularproseegkorosutokoronotorildquothebirdsthathekilledrdquo(Tsurezuregusa162)butarefarlesscommonthanalternatives
218
sourcetext356ThefirstapproachmakeskundokuvisiblebyusingJapanesewordsin
distinctiveorunusualwayswhileinthelatterkundokubecomesvisibleduringits
applicationtothesourcetextbecauseoftheinterpolationofwordsorgrammatical
elementsnotpresentthere
Significantlythissameslippageisalsoseenwhenkundokuisused
productivelyasameanstofacilitatelogographicwritingSupposethataJapanese
writerseekstorepresenttheJapanesesentencemukowashūtonihomeraretari
(ldquothegroomwaspraisedbyhisfather-in-lawrdquo)entirelylogographicallywhichisto
sayinldquogoodrdquokanbunthatupholdsliteraryChinesenormsHowmighthedoit
Therearemanyoptionsandthishappenstobequiteaneasysentencetohandle
butanyrepresentationourwriterchooseswillinevitablyendupelidingsome
elementsofJapanesegrammarSinographsareafterallclosedmorphemesthat
cannotbedeclinedorconjugatedorotherwisealteredanditisimpossibleto
modifythemwithothercharacterstoeffectivelyindicateallJapaneseinflectional
endingsEventhesimplestJapanesesentencewilltypicallyinvolvechoicesoftense
andmodalitythatmusteitherbeleftunexpressedinkanbunormustbe
approximatedimperfectlybyadverbialauxiliariesManyofthemostcommon
Japaneseinflectingsuffixessuchaskiritsunurashimeriandnumerousothers
havenoconventionalkanbunequivalentsmeaningthatthevastbulkofJapanese
356OntheldquoinvisibilityrdquoofkundokuseeSemizuYukinoldquoInvisibleTranslationReadingChineseTextsinAncientJapanrdquoinTranslatingOtherspp283-295
219
locutionsthatarenotalreadyinthekundokuregistercannotbefullyencodedin
kanbunatall357
AdditionallytherearealsoawiderangeofJapaneselocutionsthatcanbe
encodedinkanbunbutonlywiththeinclusionoflexicalelementsthatareeither
awkwardornonsensicalinliterarySiniticForinstanceletusimaginealocution
suchasldquoLordTokihirahasnowboardedtheboatrdquoAsentencewiththismeaning
couldconceivablyappearinaJapanesehistoricaldocumentasTokihira-donowa
funeninorashimetamaiowannuandbewritteninkanbunas時平殿令乘給船畢
ManyelementshereareunusualinliterarySiniticandthecharacters令~給which
mayappearinavarietyofpositionsandrendertheJapanesehonorificconstruction
shimetamaumakenosensewhatsoever358Andwecouldgofurtherstillsuppose
357ThisproblemmayofcoursebesolvedifonedepartsfromliterarySiniticandallowsdesemanticizedcharacterstobemixedinaswiththeso-calledsenmyō-gaki宣命書きorldquoproclamationstylerdquoofwritingusedduringtheNaraandearlyHeianperiodsInthisstylethelocutionmukowashūtonihomeraretarimightbewritten婿者舅仁褒良礼多利wherethedesemanticizedcharactersaremadegraphicallysmallerndashacommontechniqueinsenmyō-gakindashandfunctionlikeokuriganainmodernJapaneseIndeedthisapproachdemonstratesthatanessentiallymodernmixofgraphicallydistinctlogographicandphonographicscriptorderedaccordingtoJapanesesyntaxwashituponquiteearly358Inmedievalandearly-moderndocumentssomeattestedexamplesofldquodeviantrdquokanbuncomestrikinglyclosetovernacularChineseeg見了返給mi-owaritekaeshitamauldquo(he)returneditafterlookingitoverrdquoHere給isstillconstruedasthehonorificsuffixtamauYetthesentencecanbereadinmodernMandarinwith給pronouncedasgei(areadingnotusedinclassicalChinese)andinterpretedtomeansomethinglikeldquo(he)lookedatitandgaveitbackrdquoTheexampleistakenfromKarikomeHitoshi苅米一志Nihon-shiomanabutamenokomonjokokirokukundokuhō日本史を学ぶための古文書古記録訓読法(TokyoYoshikawaKōbunkan2016)p73VocabularyitemsdrawnfromvernacularChinesesuchasjinmo甚麼(ldquowhatrdquo)andshashi這些(ldquothistheserdquo)doappearinZenwritingsanditseemspossiblethatcertainidiosyncraticusagesobservedinldquodeviantrdquokanbunwereadaptedfromorinspiredbyvernacularChinese
220
thetextweretosayTokihira-donowaeumajikarikeruonnaomotometamaikemuldquoIt
wouldseemLordTokihirapursuedaladywhowasimpossibletowinrdquoSucha
sentencemayofcoursebetranslatedintokanbunwhetherldquopurerdquoorldquodeviantrdquobut
itcannotbewritteninkanbun
Returningfinallytothesomewhateasierchallengeposedinitiallyour
hypotheticalwritermightverywellchoosetorepresentthesentencemukowashūto
nihomerarekerias婿為舅之所褒whichhappenstosharetheexactsamestructure
astheearlierexample王為臣之所尊forwhichweadvancedtwopossiblekundoku
renderingsNotethelackofanyexplicitmarkerindicatingthepasttenseThisisin
factentirelynormallocutionsinliterarySinitictypicallyrelyuponcontextandthe
readerrsquoscommonsenseforthedeterminationoftensewhichmeansthatanyother
representationourwriterchooseseg婿褒於舅婿被舅褒etcwillbeunableto
provideametaphrasetheJapaneseinflectionalendingkeri359
Thepointoftheforegoingissimplytosaythatifwewishtoavoida
nomenclaturethatoveremphasizesthealterityofkanbunorthatimpliestoofacilea
dichotomybetweenwhatisnativeandwhatisforeignwemustalsorecognizethat
asamediumofinscriptionkanbunbyitselfcanonlyeverrepresentaspecific
registeroftheJapaneselanguageandthattheaccuracyofsucharepresentationwill
oftencomeattheexpenseoffidelitytoliterarySiniticnormsSowhatisthe
359Theverbalprefix被whichmayindicatethepassivevoiceinmodernMandarinbutisgenerallynotusedassuchinorthodoxliterarySiniticbecameacommonplaceindicatoroftheJapanesepassiveconjugation~ruraruinldquoJapanizedrdquokanbunwritingsofthemedievalandearly-modernperiodsSincethisconjugationmayalsobeusedasanhonorific被wasusedinthissenseaswellwiththecommonhonorificverbnasarufrequentlyseenas被成or被為inhistoricaldocuments
221
current-dayscholartodoMyprovisionalansweristwofoldFirstretaintheterm
kanbunanditsrelatives(kanshikanshibun)whilerecognizingthatlike
innumerableothertermstocapturetheattentionofculturalandliterarytheorists
(ldquonationrdquoldquosignrdquoldquotextrdquoetc)thesedenotesomethingmorecomplexthanhas
traditionallybeenappreciatedUsefullykanbunandkanshimaystillbeunderstood
toencodemeaninginJapanesendashbearinginmindthelitanyoflimitationsoutlined
abovendashyetthetermsthemselvesmakenoclaimonwhetheranindividualauthorof
apurelylogographicworkthoughtofhimselfaswritinginJapaneseorinChinese
ThephrasesldquoLiterarySiniticrdquoandldquoSiniticpoetryrdquoareofcourseusefulinthisway
toobuttheyaresuitedexclusivelytologographicworksintelligiblethroughoutthe
Sinosphereandarequiteinapplicabletowritingsinldquodeviantrdquokanbun
AdmittedlytheJapanesetermscomeatapriceThecentraldownsidetoa
termsuchaskanbunisthatitparticipatesinexorablyinthefamousdyadicrelation
ofldquowa-kanrdquo和漢mostfrequentlyandovertlybybeingpairedwiththetermwabun
和文ldquoJapaneseproserdquoInmodernusagethewa-kandyadtendstoimplyan
ontologyinwhichculturalandlinguisticphenomenafromanyeraareyokedtoan
ostensiblytranshistoricalJapanesenationalidentitywaisldquoJapaneserdquoinalltheways
salienttothemodernprojectofunitinglanguagecultureandethnicityunderthe
rubricofnationhood360Itneedhardlybesaidthatsuchaviewencourages
kan(bun)tobeconceivedofassomethingculturallyandlinguisticallynon-Japanese
anarrowandanachronisticconceptionthatisbeliedpartlybytheinterlingual
360AdetailedanalysisoftheseissuesisgiveninJasonWebbldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-259
222
propertiesofkundokuandunderminedcompletelybytheenormouswelterof
historicaldocumentsthatwhilewritteninkanbunareonlyunderstandableas
JapaneselinguisticartifactsStillitisimportantthatadeconstructionofthe
metaphysicsinformingmodernnationhoodnotleadtotheequallymisguidednotion
thatpremodernJapaneseliteratipossessednosenseofldquoJapanrdquoasasingular
geopoliticalentityorofldquoJapaneserdquoasameaningfulculturalandlinguisticcategory
Evidenceofaconsciousnessthatabsentaconvenientadjectivalformoftheword
ldquocountryrdquocanmostreasonablybecalledldquonationalrdquoisidentifiableamong
archipelaganelitesforasfarbackasthetextualrecordextends361Thisinitself
doesnotconstituteareasontoapproveofthetermskanbunandkanshiitisnoted
onlytorejectthepositionthatmereparticipationinmoderndiscoursesconcerning
nationalidentityandnationalliteraturemustfatallycompromisethem
Somescholarshaveavoidedthetermkanbunbecauseitsliteralmeaning
ldquoHan(Chinese)writingrdquoseemstoeffacetheinterlingualcharacteroflogographic
writinginJapanThisisafairpointthoughsomeoftheproposedalternativessuch
361ItisinterestingtonoteinthisconnectionthatthetermldquointernationalrdquoiswidelyusedincurrentscholarshiptodescribeintercoursebetweenpremodernEastAsianpolitiesItsWestphalianringnotwithstandingsuchadescriptionisnotaltogetherinaccurateforanimaginedcommunityinthesenseofBenedictAndersonneednotbeheldtoexistamongageneralpopulaceforsomethingquitesimilartobepresentamongthesmallcadreofindividualsinvolvedindomesticadministrationdiplomacyandoverseastradeWithrespecttolanguageinparticularakeenawarenessofthelinguisticdifferencesbetweenwhatwasspokenonthearchipelagoandwhatcouldbesetdowninorthodoxliterarySiniticispossiblysuggestedbyŌnoYasumarorsquosfamousprefacetoKojikiIbelievethatitisthoughLurieconteststhisinterpretationForhisargumentsseeRealmsofLiteracypp247-50andtheextensivediscussionofYasumarorsquosprefaceinLurieldquoTheOriginsofWritinginEarlyJapanFromthe1sttothe8thCenturyCErdquo(PhDDissertationColumbiaUniversity2001)pp300-10
223
asdescribingproseorpoetryasldquoChinese-stylerdquo362seemtopresenttheirown
problemsHerethephraseldquoChinesestylerdquoisreallynolessvaguethantheldquokanrdquoin
kanbunorkanshiandthehighlyelastictermldquostylerdquobegsadditionalquestionsFor
instancepracticalkanbundocumentsthoughsetexclusivelyinSinographsmayuse
mostlyJapanesevocabularyandshowlittletonoawarenessofChineseliterarystyle
ConverselysomeJapaneseproseworksoftheMeijiperiodwerecomposedina
registerveryneartokundokubuncompletewithvocabularydrawndirectlyfrom
theChineseclassics363ArebothldquoChinesestylerdquoalbeitindifferentwaysOrdoes
onlyone(orperhapsneither)qualifyassuchAgainmypurposeisnottorejectout
ofhandthephraseldquoChinesestylerdquowhichisusefulinasmuchasitclearlyindicates
someconnectiontotheChineseliterarytraditionwithoutplacingtheworkit
describesexclusivelywithinthattraditionThispointleadstothethorniest
questionofallnamelywhetherworksbyJapaneseauthorsthatdocomportwith
literaryChinesenormscaneverbelegitimatelytermedldquoChineserdquo
ThequestionhaspracticalaswellastheoreticalimplicationsInthesummer
of2000theLibraryofCongressadoptedanewclassificationschemeforkanshibun
materialsmovingfromascript-basedSinocentricsystemtoonebasedsquarelyon
362FraleighnotesthatsomescholarshaveusedthephraseldquoChinese-stylepoetryrdquotodenoteshicomposedbynon-ChineseauthorsincontradistinctiontoldquoChinesepoetryrdquowhichisreservedforshicomposedbyChineseauthorsSeePluckingChrysanthemumsp20363ForexampleNiwaJunrsquoichirōrsquosKaryūshunwa花柳春話(1877)aJapanesetranslationofEdwardBulwer-LyttonrsquosErnestMaltraverscleavessocloselytothekundokuregisterthatitslanguageissaidtobeldquokanbunkuzushirdquo漢文崩しastylemeanttoreplicatethekundokurenderingofliterarySiniticForanexaminationofthistextseeIndraLevySirensoftheWesternShoreTheWesternesqueFemmeFataleTranslationandVernacularStyleinModernJapaneseLiterature(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2006)pp29-31
224
nationalprovenancePriortothatdatesuchmaterialshadbeenshelvedaccording
toChinesedynasticchronologyandinterfiledwithworksbyChineseandKorean
authorstoWesternbibliographerstheseworkswereunifiedbythefactthatthey
wereallwritteninclassicalChinese364Thechangebearssignificantlyuponour
earlierdiscussionofterminologyforbyshelvingcollectionsofshipoetryby
JapaneseauthorsalongsidecollectionsofwakafromthesameperiodofJapanese
historythenewarrangementstronglyimpliesthatbothareequallyapartof
ldquoJapaneseliteraturerdquoanditatleastleavesopenthepossibilitythattheformermay
evenbeviewedaslinguisticallyJapaneseThenewapproachseemstomean
improvementovertheoldthoughitdoesunavoidablyreinforcethenationasthe
preeminentframeworkfororganizingliteraryscholarshipsomethingthatmaybe
especiallymisleadingwhendealingwithworksinliterarySiniticIndeeditisquite
conceivablethatprominentGozanliteratisuchasZekkaiChūshin絶海中津(1336-
1405)orRyūzanTokken龍山徳見(1284-1358)mightwellhavepreferredtheir
workstoappearwiththoseoftheircontemporarieswhetherJapaneseChineseor
KoreanwhoalsowroteinliterarySinitic365Allwereheirtoaculturallegacywhose
fountainheadwasChinabutwhosescopewaspan-Asianandallwouldhaveviewed
themselvesasoperatingwithinabroadlyConfucianintellectualepistemethatby
364OnthisseeFraleighPluckingChrysanthemumspp7-8365ZekkaiissometimesregardedasthegreatestshipoetinJapanesehistoryhehadthehonorofexchangingpoemswiththefirstemperoroftheMingDynastywhowascuriousaboutJapanandsummonedZekkaiforanaudiencein1376RyūzanemigratedtoChinain1301whenhewasseventeenandbecamewellestablishedintheChancommunityhedidnotreturntoJapanforalmost50years
225
theTangDynastywasbeingreferencedwithcharacteristicpithandsolemnityas
ldquoThisCulturerdquo(CsiwenJshibunKsimun斯文)
Therelevanceofthistotheproblemathandissimplythatweshouldbeopen
tothepossibilitythatatleastinsomecasestheEnglishphraseldquoinChineserdquomight
comeclosesttoconveyinghowapremodernJapanesewriterofliterarySinitic
actuallyconceivedofhisownenterpriseIndeedeventoadedicatedshipoetofthe
TokugawaperiodwhohadalmostsurelyneverleftJapanandmightneverhave
studiedspokenChinesetheapplicationtoonersquospoetryoftheepithetldquoJapanizedrdquo
washū和習和臭wasascathingindictment366Tobesuretheselfimageof
premodernkanshibunwriterslargelyirrecoverableanyhowprovidesnolinguistic
reasonatalltousethewordldquoChineserdquoinreferencetotheirworksAfteralla
languageinSaussureantermsissimplyasystemofrulesthroughwhichverbal
meaning-makingisaccomplishedandaswehavealreadyseenkundokuisasystem
thatallowsatleastapartialtransmutationofChineseintoJapaneseandviceversa
ThismeansthatalocutionwritteninliterarySiniticmustqualifyasaparoleinboth
languagessimultaneouslyrenderingthetermldquoChineserdquoincompletebyitselfYet
masteryofliterarySiniticasamodeofinscriptionnecessarilyimpliesmasteryofthe
rulesndashsyntacticsemanticandpragmaticndashofthelanguageofliteraryChinese
HereitisimportanttonotethatalthoughliteraryChineseunlikeMiddleChineseor
Mandarinisaconventionalizedwrittenlanguagewithnouniquephonologyitis
rootedinthespokenvernacularofWarringStatesChinaandcertainlyqualifiesasa
366FraleighPluckingChrysanthemumsp8
226
ldquolanguagerdquo367TothisextentaJapaneseauthorcapableofproducingalogographic
textconsistentwiththenormsofliteraryChineseevenifhedoessoentirelyby
renderingkundokubunintokanbunmustnecessarilyknowtheliteraryChinese
languageItisinthissenseofknowingtherulesthatitisdefensibletoclaimthat
themostimportantculturalachievementinearlyJapanwasindeedldquothemasteryof
theChineselanguagerdquo368
367MichaelFullerAnIntroductiontoLiteraryChinese(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter1999)p1368EdwinCranstonldquoAsukaandNaraCultureLiteracyLiteratureandMusicrdquoinTheCambridgeHistoryofJapanvol1(CambridgeUKCambridgeUnivPress1993)p453TheaccuracyofthestatementcouldofcoursebeimprovedbyspecifyingldquoliteraryrdquoChinese
227
BibliographyAkatsukaKiyoshi赤塚忠Zenshakukanbuntaikei全釈漢文大系vol16ldquoSōshirdquo荘子(TokyoShueisha1974)ArbuckleGaryldquoInevitableTreasonDongZhongshursquosTheoryofHistoricalCyclesandEarlyAttemptstoInvalidatetheHanMandaterdquoJournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety1154(1995)pp585-97AshikagaEnjutsu足利衍述KamakuraMuromachijidainojukyō鎌倉室町時代の儒教(TokyoNihonKotenZenshūKankōkai1932)BattenBruceGatewaytoJapan(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress2006)BerryMaryElizabethTheCultureofCivilWarinKyoto(BerkeleyUnivofCaliforniaPress1994)BolPeterKldquoThisCultureofOursrdquoIntellectualTransitionsinTrsquoangandSungChina(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1992)BorgenRobertSugawaranoMichizaneandtheEarlyHeianCourt(HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1994)BrittanSimonPoetrySymbolandAllegory(CharlottesvilleUnivofVirginiaPress2003)BurnsSusanBeforetheNationKokugakuandtheImaginingofCommunityinEarlyModernJapan(DurhamDukeUnivPress2003)CaiZong-QildquoRecent-StyleShiPoetryPentasyllabicRegulatedVerserdquoinZong-QiCaiedHowtoReadChinesePoetry(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress2008)pp161-77CailloisRogerMeyerBarashtransManPlayandGames(UrbanaUnivofIllinoisPress2001)ChangKang-iSunTheEvolutionofChineseTrsquozuPoetryFromLateTrsquoangtoNorthernSung(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1980)ChenShuifeng陳水逢Ribenwenmingkaihuashiluumle日本文明開化史略(TaipeiTaiwanshangwuyinshuguan1993)
228
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229
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230
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231
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232
MatsuoHatsuko松尾肇子ldquoGozanZenrinniokerushinojuyōrdquo五山禅林における詞の受容Fengxu風絮13(Dec2016)pp60-82McCulloughHelenCraigBrocadebyNightKokinWakashūandtheCourtStyleinJapaneseClassicalPoetry(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1985)McGannJeromeTheTextualCondition(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1991)McRaeJohnRTheNorthernSchoolandtheFormationofEarlyChrsquoanBuddhism(KurodaInstituteStudiesinEastAsianBuddhismno3HonoluluUnivofHawairsquoiPress1986)MurphyReganEldquoEsotericBuddhistTheoriesofLanguageinearlyKokugakuTheSōshakuoftheManrsquoyōdaishokirdquoJapaneseJournalofReligiousStudies361(2009)pp65-91NakajimaChiaki中島千秋Shinshakukanbuntaikei新釈漢文大系vol80ldquoMonzenfuhenrdquo文選賦篇pt2(TokyoMeijiShoin1977)NienhauserJrWilliamHetaledsTheGrandScribersquosRecordsvol1(BloomingtonIndianaUnivPress1994)NogawaHiroyuki野川博之ldquoGozanni-ryūgakusōnotenshiseisakuRyūzanChūgannoMokurengerdquo五山二留學僧の塡詞製作 龍山中巖の木蘭花Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究25(1999)pp96-109mdashmdashmdashldquoChūganEngetsunoSōshishōkai中巖圓月の宋詞紹介Chūgokubungakukenkyū中国文学研究26(1999)pp71-84OwenStephenTheEndoftheChineseMiddleAgesEssaysinMid-TangLiteraryCulture(StanfordStanfordUnivPress1996)mdashmdashmdashTraditionalChinesePoetryandPoetics(TaipeiSouthernMaterialsCenter1985)mdashmdashmdashReadingsinChineseLiteraryThought(CambridgeHarvard-YenchingInstitute1992)mdashmdashmdashThePoetryofMengChiaoandHanYu(NewHavenYaleUnivPress1975)PlaksAndrewArchetypeandAllegoryintheDreamoftheRedChamber(PrincetonPrincetonUnivPress1976)PollackDavidZenPoemsoftheFiveMountains(AARStudiesinReligionno37NewYorkTheCrossroadPublishingCo1985)
233
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234
SuZhongxiangldquoLunlsquoZhinarsquoyicideqiyuanyuJingdelishihewenhuardquoamp$13Lishiyanjiu134(April1979)pp34-48SunRongcheng孫容成ldquoChūganEngetsunoshisōtobungakurdquo中巌円月の思想と文学(PhDDissBeijingForeignStudiesUniversity2012)TamakakeHiroyuki玉懸博之Nihonchūseishisōshikenkyū日本中世思想史研究(TokyoPerikansha1998)TamamuraTakeji玉村竹二Gozanbungakushinshū五山文學新集vol4(TokyoTōkyōDaigakuShuppankai1969)TillmanHoytClevelandUtilitarianConfucianismChrsquoenLiangrsquosChallengetoChuHsi(CambridgeMACouncilonEastAsianStudiesHarvardUniversity1982)TzvetanTodorovIntroductiontoPoetics(MinneapolisUnivofMinnesotaPress1997)UenoTakeshi上野武ldquoWajinnokigentoGonoTaihakudensetsurdquo倭人の起源と呉の太伯伝説inKishiToshio岸俊男MoriKōichi森浩一andŌbayashiTaryō大林太良edsNihonnokodai日本の古代vol1ldquoWajintōjōrdquo倭人登場(TokyoChūōKōron1985)UryMarianldquoGenkōShakushoJapanrsquosFirstComprehensiveHistoryofBuddhismAPartialTranslationwithIntroductionandNotesrdquo(PhDdissUniversityofCaliforniaBerkeley1970)VanNordenBryanWMengziWithSelectionsfromTraditionalCommentaries(IndianapolisHackett2008)WangShumin王叔岷Zhuangzijiaoquan莊子校詮vol1(TaibeiZhongyangYanjiuyuanLishiYuyanYanjiusuo1988)WangZhongyao王仲堯ZhongguoFojiaoyuZhouyi中國佛教與周易(TaipeiDazhan2003)WatsonBurtonJapaneseLiteratureinChinesevol1(NewYorkColumbiaUnivPress1976)WebbJasonPldquoBeyondWa-KanNarratingKanshiReceptionandSociolectsofPoetryrdquoinProceedingsfortheAssociationofJapaneseLiteraryStudies5(Summer2004)pp245-59
235
WechslerHowardJldquoTheConfucianTeacherWangTrsquoung(584-617)OneThousandYearsofControversyrdquoTrsquooungPaoLXIII(1977)pp225-272WeiShaosheng衛紹生Liuyanshitiyanjiu (BeijingSocialSciencesAcademicPress2010)WilkinsonEndymionPChineseHistoryAManual(CambridgeHarvardUnivAsiaCenter2000)WixtedJohnTimothyldquoKanbunHistoriesofJapaneseLiteratureandJapanologistsrdquoinSino-JapaneseStudies102(April1998)pp23-31WongKwok-yiuldquoBetweenPoliticsandMetaphysicsOntheChangingReceptionofWangTrsquoungintheTrsquoang-SungIntellectualTransitionsrdquoMonumentaSericavol55(2007)pp61-97HagaYaichi芳賀矢一andTachibanaSensaburō立花銑三郎edsKokubungakutokuhon國文學讀本inHagaYaichisenshūhenshūiinkaiedHagaYaichisenshū芳賀矢一選集vol2(TokyoKokugakuinDaigaku1983) YajimaGenryō矢島玄亮Nihonkokukenzaishomokurokushūshōtokenkyū日本国見在書目録 集証と研究(TokyoKyūkoShoin1984)YamagishiTokuhei山岸徳平edNKBTv89ldquoGozanbungakushūEdokanshishūrdquo五山文学集江戸漢詩集(TokyoIwanamiShoten1966)YoshikawaKōjirō吉川幸次郎HōchōfushiRongozakkiAraiHakusekiitsuji鳳鳥不至論語雑記新井白石逸事(TokyoShinchosha1971)YuPaulineRldquoMetaphorandChinesePoetryrdquoChineseLiteratureEssaysArticlesReviews(CLEAR)32(Jul1981)pp205-224mdashmdashmdashldquoAllegoryAllegoresisandtheClassicofPoetryrdquoHarvardJournalofAsiaticStudies432(Dec1983)pp377-412YueTianlei岳天雷ldquoZhuXilunlsquoquanrsquordquo朱熹論「權」Zhongguowenhuayanjiusuoxuebao中國文化研究所學報No56(Jan2013)pp169-85ZhangPei張沛Zhongshuojiaozhu中説校注(BeijingZhonghuaShuju2013)