child adoption patterns among childless couples evidence

Tata Institute of

Social Sciences

THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF

SOCIAL WORK

Volume 73, Issue 1 January 2012

IJSW, 73(1), 21–44, January 2012

Child Adoption Patterns among Childless CouplesEvidence from Rural Andhra Pradesh

Sayeed uniSa, Sucharita PuJari, and SuJata GanGuly

This article is an attempt to understand the child adoption patterns among childless women and the way they cope with the situation. The data comes from a large scale community based study on the socio-psychological consequences of childlessness conducted in the Ranga Reddy district of Andhra Pradesh from 1996–2000. Results show that the age of women, allopathic treatment and child adoption have a positive association. The number of adoptions among primary infertile couples is twice that of secondary infertile couples. Adoptions within intact families are common and most cou-ples are happy and satisfied after adopting a child.

Sayeed Unisa is Professor, Department of Mathematical Demography and Statistics, International Institute of Population Sciences (IIPS), Mumbai; Sucharita Pujari is Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, St. Andrews College, Mumbai; and Sujata Ganguly is a Ph.D. Fellow with IIPS, Mumbai.

INTRODUCTIONIn the predominant pronatalist culture of Asian societies, bearing children is widely accepted as a natural and inevitable part of being a woman. India is no exception and Indian cultural practices are highly pronatalist in nature. Under the Indian socio-cultural norms, the status of a newly married bride is largely dependent on her ability to bear children. Family and society look down on a couple unable to bear children within a reasonable period of time following marriage (Anand, 1984). In a patriarchal setting, childless women experience stigma, social isolation, marital disharmony, violence, divorce and debarment from property (Unisa, 2000). Barrenness is considered to be a ‘dreaded condition’, a ‘curse’, and also a cause

22 Sayeed Unisa, Sucharita Pujari, and Sujata Ganguly

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for ‘emotional and social doom’ of a woman. Childless women fear not only rejection but also the threat of divorce (Patel, 1994; Madan, 1976). Whereas, the stigma of infertility is more widespread and often expands to include the man and woman in an infertile union, the blame remains specific and the primary cause for female oppression (Bharadwaj, 2000).

Socio-religious norms place a high premium on procreation as progeny ensure continuity of family. They are also required to perform all the religious rites for the family. For Hindu women barrenness is considered to be a curse. Each infant born and nurtured safely into childhood, more so in the case of a male child, ensures certification and redemption for a woman (Jeannes and Shefer, 2004). People make alternate plans to have children and adoption is one option. The social purpose of adoption is to provide ‘the most desirable means of ensuring family life’. In such a context, adoption appeals to a large proportion of people who fail to become pregnant even after medical treatment (Sundby, 1999). Some couples adopt a child in the hope that parenting will help them to overcome infertility (Rock and others, 1965).

With the above background information the study used quantitative and qualitative methods to understand child adoption. Reported rates of childlessness in Andhra Pradesh are high and insights into this problem are particularly relevant from policy and programme point of view (Pathak and Unisa, 1993). This paper documents the demographic, socioeconomic status, and the treatment seeking behaviour among the childless1 couples2, that influence child adoption and the way they cope with the situation in the Ranga Reddy district of Andhra Pradesh.

In response to these stigmas and oppressions, there are two avenues which are used by childless couples to cope with the situations, namely, new reproductive technologies and child adoption. A brief review of new reproductive technologies and adoption laws in India are given below.

New Reproductive Technologies in IndiaUniversally, infertility is most often seen only as a medical problem and many assume that conceiving, childbearing and giving birth are matters of choice and an inevitable outcome of marriage (Kormi-Nouri and others, 2002). In Indian society, where fertility is highly valued to the extent that womanhood is defined as motherhood, New Reproductive Technologies (NRTs) give hope to the infertile couples. Great advancements have taken place in the development of NRTs since 1986, when the first test-tube baby was born in India. Among the new reproductive technologies, the services

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Child Adoption Patterns among Childless Couples... 23

that are increasingly offered in India are In Vitro Fertilization (IVF), Gamete Intrafallopian Transfer (GIFT), and so on. At the same time, these technologies are very expensive and only a few can afford them. There are hardly any subsidized clinics in India and the government hospitals do not offer these advanced technologies (except for a few specialised centres). They are not even offered in public hospitals. Recently, the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR, 2000) has suggested that besides preventive measures, it is essential to reduce the costs of NRTs, thus, making it accessible to all couples. It has also been suggested that as NRTs are expensive, the option for adoption should be offered, and there should be a shift to preventive services.

Child Adoption Related Laws in IndiaChild adoption is defined “as a legal process through which a family unit is created by severing the ties between a child and his or her biological parents and legally establishing a new parent-child relationship between persons not related by blood. It, thus, involves the creation of a family by the state than through procreation” (Bharat, 1993). However, this definition is mainly related to formal adoption. There are a few studies in India on legal adoptions and that include couples with and without children, foreigners and single parents (Billimoria, 1984; Bharat, 1993; Bhargava, 2005). Moreover, government statistics pertain largely to formal adoptions. However, most adoptions in India are informal and hence, undocumented.

Adoption is explored only when all other treatments have failed. (Jejeebhoy, 1998). In India, adoption is not an acceptable option as women face psychological, familial and community pressure to produce a biological child. Potential adoptive parents worry about the child being accepted by their immediate and extended family, friends and society at large. There is tremendous anxiety about the child’s background—parentage, inherited personality traits, and so on, which could pose problems in later life. Also, there is a pervasive social stigma attached to illegitimate children. Adoption of a child from within the family is more encouraged than a child of unknown parentage. Adoption also means exposing personal inadequacy to bear biological children. Finally, personal laws in India regarding adoption allow only Hindus to adopt (Anand and Chandra, 2002).

In India, the legislations related to adoption are mainly the Hindu Adoption and Maintenance Act (HAMA) 1956, and the Guardians and


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Wards Act, 1890. The first Act covers all the states of India except the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Among the non-Hindus, namely, Muslims, Christians, Jews, and Parsis, cannot legally adopt a child as they are governed by their personal laws (Universal Law Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., 1998; Bajpai, 2003). Under the personal laws of Christian, Parsi and Jew communities, the adoption of a child can take place from an orphanage by obtaining permission from the court under the Guardians and Wards Act (1890). Among these communities, the adoptive parents can only function as legal guardians. The adopted children do not receive the status of biological children and live as wards.

Apart from the above two legislations, the enactment of the Juvenile Justice (Care and Protection of Children) Act, 2000 has made adoption more child centered. The Juvenile Justice Act (2000) contains provisions relating to rehabilitation and social integration of children. Chapter IV of the Act lists adoption, foster care, sponsorship, and after-care as important steps towards rehabilitation and social integration. This Act deals with adoption for a special category of children and for a special purpose. The Juvenile Justice Act (2000) is silent on the question of religion and on the issue of inter-country adoption but requires that the child’s consent be taken into account before the adoption is completed, that is, if the child can understand and express his consent [Sec. 41(5)] (Bajpai, 2003). Thus, there is a lot of reservation about adoption in Indian society and the present laws for adoption are very rigid and difficult to comply (Universal Law Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., 1998; Bajpai, 2003; Kant, 2003).

METHODOLOGYThe data analysed come from a four-year community-based research project in the Ranga Reddy district of Andhra Pradesh (Unisa, 2003). To obtain a sample of childless women, villages were first selected by stratified random sampling. All villages in the district were grouped into three strata, in ascending order of female literacy, and 10 villages were selected randomly from each stratum. A total of 8,713 households belonging to the 30 villages were screened and 9,298 ever-married women of reproductive age were briefly interviewed. Of those 9,298 women, 12 percent were found to be childless. This study focused on a sub-set of childless women with the following characteristics: women who were currently married for at least three years; aged 20–49 years; and never had a live birth. A total of 332 women with

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these characteristics were identified and were administered a survey instrument. Detailed information on household characteristics, marriage, pregnancy history, treatment-seeking behavior, decision-making about treatment, consequences, social participation, general and mental health were collected from these respondents.

The final phase of data collection involved qualitative methods: 60 detailed case studies of childless women from 10 villages were obtained. Women were identified for case studies after the survey. These included women who had adopted a child; those whose husbands had taken a second wife; those who had not sought any fertility treatment; those who had gone to several holy places; and those who had received a number of allopathic treatments. These case studies were conducted to gather explanatory information on all relevant aspects of the study.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY PARTICIPANTSA total of 332 childless women have been identified in the study area. About 75 percent of the childless women are below 30 years and about 52 percent have been married for less than 15 years, and most of them are in monogamous marriages. Cross-cousin marriages and marriages between close relatives are common among these women. Majority are Hindus (93 percent), 68 percent are illiterate and most of them are from a low economic status (64 percent). Most women live in nuclear households (66 percent) and work as agricultural labourers/cultivators or are housewives (See Table 1).

Seventy percent of the women have never been pregnant; the remaining have experienced miscarriages or stillbirths. Seventy three percent of childless women have sought treatment regarding infertility. Higher education and better economic status contribute towards seeking better treatment. Most of the couples have sought treatment within one year of marriage. First, due to societal pressure to have children within one year of marriage, and second, due to their own impatience to have children soon after marriage. The choice of treatment ranges from allopathic to AHU (Ayurvedic, Homeopathy and Unani) to traditional and religious. Treatment seeking among scheduled caste and tribal women is low as compared to other social groups. Seventy three percent of the childless women have sought allopathic treatment as their first choice of treatment and majority have opted for private practitioners or a private hospital, and most of these women are literate. Scheduled caste and tribal women have opted for religious intervention (Unisa, 2001).


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TABLE 1: Background Characteristics of the Study Participants.Characteristics PercentageAge in years20-24 41.325-29 33.430-34 12.735+ 12.7Duration of marriage (in years)

Below 15 51.815-19 42.820-24 5.125+ 0.6Number of times marriedOnce 98.2More than once 1.8Type of marriageConsanguineous 35.8Non consanguineous 64.2ReligionHindu 93.1Muslim 4.8Christian 2.1CasteScheduled caste/tribe 36.1Others 63.9LiteracyIlliterate 68.4Literate 31.6Standard of livingLow 64.2Medium 19.9High 16.0Type of familyNuclear 66.0Joint 34.0OccupationAgricultural labourer/cultivator 48.5Business/home based work 17.8Service 0.9Housewife 32.8

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It is encouraging to note that a majority of the women did not face any threat of divorce from their husbands or demands to agree to second marriages by their husbands. A harmonious relationship was observed among childless couples. This could be due to the realisation that infertility is treatable in many cases, and that the wife is not solely responsible for this condition. However, at the community level these women face the brunt of negative comments and ridicule because of childlessness, thereby, forcing the women to become social recluses. Women avoid attending social functions for fear of something bad being spoken to or about them on such occasions. These women suffer from various mental health problems, such as, anxiety, tension, fear, insomnia, lack of concentration, low self-esteem, and so on. (Unisa, 2010).

Thus, what emerged from the study is a strong desire for such couples to have their own children. Women spend many years seeking help with the hope of having their own child, even after long periods of unsuccessful attempts. As infertility has a negative social value in Indian culture and a childless woman is excluded from participating in socio-religious rituals, questions on how the couples deal with such a situation are raised, and adoption turns out to be one of the coping mechanisms that the childless women opt for to mitigate the consequences of childlessness.

Adoption among Childless WomenIn the present study, the following three questions related to child adoption were asked to the childless women. 1. Has the woman already adopted a child? 2. If she has not adopted a child, has she considered adopting one? 3. If she has considered adopting, then why has she not done so far?

Further, in order to better understand the child adoption pattern and to see how it varies among the couples by socioeconomic and demographic variables, a multivariate analysis was used. Three separate logistic regressions were carried out to understand the variations in adoption of children among those who have already adopted at the time of the study; those who have adopted but, excluding those women who expressed their intention to adopt; and those comprising exclusively of women who stated their intention to adopt in the future. The independent variables used for the analysis are age; age gap between husband and wife; type of infertility; cost of treatment; education; husband and wife relationship; type of marriage; caste and type of family. A detailed analysis of the results is elaborated in


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the section on adoption by the socio demographic characteristics of the women. For the case studies, a discourse analysis was used to analyse the interviews.

FIGURE 1: Proportion of Infertile Women who opted for Adoption

Of the 332 childless women identified in the study, only ten percent had adopted a child at the time of the study and another eleven percent stated their intention to do so in the future (Figure 1). The child adoptions reported by women are informal. For those who stated future intention of child adoption, further probing was not done to know whether adoption plans will be formal or informal. Among the 33 women who have adopted a child, three women are Muslims and one is a Christian. Also, among those who have ever considered adoption, four women are Muslims and one is a Christian. This indicates that even though there is no law for legal adoption for those other than Hindus, informal adoption exists among other religions also.

The child adoption pattern is also analysed based on the nature and number of times the treatment has been sought and the expenditure incurred for the treatment among couples who have already adopted at the time of the study and among couples who stated their intention to adopt in the future (see Table 2). There is a dearth of available literature on the linkage between different forms of treatment and the tendency to adopt a child. Interestingly, those who have already adopted, the mean number of treatment sought (whether allopathic, Indian system of medicine, traditional or religious) is significantly higher than those couples who intend to adopt. The same holds true for the couples who stated their intention to adopt and the couples who did not give any response.

Already adopted

9.9% Ever considered adoption10.8%

No response on adoption79.3%

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TABLE 2: Current and Future Intention of Adoption and Treatment Characteristics.

Treatment and causes Already adopted

Intention to adopt

No response on adoption

Mean Number of TreatmentsNumber of allopathic treatments 1.7 1.6 1.1Number of other treatments 1.7 1.4 0.9Number of total treatments 3.4 3.0 1.9Mean Cost of TreatmentCost for allopathic treatments (Rupees) 6447.6 5201.9 3039.4Cost for other treatments (Rupees) 1904.7 1990.4 1066.2Cost for total treatments (Rupees) 8352.3 7192.4 4105.7Female Causes* (percentage distribution)Irregular menses 7.0 10.5 82.5An ovulation with regular cycles 10.0 14.3 75.7Other causes 8.0 16.0 76.0Male Causes* (percentage distribution)Non demonstrable 5.4 16.1 78.6Idiopathic oligozoospermia and others 12.8 29.8 57.4

*Causes based on medical questionnaire

There is a higher rate of child adoption and intention to adopt among couples with male infertility. Men show more willingness to adopt a child when they are diagnosed with idiopathic oligozoospermia. Under this condition, males have low sperm count and and require expensive treatment. Also, the mean cost of treatment is significantly higher for those who have already adopted than those who have not. Thus, we see that couples who have already been through a series of treatment procedures with an average cost mounting to nearly rupees six thousand and above, have opted for adoption (Table 2).

Adoption by Demographic and Socioeconomic Characteristics of Childless WomenTo gain a better understanding of the child adoption pattern, and also to see how it varies among the couples by socioeconomic and demographic variables, a multivariate analysis was used. Three separate logistic regressions were carried out to understand the variations in adoption of children. The first category comprised those who had already adopted at the time of the study. Second, those who had adopted excluding those women


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who expressed their intention to adopt and the third category comprised exclusively of those women who had stated their intention to adopt in future. In the first analysis, the dependent variable considered is dichotomous indicating whether a woman has adopted a child by taking a value of ‘1’ and a value of ‘0’ for those who have not adopted a child. The dependent variable for the second analysis is also dichotomous taking a value of ‘1’ for women who have already adopted and a value of ‘0’ for those who have not adopted excluding women who have stated their intention to adopt. Similarly, in the third analysis, the dependent variable is again dichotomous taking a value of ‘1’ for women who have expressed their intention to adopt in the future and ‘0’ for women who did not express their intention to adopt in the future. All the above three analyses show the nature of variation in child adoption by socioeconomic and demographic variables (see Table 3).

TABLE 3: Variations in Adoption among Childless Women: Results of Logistic Regression.

Background Variables

Model I

Already adopted

Model II Already adopted

(excluding women with intention)

Model III Intention to adopt

EXP (B) Number of women



Age

20–24 (reference) – 137 – 124 – 134

25–29 3.4* 111 3.2 101 0.6 103

30–34 5.7** 42 6.5** 32 2.0 37

35–49 37.8** 42 39.4** 39 0.9 25

Husband-Wife Age Gap

<4 (reference) – 98 – 86 – 94

5–9 2.4 183 2.3 165 0.5 162

>10 3.1 51 3.1 45 0.6 43

Type of Marriage

Consanguineous (reference)

– 119 – 98 – 110

Non consanguineous 1.8 213 1.4 198 0.4* 189

Type of Family

Nuclear (reference) – 219 – 192 – 194

Joint 1.5 113 1.5 104 0.8 105

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Background Variables

Model I

Already adopted

Model II Already adopted

(excluding women with intention)

Model III Intention to adopt




Husband-Wife Relationship

Not harmonious (reference)

– 106 – 89 – 98

Harmonious 2.2 226 1.8 207 0.5 201

Caste/Tribe

Other (reference) – 212 – 193 – 194

SC/ST 1.7 120 2.1 103 2.1* 105

Education

Literate (reference)

– 102 – 98 – 93

Illiterate 1.4 230 1.8 198 5.1** 206

Infertility

Primary (reference)

– 239 – 212 – 211

Secondary 0.4** 93 0.3* 84 0.8 88

Allopathic Treatment

No (reference) – 139 – 130 – 129

Yes 1.9 193 2.1 166 3.2** 170

Total Cost of Treatment

Up to Rupees 5000 (reference)

– 253 – 230 – 234

Above Rupees 5000 2.9** 79 3.4** 66 2.4* 65** p<0.05, * p<0.1Dependent variable categories: Model I: Already adopted = 1, and not adopted = 0; Model II: Adopted =1, not adopted = 0 (excluding those who expressed their desire to adopt); Model III: Intention to adopt =1, No intention to adopt = 0.

The results presented in Table 3 show that child adoption among women increases with age, that is, higher the age of the woman, greater is the child adoption (Model I and II). Adoption is more prevalent among women in the age group of 35–49 years as compared to women in the younger age groups. Adoption is also significantly higher among women in the age


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group of 30–34 years as compared to women in the younger age groups (Model II). Higher the age gap between husband and wife, greater is the chance of adoption. This could be because the husband maybe aged and the couples may not want to wait too long for a child. Child adoption is seen more in non-consanguineous marriages than in consanguineous marriages. Further, as shown in the table, women belonging to joint families are more likely to adopt than those from nuclear families. Couples living in harmonious marriages are more likely to adopt as compared to those living in marriages under threat of divorce. (A variable has been computed as a harmonious relationship when a woman does not face the threat of divorce, or a second wife from the husband or in-laws) (Unisa, 1999; Unisa, 2000; Unisa, 2001; Andrews, 1970).

Child adoption among secondary infertile women (those who became pregnant at least once, but never had a live birth) is less than that of primary infertile women (those who have not conceived even once) and it is also significant (at 5% in Model I and 10% in Model II). This is also evident in the results of a study on child adoption in China, which shows that childless women are more likely to adopt and do not show a sex preference (Jihong and others, 2004). In case of secondary infertile women, they are perhaps hopeful of having at least one successful live birth. Child adoption is greater among women who have taken allopathic treatment and also whose treatment cost is above Rupees 5,000/-. Thus, high cost of treatment is positively associated with child adoption.

The intention to adopt in the future is twice more among women in the age group of 30–34 years as compared to women in the age group of 20–24 years (Model III). The explanation for this could be that couples try to have their own child in the early years of marital life. Couples consider adoption only after completing 30 years of age. Illiterate women trend more towards child adoption. Infact, the intention to adopt a child is five times more among illiterate women as compared to literate women and is significant at five percent. Illiterate women are more inclined to adopt as they may not be aware of infertility treatments. Women who stated their intention to adopt and have taken allopathic treatment, are three times more desirous to adopt as compared to women who have not taken any allopathic treatment, and it is also statistically significant.

Similarly, scheduled caste and scheduled tribe women have also expressed the intention to adopt. Here, the intent to adopt a child is more among women living in a non-harmonious relationship with husbands. Perhaps, the inability to reproduce a child is a cause of mental agony

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among the couples. As a result, most women have expressed the desire to adopt in the future rather than to remain childless. However, the intention to adopt is more among consanguineous marriages. The husband-wife age gap, type of marriage and family show opposite relationships in case of adoption and intention to adopt a child (Model I, II and III).

QUALITATIVE EVIDENCES OF CHILD ADOPTION IN THE STUDY AREA: A DISCOURSE ANALYSIS

With the adoption of a child, a couple fulfills its aspiration of becoming a parent. Yet, the issue of infertility remains a lurking shadow and influences the behaviour of the couple in the long run. In the present study, the researchers try to explore the discourses that emerge in relation to child adoption employed by the childless women to fulfill their role as mothers. The purpose is to look into the participant’s subjective experiences with regard to child adoption through the multiplicity of discourses that frame participants’ experiences. Interviews were conducted in the study area with childless women from different socio-religious backgrounds. These included adoptive mothers and women who have ever considered adoption. All the interviews were audio-taped with the permission of the participants and later transcribed.

The DiscoursesDiscourse analysis is a qualitative method that has been adopted and developed by social constructionists. It can be characterised as a way of approaching and thinking about a problem. Discourse analysis does not provide absolute answers in the present context of child adoption but enables one to understand the conditions and apprehensions related to child adoption. Discourse analysis aims at viewing the ‘problem’ from a higher stance and gain a comprehensive view of the ‘problem’. Few broad areas of the discourse pertaining to child adoption are discussed below:• Seeking treatment/cost and child adoption• Apprehensions about child adoption• Need for a biological child vis-a-vis an adopted child• Adoptions within close relatives as against non-relatives

Seeking Treatment, Cost and Child Adoption

Infertile couples throughout, and in particular in the Indian context, are generally very orthodox in their approach towards child adoption. Seeking


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treatment inspite of the high costs involved is mostly undertaken before making concrete plans for child adoption. Many do not want to adopt fearing ostracization from society. Part of the stigma could be due to the couple’s unresolved frustration with their inability to conceive as well. For example:

I am not thinking to adopt a child right now, but after 10 years I will think of adopting a child (Age 21 years).

The woman expresses her reluctance towards adopting a child. The participant is young, and perhaps would prefer to wait for some more years or seek alternative methods of treatment before making definite plans for adoption. For example:

I will think of adopting a child, only after taking all the treatment for infertility to my satisfaction (Age 24 years).

However, considering the cost and length of time required for treatment, many decide to adopt a child while undergoing the treatment process itself. Moreover, not everybody can withstand the high level of emotional stress experienced during treatment and may instead decide in favour of child adoption.

Women, who visit infertility clinics for seeking treatment, typically experience a sense of failure accompanied with significant emotional stress, which in due course affects the extended family too. Women think of child adoption as an alternative mode of parenthood only when repeated attempts to conceive and infertility treatments fail. The quantitative data analysis also supports this argument. The statistical analysis between seeking treatment and child adoption show that adoption is more among women whose mean number of treatments sought is higher. Adoption is also more among women who have spent considerable amount of money in seeking treatment.

Interestingly, many women feel the expenditure incurred to rear an adopted child should rather be spent on infertility treatment. This is clearly evident from the following quote:

I don’t like adopting other’s child because the money spent on the adopted child, can be spent on our treatment. After taking all the treatments for fertility, till the last hope, then only I will think of adopting a child, that too of my own sister (Age 20 yrs).

The quantitative analysis shows that couples who have already been through a series of treatment and have spent Rupees 6,000/- and above on an average have adopted a child. Besides, modern reproductive technologies are expensive and are only available in private hospitals and clinics.

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Childless couples have admitted to selling property and borrowing money for expensive advanced infertility treatment. Failure to become pregnant inspite of much efforts slowly paves the way for child adoption. Treatment needs to be subsidized to ensure accessibility regardless of their economic status.

Apprehensions about Child Adoption

Apprehensions regarding child adoption are not uncommon in Indian society. One such obstacle is the social hurdle. The fear of being abandoned by adopted children, and the fear of losing the child to biological parents often works against child adoption. Many a times conflict between biological and adoptive parents end with the child being either taken back by his/her biological parents or is returned to the biological parents. Thus, interfamilial conflicts are another reason why some women are apprehensive of adopting a child as they fear losing the child to biological parents or being abandoned by adopted children once they come to know about their adopted status. The following quote illustrates the above argument:

I adopted my brother-in-law’s daughter when she was four years old. It was a joint decision between me and my husband. We had a fight with her parents for some reason and they asked us to return their child (Age 35 years).

Ill-treatment of the childless woman by in-laws is a widely talked about issue. Women who cannot give birth to children are often ill-treated. The woman is considered to be inauspicious and is not permitted to participate in family rituals and functions. Some of the childless women interviewed were very apprehensive about adopting a child. These women fear that after their death, their property could be transferred to their in-laws, who may possibly ill-treat the adopted child.

Poor economic status is another hurdle faced by childless women. It is unlikely that anybody would give away their child for adoption to a couple who is economically not well off. A physically handicapped woman said the folowing:

I am not thinking of adopting a child as we are very poor, only if we had some property or assets, will someone give their child to us (Age 48 years).

Biological Child versus Adopted Child

Biological parenting is another domain that confronts childless couples in our society. It is said that couples who have disclosed their adoptive status in


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the wider circle of their social network, experience a more positive attitude from others regarding adoption. On the other hand, those experiencing a sense of discomfort that adoptive parenthood is not the same and definitely inferior to biological parenthood have restricted disclosure to their wider social circle (Bhargava, 2005).

In India, the phenomenon of adoption is coloured by social attitudes and prejudices. In a tradition oriented pluralistic society such as India, child adoption has profound implications. The patriarchal value system exerts a tremendous influence in the domain of kinship. Notions of identity are strongly built around the Indian kinship system. According to Uberoi (1993), “others” are different and this difference is exemplified by their different kinship practices. The negative attitudes towards children with unknown caste, class and religious background seem to pervade the child adoption practices in India. This is fairly well represented among the participants. For example:

I don’t want to adopt because our child is ours only. We left our fate to God. Let’s see what happens (Age 22 years).

No one feels interested in adopting a child. Even I don’t like adopting because our children are our very own (Age 25 years).

Quite a large number of women are not in favour of child adoption. A biological child gives a parent more control over the child, which may not be possible always in the case of a child who is adopted. Most of the women who have postponed adoption to a later date expressed that they preferred to wait and see if they could conceive, and nearly 15 childless women are quite hopeful that they will conceive soon.

Most women who have agreed upon the fact that no one likes to adopt a child reflects their degree of aversiveness towards child adoption. Quite a number of women expressed that they would rather force their husbands to remarry instead of adopting a child as an adopted child cannot belong to them forever. For example:

I will not adopt a child now because only a few years have passed after marriage. I think we will have children, my age is also less. In case I don’t have a child, I will ask my husband to remarry (Age 23 yrs).

Earlier, the most important reason for men to have more than one wife was the desire for a male offspring. Even now, in spite of the law against polygamy, there are men with two wives. This is largely because they cannot beget a child from their first wife and want a biological child of their own.

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Women, not interested in adopting a child, feel that adopted children cannot provide the same warmth, love and security in old age as one’s own children. The following quote illustrates this discourse:

Adoption is of no use, who knows if the adopted child will take care of us in our old age. The mother of the child may also fight with me later on. So, it is better to be without any children (Age 35 years).

Women expressed their concerns about their inability to relate emotionally to an adopted child. This is clearly illustrated from the following quote below:

We are not thinking of adopting a child. It is difficult to manage our own child and how can we look after somebody else’s child. We cannot beat the adopted child when we get angry, but with our own child we can do whatever we like (Age 25 years).

Among women who had considered adoption, the reasons cited for delay in adopting included: non-availability of children for adoption; were yet waiting to have their own child; not yet ready to adopt; husband’s consent not available; and husband had a second wife. (Figure 2).

FIGURE 2: Reasons for not Adopting among those Who Ever Considered Adoption

The figure above depicts the relative importance of a biological child as compared to adopting a child. On being asked about their future plans for adopting a child, most of the women preferred to wait for a few more years. These women were either married for less than five years or had conceived at least once (secondary infertile women).

Several other factors also contribute to the inherent need of a woman to have a child of her own. Growing up in an adoptive family calls for something more than the assurance that adopted children do well on a


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battery of tests of adjustment and attainment. It is argued that children experience excessive pressure from overzealous adoptive parents due to which they leave the house or are sent back.

Interviews with childless women who had adopted children revealed that adoption could be terminated if the child was unable to adjust for any reason or in the case of families experiencing familial conflicts and property disputes. Also, children adopted at an older age could face adjustment problems in their adoptive families and return to their biological parents.

An adoptive mother had the following experience:Only children born by you can give the comfort and feeling of having children. I had to send back my brother-in-law’s son, whom we had adopted, because we came to know from the villagers that my brother-in-law had given him to us for adoption because he intended to kill my husband, to get all the property (Age 42 years).

Thus, experiences of adoptive mothers are largely influenced by the immediate social context of one’s internal and external environment. External factors such as property disputes among family members can become a source of conflict between biological parents and adoptive parents, thus, terminating the adoption. Planning to adopt a child becomes a source of stress for childless women. The following quote further illustrates the above argument:

I adopted a girl who was my elder sister’s daughter when she was ten years old. She stayed for one year and didn’t like staying with us and returned to her parents of her own will. Now I am not thinking of adopting any child because we have lot of tension regarding my husband’s illness (Age 48 years).

Unpleasant incidents, such as those narrated above, lead to negative attitudes towards child adoption. Such negative attitudes towards adoption may then translate into negative feelings toward adoptees in the long run. The following quote further illustrates this discourse:

If I give birth to a child, it will be nice. If we spend money on our children they will be ours only. But adopted children can’t be ours (Age 22 years).

Interestingly, women pressurise their husbands to remarry in order to have a child biologically related to the husband. This discourse is based on the assumption that psychological and behavioural characteristics are genetically determined, and thus having a biological child is superior to an adopted child. Women’s attitudes towards adopted children are intrinsically linked to finance. Money spent on a biological child is an investment with returns, which may not be the case for an adopted child.

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Some women hope to conceive in the future and have no plans for adopting children. Also, women with child/children from the second wife are no longer interested in adoption. The following statement is a woman’s expression of considering herself as mature and successful after experiencing motherhood.

My sister’s child is like my own child. He calls me mother and my co-wife as milk mother (pamaa) as she feeds him. (Age 35 years).

Adoption within Close Relatives as against Non-relatives

Adoptions in India have always been conducted under a shroud of secrecy—confidentiality being cited as one of the main reasons. Adopting a child from within relatives ensures blood lineage and knowledge of parental background.

There is an inherent fear of adopting a child from an unknown family background. Parental beliefs are instrumental in effective parenting and ultimately in adaptive child behaviour (Bhargava, 2005). Parental influences on the development of the child are understood to be culturally embedded in society. The adoptive parent also holds certain beliefs about parenting and child development. One of the major areas of concern in a pre-adoptive couple is, therefore, the heredity of the child. This fact is reflected in the following quote:

The child who I adopt has to be my own sister’s and no one else’s (Age 24 years).

Most adoptions in India are arranged privately within the extended family. Even, when the nuclear family lives outside the traditional joint patriarchal unit, important decisions are taken only after consultation with older family members. This is because most adoptive couples consider that the child is adopted by the family and not by them only.

My husband and I wanted to adopt a child and my brother-in-law was also willing to give us his child. So we adopted his son when the child was two months old. The child is four years old now. He is very much happy with us. We too are happy and satisfied with this child (Age 40 years).

Sometimes, in case of twins, one child maybe given for adoption to a close childless relative.

I have adopted a girl child. My brother-in-law had twins so he gave me one of his daughters. I adopted her a few days after her birth and she is five years old now. I love her immensely and there will be no change in my behaviour towards her


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even if I ever, have my own children. The property that I have, I will give her. The child is happy, when she was able to understand relationships, she saw us as her parents. We are completely satisfied now, and the thought of a biological child does not bother us anymore” (Age 30 years).

I adopted my brother’s child as he had three children and gave me one, since I could not have a child for 10 years. She was one year old when I adopted her. Today she is seven years old. Before adopting her she used to be with me only. My bhabi (sister in-law) used to feed her and send her to me. Even if I have two or ten children in future, she will always remain my first child; my love for her will never decrease (Age 26 years).

Another fact that emerges from the above narratives is, that, biological parents often give away their child for adoption primarily out of affection and as a gift to the childless woman, and not under duress or for monetary considerations. Further, the participants have clearly stated that by adopting a child from within the extended family has given them immense emotional satisfaction and happiness to the extent that the idea of a biological child is now inconsequential.

The reason for adopting a child belonging to close relatives stems mainly from the desire to satisfy the demands of extended family members of the need to have a child at home. Also, the commercialisation of the child adoption process, rigid government procedures, and inherent biases in the Indian adoption laws are stumbling blocks to wider social acceptance of adopting a child from someone other than relatives. These systems have also prevented families from adopting a child from authorised adoption agencies. As a result, in-family adoptions have become increasingly common. Adoption is also encouraged within the family so as to keep all property within the family. As importance is given to blood ties, illegitimate children or children from an unknown family background are not accepted easily.

On the other hand, women who have adopted from non-relatives have also pleasant experiences to share. Two facts have emerged from this argument. First, a sense of deep attachment towards a child adopted within close relatives as the child is related through blood and a feeling of fulfillment as a mother to the woman. Second, the pleasure of having a baby in spite of it being adopted from non-relatives also evokes the same happiness and joy. This is further evidenced in the following quote:

After we lost all our hopes, we thought about adoption. After 5 years of marriage, we adopted a male child from neighbours of my parent’s house. He was five months old when we adopted him. Nobody insisted that I adopt a child, we both have decided on our own. Even if we have our own baby, I would treat him equally with my own child. We are equally satisfied with the couple who

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are having children. At present, I am not going anywhere in the wish of having children. If God wishes, he can give me a child. I am not bothered about my own child; I will look after him (adopted child) well (Age 26 years).

Thus, we see the discourses on child adoption are largely influenced by societal ideas and beliefs. Inability to conceive a biological child is perceived as something shameful. Usually, childless couples resort to costly infertility treatments before considering adoption. As diagnosis and treatment for infertility can take a long time, couples frequently change doctors due to impatience and restlessness.

The experiences narrated by the women are largely a reflection of the prevailing attitude towards adoption in India. Most Indians exhibit ambivalence and reluctance when it comes to adopting children. It is important for couples to resolve infertility issues and consider adoption as an alternative for experiencing the joys of parenthood.

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS The study had been carried out in the Ranga Reddy district of Andhra Pradesh to understand the coping mechanism of childless rural couples. All the participant couples in the study have adopted children informally. Formal child adoption was found to be uncommon in the study area as couples preferred to adopt children from within their relatives rather than from those of unknown parentage. It may also be noted here that there is a possibility of a few childless women not reporting themselves as childless to the researchers (sample of this study by definition composed of those who have not (yet) had live births).

It is encouraging to note that in the study area, a significant number of couples have adopted a child or have made plans to adopt a child. Nearly one-tenth of the women have already adopted a child and another 11 percent of the women stated their intention of adopting a child in the future. In spite of adoption laws being unfavourable towards minorities, the study found instances of adoption among Muslims and Christians. Apart from this, when biological factors are taken into consideration, those who have not conceived even once have higher propensity for adoption.

Adopting an unrelated child is still in its infancy in India. In the study area, the rural women were largely unaware of the legal adoption procedures. Also, the traditional notions of bloodline, caste and class attached to adoption, remain strong in India holding back childless couples from adoption. Most adoptions in the study area involved children belonging to immediate or distant family members. Heredity considerations limited


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choices available for adopting children from agencies. However, couples expressed satisfaction and contentment after adopting children.

In the Indian scenario child adoption is closely related to fertility. If a woman adopts a child it is assumed that she is not capable of conceiving. In places where instances of childlessness is high, adoption should be encouraged—especially those who are orphaned. Rules and regulations regarding child adoption and a list of adoption agencies should be available in all the fertility clinics. The need of the hour is to bring about changes in policies and legislations related to adoption. Adoption procedures need to be simplified and information on child adoption can be disseminated through the mass media.

NOTES

1. Infertility is a biological term to denote that women are biologically not able to con-ceive and have not given any live birth while the term childlessness has been used just to denote that the couples have no children because they are infertile (Rutstein and Shah, 2004; Unisa, 2010).

2. Throughout the paper, the term infertility has been used in relation to couples. The indicator of the infertility of the couple is the woman, whether the infertility is due to the failure of the woman to conceive or of the man to impregnate her.

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