Chapter VI

AN EVALUATION OF GREEN REVOLUTION - ITS CLAIMS AND CONSEQUENCES

This chapter attempts to evaluate the consequences of Green

Revolution in Kuttanad. The euphoria generated by the Green Revolution

(GR) was short-lived [Panikar, 1983:3]. Along with an appreciation of its

positive impact on food grain production, it is argued that it has set in a

period of serious imbalances in the social, economic and environmental

system [Rao, 1974; Kannan and Pushpangadan, 1988; Shiva, 1991; Sharma,

20011. Even the productivity claim has been called into question. Evenson

and Kislev have observed that Green Revolution optimism has disappeared.

It has failed to live up to its billing, and doomsday models are in fashion

[1975: I]'.

It is argued that there has been a mismatch between the social costs

and benefits of Green Revolution. The very advocates of this package, later

reflected on the argument of the costs outrunning the benefits. There has

been only one justification of the advocacy of Green Revolution strategy. A

community or family faced with a serious threat of starvation and death

obviously place great emphasis on the immediate increase in food

availability. For them the resultant deterioration of the resource base and

associated negative effects on future availability are likely to be of little

concern [Pinstrup Per-Anderson, 1982: 1761.

Sudhir sen2 [I9751 had compiled certain views and opinions of men

from different walks of life on Green Revolution. A balance sheet of Green

I Singh and Kalra make a location specific observation: "the story of Green Revolution in Punjab is one o f rising from zero to hero in one decade, the 1970s. and then of hero-cum-villain for the next two decadesm[Singh and Kalra, 2002: 3 1391.

He quoted a prediction of a veteran F A 0 adm~nistrator -"it will fizzle out". A similar comment was made by another official with years of involvement in agriculture. The metaphor he used was more

Revolution citing certain positive aspects and claims of Green Revolution

and also growing concern on its consequences was prepared [Swaminathan,

19881'.

The Effect of Green Revolution on Employment

The effect of Green Revolution on employment has been a point of

dispute since the late 1960s [Johnston and Cownie, 1969; Yudelman et a].,

1971; Griffin, 1974; Bartsch, 19771. Empirical studies have provided

evidence in support of both the employment creating as well as labour

displacing aspects of cultivation with H W seeds.

Billings and Singh (1969) and others observed that rural labour

requirements in north India increased as a result of the new technology.

Studies on Punjab [Mellor 1969; Chawla, Gill & Singh 1972; Johl, 19731

came out with similar results, pointing to the labour absorbing qualities of

the Green Revolution. Empirical studies from other parts of the world

support these findings4

vivid: "it is a flash in the pan". A retired civil servant who had sewed the Ministry of Agriculture in New Delhi in a top position made the following comment -"There has been no green revolution, only a string of good monsoons" [Sen, 1975: 3-41, 3 Taking into account the first 20 years of Green Revolution, it has been claimed that green revolution strategy has generated a feeling of self-confidence in many developing countries about their capability in achieving food sustainability. Several countries have started building national food security systems based on the purchase of surplus home grown wheat or rice, lndia which imported 10 million tonnes of wheat in 1966, had built a grain reserve of more than 10 million tonnes by 1972, mainly with locally grown and purchased wheat towards the end of 1987, the government of lndia held grain stock of about 20 million tonnes. These included the quantities needed for both food security and public distribution.

Barker and Cardova (1978) found that the demand for hired labour time unequivocally increased following the introduction of HYV in the Philippines, whereas in Indonesia the same result occurred due to a change in harvesting methods. R Barker and V G Cardova (1978), "Labour Utilization in Rice Production" in Economic Consequences of the New Rice Technologv, Los Banos International Rice Research Institute, and A Stoler (1977). "Class Structure and Female Authority in Rural Java," Department of Anthropology Mimeo, New York: Colombia University). In regions where labour absorbing technology prevails, the ovailabiliry of labour to satisfy the increased demands of multiple cropping is obviously crucial. It was found that the HYV can be too labour absorbing relative to the labour supply, so that labour shoflages may in fact prevent the adoption of technology (Barbara Harris (1972), 'Innovalive Adoption in Indian Agriculture-the High-Yielding Variety Program' in Modern Asia S~udies 6.

However, there are studies showing the labour displacing effects of

mechanical technology on employment [Billings and Singh, 1970; Bal,

1974; Raj Krishna, 1974: Binswanger, 1978; Asian Development Bank

1978; 1110, 1983; Agarwal, 19831.

Thus the agricultural practices associated with the biochemical and

mechanical aspects of Green Revolution tend to have opposite effects on the

labour force: labour absorbing and labour displacing, respectively.

Capitalist investment in punja cultivation in Kuttanad in the pre-

modem phase like introduction of oil based pumping machine in 1912,

electrification of mechanized pumps in 1940 and strengthening of the outer

bunds with granite walls by 1940 had been labour displacing. These efforts

got intensified during the Green Revolution period. Such labour saving

technological and infra-structural developments significantly reduced the

labour requirements in the two highly labour demanding operations in punja

cultivation, namely de-watering and maintenance of outer bunds. These

measures had its consequences on the labour relations in Kuttanad, as has

been discussed in the previous chapter.

It is estimated that the average number of days of employment in

Kuttanad, which was 124 days during the 1970s [Tharamangalam, 19811,

has come down to 105 for males and 109 for females in 1994[Thomas,

19941 and then to 100 days for males and 80 days for females [Jacob,

19961.

Gradually employment opportunities in Kuttanad became less and

non-reliable. Therefore, there had been a tendency on the part of labourers

to move from farm to non-farm sector. In a span of about two decades the

number of agricultural labourers in Kuttanad declined from about 1.5 lakhs

in the mid seventies to about 90000 in 1993. As a result, severe scarcity of

farm labourers has been felt especially during harvesting time5. The New

strategy also affected the material input-mix in farming.

In traditional agriculture, the transporting of organic manure like

cow dung, ash, green leaves etc., in bulk quantity to the field and its

application which extended for days required more men hours. When

organic manure was replaced by chemical fertilizers in Green Revolution,

farmers could get them in bags in capsule form for ready application.

Moreover, a given area required only less labour for the application of

fertilizers compared to that of organic manure.

In traditional agriculture, the plant protection operations such as

weed control, pest and disease control were manually done. In Green

Revolution these were replaced by plant protection chemicals (PPC). For

instance, the control of rice leaf roller was done by men and women

labourers using puzhukkotta (basket) and broom. It was labour consuming

and it was replaced by pesticide application. Similarly in weeding, hand

weeding was replaced by weedicide application. All these factors reduced

the labour requirement in manuring.

Changes in the farming practices from traditional to Green

Revolution affected the labour requirements in paddy cultivation. For

instance, as per the traditional practices, the labour requirement for

manuring was 30 hours (men) per acre6. The transporting of organic manure

like cow dung, green leaves etc, in bulk quantity to the field and its

application which extended for days required more men hours. But, when

organic manure was replaced by chemical fertilisers in Green Revolution, 6

farmers could get them in bags, in capsule form from the nearby depots for

In the place o f 20 persons required to harvest an acre in a day only two or three persons were hardly available [Thomas and Thomas, 19991. 'The data obtained from selected group of senior farmers from Kuttanad through our interaclion during March. 2003

ready application. Therefore, the labour required for manuring has reduced

from 30 hours per acre to 8 (2 + 6) hours during Green Revolution

(Table 6.1).

Table No. 6.1 : Displacement of labour under in Kuttanad Green Revolution Strategy.

Traditional ( Green Revolution Farm Operations Men 1 Women I Men I Women

I I

I ( h s ) ( (hs ) I (hrs) I (W Dewaterine 64 - 6 -

Number of labour hours used

Source: Survey data

But in plant protection measures (like pests, disease and weed

control) labour absorption experience was different. In the case of weed

control, under traditional method, the operation was manually done (three

times in a season) which required 24 men hours and 240 women hours,

making a total of 264 hours. In Green Revolution, first hand weeding was

replaced by weedicide application, which was followed by two times of

hand weeding. It required only 103 labour hours (13 men and 90 women

hours) (Table 6. I).

As a result of a change in the attitude of farmers for labour

displacing substitutes, as part of the cost minimisation efforts (information

shared by the group of farmers in the interaction) and the mechanisation of

the dewatering operation, there was a considerable reduction in the labour

requirement in dewatering, ploughing, leveling, and bunding. In the

traditional phase, the labour absorption in the above operations was 128

(64 + 16 + 24 + 24) hours, whereas it came down to 20 hours (6 + 2 + 6 + 6) per acre in the Green Revolution period. Mechanisation of after-

harvesting operations such as threshing and winnowing reduced the labour

requirement from 64 hours to 8 hours per acre (Table 6.1).

Off-farm Input Structure

Technological changes are embodied in new forms of inputs. They

alter the input structure. Green revolution agriculture is dependent on the

supply of a vast quantity of new forms of inputs like improved seeds,

inorganic fertilizer, weedicides, pesticides, and fungicides.

The new forms of inputs tend to be purchased off the farm, which

means the farmer almost fully lost control over the inputs. Some inputs,

such as inorganic fertilizers, cannot be produced in the farm. With the

introduction of HYVs, farmers abandoned home-produced seed, organic

manure and simple tools. Instead they purchased improved seed, used

inorganic fertilisers, plant protection chemicals, complex mechanical tools

and equipments. Off-farm purchase, which pulls the farmer into the market

economy, has a number of important ramifications for development policy.

It increased the risk problem (as there was an increase in the explicit cost

component of the total cost), cash requirements and possible credit needs,

and it added pressure for increased marketing of the produce. The increase

in productivity caused by the new high-input farming benefited the

exogenous suppliers of the inputs.

The table on the index numbers of prices received and prices paid by

farmers (Table 6.2) explains the not benefiting, instead quite unfavourable

position they had been facing over the period. During the period from 15

year from 1965-66 to 1980 the parity index was unfavourable to the farmers

for 8 years and favourable only for 7 years.

Table 6.2: Index numbers of prices received and prices paid by farmers, 1953-54 to 1980 (1952-53 = 100)

Year

1953-54

1977-78 1978-79 (1980)

Prices received cultivation cost

95

Source: Bureau of Economics and Statistics, Government of Kerala, various issues

422 427 480

Farm cultivation

cost 103

490 516

603

Domestic expenditure

96

349 366

439

Prices paid by farmers

99

Parity as (2) to (5) 95

414 435 514

102 98 93

Attracted by the high yielding potential of the new varieties, farmers

followed excessive use of fertilizers and extensive double cropping

practices aggravated the pest problem. Excessive use of fertilizer resulted in

more vegetative growth of the plants, which, in turn increased the

susceptibility of plants to various pests and diseases. Pests which were

considered earlier as minor pests became major pests. The typical case was

that of Brown Plant Hopper (BPH), commonly known as munja.

There was an unprecedented outbreak of BPH in 1974 mair et. al.,

19903 I] in Kuttanad. The drastic attack of the new pest forced the farmers

to go in for more intensive application of pesticides. But that did not save

them. Crops in hectares of paddy fields were lost and farmers put the crop

on fire. Indiscriminate use of insecticides to tackle the pest menace did

more harm than good. They suffered heavy loss. A senior farmer shared his

experience that he even pledged the thaalimala (gold chain) of his wife to

save the crop. This loss continued for the subsequent years. It benefited

only the input agencies and the farmers plunged themselves into huge debts.

It is observed that most of the HYVs had a short life of four to five

years in the field. After that they went down in performance or became fully

susceptible to diseases and pests. Of the nine varieties developed and

released by the Rice Research Station, Moncompu, Kuttanad from 1968 to

1990, the Green Revolution period (information collected from the

Research Station) no single variety survived (farm information)'.

' The only popular and standing variety is that o f Uma, released in 1998 [farm information]. It survived in the lield for the last seven years. List o f HYVs from RRS Monkompu

146

Table 6.3: HYVs developed in the Rice Research Station, Moncompu from 1968-1990

Variety Name Year of Release

1945

I 1968 I M0.3 I Kochathikkira

Variety No.

1945

I 1978 I M0.4 I Bhadra ?

MO.l Chettivirippu

M0.2 Kallada champavu

1985

1987

I 1990 I MO.10 I Remya

I I

M0.6

M0.7

1990

1 1995 M0.12 Renjini I I

Pavizham

Karthika

I I

M0.13 Pavithra

M0.14 Panchami

M0.9

MO.11

I I

M0.15 Remanika

Makom

Kanakom

1 1998 I M0.17 I Revathy

1 1998 I M0.18 [ Karishma

I 1998 I M0.19 ( Krishnanjana

2002

Source: RRS, Monkompu, Alappuzha

M0.20 Gowri

The genetic base of seeds in traditional agriculture was very strong

and diversified. Each individual fanner enjoyed command over the required

quantity of seed. Farmer without sufficient seed was not worth his name.

Therefore each farmer was careful in storing the required quantity. In the

traditional system, at the time of harvest, the farmer took first the grains for

seed, then for food for his family up to the next harvest, followed by the

portion to be paid as rent, and lastly the surplus, if any, was taken to the

market (based on a farm information from a senior fanner K J Mathew

Kallukalam, aged 72).

The traditional system of seed had its social and cultural

implications. Farmer in the traditional agriculture had developed a self-

reliant system of seed preparation and preservation, as already discussed. If

he met with a setback in the process he relied upon the co-farmer for seed.

Thus there was mutual dependence among the farmers. Green Revolution

however brought about radical changes in the nature and system of seeds.

GR made the farmer fully at the mercy of seed companies. The number of

times he could use the seed for the next seasons was also limiteds.

After two decades, the invisible ecological, social, political and

cultural costs of the Green Revolution have become visible. At the political

level, the Green Revolution has turned out to be conflict - producing instead

of conflict reducing. At the material level, production of high yields of

commercial grain have generated new sources of conflict. It has led to

intensive political agitation in Kuttanad. The region has been a robust

ground for trade unions. The capitalist mode of production in agriculture

8 The phenomenon of genetically modified (CM) seed is a growth in this direction. Monsanlo, the multinational seed company has been trying to develop a technology that will permit it to embed terminators in every seed it produces. These terminators will make it impossible for farmers to obtain seeds for the next sowing from the crop they grow on their land. If framers wish to use the seed again the next season, they will have to purchase it afresh.[The Hindu, 22"d January, 1999:10]. Thus it will further increase farmers dependence on seed companies.

that came with the Green Revolution strategy affected the traditional

relationship that existed among the farmers and the labourers.

There had been severe pressure from the trade unions to increase the

wages, which according to the farmers was already high. Labourers

complained that they had been exploited by the farmers by appropriating all

the benefits of the high yielding performance of the new seeds (it was high

but only in the initial years of Green evolution)^. An analysis of the farm

level prices of paddy would prove that the sporadic increase in the net

inconie in the early years of 1970s was because of a high variation in farm

price [George, 19821. It had gone up to a record level of Rs 18.36 perpara

during 1974-75, but came down to Rs 9.97 during 1979-80, as shown in the

table. The annual percentage change was more significant in 1973-74. Thus

the 'wind fall' gain form Green Revolution was purely a temporary

phenomenon. Still the labourers clamoured for higher wages and reduction

in working hours.

The new pattern of relations resulting from the new agricultural

strategy, aggravated the peace and tranquillity of village life. The co-

operation among farmers and between farmers and labourers which was

most essential in farming, especially in the risky farming in Kuttanad,

which warrants manpower in situation like breach of bunds on a war-

footing, became a tale of the past. Kuttanad farm relations were framed into

jargons like the capitalist mode of production and the resultant class war.

The very fact that all these changes in farm relations happened within a

period of a decade from 1966-75, since the introduction of the new strategy,

throws light on the extent of change in social relations brought about by the

new seeds.

9 For instance, in our interview. Ousepachen Purnvady, a fanner from Pall~kkootumma, Kuttanad, was telling us that paddy cultivat~on in those days was s o profitable that with the net income fmm the second crop of his seven acres o f land in 1973, he could construct a comfortable residence house

The new strategy reversed the cultivators' relation to nature. They

began to follow an approach of conquest and exploitation of nature. In that

operation they depended heavily on the chemical inputs. The NPK inputs,

in particular, enabled them to take more from the soil than what they

contributed to it.

Green Revolution and Environment

In India the consumption of fertilisers and pesticides reached its peak

during the Green Revolution. The importance of Nitrogen (N), Phosphorus

(P) and Potash (K) in the soil was firmly established and was briefly

described as the birth of "NPK mentality' [Deshpande, 2002:2].The Green

Revolution strategy is said to have developed an 'NPK mentality' among

the Third World farmers. The newly introduced high yielding variety

technology could be equated with increased fertiliser use as it is widely

accepted that the higher potentials of HYVs could be realised only through

increased use of chemical fertilisers.

In many countries the health hazard is severe in the Green

Revolution areas that in other areas. Inn rice growing areas in Asia many

would be dying every year from occupational exposure to insecticide. Many

chemicals that are included in the World Health Organisation's (WHO)

categories of 'extremely hazardous' and 'highly hazardous' are used

indiscriminately in the developing countries. DDT and BHC are the

example of some banned chemicals in developed and developing countries.

These banned brands are highly in use in many developing countries

[WCED, 19871. Excess use of chemicals in controlling pests insects weeds

and fungi are a great threat to the health of human body and life of other

bodies. It is also found that 10,000 people die and 40,0000 suffered acutely

in every year due to pesticide poisoning.

Excessive use of chemicals in scientific farming has resulted in soil

fertility problems and pollution of surface water bodies. The soils which

received high level of nitrogenous fertilisers especially in nitrate forms

caused loss of 40 to 50 per cent of applied nitrogen due to leaching and

caused nitrate pollution of water bodies. Nitrate pollution is regarded as one

of the major contributing factors for blue baby syndrome in infants. These

fertilisers also inhibit the development of all forms of soil life [Deshpande,

2002: 41.

Pesticides harm the living organisms other than the targeted pests.

Some travel through food chain and accumulate in higher organism while

some persist in soil air surface water and ground water and continue to

poison them for a long time. Pesticides are extremely stable compounds and

do not break down for decades. Among the drawbacks of chemical pest

controls are pest resistance, higher farming costs and risk of harm to human

health and environment [ibid].

Owing to the concerted efforts of the extension functionaries, input

agencies and fertiliser subsidies fertiliser consumption in the country has

increased considerably. According to one estimate India is the fourth largest

consumer and producer of fertilisers in the world [Geethakutty, 1993:2].

The terms of frequency, scale and extent of damage assumed more

serious dimensions [Panikar, 1983:60]. Moreover, higher dosages of

insecticides to check the pest menace, resulted in wiping out all natural

enemies of pests such as frogs, insects, fish and to some extent even spiders.

Insecticide applications for the control of rice pests and too much

fertiliser application have contaminated the water in the paddy fields as well

as the water bodies adjoining the arEa. Insecticide contamination poses a

serious threat to many forms of aquatic life and disrupt the natural balance

of life in the wet land eco-systems [Bhatia, 1971; Thirumurthy et al., 1973;

Rita and Nair, 19781.

One of the main issues related to the ecology of Kuttanad has been

the excessive use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides. In Kuttanad the

introduction of high production technology involving rice varieties with

high tillering abilities, denser plant population and associated high fertiliser

application had increased the occurrence of more pests and diseases To

control pests sand diseases chemical pesticides were used in larger

quantities.

A study was conducted in the Kavalam and Ramankary villages of

Kuttanad Taluk based on the data collected from all sale points on input

sales during the period 1980 to 1990[Alexander George and P.R Krishna

Kumari Amma, 19931. As per table 6.4, it came out with the following

observations. There has been an increasing trend in the sale of all fertilisers

with phosphatic fertilisers witnessing a steep increase in the latter half of

the period. Secondly, the upward trend in the sale of straight nitrogenous

fertilisers evidenced during the first half of the period was checked during

the second period. Thirdly, a steep fall was observed in the sale of dust

formulations of insecticides. On the other hand, the sale of systemic liquid

formulations witnessed a 12-fold increase. Fourthly, in the sale of

fungicides, there have been fluctuations but it is to be noted that the

quantity of wettable fungicidal powders sold in 1989-90 was 50 times more

than that sold in 1980-81.

Table 6.4: Increase1 Decrease in the Quantities of Input sold in Kuttanad between 1980-90

S1. No.

Quantity sold Input 1-1 Increase \ Decrease

I.

2.

Dust

Fertilisers

Nitrogenous

Phosphate

Potosic

Insecticide

Wettable Powder I 2922 kg

Non systemic liquid

I I Wettable Powder 1 15 kg ( 764 kg 1 50 fold increase I

86 t.

69 t.

83 t.

1040 kg

3.

340 kg

346 Lit.

137 t.

349 t.

264 t.

9 fold decrease

1 183 kg

Systemic liquid

Fungicide

Liqudity

HYVs low tolerance to pets and disease and non-judicious plant

2 fold increase

5 fold increase

3 fold increase

Almost the same

1160 Lit.

I

protection measures have increased the incidence of pests [John et al, 1990;

3 fold increase

98 Lit.

1871 Lit.

Thomas et a1 1990; George and Krishnakumariamma, 19901. Crops which

Source: Alexander George, Krishnakumari Amma, Trends in the use o f ecologically hazardous inputs for Rice in Wetland ecosystem. 10 years case study in Rice in Wetland ecosystem P.251, Agricultural University Mankompu, 1990.

Herbicide

were effectively protected with four to five treatments per season had to be

sprayed ten to fifteen times in subsequent years [Narayanan, 20031. The

dosage had to be increased every year. A farmer shared his experience there

1196 Lit.

201 1 Lit

was a steady decline in milk production of cows and related to it the

pesticide pollution of the water in the canals. An inland fisherman

recollected the heavy incidence of disease on the fish population in the

12 fold increase

Almost the same

3 12 kg 704 kg 2 fold increase

1980s in ~uttanad". It also affected the volume of fish catch from the

inland waters which declined sharply and the popular species like prawns

disappeared. Pesticide use has seriously affected the eco-milieu of

Kuttanad, especially after the wide spread destruction of the frog population

[Narayanan, 20031.

The Green Revolution has resulted in land toxicity by introducing

excess quantities of trace elements in the eco-systems. Toxicity is defined

as the presence of an excessive solute concentration in the soil solution that

adversely affects plant growth. Wetland rice soils have a number of specific

toxicities, often induced by submerged conditions. Extreme acidity, salinity,

aluminium, iron and Hydrogen Sulphide toxicity phosphate deficiency are

the predominant factors of these soils limiting both rice and fish production

[Narayanan, 20031.

The contamination of the imgation water with the insecticidal

residues and the consequent toxicity to aquatic fauna represented by a

common fish species were evaluated from field experiments conducted in

the Kuttanad area [Thomas et. al., 19931. Water samples drawn out from

the rice fields at regular intervals after the insecticide sprays, were tested for

fish toxicity under laboratory conditions by working out the persistent

toxicity (PT) indices. The highest PT index was recorded by the plots

treated with BHC at its highest dosage of 1.25 kg per ha.

The government with a view to increasing agricultural production

and all-round growth of Kuttanad region undertook a lot of developmental

activities. The most significant effect of these developmental activities was

noticed in the cultivation of rice in Kuttanad. The new efforts in the

agricultural development helped to some extent an increase in area and --

10 lnformat~on collected from the field, through interaction with the farmers and inland fisherman, on 2.5.2003

production of rice and the creation of employment opportunities for f m

labour.

The earlier developmental activities were aimed at intensifying

cultivation from single crop to double crop. It required speedy drainage of

floodwater during the northeast monsoon and prevention of saline water

intrusion during months. With the aim of solving these problems the

government made two major engineering interventions like Thottappally

Spillway and Thanneemukom Regulator. It has affected the eco system of

Kuttanad by blocking the free flow of water and the depositing of silt.

The engineering interventions, though helped in increasing rice

cultivation and the area of production, employment opportunities for

agricultural labourers, they affected the discipline of rice cultivation in

Kuttanad. These developmental activities together with changes in the

cultivation practices have created serious environmental problems in this

region.

The introduction of high production technology in Kuttanad

involving rice varieties with high tillering ability; denser plant population

and associated high fertiliser application has nevertheless increased the

occurrence of rice pests and diseases. This in turn has increased the use of

chemical pesticides. The undesirable consequences of this vicious cycle

resulting in the escalating use of fertilisers, pesticides and herbicides are

many: pest resurgence, multiple insecticide resistance of major pests in

high-use areas, destruction of communities of natural enemies, drastic

reduction of fish as a local protein source, disturbing increase in human

poisoning and yield reduction. All these factors resulted in lower economic

returns and increased social problems for farm communities.

Thus the consequences of Green Revolution have been far reaching.

The central element to the strategy, as already discussed, has been a

particular perception of technology, in which technology was considered as

a perfect substitute for nature. The consequences of the Green Revolution

were such that it caused a worldwide awareness against the unsustainable

aspects of the New Strategy. New initiatives to balance the goals of cost

minimisation, sustainability and increased production began to be perceived

and attempted. This marked the post Green Revolution phase and is

discussed in the next chapter.