C H A P T E R T H R B B

AGRARIAN BKLATIONS AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION

Historical rerparch on Coromandel agrarian economy of

the sixteenth century had grown along with the general

survey of Vijayanagarn empire. Discussion on the

eleemosynary tenures of lands such as k a h d e x u , Devadanas

and LUhuuaa had been for the first time found in the 1

pioneering work of T.V. Hahalingam . Later we find focus

on peasant society and culture in relationship to land with

a new interpretation made by Burton Stein although heavily 2

based on secondary sources . His use of segmentary state

theory was analysed by Ravi Arvind Palat who questioned the

heavy reliance on the economic unlt &.u during the

Vijayanagara period since new divisions otlior than nadir 3

emerged in Coromandel . Further, appearance of a new line

up land holders of Coromandel was noticed in the survey of

Karashima. But he did not directly participate in the

debates on the social and economic lssues although providi~~g 4

vast scope for historical interpretations by scholars

Peter A. Oranda studied the property rlghts and land control 5

in Tamil Nedu from 1350 to 1600 AD . Another researcher

recently traced the economic implications of temples as the

power centre of agrarian integration in Tamil country and

believed that w' claim as protectors of temples was an

ideological one which enabled them to determine structure of 6

land relations involving temples and other peasant groups

All the above works covering such a long span of time of

Vijayanagara era do not highlight the speclflc changes in

the agrarian sector from time to time wrthin the broad

framework of continuity. The vast area of Tamil country

with various micro regional peculiarities at the local level

in the system of land holding, revenue assessment and

collection besides variety of other aspects still remains

unexplored. We shall therefore discuss these factors wlth

reference to localities of Coromandel In the expansion of

agriculture to understand the economic system

The above mentioned views of scholars on the pr~-m,r,~i:rn

Coromandel agrarian economy could be classlfiad Into three

groups. The dominant one was that of the nat~onallat

historians who related it to privileged land holdlng based

on a sort of communal private property with caste prlnclple.

The second view of the Marxist historians discussed feudal

tenure based on alienation, the primary form oi sub-

infaudation. Thirdly, practising historians vleued tne

state functioniry with localired syatn of peuant

production with extensive m i t t production in various

places. It is proposed here ta study Coroundel yriculture

with the nuclear area of -, with villagas in tha

locality controlled by m. The reason behind this was

that the various appointwnta of W made by Vijwanagara

kings had result4 in a more direct management of agrarian

resources by producing changes in the system of agriculture

in Coromandel. This crucial development had begun as late

as the fifteenth centum, and we find the emergence of

W replacing the and their activities, by

controlling agrarian surplus in the locality. We shall

diaeusa various types of tenures, a~ricultural products and

expulsion of agriculture which took place in the sixteenth

century.

Lum nllW18

7 8 9 Lands were owned by kinga , u t h a , and temples .

Baaed on the fact that temples alienated land rights to

individuals in this period. We .y reject the views of A.

Krirhnaswui and W . Venkataraunarya, who concluded that all 10

lands w e n owned by Vijayuiagara kings . Various teaplea

4pp.u to bare h n n the u j o r land owners of the Coroundel

n g i o n . Pious d e v o t n s and many r u l e r s donatad i n c n u i r u

numkr of landr i n tha v i l l age r which were e a r u r k o d f o r t h o

noodr associatad with tho worship of var ious tamploa. I t i a

poaaible tht thore huge domt io ru of v i l l u a a and l d a

contr ibuted towards the increaae of landed property under

t h e possession of temples. Many of the re tampla lands were

s i t u a t e d f a r away and thorefore could not be d i r e c t l y

ouragod by temples. In the case of T i rupa t i temple,

possession of landa extended even to the d i s t a n t place of 1 1

Tirukadaiyur i n T h j a v u r region . T i r u v u r n a u l a i temple

poareased l m d a a s f a r aa T i ruv ida iu rudur near Kubakonam. 12

Hence, it decided to s e l l them during 1534-35 . Other

temples a t Takko lu which were shor t of c a p i t a l sold t h e

lands, s ince they plaanad t o construct and o the r 13

s t ruc tu rea . Further evidences suggest t h a t .any lands i n

v i l l ages granted to templea remained uncul t ivated.

therefore t h e i r posseasion had been r e s to red from t h e

t u p l e s , and paaranta wore encouraged t o s e t t l e i n it with

th. promise of t u - f r e e provision. In t h i s pa r t i cu la r case ,

we f ind the v i l l ago of Velanandal i n Polur t a luk r e s to red

from the porreasion of Varrdaraja Swami t aap le a t 14

lturchipuram . T u p l e s a l r o t r a n a f e r d land r igh t8 to 15

individuals i n p y w n t of r e rv icb r . An order iaruod by

temple o f f i o i a l a ahowe that Ir.lral.ra were granted with

c e r t a i n concession8 i n the c u l t i v a t i n g r i g h t s of -1. 16

lands . Thus n f i n d lands b e 4 purolusad and held by

individual8 i n ganer.1 and aa8t.o bound o o u n i t i e r of

Cor-del i n p a r t i c u l a r who m r g o d u o m e r s , m d

occupants of land during th. s i x t w n t h century. l u r t h r

souroes reoord t h a t tha lands belonging to these owners and 17

occupants were t i l l e d by o the r peasant. . Thus we f i n d

that landowners, holders and c u l t i v a t o r s emerged a s t h r e e

sepa ra te groups during t h i a per iod. Various o the r

c h r a c t ~ r i s t i o s of t h i s per iod from known evidsnces ahow

t h a t t h e n u b a r of landholding B.r.bunl. seema to have 18

decreased . m d e over t h e i r sha re of lands t o

t h e i r own c o n u n i t y no t h a t lands d i d not pass i n t o the I8

hands of wmkrs of other c o m m i t 7 . G i f t of land made

a t t a r purchase, had p a r t i c u l a r l y emerged i n Coromndol

l o c a l i t i e s a s a system to add value with a view t o

eat .b l iahing c h a r t i t l e over the proper ty s ince t h e lands 20

began to m a s i n t o the hands of a number of 900910 .

lloborou K a r a s h i u s x u i n e d t h e tam I(aniP.atchi and

r e l a t e d it to land r i g h t s . Insc r ip t ions of a ix t san th

c e n t u w mention Plrol kmh%K, Klnislrnr m, P.l.trlli m, and bk&& where no t i ces

of s a l e and t r a n s f e r of land-r ights were found c o m n i n

2 1 this region . These land r i g h t s ware granted f o r payment

of w n e y and a prwodance of the same na tu re of t r ansac t ion 22

has boon c i t o d a s a d l a t th tin of m a n t i r ~ . T h y

implemntod it with a s a l e dead c a l l e d

qan*d n o t f o r t h a p rop r i e to r sh ip of its land but f o r t h e 23

r i g h t to us* it . Three evidences of Tirukkoyilur region

r evea l that t h a pe rpe tu i ty of t h i s t r ansac t ion was

emphasisod wi th t h e phrase included i n t h e record binding

t h e descendants of t he vendee t o t he ob l iga t ions made i n 24

this g ran t . This t r a n s f e r of d a m r i b a s t h a t it

was he red i t a ry and the money received was made i n exchange 25

f o r land . These land r i g h t s were a l s o conferred with t h e 26

power to s e l l , donata and mortgage . S o n d e t a i l s of

p r i c e s of s a l e of land co l l ec t ed from epigraph. show t h a t

t h e peasants who cu l t i va t ed wet and dry l ands f ixed up t h e 27

p r i c e of land . Temples i n s i s t e d on t h e bas i c condi t ion

t h a t t h e peasants who held t h e land should cont inue to be

t ha ra and even i f t he land was t r ans fe r r ed from one to 28

another . They were not t o be ev ic t ed . Thus it is

conatmod t h a t l a rge sca l e t r a n s f e r of temple lands d id no t

l ead to d i s p l a c e m n t of peasants i n t h e s i x t e e n t h cent-.

Accord iw to s o u evidences, var ious temple lands i n

tb C o m u n d e l region ly ing wi thin t h e reach of t e w l e

29 u n . t r w n t ware d i rec t ly cul t ivated b temples , through

a p p o i n t d y . n t a who s u p . n i a d tb work of agricul tura.

Araindu Mirappan mas a p p o i n t 4 M the agent i n th. a r e of 30

V a r k a j a Swui tample a t Lnchiplru . He paid th.

agr icu l tu ra l labourers dai ly r u o r i n carh o r kind, and the

e n t i r e proceeds ren t to the temple granaw during t h i s 3 1

poriod . Anothr evidenca re la t ing t o h t c h i a r a n temple

a t h c h i p u r m records d i rec t cul t ivat ion of temple lands

and dedication of agr icu l tu ra l labourers t o the service of 32

Goddess kmatchi during 1589 . The reading of t h i s

epigraphical t ex t auggastr existance of serfdom and tha t the

peasant8 could not work i n other f i e l d s than those of the

tampla s ince thay were omad by the -1s f o r l i f e . Other 33 34

evidences in the areas of Tindivanu and T i n p a t i

mention a system cal led prevalent with the fixed

income of revenue with no other r igh t s over the income of

lands nor power t o in te r fe re with the occupants. Therefore,

it i s C O ~ S ~ N O ~ tha t peasants consisted of various groups

such as bonded agricul tural labourers, f r ee agr icu l tu ra l

labourers, cu l t iva to rs with ownership of land, and landless

cu l t iva to rs i n t h i s period.

I t h a k.n proposed to engage our a t t en t ion now

toward. various types of land tenures. Coroundel Bpigrapha

record nt lands given by landomerr under share cropping

ca l l ed uru system. I t a p p a u s to k general ly prevalent

i n the case of k m l e l m d s where the c u l t i v a t o r s paid t h e i r

a h of produce i n kind to tamplea. Ividoaces from

Kmchipuru area record tht temple lands were leased out i n

such a way t h a t these f i e l d s were cu l t iva ted by loca l 36

c u l t i v a t o r s alono . The ca l l ed t e .p l e share on

the lands was t h r o e - f o u r t h of tbe y ie ld and the

h o r n a s c u l t i v a t o r s share war one-fourth prevalent i n t h e 36

region during 1535 . Another evidence from the same region

mentions t h a t one-third was Wen a s the of t ~ a p l e

and two-thirds were re ta ined by c u l t i v a t o r f o r h i m e l f , i n 37

t he v i l l a g e of Alaulru during 1555-56 . These above c i t e d

ins tances prove t h a t t he cu l t iva to r s took t h e i r share

ranging from twenty-five m to s i x t y s i x w & i n

the l i g h t of i n c r i p t i o m l evidences. We a l s o f ind i n t h i s

Y.ru system t h a t t he cu l t iva to r s warn asked to pay &hram

port ion i n the reduced ra t ion of two-thirds to the temples 38

during the times of drought and f a i l u r e of crops . Thus

general ly i n n o r u l t ins the t a ~ ~ l e ' s share of &hram

rangod k tween t h i r t y t h !an& to seventy f i v e mx

mnt. VijayaragarachArya opined t h a t t h e c u l t i v a t o r s of the

l ~ & of T i ~ p a t i b O k f i f t y of t h e produce 39

of the p a i n a s t h e i r share . Wvton S ta in who discusmod

about tha s u templa points out t h a t f i f t y p~ & of tha

produca waa col lactad from t h r lands k f o t . #rants of lands

r a r e u d a to -11 and when g o n m m m t r u tho owner of

I&. Th. r a t e of r a v m w had i n c r a u a d wbn Tirupat i

templa k c u s th. ownar of lands and tha share

varied between f i f t y ona & to seventy firm 40

. This v ie r of Burton Stein with reference to

Tirupat i templa m y k acceptable s ince our s imilar f indings

on the share i n the case of Kanchipuram temple

which ranges between t h i r t y three per cent to seventy f i v e

per cent is agreeable. Eence r e m y conclude, tha t temples

alone banefi t tad out of t h i s system receiving minimum

of one-third and vr iu of three-fourths of produce i n t h i s

period.

Sow agr icu l tu ra l wet lands had been given on lease

ca l l ed -1 by landomera f o r a fixed mnual share of

produce. Smrvica tanurea ca l l ed lIpdsPa were held by

individuals f o r spec i f i c sa r r i ces t o the s t a t e . I t appears

from insc r ip t ions t h a t no conceaaion was given t o

c u l t i v a t o r s avan i n the case of f a i l u r e of crops.

Collection of 288 of pad& according to four

war made i n t h r T b j a w r l o c a l i t y a s per d u r i w 41

1540 . This system d i r e c t l y encouraged intensiva

uricultural produotion by oultivatorr rinoe tlm individuals

oould not withatand enntrulitier in th. oase of failure of

cropr. Tber enforad strict wasurea to collect the fixed

amount of Qad*.

Records notion that forest lands were leased out under

WLu h i & u a L ryrtem, generally to weavers by the temple

authorities during the sixteenth century. It appears that

it war leased particularly for reclamtion and oultivation

at a fixed sua of money alone. S o n exaoples MY k cited

e r e The leare holders who were weavers at Tellar paid 42

thirty two annually as &.ttulrutt.nai in this period . Si~ilarlr, landholding wearera of Pmatalai also p i d fixed

43 annual amount, as to temple . It is

suggested therefore, that the t..ples considered it fit to

leare there forest lands to raise capital when they required

for mating expanses. The absence of demand for p a m n t of

a portion of paddr to tomplea ruggoats that there lands were

not grmtad for gurpores of cultivation and the land-holding

weavers probably enhanced their incom throuch forest

produotr ruch u timber, honey, and so on.

Billy and foroat landr were leased out under a separate

system called g&tu I(uttn.i. There lease deeds

dram u a found in Corommdel epicrapha duriw the sixteenth

c a n t u w . R . r a s h i u r e f e r d to thrw smcmnta of the ten

U&m 5t tu lutt.l.i, i n t a rp ra t ing M unchanged a o a a and 44

r a spac t ive ly i n tb. sen order . I t a p m a r s that lands of

h i l l y and mountain regions were included i n this systam with

t h a uae of p re f ix c a l l d llalaipan besides t h e inclusion of

f o r e s t lands w i t h t h e uae of the term U, r e f e r r i n g to

f o r e s t . The Qod of the h i l l y region according to Tanil

l i t e r a t u r e h o r n a s wsllirln corresponds to t h a t de i ty n a n d

m n t i o n d i n Tiruv--ulai i n sc r ip t ion during 45

1548 . Thus, it is evident t h a t t he temples leased these

lands of mountain regions under the name of d e i t y . We learn

from the s tudy of th ree inac r ip t ions t h a t t he l ease holder

paid a f ixed sum of cash and a quant i ty of paddy to temples

under t h i s system. The r ec ip ien t s of such lands were

general ly h!t&a a s noticed i n epigraphs. The Sthanattlr

and o the r a u t h o r i t i e s of Attuvmpsdi temple under t h i s

system gave lands to Ti-lai byah f i x i n g twenty numa 48

and f o r t y of paddy to temple . Similar ly , t h e

tample a u t h o r i t i e s of Devikapuram a l so gave some lands under

this system to the sa# byah and he was b a n d to p y 47

annually f i f t y and f i f t y kaJam of paddy to temple . I t is evident tht t h e r a t e of sbrs i n kind and cash a s t h e

revenue under t h i r system had h n general ly f ixed between

tb. r a t i o of l:l and 1 :2 d u r i r ~ t h i s w r i o d . Both t h e

i inst.noea o l e u l y record t h a t the l ease holder was a l l o w 4

48 to br ing i n c u l t i v a t o r s of h i s om choice . In a

p a r t i c u l a r evidence, Dthi LI.P.k of h o t who was the l e u e

holder under t h i s s y s t m was allowed to r e t a i n , whatever

y i e l d h. obt.ined a f t e r t h r roquired quant i ty of paddy w u 40

paid to Tiruvuuiamalai temple . Therefore, it is probable

t h a t i n the l a rge r intoremts of expansion of ag r i cu l tu re

many temples p rowted t h i s system of U&&tan KhUu b&%iami

through r e c l a m t i o n and c u l t i v a t i o n . We should not lo se

s i g h t of the emphasis and d e u n d o f payment i n kind a f t e r

r e c l u u t i o n and cu l t iva t ion by t h e lease holder .

Insc r ip t ions record t h a t paddy was cu l t iva ted i n the

Coroundel region. I t was the m a t commonly grown crop 50

r a i sed undar wet cu l t iva t ion . Ativirarama, the Tamil

poet of the s ix t een th century described the process of

harvest of the paddy where the earhead of paddy bundles

brought to the threshing f l o o r , and the graina were

separated by beat ing the e a r s of corn on a hard surface

through ~ U n g bullocks t n a d on them. The heaps of paddy

co1leat.d and s tored had hean compared to a mountain and it 5 1

resembles abundant r i c e production . Further , it is

52 corraboratad by the Portuguese account of Oupar C o m a . Italian travellmr Parthou also ncorda that the u8t.m

part. of Pulicat region producod plenty of paddy foe tha 53

Coromndel region . Indigenoru sources mntion types of 54 55 58 57

rice ruch as Bnrha , , aururli and

that were cultivated in Coromdel, w n g which was

of superior quality. Portuguese sources record varieties 58

such as oir..al, b, A m & s u Cultataa, Axzaz E.E~U~

and Azru dobleal. The latter two varieties could probably

be related to Pachlriri and gutt.riri in the modern Taail

uswe of raw rice and hand pounded rice. Gkaad was rice

of high quality. bin and Autaux Cultarla are known as 59

rice of ordinary quality in this period . Hence, we may

say that sutliple varieties of paddy was cultivated in the

Corooandml region

Cotton cultivation was popular in the Coro.ande1

region. Epigraphical sources mntion that the regional

climate of Papanasam Tala in Thmjavur district was very 80

conducive for the cultivation of cotton . Further, we find

that cotton was mainly cultivated on black roil called

I(rri.rl lmd. The Tuil proverb suggesting to sell the wet

laad In favour of buying Ruirll land indicates the

excellence of U bst suited for the growth of

I1 cot ton . Ue lea rn f r o . other evidences t h a t cot ton waa

62 a l r o cu l t iva ted on a l l u v i a l s o i l i n the S r i r u y u ' region . bun nA&u, I u a h suutti, .nd r d nA&u

n r p . c t i v e l y oal lod paddy cot ton, m i l l e t cot ton, and ring10

o r r m i a l cot ton a m r a t i o n e d i n the T i r u v a i p ~ r region 63

a r th. thrw v a r i e t i e s m o m i n Coroundel . We i n f e r t h a t

&h& and xa,&u were cot ton of superior

qua l i ty s ince the r a t e of taxat ion was more than t h a t of

mcnLU i n the Corommdel region.

Sugarcane was cul t ivated i n spec i f i c areas were regular

and longor duration of water supply was ava i l ab le . Tamil 64

proverbs ind ica ta t h a t sugarcane was ra i sed i n a lka l ine

s o i l of Coroundel and it war cu l t iva t sd a t two f e e t

dir tanca i n the f i e l d . Prom the study of epigraphs we lea rn

t h a t sugar cu l t iva t ion flourished on the southern banks of 65 66

Pa-i r i v e r , upper valley of Vellar r i v e r and Palar 67

O i l r o d s auch a s g i m l l y , cas to r and l i n r w d were 68 68 78

cu1tirat .d a t T i ruka lubur , Pomarur , T h i r u ~ ~ u 7 1

and h a c h i p u r u . A Tamil proverb describes t h a t seven

p l o u g h l w f o r gingel ly m d sowing of a d br seven c a s t s 12

r u b 4 tb. c u l t i v a t o r s . This s u s p s t a tb nature of

l a m b profess i n growing o i l seeds. I t i s a l s o

73 00trobotat.d by t b Portu#umse counts that oil reads

One of the important aspact. of agriculture noticed in

the Commandel region could be related to the classification

of land in this pariod. A close study of the sixteenth

century epigraphical evidences exhibits five categcrier of

cultivable lands distinguished on the basis of the relative 74 75

availability of water. They mere , , 76 77 78

, and &&g& . net lands called

Il.eiu ware easily irrigated by river waters. They were

also called by various indigenous names of m, and m, meaning irrigated lands,

productive lands and crop lands. They are further classifed

into Qrn ppp, k u ppp, U ppp, respectively called as 79

single crop, double crop and final crop yielding lands . Other general naus of these crops include I(uru+.i and

referred to wnsoon paddy and minter paddy lands as 80

found in epigraph. . The above classification of land

certainly prom the existence of close correspondence

k t r n n land, the range of cropping pattern, and the season

too. Dry lands born a8 ware entirely depandent upon

the mnsoona. The term U i a employed i n the 81

inacript iona of Coroundel to r e f e r dry lands , and it i s

u a u l l y contraatad with Sow in fe r io r qual i ty of

graina, w, m, oilaeeda, and pulses were cul t ivated 82

i n the .

Th&%m landa r e f e r t o gardens depending on wells f o r

cu l t iva t ion . There hor t i cu l tu ra l lands were mentioned as

, hrduarm, and TQRRU i n epigraphs. Their

c l a s s i f i c a t i o n waa based on the use of land towards r a i s e of

crops auch as flowers and f r u i t s pa r t i cu la r ly referred t o

bnrbunm and Zpppy. S o n epigraphs mnt icn the area of

& d y m which ranged aa large as an ea ta te of 1 0 , W

. Other inscr ipt ional t e x t s wnt ion W 84

, waning backyards of the houses generally

used f o r hor t i cu l tu ra l purposes ra i s ing Uuum,

U and other aromatic herbs i n Coromandel l o c a l i t i e s . Waste lands cal led Llrtfiu and Klvasbai re fe r to s i t e s ,

which were potent ial ly cul t ivable but l e f t uncultivated and

owned by temples and individuals. They a re wntioned a s

g.randkai pill in the inscr ipt ional t ex t s which suggest 08

graas grown lands . This is corroborated with another

evidence where these rate lands were used as pastures f o r

g r a z i w of c a t t l e of p a s a n t s and the byaka r u l e r s

co l l ec t ed c e r t a i n f ixed amount of cash per annum i n the 87

s ix t een th century . S o n e p i g r a p h record purchase of

uncul t ivated waste lands by individuals i n t h e Coroaandel

mg ion urd brought under cu l t i va t ion i n t h i s age of 88

a g r i c u l t u r a l expansion . Riverine lands known a s

were located i n t h e r i v e r beds with t h e f o m t i o n of silt

which gene ra l ly happen to remain submerged under wa-r f o r

soma d y s . An evidence records nine and a ha l f ppli of 88

PIPY..I. land c u l t i v a t e d i n Pa t t i swarm near Kumbakonm .

The c u i n g geographical condi t ions brought t h i s new type

of s o i l and it was used f o r cu l t i va t ion s i n c e it was very

f e r t i l e . C o m r c i a l and value crops such a s sugarcane and

betel were gene ra l ly grown. We may conclude, t he re fo re ,

that the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n s of lands i n t o f i v e ca t egor i e s i n

t he Corouade l ragion during this period depended on t h e

p r inc ip l e s involving t h e w d e of c u l t i v a t i o n , na tu re and

tms of c rops , i r r i g a t i o n , season, and s o on probably

contr ibuted towarda a g r i c u l t u r a l expansion.

Our urliu diacusr ion on systam showed c l e w

rim of i n t . n r i v e u r i o u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e i n wet lands .

t p i g r a p h i a l evidoacea r b l a t i n g to c l e a r i n g f o r e s t lands and

undertaking cultivation in virgin soil seem to exhibit se

extenrive agricultural farming . This view is

corroborabd by the literary source where

Kriahnadevaraya narrates destruction of junglea and creating

cultivable lands given to peasants for cultivation, thereby

increasiu the state agricultural incow. Temples gave

their forest lands to individuals for reclamation.

Evidences suggest such land reclamations undertaken by the 9 1

individuals at their own expense by investing money . Clearing of jungles consisted of various w o r b such as

levelling, digging, and removal of stumps as found in the 92

sources . The reclamation transactions were called hdpL=.

nlni and the amount of fee towards reclamation was called 93

AddaubU in epigraphs . The reclaimers were expected 94

to pay a fixed annual amount of and paddy . This

process of land reclamation from an economic point of view

provided necessary m a n s for the Telugu and Kannada

population who migrated into the Corosandel region.

Sixteanth century epigraphs mention that these forest

lands reclaimed were converted into new peasant settlements 95

called in Coromndel localities . Bpigrapb

furnish narrate some details regarding establishment of

m. Ekkappa cleared the forests in Tachchur

hdu and u d e tL lands f i t fo r cul t ivat ion in

N u a r i n g a p r r ~ u e e of North Arcot Dis t r i c t . He brought

peasant cul t ivators and made t h e m s e t t l e i n these newly

reclaimed lands, where he levied no t u e s f o r the f i r s t

three years and collected l a t e r from the fourth year onwards

three maana per cmnum par family with a view to encouraging 96

new peasant s e t t l e r s . Another s imilar epigraph records

formation of a i n Anmagirimangalam by

R a f ~ r a ja Venkatapatidevamaharaya. The

reclaimed fo res t lands ware given and providing soma 97

f a c i l i t i e s to peasants on spec i f i c t e r n . I t ! i s

interest ing to note tha t well defined boundaries of t h i s

h k a m given in the inscr ipt ion exp l ic i t ly indicate tha t it

was d i f fe ren t from the vi l lage settlement cal led yr in the

neighbourhood. The view of Brian Wurton, who expressed t h a t

the su f f ix r d u m referred t o a t e r r i t o r y with mil i tary 98

encampment may be questioned in t h i s regard . Inscript ions clear ly record t h a t the mil i tary camps were

cal led -where army o f f i c i a l s were appointed and 99

royal forces stationed in t h i s period . Sow examples i n

t h i s regard m y be c i t ed i n the Coromandel region t o places

such a s T e p p e w l Nallur near Kanchipurala and nahipala 100

Kulahlachcheri near Ot t i r awrur . Therefore, it i s

concluded tha t the PI1.nlas under Vijayanagar ru le r s were

roclaiud as agricultural tracts whore expansion of

agriculture took place in the sixteenth centuv.

Hart. lands brought newly under cultivation in 181

Coromandel localities can be diacuased here . Several

Government orders issued by rulers contain details of

distribution of reclaiwd waste lands given to peasants for 102

cultivation and collected Kadsaai as land 183

dues . The peasants were authorised to grow the crops

that suited wet or dry season including plantain, sugarcane, 184

turmeric, ginger, arecanut and coconut . Approximate

revenues were calculated tentatively in these cases to help 185

peasants in the beginning .

The inscriptional texts suggest emergence of a special

type of heriditam land rights registered and granted to

individuals who were not cultivators in Coror~ndel

localities during this period. A detailed study can be n d e

with the help of six epigraphs on the rights to cultivate

reclaiwd with lands. The term Qhyu prefixed rlth the term

Kanirltchi can be treated as the right of cult~vation or

ploughing. It was granted by temple authorities to Sadasiva

b Y A k k , Nucrsivaya m, T i r u m h i huh, and other

Kannads migrants who newly and recently settled down at 106

Padaividu . Similarly other individual recipients of the

n u s laad rights included officers such as Kuntavanayinar,

Aabalatadi, Pan@ Baddi and Tiruvikkai Velslagiyar, the 107

h e a h of Tirupapuliyur . This I l U u

(cultivating land right) clear17 mentions that it consisted

of a pamanant lease of an uncultivated waste belonging to 108

the temple . The lease-holder was authorised to reclaim

and grow the crops that suited him. Cultivating rights were

granted for a fixed sum of w n e y and certain amount of paddy 109

to be paid annually to the temple . Inscriptions contain

verses particularly related to reclaiming pond, bank and 110

land . There are phrases such as Kudivum szxi referring

to colonising the land with the necessary cultivators who

will come to reside and plough the land. this andicatss

that the recipients of the cultlvatlng rlghts were not I 111 cultivators themselves They enjoyed whatever remalned

in their hands after remitting the flxed meagre amount to 112

the temple treasury which did not benefit the temples

very much. Thus, non-cultivating class dominated the

reclamation of waste lands and contributed towards

agricultural expansion.

More lands ware watered by different irrigational

sources in order to augumnt food production. Coromandel

develomd the w s t ingenious system of both natural and

artificial irrigated agriculture and it is seen in sources

that the played a key role in providing irrigational

facilties. Wells were generally dug for the reclamation of 113

lands in the dry localities of Coromandel . S o w

parsonalities like Nayinappa bxaka had spacialised in the

contribution of digging wells and made lands cultivable at 114

various localities in South Arcot District , besides at 115

Devikapuram locality in North Arcot District . Other

individuals like Ramappa w, Tinmala1 u, Ellappa

huh. Bbiyappa bxaka, Sriranga hxaka, instituted

improvemanta on certain tracts of land by excavating new 116

tanks and channels in the localities of Tirukkadaiyur , 117 118 119

Tirupati , Chandragiri and Padaividu . The

creation of minor irrigational system by kcaka through

invaatmnts of funds certainly brought about agricultural

expansion. The other epigraphs record evolution of a

particular system in the Coromandel localities. It

describes that the share of enhanced produce through the

construction of a tank or channel was always taken by the

cultivators of the village in vhich the construc:;>n was

carried out. A small share was given to the individual who 120

financed or executed the construction . This method of

securing incoma rigbta to a portion of the enhanced

productivity was personal heritable and transferable. The

property of this nature was called in Coromndel 1 2 1

region . Stone records mention that a piece of rent free

land was granted for building or repairing a tank on 122

condition of paying one-tenth of the produce . Thus

w' investment in the excavation of new irrigational

works partly brought material gains of securing additional

income besides spiritual merit with the religious belief of

acquiring as one of the seven Satantaka acts which

caused happiness in the next world.

Maintenance of existing irrigational works was another

field of interest for tiaxah who raised funds through

various sources. Sevappa made the income from the

lease of fishery in the tank at Kodungalur for deepening the 123

tank in Wedungunram locality . Pottu b s k a gave the

money from fish lease of Senalur tank in South Arcot 124

District to be spent on the tank itself . Damal Kama

ordered that money realised by the sale of fish from

Sripurushamangalam tank in Cheyyar region to be spent on 125

repairs of tank . Thus, state funds and incomes of fish

lease from tanks were generally utilised for executing

repairs of existing irrigational systems. Investment of

their personal funds towards improveslant of irrigation in

tha temple lands was another noteworthg feature in this

period. A system of donor's share at the temples called

Vittlvln Ulubdu at tha rate of one-fourth of the sacred

food stuffs resultiu from an investment in the irrigational 126

improvewnta of temple lands had also existad . A Tamil

t e x t of inscription narratas called deed with

tha above provision by the 'm' of the temple in

favour of w. The individual by name Mallappa of

N e d w n r a m was authorised to receive the quarter share of

the offered due to the donor and this assignment

continued to ba in force throughout the succession of heirs 127

till the existence of moon and sunshine . This probably

resulted in the regular trade in consecrated food and the

donors sold their share of aras.dam as found in many

inscriptions. An evidence suggests that such sale of 128

donors' share of reached 4688 . Hence, it

is surmised that investments of funds in irrigation chiefly

brought income and avenues to re-employ the r a m for

additional income.

Existence of an irrigational dam, ILpypri gallansl

called the grand built on rlver Cauvery during tne

Chala period is mntioned in the sources. A t a x called

I(all.n.l levied by the Kaxak of Thanjavur was preaumablv

129 collected for the aeintenance of the dam . The collection

of tax widespread at Timvenkadu in Shiyali taluk, Kunur in

Kumhakonu taluk, Kundslur in Nannilam taluk besides

Thmjsvur taluk shows that it was imposed on all the a r e a

of the Cauverr delta since the dam catered to the needs of 130

irrigation . A Sanskrit inscription records that this dam

had breached during 1598 and the of Thanjsvur repaired

it, who probably spent taxes collected on the maintenance of 131

dam .

Sources mantion that the rate of lirkuli or irrigation

tax was levied on the lands in Kodangi, Nellikuppam,

Timmanankuppam, Vengalakuppam and Palaveri fixed by 132

Lingmayya N u a h in Chinelaput District . Other

evidences show that LllrlaLLl was levied on wet lands, dry

lands, garden lands and groves in Tiruppunduritti area by 133

Achutappa of Thanjavur . Some of these water taxes 134

were made as gifts to temples by Nay&a . References

regarding the levy and collection of U.&uU by b u k a in 135

the ?ocallties of Chandragiri and Chittoor , relwval of

water cess through proclamation of royal orders by k a k , in 136

the loca!lties of Sittamur and Gingee , explain the

amount of control exercised by k d a in localities. Two

epigraph6 awsast that officers called by n a w 137

SinggaYYa Bhatta , and Tiruvenkata Chirukkan, supervised

excavation and maintenance of canals, channels in the

department of or water works. This

contradicts the traditional views of N. Venkataramnana and

Burton Stein regarding absence of the departwnt of

irrigation or public work in this period. A close study of

epigraphs in Corol~andel localities prove that irrigation was

very much a local subject included in the Navakattinam

adminiatration and not much concerned with the Vijayanagara

centre.

The practice of collective managewnt existed in the

irrisational system of Coromandel where more villages than

one depended on the s a m irrigation source for agricultural

purposes and this probably led to water disputes noticed in

the epigraphs of the sixteenth century. Dispute arose

regarding an excavation of irrigation channel in Tirupati

locality betwaen temple authorities and the residents of the

locality. It was settled by an officer called Yagnarasar

appointed by the ruler who inspectad the locality and 140

found out that the objectrons raised were legitimate

Another irrigation dispute exl;:ed between the managements

of S r i r w a m temple and Jambukesrarm temple. It was

decided by the offioer Mallar Ayyangar appointed by the

who pronounced judgement that the irrigation tank in 141

Sembiyanallur should be used by the Srirangm temple . Similar evidence also describes that an irrigation agreement

made between the trustees and treasurers of Siva and Viahnu

temples of Perumbakkam permitted the forrwr to dig a channel

within the limits of Perumbakkm to carry water to the tank

of Tiruvamattur in exchange for 300 W of wet lands as

compensation in Vedampattu village. This deed was drawn in

the presence of Bommu w, an officer appointed by 142

Achutappa Kayaks who settled the dispute . Further, we

find also that irrigation disputes existed between residents

of two localities. An order of the local ruler gave

the benefit of irrigational canal flowing through

Akkalimangalam and Pudupalayam when the people of Iraiyur 143

vlllage declined to utilise lt . These evidences show

that regulated the supply of water resources through

promulgation of orders. appointing officers when disputes

arose and they seem to have exercised control over water

management ultimately concentrating on agricultural

expansion

A@cultural revenue was tha main source of income of

the bx&k rulers. So they found it necessary to ascertain

the u a c t extent of cultivated land bafore assessing land

revenue. Bvidences suggest that annual land measurement

order was promulgated by Trinetranatha Kachchiraya, the 1 4 4

b ~ & of Srimushnam in this period . We find many nams

of land survey officers in the various localities of

Corormadel who maintained detailad survey account of 1 4 5

agricultural land holdings entered in the registers . As

mu19 as nine measuring rods with different lengths were

found in Coromandel. The varlation in the lengths of

measuring rods ranged between fourteen feet to fifty four.

However, there seems to be a process of evolution to use a

standard rod to suit the convenience of the local people. 146

This is mentioned in the text of inscriptions . Some

epigraphical texts clearly point out the replacement of old

units of rods in some places, while new units of rods were

also used along with the old one, by taking into account the 1 4 7

est.blished practices fo.lowed in the region . Wet lands

cultivated and dry lands uncultivated wera measured with

different rods different length to fix the rate of land 14d

revenue in this period . Thus the uniformity in the

measurement of lands with a co-n rod was never finalised

in the ucro region of Coro~ndel, although its absence

probably caused certain difficulty to the people, but

increased the effective rats of surplus extraction by

changing the units of land measurement.

Uanr evidences highlight the role played by tt&x&

rulers in introducing and adopting various rods of land

measurement of their own choice in Ccroaandel. Specified

land measuring rods by various rulers like Vangara khak&,

Pattu kknk4, Mummidi kah, and Nagama thy&& are found

only in the Tiruttani locality during the sixteenth 149

century . We find in the locality of Tiruvallur a land

measuring rod introduced by the local thyak ruler

Chennaaarajan at Kuvam along with another rod indicating the

length fixed by Konda~rajan during the sixteenth 150

century . These evidences only suggest that the rulers

uere mainly responsible for the existence of several rods

and their nature of agrarian approach was authoritarian in

their Navak.ttin.ml. Bence, it is construed that the

Vijanagara rulers exercised no control over Coromacder rods

used for measuring lands and the right of re-measurement and

the effecting of alterations in the measuring rrci uere

concerned only with Coroaandel buks in the lo call:^

Various units and subunits of measurements of land such

as uaL1, aa, k!uhL and kunhs are found in the land grants

and revenue accounts of this period. Agricultural tax on

the unit of aa was levied at the rate of twenty &miam and

the total tax on the eeU. was 400 -. This shows that

uaL1 was the highest unit of land measurement and ma was a 151

subunit of it . U as a unit was particularly used in 152

the Thanjavur region . Mention of unit is very

frequent in the stone records of North and South Arcot

districts and it is a subunlt of ma used only in Tamil 153

speaking areas of Coromandel . Further a land unit called

ku&a adopted at Nagalapuram and Chittoor was peculiar only 154

to the Telugu speaking region . Therefore in the

circumstances stated above it is appropriate to conclude

that the agrarlan system in Coromandel had its own diverse

elements in each locality.

LWD RSVOMUK ASSSSSLISNT AND COLLSCTIOH .uieI

Some of the land revenue details could not be obtalned

from epigraphs since the portions dealing with this aspect 155

had been damaged . We may use the available data to

analyse the variety of local revenue systems. An evidence

mentions that Trinetranatha Kachichi raya ordered

oollection of revenue of fifteen MMIU on one of dry land 156

and twenty ranma on one m of wet land . This suggests

that the differential taxation of land revenue asseasment

was made on the basis of nature of cultivation such as wet

and d m in the Brimushnam locality.

Further, we find differential taxation on land newly

brought under cultivation. An evidence suggests that when

the queation of making Kadamai and Ponvarf for the reclaimed

land arose, waiver of tax war made on the lands where crops

were raised for the first year. Ponvari was waived next

year but a MU of paddy was collected during the third year 157

as prevalent in the neighbouring area of Ataiyur Wu

Some information on kor and w crops with Panvari are

lost and damaged in this lnscrlption whlch prevents us from

making detailed study.

Similarly, some cases relating to waste lands newly

brought under cult~vation refer to a revenue settlement of

no tax for certain years made in favour of peasant settlers

when new agrarian settle-ments were created. Additional

facilities were offered by the rulers for bringing more

waste lands under cultivation through exemption of U tax

by an arrangement made between ;ne temple authorities and

the officers of the u. Wh1.e fixing the rates certain

important facts had been duly considered for the purpose of

revenue assessment on the recla-med waste lands. This is

supported by an evidence where we notice that the cultivator

was requested to pay ten POPO.~ and ten w of paddy in

the first year but fifty nanmm and fifty in the 159

fifth year . Thus we MY conclude that the principle of

graded assessment was followed in Coromandel localities with

the object of encouraging cultivation in reclaimed waste

lands since they were available in abundance in this period.

Assesamant and collection of land revenue was made

according to the type of crops. An evidence suggests that

Appar bmka collected two nanama on Pasanam or first crop

and a sum of seven MMBS for the Kuruvai or second crop 160

from each cultivating peasant in the Devikapurm region . Revenue on cash crops such as sugarcane, perishables like

fruits and vegetables were collected in cash. Further we

find evidences describing that revenue rates for mustard,

greengram and sugarcane were fixed after obtaining the

prevailing rates in adjacent villages in order to levy equal

rates or fix the rate of tax not higher than the existing

payment during 1536. Similarly, other agricultural products

such as betel, plantain, areca and coconuts were also

assessed for three-fourths of the old rates as it exlsted in 161

Kanchipuram locality . The sallent feature of revenue

assessment was that the crops yielding blighted grains

called a, and thoae that were otherwise damaged known as

162 aLiPY were not taken into account for revenue assessment . The above said evidences help us to conclude that the

criticism of actual yield received from the lands on account

of the various crops raised had also been followed at the

t i m of the assessment of revenue in this period.

Differential taxation based on the type of cultivators

had been in practice in the Coromndel region. We find

Chinnappa h y a h fixing twenty eight on wet lands and

twenty numaa on dry lands for the residents the seventeen

k!urx divisions of Srimushnam -. The cultivators

who were going and coming in the Pacxus had a separate fixed

rate with twenty aamn& on wet lands and fif-en lacams on

dry lands. The cultivators who lived outside the

jurisdiction of the seventeen EPlZY divisions but undertook

cultivation in the Srimushnam locality paid at the rate of 163

fifteen w on wet lands and ten on dry lands .

Thus assessment of land revenue was made according to

cultivators' stability and mobility of residence. Although

these various principles had been thus followed in m n y

Coromandel localities, lithic records affirm that all

assessants of land revenue were made on the basis of net 164

yield from the land in this period . This is against the

view mentioned in the llterarp source Yi.lavam

where description of the land revenue assessment and

collection msde from the groaa yield of land are 166

mentioned . Hence it is concluded that multiple system of

assessment and collection existed, and the Vijayanagara

centre exercised no control in the Coromandel localities.

Tamil inscriptions record land tax called Kadamai and

W collected by w, in the Coromandel 166

localities . Mention of revenue terms such as 167 168

Ponvarnam and Ponvari, and Dhanvavarnam

indicates that mode of revenue collection was both in kind

and cash in various Coromandel localities. A Telugu

inscription provides detailed levy of agricultural tax by

Banparu W in the form of grain from the harvested lands 169

of Tiruttan1 . Another inscription describes the

order of Immadi Ramayappa W where the measure of

marakkal ought to be the unit followed for collecting taxes

in the form of available commdity in the Hagadai Mmdahn 170

locality . Further we find the order of Sriram Ragava

tbxak~ where one of paddy collected from each

threshing floor of all tenants of the temple lands in

Sripemmbudur Llavsksttinam and the paddy was realised in 1'1

cash, namely, &n . Uoreover, it is believed that there

uas sufficient quantity of coins that were in circulation

and the government collected tares in cash. Variety of

duties and exactions were also collected from the

controllers of land at the local level for the use of land.

Variation in the amount of revenue in cash and kind besides

the methods followed in the localities indicata that many

taxes were local in character. The village assemblies such

as L(ah..lanas of Palaiyar, Tirumkkottai and Siruvayal that

collected revenue during the fifteenth century had declined.

They lost their importance and independence to collect 172

revenues in the sixteenth century . S o w of the village

assemblies such as of Kanchipuram came under the

influence of local &ay& ruler who convened and controlled 173

them . A drive for collection of revenue by lkaka in

their Navathattinam by appointing tax collectors is found in 174 . -

epigraphs . Hence we are driven to a conclusion that the

emerged as the chief of locality who collected

revenues in this period.

We have seen more and more forest and waste lands

reclaimed and brought under cultivation. Consequently the

extent of agricultural land began to be marked with well

defined boundaries in all four directions by planting

175 boundry stones . The Tamil inscriptional texts generally

havathe expression of 5l& gplly used for demarcating the

land boundaries. Further, very detailed analysis of these

texta clearly record, boundary stone laid by partition, with

a view to showing the laying of stones at actual places and 176

reasons for this . These boundary stones appear to be 177

three types with the names of , 178 179

and used by Saivites,

Vaishnavitas and Jains. We have no references to the

emblems used by Buddhists and Muslims on the boundary

stones. It is presumed that the way of encroachment by

greedy persons and shifting boundaries due to floods and

natural calamities possibly necessitated the planting of

boundary stones. This was carried out to safeguard the

interest of land as the individual private property.

Several actions leading to the removal of boundary

stones described in sources point out that great interest

was shown in land acquisition. In particular cases the

dispute could be finally settled only through purchase of

land by a && where details of removal of boundary stones 180

could not be trsced . Arrest of three culprits who had

removed the bounoary stones at Negalapuram in Chittoor

district had been described, and the dispute came to an end

when the stipulated amount of fine was paid into the 181

temple . Illegal possession of lands at the villages of

Avaram and Sittadi was settled by verifying the existence of 182

boundary stones containing the Siva emblem . Lands

misappropriatad earlier in the village of Ottamasili had

been later restored by producing an original grant of copper 183

plate possessed by Singarachar . The procedure followed

in the settlement of disputes relating to lands can ba known

from two epigraphical texts in this period. An enquiry was

initially ordered on receipt of the petition. A report was

received by the ruler after the conduct of local inspection

and enquiry by his officials. Finally the ruler registered 184

/the order , Both parties of the dispute deposited a sum

of money as arbitration fees in advance into the treasury

towards amount of expense to be incurred in hearing the 185

dispute and deciding the same In an evidence of 1553

when disputes over the legal status of land arose recourse 186

was made to the records of the provincial treasury The

illegal acquisition of lands earlier discussed bear witness

to the undisputed fact that there was quenchless thlrst for

land in this period. Restoration of several ~llegal

possessions of land from the individuals by the state

through the system of civil procedure points out cnat land

as a property was zealously protected in the period of 187

agricultural expansion during the sixteenth century .

S o w scholars adopting dependence theory partly

opposing and also complemnting the theory of asiatic mode

of production explain agrarian stagnation by attributing

capitalistic world system which has prevented economic

development in periphery. We have argued here how expansion

of agriculture was possible in the localities of Coromandel

region through revenue farming. Some scholars like Irfan

Habib has suggested in his Study of the Mughal Economy that

revenue farming had led to the collapse of agrarian system

and the nature of state is venal and corrupt which led to 188

this form of fiscal control . In the light of evidences

and foregoing discussions we may say that revenue farming

always did not characterise short-run maximisation and 189

expanding revenue burden . It was one of the

organisational means of agrarian expansion partly depending

on the degree of control and supervision exercised by the

Vijayanagara rulers in Coromandel localities on the one

hand. On the other it depended on the tenure period of

that was left undisturbed so long as the

revenue farmer paid regular revenues. Thus revenue demand

presupposed the stimulation rather than neglect of

cultivation. Thus it is concluded that LinEPk revenue

farming had constructive effect upon agriculture in the

C o r o ~ n d e l localities ansuing agricultural expansion.

T.V. Mahalingam, EcDnomicUfainViia9analar Madras, 1 9 6 1 , pp. 88-91 .

Burton S t e i n , &a&a anP GOciet.r SPvth krdin, h l h i , 1980, p . 418 .

Ravi Arvid P a l a t , Tbn 8XaLmPLJavankonda eI.Phil d i s s e r t a t i o n ,

Jawahar la l Nehru Univers i ty , New Delhi , 1980 .

Noboru Karashima, "Nayak's r u l e i n t h e regions of North and South Arcot d i s t r i c t s i n South India dur ing t he S ix t een th Century" , i n W, 4 8 , Tokyo, 1 9 8 5 , pp. 1 - 2 6 .

P e t e r Granda, W and land cbntrol in U bdu -, Ph.D. d i s s e r t a t i o n , Michigan Un ive r s i t y , 1 9 8 4 .

Venkata Raghotham, K h g ~ narriors: BPla Qf H A Z l Q z ChisftainsiIlr'bSPoliticalStructurcpf Lala

SpUth BP u - 1 5 6 5 , Graduate d iv l s ion of t he Univers i ty of Hawaii, 1987 .

bdka ( h e r e a f t e r EL), Vol. XVI, No. 2 2 , pp. 310-323 .

Robert Sewel l , LUJ, Qf and SkPfSh Pf h Dynaatiss Qf Southsrn U, Madras, 1 8 8 4 , Madras Museum Copper p l a t e 1 4 6 , P l a t e No. 8 .

T.N. Subramaniam, Sgu$& W ( h e r e a f t e r S . I . T . L ) , Madras, . 9 5 5 , Vol. 111, pp. 1138- 1139 ( 1 5 4 4 AD); of 1937-38 ( 1 5 2 0 ) .

A . Krishnaswami, L a U +XZY llndar -, Annamalai Nagar, 1964 , pp. ."B-:YO; N. Vankataramayya, & u d h a i n % h a a i s t o r v a f - ~ T b l r d n v n a a t v Qf -, Hadras, 1935 . He a r m e d on t h e bas i s of Nuniz and Pass account and f a i l e d t o no t i ce i n s c r i p t i o n s which con t r ad l c t ec h i s view. The not ion of A s i a t i c mode of production with i t s b a s i s on t h e i dea of proper ty i n land being absent i n s e t a s ide with t h e f i nd ings of emergence of p r l v a t e proper ty i n l and .

At the same time absolute property existed in land will have to ignore the various shades of right that different sets of people enjoyed on the same piece of land, a situation of what social anthropologists called multiplicity of rights see Dharma Kumar, "Private Property in Asia? The case of Medieval South India",

fUdkainsi.torvandSoeietv, Vol. 27, No.1, April 1985, pp. 340-368; Arivilimangalam copper plate inscriptions of Srirangaraya dated 1577 AD in &LL, XII, p. 340-358, Karashima traced the emergence of private property in the river Cauvery valley of Coromandel betueen eleventnh and thirteen centuries, N. Karashima, cbannaa h villana in

m, Institute of the School of Lanpuages and Culture of Asia and Africa, Tokyo, 1983.

Sadhu Subrahmanya Sastry, Dsvaaehanam u, Vol. 111, NO. 142, Madras,

1935, pp. 299-301. The extent of land was 1600 kYLbi in extent.

SPvth Indhn (hereafter U) , Vol. XXIII, 9. 184; Bonuel. BaPPrt QQ W&ZW&L, 271 of 1907.

U, 386 of 1916 (1578). This reference deals with a land grant to a shepherd.

U, 346 of 1923-24 (1563). See also L 8 - L 356 of 1911.

Peter Granda, "Gift after Purchase, i n Vijayanagar period", in Journal pi L b pf U, V I , 1976, pp. 25-31; On Srirangam U. 58 of 1937, 97 of 1937, 35 of 1939, 92 of 1939, 36 of 1938-39 (1534) 97 of 1939, 155 of 1939, 238 of 1951, 321 of 1951 (1508) and 342 of 1951; On Kan:!>ipurarn, see

U, 657 of 1919 (1555), 158 of 1919 (1516), 668 of 1919 (15111, S.I.T.I., V01. I, 346 (1521); On Tirupati L L R . L L , Vol. IV, 161, V, 66; On isolated villages, LEA., 211 of 1942.

kBg. 354 of 1912 line two of the transcriut runs as -. follows "!.!hu hnk&&l sila.anam -"; LEA., 67 of1935, U, Vol. VIII, No. 113, 352 of 1192 (1519); Srinivasan, TaPreLcr

(hereafter m ) , Nos. 482 and 379, Pondicherru. 1990. K u d i ~ i r u ~ ~ u refers to residence and Palatalai probably suggests &y headed rights towards the various land rights existed in the Coromandel region. The inscriptions of Pandya &and+a in this period refer to L h g i u i

' ' u U P A U A Kanivatc-8 such as

refers to royal seal, Tiruvali meana a and festival, relates to supervision. AJ.,.L, 617 of 1918 (15611, 597 of 1918 (1572), 598 of 1918 (1572); Gopinatha Rao, Travancare SaCiSa (hereafter W i . Voi I, M%k?%? p. 277; Transcript llns 11-12, 494 of 1918 (1567) and 497 of 1916 (1567).

LlJ., 269 of 1921 and 354 of 1912; T.T.D.E.S., Vol. V, Nos. 84, 96, 139 & 352.

u, 356 of 1912. Transcript line 5. The text runs as follows: ''Tirumalai Nsvakar Kumarar AYYUI Kumarar K a i a t i s u a r a w A v v a n u k k u K a n i v a t c h i PannikuduthaDadi ~ ~ A Y i z a I n lnda ! u A h B + Sudandiram[lndanathallamKanlvatchivanaPnnnikuduthom.

u, 321 of 1921 (1521), 325 and 333 of 1921 (1522). U, 31 of 1921.

m , No. 429; u, VIII, No. 113; U, 71 of 1945-46.

U, 67 of 1934-35 (1546); u, XVII 263, VII 398 and 150; A&&, 321 of 1922, 305 of 1926-29 and 235 of 1934-35.

U, Vol. V I I I , No. 113.

kEnrtir:Yilel,NslluvaraKudiuv.+um.

Gasper Correa , LsnhadahuU, ( 4 v o l s . ) , Vol. V , L isboa , 1858-1864, pp. 593-597.

Ludovioo d i Varthema, T h Itinsrarv ef I&&.m dl Yarthsma pf h h a m ipppl lM.2 & M, London, 1928, p . 195.

T.T.D.B.S., 111, No. 119 (1517) .

U, Vol. 111 , No. 151

Duarte Barbosa, la& pi Pvartn W, Neu D e l h i , 1989, Vol. I , p . 192; ANTT, HSS. W cronolonico ( h e r e a f t e r u), Haco 15 , Document 129 ( 6 November 1508) and Haco 41, Document 144 ( 7 September 1 5 1 3 ) .

A.B. de Braganca P e r e i r a , drPYiYP ExUass Oriental ( h e r e a f t e r - BP) , Tomo IV, Vol. 1 1 , P t . I , B a s t o r a , 1937, p . 317.

KMbalYitrvKarlsalaiYMa!l.

U, Vol. XXIV; &&E, 15 of 1936-37

K, R. Srinivaaan, (hereafter -1, No. 722, Pudukottai, 1941 and 1948,

m, No. 440.

U, No. 722.

U, 807 of 1919.

Y e l l u k k u ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Y a l Y V i c h c h u V i a i v u m KaLtu.

Vaaundhara Pilliozat, Thr Pilavananar Neu Delhi, 1980, p . 20 .

U, 315 of 1953-54, 354 of 1953-54, 98 of 1939-40, 107 of 1947-48, 189 of 1904 and 355 of 1912; U, Vol. XXIV, p p . 325 & 359; U, Vol. I , p p . 40-41 & 76-77.

k&&, 354 of 1953-54 and 98 of 138-40; U, XXIV, p . 359 and Vol. XVI, No. 131; S.I.T.I., Vol. I, p p . 40- 41, 78-77 and 113 .

&.A&., 288 of 1978-79, 237 of 1903, 192 of 1951-52, 334 of 1954-55; T.T.D.E.S., Vol. 111, p p . 103-108 and 213; S.I.T.I., Vol. I, p p . 34-35; U, XVI, pp . 178- 79 .

U, Vol. I, p p . 40-41 and Vol. 11, p . 749

L&-L,., 354 of 1953-54, 375 of 1953-54 and 107 of 1947- 48 .

W, 8 of 1921-22.

U , 199 of 1940-41 (15121.

S.I.T.I., Vol. I, p p . 40-41.

U, XVII, p p . 325-326; LU.,., 354 of 1912.

T.T.D.B.S., Vol. IV, No. 107 and Vol. V, No. 85-A.

U, 216 of 1917, 78 of 1931-32 and 5 1 of 1914.

Sadhu Subrahmanya S a s t r y , Bnnert. an nf rirumala Dav.stklnam, No. 56-A, T i r u p a t i , 1830, p . 32.

w, 448 of 1922 and 563 of 1912 (1511) .

Us 199 of 1940-41 (1512) . This r e f e r ence mentions t h a t t h e amount f i x e d was f o u r w.

U, 259 of 1927; S.I.T.I., Vol. X I , p . 570. This i n s c r i p t i o n has t he word a t t he beginning. I t is a chronogram i n t he gataDavadhi system of g iv ing d a t e i n Saka 1514 which corresponds t o 1592 A . D .

mix, No. 379

U, 177 of 1903, l i n e 15, 563 of 1902 (1511) l i n e f i v e of t he t e x t runs a s fo l lows: K A l b d m A a n a P ~~~ TiNttikonduAnuoavikha.

T.T.D.B.S., Vol. 111, pp. 16-18, No. 611, pp. 246-258, No. 276, pp. 11-14.

u, No. 103, p . 211; Vadamalai annagal , a r e s i d e n t of Nagalapuram paid money f o r reclamation of land a t Mudiyur v l l l a g e i n 1515.

A.U.., 367 of 1912.

U, 45 of 1935 (1518) and 168 of 1930.

U. 149 of 1941-42 ( 1 5 6 0 ) .

U, 52 of 1934 ( 1 5 5 3 ) .

Brian Murton, "Some proposi t ions on 'be spread of v i l l a g e s e t t l emen t i n i n t e r i o r Tarn11 Ya?u before 1750 A.D. i n w- Journal, Vol XLVIII, Dec. 1973, No. 2 , p. 58.

u, No. 727 (15261, 731 (1514) , 7 ? d ( 1 5 2 2 ) , 743 (1519) and 745 ( 1 5 3 0 ) .

1 W . T.T.D.g.S., Vol. I, p . 202, Vol. V, P. 37 1514, Vol. 111, pp. 17, 30. 52, 90 and 118; U, 858 of 1919 and 613 of 1919.

101. U, 46 of 1921, 312 of 1922 and 270 of 1916; u, Vol. XVI, p . 295.

102. U, 416 of 1920 and 433 of 1920.

103. U, Vol. XVII, p . 263.

104. A A L , 353 of 1912 (1514).

105. U, 307 of 1921.

106. U, 353 of 1912 (1519), 354 of 1912 (1505), 383 of 1912; T.T.D.E.S., Vol. 11, p. 24, Vol. VI, P . 139 dr Vol. V, p. 183 (1546), Line five of the epigraphical text runs ~anivatchivana AnuuULu W; Sadhu Subrahmanya Saatry, pe %, pp. 245-74; u, 388 of 1912.

107. l W U , No. 381 (1509); U, 367 of 1912 (1530).

108. U, 56 of 1913 (Krishnadevaraya period).

109. U, 367 of 1921 (1530) and 389 of 1912 (1514)

111. U, 354 of 1912 and 368 of 1912; N . Kararhlma, Sg&h In!iimIliatorvnndSocietv:StudiesfiPm-AR 858-1888, Delhi, 1984, pp. 162-163.

113. u, 394 of 1912. Transcript lines four and five runs as

114. U, 388 or' !912.

115. U, 387 of :812.

116. T.T.D.B.S., Vol. 111, pp. 1-3.

117. u, vol. I V . pp. 74 and 105-6

118 . I.bid.., Vol. 111, pp. 103-8.

118 . Lbirt, Vol. IV, pp. 150-51.

1 2 0 . 11. Rama Rao, WJUUI h a c & & h ~ pi hndbrn PMa, Tirupati, 1969 , Vol. I, pt. I, No. 8 9 1 ( 1 5 9 2 ) ; k&E, 388 of 1916 (B).

121 . Burton Stein, Paasant Stats., p. 426 .

122 . L E A - , 179 of 1913 ( 1 5 3 3 ) , 9 4 of 1913 and 388 o f 1916 (B).

1 2 4 . Ibid, 194 of 1 9 2 1 and 64 of 1942

126 . S.1.T I., Vol. I, p. 342 ( 1 5 4 9 ) and q . 339 ( 1 5 4 1 ) . The Kanchipuram inscriptional text runs Vittavan Vilukkadu u -".

1 2 7 . T.T.D.E.S., Vol. IV, pp. 264-65

1 2 8 . Lbld, No. 72 , 7 4 and 9 3 , V, No. 8 8 , 111, No. 157 and 159

The Inacriptions are found during the years of 1514 , 1519 and 1533 A .D .

131 . L L , Vol. XII, p. 343; &&El 426 of 1924

132 . U, 54 of 1934-35 ( 1 5 0 7 ) .

135 . U, 251 of 1984 .

136 . S.I.T.:, Vol. I, pp. 43-44.

137 . Carnatica (hereafter B.C.), Vol. X, Bangalure, 1905 , Gb. 6 .

138 . T.T.D.&.S., Vol. 11, pp. 329-32 ( 1 5 0 4 ) .

138 . N. Venkataramayya, a, P. 1 8 7 .

140 . T.T.D.E.SL, Vol. I, No. 224

144 . u, 247 of 1916 (1504-15051, line eight of the transcript of the inscription runs, Yarusham varusham LhQLU twam Blanthu" .

145 . u, 1 0 of 1922-23 (Krishnsdevaraya period)

147 Sadhu Subrahmanya Sastry, pe a, pp. 248-249.

1 4 8 . AJ,&., 291 of 1940 ; w, Vol. 111, No. 142 , p p 299-301 ( 1 5 2 0 ) .

149 . AJ.&., 1 8 1 of 1942-43 and 184 of 1942-43 .

151 . U, 247 of 1916 ( 1 5 0 4 ) and 266 of 1939-40

152 . u, Vol. XIII, p. 379 ( 1 5 7 3 ) . Some references also point out that ydL was used in other regions. Please see V. Rangachari, A k a g x d b d U Pf pf a Prsaidancv (hereafter u), Vol. I, Madras, 1917, p. 523.

1 5 3 . u, 259 of 1930, 199 of 1940-41, 355 of 1912 and 395 of !.'I.:

1 5 4 . u, '701. XVI, No. 8.

1 5 5 , u, 3 1 of 1933-34 (1540)

1 5 6 . u, 247 of 1916 ( C ) .

157 . m, Ho S . 2 8 , pp. 611-12.

158 . LE&, 352 of 1912 , 353 of 1912, 358 of 1912, 312 of 1922 ( 1 5 5 2 1 , 48 of 1916 and 49 of 1916 ( 1 5 3 7 ) .

1 6 1 . S.I.T.I., Vol. I, 99. 372-73; U, 54 of 1914 and 655 of 1910. An epigraph of Krishnadevaraya period at Koyilanur mentions Tannamarathu U called tax on coconut trees in Villupuram region; u, Vol. VI, No. 72, p. 39 .

182 . U, 54 of 1914 and 1915 para 44 f.n.1.

1 6 4 . I..LL, No. 7 1 1

1 6 5 . S. Krishnasuarni Aiyangar, Saurcea pf KLSLQZY, Madras, 1919, p. 130 .

1 6 6 . &, XXI, No. 1 9 , p. 119; u, 335 of 1921 and 452 of 1921 .

1 6 7 . T.T.D.E.S., Vol. I 200 , I1 18 , 111 66-68.

1 6 8 . U, Vol. I1 1 8 , I11 66-68 , 70 , 75. 9 1 and 217 .

1 6 9 . U, 112 of 1942-43 ( 1 5 7 5 ) .

170 . U, 96 of 1918 .

1 7 1 . U, 189 of 1922 ( C ) ( 1 5 9 0 ) .

1 7 2 . U, 259 of 1917 and 178 of 1926.

1 7 3 . &, XXIII, p 199 ( 1 5 3 1 ) .

1 7 4 . TJWL, 403. 4d6 and 407.

1 7 5 . u, Vol. I V , No. 245 & Vol. IX, pt. 11, No. 583.

1 7 8 . U, Vol. XVII, p. 326 ( 1 5 2 4 ) .

1 7 7 . S.I.T.I., Vol. 11, p. 927.

178. U, Vol. I, p. 355. The text of the Kanchipuram inscription runs ''W Kalilum Tiruvalikal W, On Srirangam please see, U, Vol. XXIV, No. 326, p. 359; u, Vol. IX, Pt. 11, No. 440.

179. See C .T. Kotrsiah, Land boundard Stones, Journal pi t,h Socistv pf Uia (hereafter J.B.S.I.) .

Also see Lam&xkd 115t Pf d &&&&&& $&Lar 1929, p. 101.

180. B.B.E., 129 of 1914.

181. U, Vol. IX, Pt. 11, No. 528 (1529). The author thanks Dr. Vasundhara Filliozat for the original Kannada Inscriptional translation. See also U, 819 of 1904.

182. U, Vol. V, No. 704, (1544); S.I.T.I., Vol. 111, p p 1138-39; U, 140 of 1895; See also Tiruvidaimarudvr -, Tiruvidaimarudur, 1960. The text informs that Koildevakanmi Tiruchltrambala- !&&Lu. reported the matter to the Vijayanagara emperor regarding misappropriation of temple lands.

183. U, 264 of 1930 (1540).

184. -, Vol. 111, pp. 1138-39 (1544).

185. U, Vol. 111, Pt. 11, pp. 191-92 (Sadasivaraya period) .

186. LLL, 403 of 1925-29 and 294 of 1910 (Ponnur, Wandivaah taluk).

187. XU&, 412 of 1913

188. Irfan Habib, Alrsrian SuLm ~f MughAl India, 1556- 1707, Bombay, 1963

189. For detailed arguments on constructive affects on agriculture throu&"evenue farming, see Andre Wink, LMd and S o v s r i P n ; f v i n u A c r r a r i a n Sacistv and P o l i t i c . ~ L h c ~ ~ ~ , ~ ~ 8 Cambridge, 1986, pp. 341-42 and Maratha Revenue Farming" in b d e n W Studis. (hereafter U) , Vol. XVII (4), 1983, pp. 591-828.