1

Chapter – I

INTRODUCTION

North-East India has always been regarded as a golden treasure for researchers

from different fields. It shares the political boundary of China in the North, Bhutan

and Nepal in the West, Bangladesh in the East and Myanmar in the South, comprising

of the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Tripura, Mizoram,

Nagaland and Sikkim, which were earlier referred to as Seven sisters. Among these,

Assam is the largest state (in terms of population) which covers the area of 78,438 sq.

km. consisting of whole Brahmaputra valley and Barak valley. Though languages

belonging to the four language families viz, Indo-Aryan, Tibeto-Burman, Austro-

Asiatic and Dravidian are found in North-East India, most of the languages belong to

the Indo-Aryan and Tibeto-Burman family of languages.

Bodo, Garo and Rabha languages belong to the Bodo sub-section (Grierson,

1903) of Bodo-Naga (Benedict, 1972) group under the Assam-Burmese group of

Tibeto-Burman language family and they constitute an important ethnic group of

North-East India. The Linguistic Survey of India-1903 (vol-III part-II, P.1) states that

‘the generic name of ‘Bodo’ was first applied by B.H. Hudgson in 1846 to the group

of languages. In the pre-historic age, Bodos were known as “Kiratas” and in nick

names like ‘Danava, Asura, Pichas etc.’At present “Kiratas” are known as ‘Bodos,

Rabhas, Garos, Tiwas, Kok-Bodos, Mech, Meche, Dimasa, Hajong etc. They all

belong to the great stock of Tibeto-Burman family of Mongoloid origin (Dr.Liladhar

Brahma, 2003). G.A.Grierson had also designated them as Boro or Bodo. The Bodo

groups comprises (as stated in the Liguistic Survey of India, 1903, Voll-III, Part-II)

the following tribes: Kachari or Bodo, Lalung (now called Tiwa), Dimasa, Garo,

2

Rabha, Tripuri (Kokborok), Koch, Chutiya (Deuri) and Moran. The Linguistic Survey

of India also described the Bodo language under the Bodo sub-section under the

Assam-Burmese group of Tibeto-Burman branches of Sino-Tibetan Chinese family.

On the other hand, as per the classification of Robert Shafer (1955), Bodo language

belongs to the branches of Barish section under the Baric division of the Sino-Tibetan

language family. The linguist opined that this stock of language was in the plain areas

of Young-tsze-kiang and Huang-ho river in China and now widespread throughout the

western and southern part of the Asia continent including Burma and North-East

India.

In the following, the diagram is presented showing the classification of Sino-

Tibetan language family given by Benedict’s ‘Sino-Tibetan Conspectus’ (1972).

SINO - TIBETAN

Tibeto-Karen Chinese

Tibeto- Burman Karen

Tibeto-Kanauri

Lepcha Gyarung (?)

Bahing-Vayu Newari Burmese- Lolo

Abor-Miri-Dafla

Bodo-Garo Koniyak Luish Taman Nung (ish) Trung

Kuki-Naga

Mikir

Methei

Mru

KACHIN

3

Yet another figure of Sino-Tibetan language family is given in ‘Linguistic

Survey of India’ (1903) based on S.K. Chatterji’s ‘Kirata-Jana-Kriti’.

Sino- Tibetan or Tibeto-Chinese Speech Family

Sino-Tibetan proper probably early modification of Sino-Tibetan

Tibeto-Burman Saimese-Chinese Man Karen

Dai or Thai Chinese or Sinitic

Tibetan Himalayan North-Assam Assam-Burmese

Aka, Abor (Adi), Miri, Dafla, Mishmi etc.

Bodo-Naga Burmese-Kuki-chin

Kachin-Lolo

Bodo (Boro) Naga Kuki-Chin Lolo, Kachin Old- Burmese

Mikir or Singpho

Boro (Kochari) Dimasa Garo Rabha Lalung Tipra etc.

4

The following figure of Sino-Tibetan is given by Robert Shafer (1955).

Sino-Tibetan

Division

Sinitic Manic Daic Bodic Burmic Karenic Baric (Chinese) (Thai or Tai) (Tibetan & its Dialects) (Burmese)

Section

Barish Nagish

Branches

North Central Jalpaiguri South Central Western Eastern

Units

Moran Lalung Bodo (Boro) Mech Dimasa Hodzai Tripura

1.1 Bodo

Bodo is an ethnic group of North-East India and major language community of

Assam. They identify themselves as the ‘Boro-Fisa’, meaning Children of the Boro

race (G.A Grierson 1903, Vol-III, Part-I, p.1). P. C. Bhattacharya (1977) quoted S.N.

Wolfenden and said that the tribal name ‘Barafisa’ consisting of Bara and fisa (son,

children) in relation to the Tibetan languages and equates to hbrog-pa “inhabitants of

the steppes, the nomadic Tibetans’ (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London,

1929, pp.581-83).” G.A.Grierson also called these speakers and their speech Bada or

Bara or plains Kacharies. According to Suniti Kumar Chatterjee (1951) and Kalaguru

Bishnu Prasad Rabha, the word Bodo or Boddo is derived from the word ‘BOD’

5

which means “land or country’’. But according to Bakul Chandra Basumatary (Bodo

Civilization in India, 2009), the word Boddo or Bodo is derived from Prakrit word

“Bodh” or “Badh” which means “sense or knowledge”. E.T. Dalton exclaimed in the

light of Boro saying “Boro hari, geder hari_Boro people, great people (Tribal History

of Eastern India, 1973, p-69).” Now, they and their language are simply known as

Bodo or Boro.

1.1 .1 Origin

The Bodo people are believed to be the migrants of Chinese origin. According

to Sydney Endle (The kacharies 1911, p.3), “the origin of the Kachari race is still very

largely a matter of conjecture and inference, in the absence of anything entitled to be

regarded as authentic history. As remarked above, in feature and general appearance,

they approximate very closely to the Mongolian type; and this would seem to point to

Tibet and China as original home of the race.” Sir Edward Gait also stated (A History

of Assam, Gauhati, 1981 (Rpt) P.247) that “the date of migration from their original

abode, namely, Northwestern China, to this part of present India is debated and needs

further research. However, scholars agree that the Bodo people settled in this region

much before the Aryans”. Grierson writes that in early days, the Tibetan called their

country ‘Bodyut’, their language ‘Bodskad’ and a Tibetan person, ‘Bodpa’ (The

Linguistics Survey of India 1903, Vol-III, part-I, P.14). E T Atkinson and John Bowl

also hold the similar view and their opinion attempts to suggest ‘Bod’ as the source of

the word ‘Bodpa’. Raj Mohan Nath, on the contrary, put forward a hypothetical

theory by which he traces the origin of the term Bodo, in the Tibetan word ‘Bod’,

used for their country in the ancient time (The Background of Assamese Culture,

Shillong, 1948, Pp-15-16).” He also opined that “Inhabitants of various parts of the

Bod (Tibet) country were known as Bodo-Ficha or Bodo-Cha (Ficha-Cha-Children)

6

or the children of the Bod country, and were known simply as Boddo or the

Bodo (Satayendra Nath Mondal, 2001, History and Culture of the Bodos, p.8)”. Thus

Boddo > Bodho > Bodo is believed to be migrated from the North-Western China,

and have been derived their name from the word which comprised of the ancient Tibet

known as ‘Bod’. During the epic period, Assam state was called ‘Pragjyotisha’ or the

place of eastern astronomy. Later, its name was changed to ‘Kamrupa’. The first

mentioned king of Pragjyotishpur was Mairong Raja (Sansktitised as Mahiranga) of

Danava Dynasty. The Danava and the Asura kings and their subjects are none but the

Bodos. They hailed from the Kirata Dynasty. Narkhw (Narkasura) and Fogdonza

(Bhagadatta) are two famous kings of this dynasty. The scholars have identified the

‘Kiratas’ of ancient Assam, who took part in the Mahabharata war, with the Bodo

(S.K.Chatterjee, Kirata Jana Kriti, Calcutta, 1974. Pp5, 15-16). Sanskrit literatures of

the ‘Epic Era’ have immensely mentioned about the ‘Eastern Kiratas’. In the Epics,

the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, it is written (between 2500 to 3000 BC) that the

Bodo people had powerful kings and kingdoms even before 3000 BC in the eastern

part of present India at the time while the Aryans were confined to the Indus valley.

This itself amply speaks about the historicity of the Bodo being the original in this

part of present India. From mythological to historical period, hundreds of Bodo kings

ruled under different dynasties. The Danava Dynasty, the Asura Dynasty, the Kirata

Dynasty, the Mlecha Dynasty, the Varman Dynasty, the Sala Stambha Dynasty, the

Pralambha Dynasty, the Pala Dynasty, the Khena Dynasty, the Koch Dynasty, the

Kachari Dynasty and the Borok or Tripuri Dynasty ruled North East before British

came here.

7

1.1.2 Area

According to 2001 census of India, the total population of Bodo speakers in

Assam are 13,15,771. But their population spread whole part of Brahmaputra valley

(Assam), Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, West-Bengal, Nepal, Bhutan and

neighbouring Bangladesh. Though spread in different parts of this region, as well as,

in the neighbouring countries, majority of their population is found in Assam. Most of

the Bodo speakers are found in Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Baksa, Chirang, Darrang,

Udalguri, Kamrup and Goalpara districts of Assam. Bodo speakers are also found in

the districts of Lakhimpur, Golaghat, Nagaon, Tezpur, Karbi-Anglong and North

Cachar of Assam.

1.1.3 Language

The Bodos speak the Bodo language which belongs to the Tibeto-Burmese

language family. It has affinities among with its group of languages i.e. its sister

languages. It has its own traditional culture, religion, language and literature. British

Missioneries are the pioneers of Bodo language and literature. Bodo language has its

own dialects.

According to P.C Bhattacharya (1977) Bodo has four dialects namely:

• North-East dialect area contains the sub-dialects of North-Kamrup and

North-Goalpara.

• South-West dialect area covers the South-Goalpara and South-Garo Hills

and a few places of South-Kamrup.

• North-Central Assam dialect area comprises the districts of Darrang,

Lakhimpur and a few places of NEFA and

8

• Southern Assam dialect area comprises the Nagaon, North-Cachar, Mikir

Hills and some adjacent districts.

On the other hand, according to the regional and social distinctive variety,

Phukan Basumatary, (2005) divided Bodo dialects as :

(1) The western Bodo dialect.

(2) The eastern Bodo dialect and

(3) The southern Bodo dialect.

Among these dialects, the western dialect is considered as the standard dialect.

Traditionally, Bodo has no script of its own. Most of the writers used Roman, Bengali

as well as Assamese script. Bishnuprasad Rabha, the famous artist of Assam said that

in ancient times, there was a kind of ‘Deodhai’ script among the Kacharies (Boro &

Dimasa)”. Madhuram Boro has also said that “the Bodo kings had a kind of Deodhai

script, akin to Brahmi, to communicate with neighbouring kings and inscribed on the

stone, pillar, monuments, royal gates, stone slates and copper plates etc. The

specimens of this kind of script may be seen till now in an indistinct state on those

articles spread in wreckage form in the jungle areas of Khaspur, Maibong and

Dimapur etc. (Satyendra Nath Mondal, 2011)”. Now a day, the Bodos have accepted

the Devanagari script. Bodo language is also introduced as a medium of instruction

and as an associated official language of Assam. Besides, it is also introduced as a

subject in higher secondary level and in Bachelor degree as MIL, Elective and Major

subject and there is certificate Course and Post-Graduate course in Bodo presently

which is running under the department of MIL of Gauhati University and Bodoland

University of Kokrajhar. Further, it is also recognized as a subject as well as an

optional paper in ACS, ISA, UPSC etc. examination. Program in Bodo language is

9

broadcasted in All India Radio, Guwahati centre and Telecasted in various North-

Eastern regional TV channels. Bodo Language is now recognized as one of the 8th

scheduled languages of Indian constitution.

1.1.4 Occupation

Agriculture is the main occupation of Bodos. In the contemporary times,

occupations like service, trade and commerce, contracts etc. are adopted; but still in

small numbers. They generally cultivate two varieties of crops, Kharif and Rabi crops

and vegetables if there is sufficient land. It means that apart from rice, the Bodo

peasantry is involved in cultivation such as mustard seeds, tobacco, jute, vegetables

like potato, cabbage, cauliflower, cucumber, gourd, green leaves, spices, chilly, onion,

ginger etc. They produce partly for domestic consumption and partly for selling in the

markets. They also plant areca nut and trees in their compound. Castor plants are

cultivated for producing Endi cocoon, which is a part of home industries in spinning

and weaving especially for women folk. For the cultivation of paddy, the Bodos select

a land which can sustain water for a long. For cultivation of paddy, there are three

kinds of cultivation of the land in the society and they are Selfcultivation, Adhi system

and Sukhani system:-

i) Self system- the owner cultivates his land with the help of his family or male labour

(Dahɯna) and female labour (Ruwati) for a season by giving them certain amount of

paddy or wages.

ii) Adhi system- in this system, the land owner gives away his land to a cultivator for

cultivation for a temporary phase and the total product of the land is distributed

equally between his owner and the cultivator.

10

iii) Sukhani system- here the land owner fixes a contract with the cultivator, and the

cultivator has to give a fixed quantity of product for each bigha of land he cultivated.

They practice both ahu (ashu) and Sali (maisali) rice cultivation. Bordoloi, in his

work has stated that “their indigenous devices for preserving seeds and digging dongs

and canals are widely acclaimed.”(Bordoloi et al. 1987)

1.1.5 Village Administration

The Bodo village administration is lead under the head of the village called

‘Gamigɯra’ (Headman). The Bodo people have their customary laws called ‘Bad’ for

leading the village community in a peaceful way. The social structure of the Bodo is

primarily patriarchal and father is the sole guardian of the family. If there is any

problem of the village which has to be solved, it begins from Gamigɯra and he will

inform all the villagers with the help of the village messenger called ‘Halmazi’ for a

meeting for solving the problem. A strong community orientation is also there at the

Bodo village society. A few institutions in the nature of people’s assembly (raizɯni

afat or raizɯni mel) are formed with the community elders as its members. It can take

decision regarding any welfare issue of the village like rendering service for the

construction of roads, bridges, community buildings, dongs, etc., and take decision on

some crisis confronting the village, small cases are also tried out and the culprits are

punished accordingly. An institution of collective public granary (raizɯni bakhri) is

also instituted. The needy and the helpless are offered the minimum help from there.

Another community space, a plot of land is meant for the entire village. People

collectively produce and whatever earned goes to public granary (raizɯni bakhri).

Otherwise they make an auction for the land and any one of the villagers can work on

the land and has to give the money whichever they announced in the time of auction

11

and the profit comes under the doers. At the end of the festivals, they do the auditing

for the expenses. The left over money is spent by organizing a feast.

1.1.6 Dress

The mode of dress of Bodo people is unique and full of colors, with style and

attractiveness. The male person, both young and old put on ‘Gamsa’ woven at home,

which hangs down to the knees from the loins. There was no use of shirt in the past.

They only used a type of cloth known as ‘zɯmgra’ made of ‘Eri’ and a small cloth on

the shoulder during the winter and summer season respectively. Besides, they put on

‘Aronai’ (a small wrapper) around their neck. Now a days, they wear vest, shirt etc. to

cover the upper part which are readily available in the market. The dresses of Bodo

women are a distinguishable feature of Bodo culture. A man can identify Bodo

womenfolk simply by looking at the dress. The woman wears ‘Dokhna’covering the

body from the chest down to the ankle. Dokhna or Dokhona is made of varied colors

and Agor. There are two types of Dokhona: the Dokhna plain woven or without Agor

is called Salamatha or Matha and the one with woven designs is called Dokhona

Thaosi. Dokhona Thaosi is generally for use of bride, “Bɯirathi” (Woman

receptionist of bride and bridegroom in Bodo marriage) and “Dɯudini” (A dancing

woman in Kherai puza) during the festivals or other ceremonies. The zɯmgra covers

the upper portion of the body. Now-a-days Bodo woman wears blouse in her body

and covers it with zɯmgra (Scarf). The Christian Bodos use white Dokhona and a veil

for marriage purpose in conformity with the western style of dressing. The men wear

suits during the occasion.The traditional attire was always handwoven which is also a

testimony of Bodo women’s talent in weaving. The designs that are mostly common

are Daothu godo (design of dove neck), Phareo megon (pigeons eye), Phahar agor

(design of hill scenery), Mɯider agan (designs of elephants foot print), Daorai

12

mɯkhreb (Winkle of peacock), Phul mɯbla (Varieties of bloomed flowers), Daosa

mɯkhreb (Winkle of chicken), Maozi agan (Footprint of cat), Dingkhia mohor (A

design representing fern of Dhekia ), Ganggu Godo (An Agor representing the shape

of a kind insect called Gangu), Singri bibar (A design representing the Singri flower),

Bɯigri bibar (A design representing the flowers of plum), Gonggar thaisib (A design

representing the fruit of Nui tree), Thaigir bibar (A design representing the flower of

woodapple plant and it also feeling of failed love), Gandɯula agor (A design

representing an insect Gandɯula ), Khusli dentha (A design representing the spoon),

Muphur apha (A design representing the footprint of bear), Laosong agor (A design

invented by a Bodo girl called Laosong), Mokhordoma agor (A design representing a

litigation or zig zag), Banduram agor (A design first crafted by Bandhuram kachari ),

Agor gidir (A design representing a Diamond shape), Gorkha gongbrɯi (design

representing twill), Daokhi Agor (A design representing stool of a hen), Mɯitha bibar

(A design representing a kind of vegetable’s flower). The favorite colors of the Bodos

are generally Gɯmɯ (Yellow), Gɯthang (Green), and Bathogang (Colour of parrot’s

feathers). Apart from textiles, the common ornaments found among the Bodos are

Kheru zabkhring, Phulkhuri, Thalinglura, Bɯula for the ear, Nakha-phul, Nolot, and

Bulukhi for the nose, Chandrahar, Bisahar, Thankhasiri, and zibɯu-zin-siri for the

neck, and Mutha asan, Ashan churi, Sangkha for the hands. It is true that in the

present time, Bodo women have resorted to modern jewellery.

1.1.7 Marriage

The Bodo word for marriage is combination of two words ‘Ha-ba’ where ‘ha’

means ‘land’ and ‘ba’ means ‘carry on back’. That means that he/she will not get the

freedom which they used to enjoy before the marriage, now they have to take the

13

responsibilities of a family for whole life. Traditionally the Bodos have six types of

marriages.

1. Sɯngnanɯi lainai haba or arranged marriage is the most common and socially

accepted marriage custom of the Bodos. The bride is selected by the parents of the

bridegroom and then the marriage is settled after negotiation. Till today, this form of

marriage is solemnly celebrated.

2. Gɯrzia Lakhinai Haba is very rare in the present times. Earlier, in the families

where there were no sons or male members, member of the community or a person

who works in the family is asked to be the bridegroom with his consent. He becomes

a member of the family. It may be called a marriage by service.

3. Kharsonnai Haba is a mutual agreement between the young boy and the girl. The

consent of the parents is not considered important. The society frowns upon such

marriages but nonetheless tolerates it.

4. Bɯnanɯi Lainai Haba is always considered by the Bodos as an evil. This system

was prevalent in earlier days. The girl was forcefully taken by the bridegroom and

then the marriage is solemnized.

5. Dɯnkharlangnai Haba is not socially approved, but is still in practice in Bodo

communities. This is the marriage by elopement of both bride and the bridegroom.

This is the irregular system of marriage.

6. Dongkha Habnai Haba ‘is marriage between a widow and a man from the

community who stay together as husband and wife. But, their marriage has to be

regularized according to the social customs. Although widow re-marriage is allowed

in the society, certain restrictions are there. A widow can only marry the younger

14

brother of the husband and similarly a widower can marry the younger sister of the

wife.

Hathasuni Khurnai -Traditional form of marriage is known as Hathasuni Khurnai

haba. This is a simple affair which bears testimony where the bride offers meals to the

bridegroom in a simple function. The meal consists of a special chicken curry with

rice powder without applying any spices or colorings agents. This is called

Ondlakhari in Bodo. After consuming a portion of the rice, the couple prays to

Bathɯu Bɯrai for peaceful conjugal life. Before offering the meal to the bridegroom,

the bride offers a portion of the meal to the goddesses and god of the main house

(Noma no). Introducing the bride to the god, the Dɯuri chants mantras and the

advices are given to the bridegroom by the elders of the community. The meal thus

prepared is served to the villagers. The marriage festival used to run two to three days.

There are various foods and merry-making at various levels and rice beer is also

served.

A few post-marriage customs are also prevalent in the Bodo communities like

‘Kholar Gothainai’ (The act of returning the bride and the bride price (malsa) is

known as kholar Gothainai), ‘Mamai Mara’ (The uncle of the deceased niece has to

receive the bride –price of her female child in case it has not been payed during her

marriage), ‘Athmangal’ (performed on the eight day of the girl’s marriage). Somehow

if divorce takes place, Bodo society solves the problem by tearing a betel-leaf into

two pieces. This is known as ‘phathwi lai bisinai’. The betel –leaf is kept in the

presence of the village elders in the house of the Gamigɯra. At present, in Bodo

society, they practice the hum-ygo for marriage (Brahma religion Bodo) and the

Christian people performed the Christianity marriage.

15

1.1.8 Birth

In pre-birth, pregnant woman will be guided by the experienced woman of the

village with traditional rites on detection of pregnancy and diets of a pregnancy. Now

a days, they are guided by the Doctors. During the delivery time, they order the

pregnant woman to hold up her hand on mortar by knelling. After the child birth, they

give mother pounded rice (which is used in preparation of ricebeer as a medicine) and

alkali to drink. They believed that if mother drinks these, she will revive and be strong

soon. The umbilical cord is crudly served by a sharpened bamboo slid after the cord

had been properly tied up with white tide cotton. After that the baby is washed,

wrapped in a new cloth and placed in a winnow fan. Mother is also given bathe by

taking on banana leaf-cotton, basil leave, pair of betel, a little rice. After that they

accept the child in the socity by cutting the cock (for boy) in the name of bɯrai

bathɯu in front of baranda. After all these ceremonies are over, they feed the whole

lot of old women and some neighbour for caring her in the time of delivery. Name

giving ceremony, feeding rice, testing the luck of the child, protection of the evil eyes,

Bathɯu ritual of child Welfare, custom of cutting hair of baby, Ear perforation for

girls rite, of false sell of baby are also important customary practice in the customary

Bodo society.

1.1.9 Death

In Bodo society, when a person dies, they either bury or burn the dead body

depending on the religion. Firstly, one of the family members informed all other

family members (daughters, son-in-law, sisters, brothers etc.) those who are in far

away from home. When all members gathered, dead body is given a bathing by the

family members or the elders of the village and dressing with new cloth and

16

beautification to dead body. After carrying the dead body out, they place it in the

courtyard in a bamboo bed. The bamboo bed of the dead body should be made with a

single bamboo. Family members from elders to youngers and neighbors and villagers

feed food and water etc. whatever they want. Water should be fed with only by peepul

leaf. There is no need for priest, anyone who knows about the mantra and who has

narzary title can lead the procession of dead body. In the time of procession, there

should be a man who do not touch the dead body, a little rice, match box, dry jute

leaf, stone, two bamboo pieces dry and damp, basil leaf, burning straw candle, sacred

white thread and to give the dead body knife, axe (for male if female materials for

loom), utensils, dresses and some coins. The head of the dead body always should be

put to the south in the creamation ground. After burying the dead body, they fence the

creamation ground and leave a chicken. Only the family member can carry the dead

body, in the absence of family either relative or neighbour can lift. After the act of

burning or burying is over, the priest give them rice, dry jute leave to eat and sprinkle

holy water and after taking bath in the river, they came back home. Again in home

also, they have to eat rice, jute leave, and sprinkle holy water before taking bath again

for purification. After 10 days, feasting ceremony is celebrated by the family. Before

feasting ceremony, farewell of grief ceremony is completed by offering food, fruits

whatever the dead person ate at the time when she/he was alive. Bodo people have

believed that if they do not celebrate these ceremonies, the family can not be purified.

1.1.10 Festivals

Most of Bodo festivals are connected with their occupation. A few festivals

are celebrated for thanking the gods and goddesses, and also to pray for their bumper

crop. Bɯisagu is a great social festival of the Bodos. It is celebrated in the month of

Bɯisak (mid April) for seven days beginning from the day of Sangkranti of Chaitra,

17

which is also the last day of the passing year. The first day is consecrated to the cattle

which include the decoration and ritual bathing of the cows. The interesting part of

the ritual is performed by the cowherds who also indulge in various games, songs and

dances. The day ends with the ceremonial eating of fowl meat cooked with bitter and

sour leaves at dinner time. This is called ‘Gɯkha-gɯkhɯi-zanai’. It conveys the sense

of severance of all connection or relationship with someone due to misunderstanding

or bad feeling. The first day of the New Year is the second Bɯisagu day which is set

aside for the worship of Bathɯu in individual houses or jointly at the house of the

village priest. At the dawn of the New Year, members of the families take ritual baths

and propitiate ‘Bathɯu’ and the spirits of the ancestors with sacrifices. In earlier

times, separate days were fixed for the feeding of dogs, fowls, ducks and birds. The

seventh day is kept aside for visiting and receiving the relatives and friends. The

traditional belief of the people is that if the deities are pleased, the Mother Earth is

also pleased and produces bountiful of crops. So all the people including the younger

ones are involved in merry-making during Bɯisagu.

Domasi is another important social festival of the Bodos. In this festival, the

cow and cowherds play important part as in the Bɯisagu festival. They used to tie

cords round the fruit-bearing trees, offer food to the animals. A special feature in

celebrating this festival is construction of Belagur on the river bank by the cowherds

who spend the night in the Belagur. Towards the end of the night, they have their

dinner cooked by themselves in that makeshift hut. When the sun rises, the cowherds

set fire to the Belagur, take bath in the river, warm up themselves standing by the side

of the bonfire in wet clothes, and amidst much rejoicing, dancing, singing and recite

hymns and rhyme prayers for the well being of their cattle and for the prosperity of

18

their village. With the end of the Domasi festival, comes the completion of the terms

of service contract between the cowherds and their masters.

Kherai is the greatest national festival of the Bodos. The supreme deity

Bathɯu Bɯrai is worshipped along with its phantheon (attendants) for three days and

nights. It involves a great number of animal sacrifices which infuses in people a lot of

enthusiasm and spirit. Along with Bathɯu Bɯrai, Bathɯu Buri is also worshipped.

The lesser divinities of the village are also given a place at the altar of worship. This

is the Bathɯu altar usually found in the north-east corner of the courtyard of every

traditional household. Dɯuri (male priest), oza (incantist) and the dɯudini (female

shaman) are the official priests officiating in the ritual. The dɯudini is the mediator

between the votaries and the deities. The sacrifices are carried on simultaneously with

the incantation. The dɯudini’s performative feats are also carried out with the

sacrifices.

Garza is also an important traditional socio-religious festival. This festival has

a fixed time and a place. The festival is held in the month of Magha and the place

fixed for the celebration is known Garza Sali. Prior to the celebration of Kherai

festival, the villages go on a cleansing mission. The deities worshipped are

categorized as the traditional deities, Hindu deities and the other deities. The festival

concludes with the sprinkling of Holy water.

Wngkam Gɯrlɯi Zanai means the first eating of new rice. The event becomes

a festival because of the mass participation of the public. The ceremonial festival is

marked by singing, dancing, feasting and liberal consumption of the Zɯu. Eating of

the new rice also heralds the opening of the harvest of Sali paddy.

19

1.2 Garo

Garo is an important ethnic group of north-east India as well as a language

community of Meghalaya. It is a section of Bodo group of languages which is a

branch of Tibeto-Burman language family. They called their language “Mande

Ku?sik” or the language of men, and also “A?chik K?chik” or language of hillmen

(Milton.S. Sangma,1995, p.6-7). The plain Garos (Blangladesh) called them as

“Mandis” and their dialect as “Mandi” (Robbins Burling, 2004, p.9).

1.2.1 Origin

There are various opinions and views about the origin and derivation of the

word ‘Garo’. According to Cf. Sangma (Impact of Christanity on the Garos, in

Puthenpurakal J., P.248-263), “The Garo belongs to the Tibeto-Burman family that

migrated to North East India many centuries ago. They are originally belonging to the

Tibeto-Burman group of the Tibeto-Chinese speech family. Their oral tradition speaks

in unequivocal terms of their coming from Tibetan region to the Brahmaputra

Valley”. He also stated that “according to one tradition, while Garos were in Tibet,

there was an able Garo by the name ‘Gaur-Mandei’. The people considered it

fortunate to have him as its member. Possibly it was after his name, the whole tribe

was called ‘Gaur-Mandei’. Later this word was split ‘Gaur’ which gradually became

Garo and ‘Mandei’ finally called as ‘Mande (man)’ (Gimagimin A.chikrangni

A.dokrong, 1995, pp.39-43). Major A. Playfair (The Garos, pp.8-12) also stated that

the Garo tradition states that they originally came from Tibet and settled down in

koach Behar for about four hundred years, from where they moved on to Dhubri

whose king received them warmly but later on, being afraid of them, did not allow

them to settledown permanently. So, they moved on to jogigopha from where they

20

were compelled to flee towards the south crossing the Brahmaputra River by raft of

plaintain stems. They then marched towards Guwahati but since they were ill-treated

there by the ruler, they wandered and settled in neighbourhood of Boko in the present

district of Kamrup, Assam. This place was, however, infested with tiger-men and

therefore, the Garos next moved on to the Habraghat pargana in the present Goalpara

District, Assam. It was in the course of this journey that the tribe broke into different

branches. The Garos are said to have established a kingdom in the Habraghat pargana

of which the first reigning king was Habra or Abra. However, there arose some

differences amongst the Garos in the Habraghat, and it was because of this reason that

some of them set out on their journey again and entered the Garo hills. Based on the

history of migration from Tibet, he also opined that “The leader of the emigrating

group was ‘Garu’ and he gave his name to the tribe (Cf.Karotemprel S., 1993,

p.188)”. G.A. Grierson also classified the Garo language with the Bodo speech family

(Linguistic survey of India, Vol-III, part-III, P.1). According to “Kirata Jana Kriti

(p.45-46)” the Bodos, skirted the southern bend of the Brahmaputra and occupied the

Garo Hills, where, as Garos, they form a bloc of Bodo speech.

1.2.2 Area

The A?chiks or Garos are one of the three major indigenous tribes as well as a

language of Meghalaya. Meghalaya is a hilly state located in North Eastern Region of

India, was a part of Assam comprising the United Khasi hill, Jaintia hill and Garo hill.

But it became a full-fledged state on 21st January, 1972. Presently, it has seven

districts- East Khasi Hills, West Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills, Ri-bhoi, East Garo Hills,

West Garo Hills and South Garo Hills, bordering Assam and Bangladesh (Bimol

Mojumdar, 2004, p.32). Garo population is also found in certain pockets of Assam

like Goalpara, Kamrup, Darrang, Lakhimpur, Sibsagar and Karbi Anglong districts

21

and in the areas around Guwahati along the north and south banks of the

Brahmaputra, at Dimapur, Kohima of Nagaland and in Jalpaiguri and Koch Bihar

District of West Bengal, South Tripura, West Tripura Districts of Tripura and in

Bangladesh. Within Bangladesh, the Garos are living mostly in the northern area of

Dhaka and Sylhet division along the Indian border. Some Garos are living in

Modhupur area of Tangail Sherpur district and some are living in Mallikbari,

Bhaluka, Jamelpur, Netrakona of Mymensingh district and in Kewachala, Shripur of

Gajipur district, Bangladesh. Among the Garos in Bangladesh, six language varieties

are spoken: A’tong, Abeng, Brak, Chibok, Dual, and Megam. Together these are all

called the Mandi language. According to 2001 census, the total population of

Meghalaya is 23, 06,069 where in East Khasi hills- 6, 60, 994,West Khasi hills- 2, 94,

115, Jaintia hills- 2, 95, 692,East Garo hills- 2, 47, 555,West Garo hills- 5, 15, 813,

South Garo hills- 99,105,Ri-bhoi- 1, 92, 795 (Bimol Mojumdar (2004): Jonojati aru

Garo Jonojati, p.32), and the total population in Assam is 1, 14, 779 and in

Bangladesh across 2, 00000 (Accoding to 2001 census).

1.2.3 Language

Garo is a language of the majority of the people of the Garo hills in the state of

Meghalaya. Sometimes they spelled as ‘Garrow’ or else known by people themselves

as ‘Mande’. The Garo language has some similarities with Bodo-Kachari, Rabha,

Dimasa and Kok-Borok languages. Garo remains in close contact with Bodo from

Assam and Khasi in Meghalaya. It has different dialects like-A?we, Chisak, Dual,

Matchi, Matjangchi, A?beng or A?mbeng, Chibok, Ruga, Gara or Gan?ching, Atong

and Me?-gam (Milton .S. Sangma, 2007, p.7-8). Garo language has a rich vocabulary

and a vast literary heritage in the form of oral, traditional, sacrificial rites, provebs and

maxims. Garo literature began with the compilation of Garo Vocabulary when John

22

Elliot (commissioner of Dacca) published in 1788-1789. Garo has no script of their

own. Although there is belief among them that “They had their own written literature

in their own script and language before they came to Tibet. It was evolved while they

were in Mandalaya in Upper- Burma (Milton .S. Sangma, 2007, p.27)”. Now they

accepted Roman script as their own script for official and literary purpose. Before

that, they also used Bengali script in their writing but in 1902, they adopted Roman

script for Garo language permanently. As the missioneries started their educational

activities in A?we speaking area, they spread education and developed Garo literature

in A?we dialect much before than other dialects. So, we can say that A?we is the only

dialect that can occupy the standard status of Garo language. The Department of Garo

was established in 1996 at the inception of North Eastern Hill University. The

Department documented audio and videotapes parts of A’chick (Garo) epic poetry of

"Katta Agana", the legend of "Dikki & Bandi", some folktales, folksongs and

traditional oral poetry.

1.2.4 Occupation

Agriculture is the main occupation of people which is about 75 percent of the

total population and the people are dependent on agriculture for their livelihood

whereas others are involved in industries and some in mines work. Jhuming (shifting

cultivation) is usually considered to be a primitive form of agriculture although both

shifting and settled cultivation is done depending on the monsoon and area of

irrigation. The major food crops are rice, maize, yam and potato. Besides all kinds of

horticultural items such as citrus, banana, pineapple, peach, plum etc. other spices

such as ginger, turmeric, cinnamons, Jute, Mesta and cotton are also produced. Many

indigenous crops containing aromatic, medicinal and pesticidal properties are also

23

found in the state. Eating pitcher plants, wild citrus and pigmy etc. specimen are also

found in forestland, gardens and nurseries.

1.2.5 Village Administration

There is a head of village in Garo society for controling the village

administration who is called ‘nokma’. ‘Nok’ means ‘house’ and ‘ma’ means ‘mother’

which means head of a family. Maintenance of law and order of the village is his

prime responsibility. All kinds of disputes that arise among the villagers in his village

are to be solved by the Nokma of the concern village. The institution of Nokmaship is

as old as the Settlement of the Garos in the Garo Hills. On the other hand, Garo is a

‘kinship pattern’ or ‘kin- oriented society’. So, there is a united ‘maharis’ in Garo

soceity who can take any decision on village peace and prosperties. Therefore, it can

be said that ‘nokma’ is only an authority; the real power is exercised by the maharis.

Again, it can be seen that the fee of a culprit is given only by maharis not by the

culprit. Because they believed that the problem of a culprit is the problem of the

maharies. Although it can not be said that ‘nokma’ has no power. He has high status

in village. Every mahari has to listen to the advice of ‘nokma’ in every section. On

the other hand, in every Garo festivals ‘nokma’ is the most important person. For

example, in Wangala festival, the celebration must start from ‘nokma’s house and

must end in his house. There are five types of Nokma in Garo society i.e. the Chalang

Nokma, the Gamini Nokma, the Gana Nokma, the Miteni Nokma and the Aking

Nokma. Among the above mentioned types of Nokma, the Aking Nokma is very

important and influential in the society. The term “Aking” comes from “Akinga”,

which means “a claimed land”. So, Aking means an area of land. The Aking Nokma is

the owner of the land and also holds to some extent the political power.

24

1.2.6 Dress

The traditional dress of the Garos is very scanty. The main garment of the men

is ‘Gando’, a cloth about six inches wide and seven ft. long. They wear turban on

their head, called ‘kotip’. In the past, these clothes were woven, some of which were

ornamented with rows of white beads made of conch-shells along the end of the flap.

They also used vests of black colour with lining at its ends. The dress of women is

equally scanty. It consisted of a piece of cloth about 18 inches long and 14 inches

broad. This garment is known as ‘Reking’. It is tied at the top either on the left or right

side by the strings which allow it to remain open on the thigh. Of course, at present

“Dakmanda” occupied an important position as a traditional dress of the Garo

women. Both men and women wear ornaments, which are made of different metals.

1.2.7 Marriage

Marriage ceremonies are diverse from place to place as far as Garos are

concerned. In Garo, marriage ceremony is called ‘Dosia’. It is a rigid custom that a

man must marry a woman from the opposite ‘chatchi’ and not allowed within the

same clan. In a Garo custom, it is the girl who proposes the boy. There are two

important customary laws regulated by them viz., ‘Exogamy’ and ‘A?kim’. According

to the law of A?Kim, a man or a woman who has once contracted marriage will never

be free to remarry a person of another clan, even after the death of his/ her spouse.

They have a custom of supplying another wife/ husband from the same clan, in case

their spouses are dead. Usually, when a wife dies, one of the sisters of the deceased is

married. Similarly, when a husband dies, one of the nephews of the deceased husband

is given to her. It is only when no substitute can be arranged, the marriage bond is

broken and the man/woman is free to marry any one of their own choices. The rule of

exogamy stipulates that a man's mother's father (Grandfather) will be in the opposite

25

chatchi and a man's wife's potential husbands will be in his own chatchi. After

marriage, a man keeps up his relation with his ‘machong’ (clan). His relation with

reference to his wife's machong is designated as ‘gachi’. Marriage establishes a

permanent relationship between two machong, known as ‘akim’. After marriage, a

male moves to the residence of his wife. In the case of a ‘nokrom’ (husband of the

heiress of property), marriage does not create a new household but rather adds a new

lease on life to an old household. Even after the death or divorce of a spouse the akim

relation continues. It is the responsibility of the deceased’s machong to provide a

replacement spouse to the surviving partner.

Endogamy marriage is strictly prohibited among the Garos. A male of a

particular Mahari (clan) is not allowed to marry a female belonging to the same

Mahari. But cross cousin marriage is most widely accepted marriage in Garo

community. But now, this type of marriage (endogamy) is often found among the

Garos of Bangladesh. Garo community has also accepted this deviation to some

extent. The Garos who follow Sangsarek religion used to practice two types of

marriage namely -‘Bridegroom capturing’ and ‘Thunappa marriage’. In ‘Bridegroom

capturing marriage’, a girl chooses a boy for marriage. Thereafter, some people from

her clan and family captured the

boy of her choice in night and bring him to the girl’s house. The couple lives together

from that night if boy likes her. Otherwise, boy leaves the house that night. Then

some young men of the girl’s clan again capture the boy and bring him to the girl so

that they can sleep together. At this time, boy usually does not escape. In ‘Thunnappa

marriage’, girl cooks a dish and sends it to the man of her choice by a female. She

follows without appearing before the boy to know whether he takes the food or not. If

the boy takes the food, it is assumed that the boy accepted the proposal. Then the girl

26

also joins with the boy and eats with him. If the boy does not take food, girl goes to

him late night and sleep together. If the boy still refuses her then he leaves the village.

However, these types of marriage are hardly seen among Garos now a days. The most

common form of marriage among Garos, now a day, is arranged marriage where

parents play key role and most of the Garos follow Christian rituals.

1.2.8 Birth

There are some customary laws in Garo society during the time of child’s

birth. When a woman is about to be confined, her husband vows to offer a sacrifice of

a bull, a goat, or a fowl, according to his means, if the child is safely born. The vow is

fulfilled immediately after the birth. The animal or bird is killed outside the house by

the kamal, who recites a long incantation to avert the influence of evil spirits. The

women who are attending the expectant mother have a duty to perform. They take the

names of fish, intended as symbols for the child who is about to enter the world. The

spirits are addressed as Bleal, a word which usually means witch or sorcerer. If the

birth is long deferred then a goat is brought into the house, some hairs are plucked

from its body and burned close to the woman. The goat is then lifted up and promised

in sacrifice to the spirit who is affecting the woman, if he ceases to trouble her. After

the birth, the goat is either buried or placed in a gourd and hung up from a tree. As

soon as the navel string of the child has fallen off the mother and the infant is taken

down to a stream and bathed. Before starting for the bathe, a long bamboo is forced

through the roof of the house into the main room, close to the wall of the sleeping

apartment, and through the floor to the ground beneath. At the foot of this bamboo, in

the house, a ‘sambasia’ or sacrificial altar is erected. On the return from the bath, the

baby's head is shaved, a little patch only being left untouched at the top. The priest

then offers a prayer at the altar for the happiness of the child, after which the child's

27

father climbs up to the roof of the house, taking with him the ‘sambasia’ and a fowl.

He cuts off the bird's head, and allows its blood to drip down the above-mentioned

bamboo, on to the floor or beneath. The bamboo is then cut through by the priest, and

the father, having hauled it up, throws it and the sambasia away. He also throws to the

ground the body of the fowl, and where it falls, there must it be cooked and eaten. The

father of the child and the priest alone are allowed to take part in it; any friends who

may have assembled there will be treated with liquor only. The beak and crop of the

fowl are placed on a piece of plantain leaf and offered to the gods. The shaving of the

baby's head is known as ‘kni minsu gala’, and the ceremony which follows is called

‘Tongrengma denpaka’. On the day which a child is born, nobody in the village will

go near the fields, as it is believed that to visit them would result in the crops being

blighted. At the time of birth, the women are often consulted to ascertain whether the

infant will be prosperous and happy. A fowl is killed, and its intestines are pulled out.

They are divided into two parts, and these the kamal or priest holds up before him.

That part which is to the right side belongs to the child and that to the left to the

spirits. Should the righthand portion be full of digested food, and a little longer than

the other, the woman is good and the child will grow up into a prosperous man or

woman. The majorities of the Garos do not observe all these ceremonies in connection

with the naming of children but it exists among the Abengs. It is also permissible to

name a child directly after birth, but it is usually done three weeks or a month later. A

sacrifice is offered to Tongrengma, the guardian spirit of all children, and the child's

name is uttered by some woman other than the mother, for she may not pronounce it

on this occasion. A sacrifice is also sometimes offered to the spirits of the sun and the

earth and to the former because it is the watcher over the child and to the latter

because it is the source of all evil and can avert them. The child is nearly always

named after an ancestor who has been dead for some years. The name of a living

28

relative, or of one who has recently died, is never given. The reason is that it is

unlucky to mention by name those who have lately died, and either of the above

contingencies would render the child liable to bear a dead person's name. It sometimes

happens that a child bears a marked resemblance to a deceased relation, and in such a

case, it is believed that the spirit of the deceased has returned to earth and has entered

into the child's body (Major A. Playfair, The Garos, 1909).

1.2.9 Death

During the past, the dead body used to bury in the Garo society. But now a

day, they bury the dead body of only those who die out of diseases like cholera,

plague etc. When a person dies, all the relatives are invited by the family members.

Before the relatives arrive, the village persons like, kamal, gabur (priest, young

people) and aged people reach the house of the family along with a little rice, dog,

goat, ox and rice bear. They bring all these things to give the dead man as a last offer.

The dead man is given a bath by the family members with rice bear but if the family is

poor, it is bathed only by the simple water. The dead body is kept inside the house

only. Before the arrival of relatives, the Garo people has a tradition of merry making

which goes on day and night next to the dead body. And the dead body is guarded by

all the villagers including Kamal (priest), young and aged people. They also make

bamboo and wooden bed for dead as a raised platform. It is a customary law to burn

the dead body in the bamboo and wooden bed. When the relatives arrive, they burn

the dead body. They bring the left over bones which are not fully burnt near the house

and burn these again and then bury the ashes. They also make a small cottage above

the place where the ashes are buried. This is called ‘Delong’. Some rice, some objects

which are used by him (dead man), dress, utensils etc. are left in that cottage. They

also leave one rice and betelnut for the dead in the Delong for one month. Some of

29

them burn this ‘Delong’ in the festival of ‘mangana’ (chibok or matchi) or some of

them burn this in the festival of ‘wangala’. It is believed by the Garos that after

death, human beings turn into spirits known as memang ("ghosts"). These memang are

considered counterparts of human beings.

1.2.10 Festivals

All traditional annual festivals were connected with different stages of shifting

cultivation: Agalmaka, Rongchugala, Wangala, etc. Wangala is considered to be the

national festival among the Garos, it is the biggest festivals which is a celebration of

thanks giving after harvest in which ‘Misi-Saljong’, the god who provides mankind

with nature’s bounties and ensures their prosperity, is honoured. There is no fixed

date for the celebration, this varies from village to village, but usually, it is celebrated

in October-November. The ‘Nokma’ or the chieftain of the village takes the

responsibility to see that all arrangements are in order. A large quantity of food and

rice-beer must be prepared well ahead. The climax of the celebrations is colourful.

Wangala dance in which men and women take part in their best traditional attires is

part of it. Lines are formed by males and females separately and dance to the rhythmic

beat of drums and gongs and blowing of horns by the males. This song and dance is

called ‘Grika’.

Prayer for good jhuming is called ‘Agalmaka’. This festival is celebrated in

the first year of the jhum cultivation. In this festival, praying to the ‘god’ and

‘godesses’ for the good crops take place. At the beginning of the festival, they bury a

long bamboo and in that place, boiled rice, cooked rice, meat, dry fish and rice bear

etc. are placed. To satisfy the gods and goddesses, the young people drink the rice

bear and enjoy by singing various songs till the morning. This continues up to three

30

days. They dance singing the ‘Asiroka’ song which is related to this festival. The third

day is the last day and it is called ‘Damagogata’. After the festival, they start to spray

the seeds.

Rongchugala is also a festival which is connected to the cultivation. The

festival is celebrated when the rice starts to ripe. They celebrate the festival by

preparing rice bear. It is prohibited to eat cucumber before this festival. In Garo,

‘Ronchu’ means ‘beaten rice’. So, during this festival, they make the beaten rice by

that half ripe rice before its harvest and offer half to the gods and goddesses and half

the villagers eat. When a member of a family becomes Christian, he refuses to

participate in Songsarek festivals.

1.3 Rabha

Rabha is an ethnic group as well as a language community of Assam. Their

language is also known as ‘Rabha’ language. However, the natives refer themselves

as ‘Rabatang’ (sg. & pl.noun) and call their language ‘Rabha katha’ (U.V.Jose,

2002).

1.3.1 Origin

Most of the scholars have given valuable opinions about the origin of the

Rabhas. According to G.A.Grierson, “The Bodo group comprises (as stated in the

Linguistic Survey of India, vol-I, Part-I) the following tribes: Kachari or Bodo,

Lalung (now called Tiwa), Dimasa, Garo, Rabha, Tripuri (Kokborok), Koch, Chutiya

(Deuri) and Moran”. H. H. Risley stated that “The Rabhas belong to the indo

Mongoloid group of people and have similarities with other members of Bodo group

such as Garos, Kachari, Mech, Koch, Hajong and others”( The Tribe and caste of

Bengal, Calcutta, 1891). Grierson also argued that “It should be mentioned that Rabha

31

appears to be a Hindu name for the tribe and that many man calling themselves, (or

called by their Hindu neighbours) Rabha, speak pure Kachari” (Linguistic Survey of

India, V-III, Part-II, P.105). E.T. Dalton also argued that “The Rabhas and Hajongs of

Goalpara district are the branches of the Kochari race and connected with the Garos”

(Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p.87). According to B.H. Hodgson, “The Rabhas

belong to the Great Bodo or Mech, Pani-Koch and the Rabhas have the same lineage

and the latter has their connection with the Garo” (Miscellaneous Essays relating to

the Indian Subjects). According to the Dr. Francis Buchanan-Hamilton, the aspects of

socio-religious and material life of the Rabhas have similarities with those of Pani-

Koch. A. Playfair ( The Garos, 1909) also has pointed out some linguistic and cultural

similarities between the Rabhas and the Garos. He also remarked that there exists a

striking linguistic affinity between the A'tong language and the Rangdania (Rabha)

dialects. This led him to think that, at some point of time, they lived in contact with

each other.

1.3.2 Area

The Rabha is a scheduled tribe constituting one of the important plain Tribes

of Assam. They are scattered throughout almost all the districts of Assam, Garo Hills

of Meghalaya, West Bengal and Banglagesh. But they are mainly found in the

northern parts of the East Garo Hills and West Garo Hills district of Meghalaya, in

Jalpaiguri district and Cooch Behar district in West Bengal, and Goalpara, Kamrup,

Darrang, Lakhimpur and some adjacent areas of kokrajhar, Sibsagor and Karbi

Anglong districts of Assam. Accordind to 2001 census, the total population of Rabha

speakers in Assam is 2, 77, 517.

32

1.3.3 Language

The Rabha Language has some close affinities with its sister languages such as

Bodo, Garo, Tiwa (Lakung), Tipra or Kakborok, Dimasa and Karbi (Mikir), Mishing

(Miri) etc. The dialects of the Rabha language are not similar from region to region.

Rangdani, Maitori and Koch are the primary dialects of the Rabha community. Apart

from these, there are some other dialects like Pati, Dahuri, Totla, Bitalia, Hana etc.

Most of the writings and literature is flourishing only in Rongdani dialects, so this

dialect is recently codified as a standard language of the Rabhas as a whole (Phukan

Basumatary, 2007). Rabha has a rich tradition in folk literature. The written

literatures begun from 1900 A.D. when ‘Nima saikai (1909) was translated into

Rongdani dialect from ‘The Gospel of Mark’ of the orginal Bible. But traditionally

Rabha has no script of its own. Most of the writers used Roman or Bengali script for

writing. But during the last decade of the 20th century, the ‘Bebak Rabha Krourang

Runchung’ and the 'Rabha Bhasa Parishad’ replaced the Bengali script by Assamese

script. Now, Rabha language is also introduced as a subject up to class three standard

of primary school in 1988 (Phukan Basumatary, 2005).

1.3.4 Occupation

Rabhas in general, based on agriculture. So, the village economy depends

upon the production of paddy. From the very beginning, they have been cultivating

paddy like Asu, Sali, Phorma, Bilsa etc. and looking at the season they also grow jute,

mustard, pulses, sugarcane etc. Vegetables like potato, cabbage, chilly, lai (a winter

vegetable), brinjal, radish etc. are also grown. In the past, the Rabhas used to practice

shifting cultivation. Later, they took up the job of settled cultivation and started

cultivation with plough (Rajen Rabha, reprint 2008). In their agricultural pursuits,

men and women are equal partners. Fishing, raising livestock, sericulture, and

33

manufacturing of bamboo and cane goods are some of their subsidiary occupations.

Weaving is a traditional occupation of the Rabha women.

1.3.5 Village Administration

Rabha village administration is lead under the head of the village. They called

him ‘songini phakma’. The social structure of the Rabha is primarily patriarchal and

father is the sole guardian of the family. But all the children get the title of the

mothers’ only. If there is any problem of the village which has to be solved, it begins

from Phakma. Without his present, no decision can be taken for village peace and

prosperty. In Rabha society, they had also one ‘Gomat’ and he is the sole head of at

least 10 villages. Any problem reffered to by Phakma, he has to solve.

1.3.6 Dress

Traditional dress and ornaments are one of the most interesting subjects of

material culture. Basically Rabha women made their clothes in their wooden loom.

They are fond of weaving and have a good skill in weaving art. So their dresses are

full of design. But male dresses are not having much design. Sometimes it is designed

by stripe of different colour. Traditional dress of male is known as ‘Pazal’ and is

worn in waist and hangs down to the knee. The males also use turban on the head and

small cloth to tie round the waist. They used different thread for them, they called this

thread in their language as ‘Senka nen’. Besides, both male and female use a kind of

big and long cloth which is basically used as a wrapper in winter season. It is called as

‘Pachar’. The dresses used by the women are: ‘Khodabong’, ‘Kambung’ and

‘Riphan’. The ‘Khadabong’ is used to tie the head, ‘Kambung’ is used to cover the

breast and it is looked like a wrapper. There is two types is ‘Riphan’, one is used to

worn in breast and hangs down to the knee, and it is called ‘Lema Riphan’. Another

one is used to worn in the waist. Red, black, green, yellow and indigo are their basic

34

colours. But for the occasion of sacred and religious practices, they prefer white

colour. Rabha women also use ornaments like nambri, bal nambri (both used in ear),

nakapoti (nose), chandrahar, zinziri, hacha, sukia (all in neck) and molkaru, mayar,

chichap, baiti (on hand) etc.

1.3.7 Marriage

No Rabha can marry within his own clan. The younger brother can however,

marry the wife of the elder brother, in case of his death. Sometimes, ‘cross' cousins

are allowed to get married, but marriage is strictly forbidden for ‘parallel' cousins. In

the past, there were four kinds of marriage in Rabha society (Rongdani, Maitori).

These are Monogamy (marriges between one boy and one girl), Polygamy (marriages

between one boy and more than one girl), Polygandry (marriage between one girl and

more than one boy) and Group marriage (marriage of more than one pairs (Rajen

Rabha2008). But, now a day, four kinds of marriages are obseved in Rabha society:

1. Bori bikay is a marriage where girl is forcefully put sindur on the forehead and

oiled by the bridegroom and then the marriage is solemnized. But, now this type

of marriage is lost and marriage is accepted only by the agreement of girl.

2. Khrangsibri is a marriage where a mutual agreement between the young boy and

the girl. The consent of the parents is not considered important.

3. Borisekay is a most common socially accepted marriage. The bride goes to the

house of the girl to propose and when proposal is accepted by the girl, then the

parents also donot oppose the marriage. Then the girl is put sindur and oiled on

that day and then the marriage is settled after negotiation. On that day, bride also

has to give some dresses and ornaments to the girl. Till today, this form of

marriage is solemnly celebrated.

35

4. Nokdangkay is a marriage where the parents of bridegroom selected any active

person as a bride. If the boy also agreed than the parents celebrate it by feasting

called ‘Sabri’ in the name of agreement. After that the boy can not change his

decision and marriage is solemnized. Apart from these marriages, Rabha society

accept the window marriage too.

1.3.8 Birth

In Rabha society, birth is celebrated with grand ceremony and feasting. When

a woman becomes pregnant, ‘Barayma Baray’ puja is performed. The expert old

women come to help the woman at the time of delivery. When the child takes birth,

the umbilical cord is crudly severed by a sharpened bamboo slid by one of the expert

woman and then the cord is properly tied up with white tide cotton. After the second

month, the family celebrates the day of purification. On that day, the expert old

women are fed in the name of Childs’ birth and they also blessed the child for his/her

bright future. On that day, they let the mother only to give her child a name. It is also

observed that the ceremony is celebrated by killing a pig. The family considers the

mother unclean till the umbilical cord of the baby falls.

1.3.9 Death

There is no specific enumerated rule for death. The dead body may be buried

or cremated. After the cremation, the participants take a bath and come to the house of

the deceased and a ritual is observed. The last rites are performed seven days after the

death. The sons and daughters do not consume milk for a full year if the mother dies

and give up the banana in case of the father's death. In a normal death, the body is

washed with sanctified water and after that, the body is dressed with new clothes and

kept in outer house for a night. Next morning, it is buried or cremated. In case of

36

unnatural death, the body is buried. It is customary that the whole village donot take

any food till the dead body removed from cremation ground. The final death rites are

done on the seventh day.

1.3.10 Festivals

Most of the Rabha festivals are connected with the cultivation. Baikho is the

greatest festival of Rabhas and it is also concerned with the cultivation. During this

ceremony, the villagers take part joyfully to whorship the ‘Baikho’ for the welfare of

the villagers and their cultivation. She is the goddess of crops and wealth. The festival

is collectively performed once in a year. The goddess is propriatiated by offering like

rice bear, pigs and fowls. At the time of offering, the Deuri (priest) recites chants in

the name of goddess. Rajen Rabha (1974) described the preparation and propitiation

of Baikho worship that “generally the worship is celebrated with great preparation

once a year during the month of April or May and lasts for three or seven days. There

is much feasting and drinking of rice bear. At the time of worship, several numbers of

big fat pigs and fowls are sacrificed to the Goddess, so that there may be plentiful

crops, copious rains, good health, prosperty and no earth quakes” (Rajen Rabha: The

Rabhas,p.214). There is no temple or shrine of worship.

Langa is a festival of Rabhas which is also concerned with the agriculture.

Langa is a village deity, who is also worshiped once in a year during the month of

March and April. Langa is worshiped with the hope of the welfare of villagers, crops

and animals as a whole. Langa is worshiped along with the other minor deities such as

Dhan kuber (owner of wealth), Thakurani (a Hindu deity), Duth kuber, Phul kuber

(owner of object), Khoksi (a deity of water). During the worship, similar sacrificial

and offering rites and drinking and feasting functions are also observed. At the end of

37

the worship, the Deuri (preist) pays homage to the deities reciting incantations for

their good health, prosperity and to get profuse crops.

Kacha khaiti is a festival which is celebrated in the month of April and May

(Baisak-jeth) next after the langa festival. In this festival, all the villagers take bathe

early in the morning and women prepare varieties of cakes. Taking rice and cake

(which they made) as a prasad, all villagers gather in the Deuri’s (priest) house. They

make banana boat of 6 foot long which they call as ‘Dona’. All the villagers prepare

rice bear in the house of Deuri (priest) one day before the festival. The young men of

the village chase the evil deities by entering the house one by one and surrender all

deities to the kacha khaiti goddess, and pray for the welfare of the villagers. Because

they believe that the evil deity can harm the human, and the kacha khaiti goddess only

has the controlling power. No sacrifice is done in this ceremony. Except cake, only

unripe or alive things can be offered during this ceremony such as duck, goat, pigeon

etc. Whatever they get at the time of chasing deities, they throw it in the river along

with the ‘Dona’. It is a customary law not to look back at the ‘dona’ after throwing it

in the river. Because they believe that if someone looks back at the ‘dona’, the deities

come back with him to harm. River has got a very important role to play in this

festival as all the ceremonies are solemnized near the river.

1.4 Organization of study

The present work is organized into seven chapters excluding bibliography.

The chapter-I Introduction, chapter-II Review of Literature, chapter-III Inventory of

Bodo Phonemes, chapter-IV Inventory of Garo Phonemes, chapter-V Inventory of

Rabha Phonemes, chapter-VI Comparative View, chapter-VII Conclusion.

38

The chapter-I discusses briefly about the Bodo, Garo and Rabha, their

identity, origin, area, culture and language and literary status.

The chapter-II presents the review of selected books of Bodo, Garo and

Rabha languages. S.Endle’s “Outline Grammar of the Cachari (Boro) language”

(1884), and ‘The Kacharis (Bodo)” (1911), P.C Battacharya’s Ph.D. thesis entitled “A

Descriptive Analysis of The Bodo Language” (1977), Modhuram Boro’s “The

Structure of Boro Language (The Boro Structure a Phonological and Grammatical

Analysis)” (1990), Phukan Basumatary’s “An Introduction to the Boro Language

(2005), Major A. Playfair’s “The Garos (1909), T.J. Keith’s “Outline Grammar of

Garo Language (1874), Pranita Devi’s “Garo Bhashar Moulik Bichar” (2005),

Robbins Burling’s “The Language of The Modhupur Mandi (Garo) vol I: Grammar

(2004), Upen Rabha Hakacham’s “Siko-Bujo Rabha Bhasa (2008), Phukan

Basumatary’s “The Rabha Tribe of North East India Bengal and Bangladesh” (2010)

etc.

The chapter-III establishes the phonemes of Bodo, six vowels and sixteen

consonants are found. Vowel phonemes can occur in all the three positions of a word

i.e. initial, medial and final but the consonant phonemes can not occur in all the three

positions of a word. There are eight diphthongs which can not occur in all the three

positions of a word in Bodo. Consonant clusters are found only in initial and medial

positions. Consonant sequences are also available which occur only in medial position

in Bodo.

The chapter-IV establishes the phonemes of Garo, six vowels and seventeen

consonants are found. Vowel phonemes can occur in all the three positions of a word

i.e. initial, medial and final except /ɯ/ which can occur only in medial position. The

39

consonant phonemes can not occur in all the three positions of a word. There are four

diphthongs which can occur in all the three positions of a word in Garo. Consonant

clusters are found only in initial and medial positions. Consonant sequences are also

available which occur only in medial position in Garo.

The chapter-V establishes the phonemes of Rabha, six vowels and twenty

consonants are found. Vowel phonemes can occur in all the three positions of a word

i.e. initial, medial and final but the consonant phonemes can not occur in all the three

positions of a word. There are seven diphthongs which can not occur in all the three

positions of a word in Rabha. Consonant clusters are found only in initial and medial

positions. Consonant sequences are also available which occur only in medial position

in Rabha.

The chapter-VI discusses about the occurrences and changes of phonemes

between the three languages. The tone correspondence with the glottal stop in Garo is

also included in this chapter. The similarities and dissimilarities between the three

languages as far as phonology is concerned are also mentioned.

The chapter-VII makes a conclusion on the basis of the findings of the three

languages.