cert/2… · web viewat the end of his history arrian offers a summery opinion of ... and hearing...

Topic 2. Alexander: Class Discussion/Research activityGobbets for Alcoholism, Tyranny, Divinity, Women and Sexuality

AnalyseThe verb to analyse comes from the noun analysis; one of those few ancient Greek words that transferred directly from Greek to English via Latin. With the addition of the prefix ἀνά (“ana”) in this case meaning throughout the word ἀνάλυσις (“analysis”) is derived from the present participle of the verb λύειν (“luein”) meaning to loosen, shake or break. Thus to analyse something is to break that thing asunder in order to isolate its constituent elements or to loosen it enough to see how it is constructed. First used by Aristotle as a conceptual process of loosening or breaking an argument asunder into its constituent logical predicates analysis is widely associated with scientific endeavour today but it is simply a process of examination and anything can be subject to examination, be it a the properties of light, a chemical compound, a mathematical equation or, because it too is a construct composed of parts, a character in a play.

Let us analyse colour to see how the process of analysis works. First hold a prism up to the light and observe how the glass prism splits so-called white light into a spectrum of multicoloured light known commonly as the rainbow. This is the first step in analysis. We now have isolated the constituent elements of the visible portion of the electro-magnetic spectrum. Next, using a photometer one can measure the frequency (the distance between the wave crests in a series of light waves) of each of the seven colours of the rainbow and deduce that the human brain is capable of perceiving any frequency that falls between about 350 to 750 nanometres or billionths of a metre. Choose any colour and find an object that reflects that coloured light,

DiscussDiscussion is the noun derived from the verb discuss. The prefix dis implies that there are at least two authors in a discussion. The verb itself derives from Latin. Quatare is the verb to shake. Discutere therefore is to shake something in two or rather to test something by shaking it on each side. In communication a discussion is a particular kind of conversation. The subject of the discussion is what is being shaken. The subject is tested against two or more points of view. When we discuss we present and consider both points of view and test both to assess whether or not they are sound. Eventually we come to a conclusion based on our discussion of the two points of view about the subject under discussion. Note that in a conclusive discussion there is only one conclusion drawn from two or more opinions. Consider the claim that Oedipus in many ways resembles a great detective. Before you can discuss Oedipus however you need to define a great detective. Take Sherlock Holmes who solves cases because he is logical, emotive but also spontaneous. Is Oedipus logical, emotive of spontaneous? One point of view might take it that he is and he would need to be if you are going to agree with the statement, but the other point of view might play devil’s advocate and say that he is not. The resultant essay therefore presents both opinions and attempts to test Oedipus against begin a great detective. Phrases like, on the one hand ... but then again on the other hand .... Although ... but admittedly. It is important however that gradually from one paragraph to the other you tease one side of the argument to the fore. An inconclusive discussion is one that ends at a stale mate and there are very few instanced where this is every acceptable. One example of a stalemate argument would be whilst you cannot prove God exists, you equally cannot prove that she does not either, so the jury is out on the matter.

For example, let us discuss the reason for uniforms in school. At the most basic level uniforms separate students from teachers, uniting the student cohort as one group and differentiating the teachers as being separate. Teachers however are normally adults, whereas students are children, thus it is abundantly obvious to anyone in a room who the teacher is and who the students are, which means the essential justification for the existence of a uniform is non-functional. Outside of


school however, say on a school trip, students in uniform are easier to find, mind and control than students in plain clothing but then again the same argument can be applied to teachers in the sense that a teacher wearing a uniform would be easier to find, stay near to and communicate with on a scholl outing but teachers do not wear uniforms whereas students do, so uniforms are for the teacher’s sake rather than students’. Then again, having a uniform in a school takes the pressure off having to decide what to wear everyday, which offers one less means by which students can vie against each other but then again students will always find a way to vie against each other because it is human nature to want to try to be different, thus is they cannot look differently, the will speak differently, act differently and dress in so far as they can around the uniform in different ways; all of which can cause stress for other students, so having a uniform does not really make school any more or less stressful than not having one. Uniforms however provide financial security for families. Parents do not have to pay as much money for their daughter’s wardrobe when her clothing is dictated by a uniform but then again the uniform is excessively expensive because it is produced by just one supplier. One kilt alone costs €80. A full uniform outfit costs €350: a week’s wages for a normal family; so how does the uniform really help struggling families if they have to spend a week’s wages on a daughter’s clothing for school in addition to her clothing for outside school. Surely she could wear her own clothes for school, which she has to wear anyway, and families could put that week’s wages to use elsewhere?

Uniforms are traditional in Ireland. Irish children yearn for and need a routine environment that offers stability. The uniform is part of that routine yet uniforms are notoriously uncomfortable. The jumpers are made of heavy thin plaited woollen yarn, which when dry are very warm but can stay wet longer and quickly become very smelly. The blouse is made of thin linen. It is very breathable and therefore generally cold in Ireland from September to June. The kilt is also made of wool. Although it is a skirt and therefore drafty its weave is tight and when wet it therefore abosrobs moisture for longer. Tradition that becomes dogmatic is unhealthy. Uniforms are unhealthy by design.

Everyone want to be just like everyone else however but if that were true everyone would act and be just like everyone else and no one acts and behaves just like everyone else.

Evaluate

Outline

Give an account of ...

ALEXANDER’S ALCHOLISM?

Objectives


To practice essay construction by filtering evidence for relevance to a given task, framing an argument by means of sequential and cohesive points, corroborated by references and developed in plain speech.

Resources

Reference boxes, whiteboard

Procedure

1. Write the following on the whiteboard at the start of class

“Then his (Aristoboulus’) statement that the king was not a heavy drinker, but remained long at banquets only for the sake of the conversation, must provoke a smile.” J.R. Hamilton’s introduction p.23

Discuss this statement with reference to Arrian and Plutarch.

2. Open a class discussion on why Aristoboulus’ statement must provoke a smile.

3. Illicit Arrian and Plutarch’s actual views on the matter and write them on the board.

4. Now offer the open question to the class – what do you think? Students must back up their points with evidence. The class may not hit on all the examples but in discussing the topic they will jog their memories and start thinking.

5. Divide the class into work groups and distribute the resource boxes. Tell each group to empty the box and select key examples to argue their points. Go for 4 to 5 point-paragraphs and ask students to clump reference cards into 4-5 corresponding piles.

6. Appoint a secretary to each group and ask the groups to now roughly compose point paragraphs in which to present the evidence as back-up.


7. After the groups have busied themselves at their task go around each group and ask them for one point. Ask the class to critique the paragraphs. Try not to lead the conversation.

8. Allow each group to modify their essay plans if they feel the need.

9. Set that essay for homework and post the evidence cards to the class email in class.

ALEXANDER’S ALCOHOLISM?


At the end of his history Arrian offers a summery opinion of Alexander’s character in what seems like an obituary for the king. Within this obituary he expresses his view that Alexander was “most temperate in the pleasures of the body” (p.395) and that his drinking bouts were “prolonged .. simply because he enjoyed the companionship of his friends” adding that according to Aristoboulus’ account: one of his two main primary sources, he was never a heavy drinker. (Arrian, p.395)

At the start of his biography Plutarch offers a pseudo-scientific explanation for Alexander’s alcoholism putting his fondness for drinking down to his particularly fiery constitution, which caused his body to emit a pleasant fragrance and needing cooling; hence the drink. (Plutarch 4)

Plutarch also presents Aristoboulus’ view that “he (Alexander) sat long over his wine ... because of his love of conversation.” (Plutarch 23)

Plutarch notes his habit of drinking, then bathing and eating (Plutarch 23).

Arrian (and Plutarch 50) claims Alexander murdered Cleitus during an annual feast that was traditionally held in honour of Dionysus only on that occasion Alexander sacrificed to the Dioscuri (the sons of Zeus: Castor and Polydeuces; Helen’s twin brothers), which annoyed Cleitus (Arrian p.214). His soothsayers later led him to believe that he had incurred the god’s wrath by not offering the sacrifice. (Arrian, p.216)

According to Arrian, Alexander and his companions held a Bacchanalia (a Dionysian revel) on the summit of the Rock of Nysa crowned in ivy garlands. (Arrian p.258) Plutarch does not mention the revel.


Although he does not mention how it Arrian does note that Alexander subsequently regretted burning Persepolis when he returned to the site after India. (Arrian, p. 346)

Plutarch says that when drinking Alexander often became boastful and was led on by his sycophantic courtiers (Plutarch 23) He was incited to set fire to the palace of Persepolis by Ptolemy’s Athenian mistress Thais to avenge Xerxes’ burning of the Athenian acropolis. Alexander led his companions to torch the corridors of Persepolis crowned in a garland (Plutarch 38).

Arrian rejects the tale told by other writers (including Plutarch 67) that Alexander travelled through Carmania after quitting the Gedrosian desert on a specially constructed bier celebrating a Bacchanlia with his friends. He adds that neither Ptolemy nor Aristoboulus’s accounts corroborate this tale. (Arrian, p.342)

Arrian (and Plutarch 54) notes one of the many incidents that saw Callisthenes fall from favour was his refusal to perform proskynesis to Alexander for receipt of the so-called loving-cup: a chalice of wine shared by all those present at the banquet and presented to each by the king (Arrian, p.222-23)

Plutarch mentions a time when the Paeonian captain presented the decapitated head of an enemy to Alexander and reminded him that it was customary in Paeonia for the chief to present the warrior with a gold cup as a prize for such a deed. Alexander gave him his own gold cup and added that it was full of wine; an extra bonus (Plutarch 39).


During the celebration of Philip’s marriage to Cleopatra Alexander had an altercation with the bride’s uncle Attalus (one of Philip’s chief companions). Philip attempted to stab his son but being so drunk fell over a coach in the attempt. (Plutarch 9).

The first time that Arrian makes any especial mention of Alexander’s drinking habits is at the murder of Cleitus when he adds that he now tended to drink “to barbaric excess” as an afterthought to a list of previously mentioned orientalisms including his adoption of Persian dress and his growing tyranny and whilst he blames an impertinent Cleitus for his own murder he pities Alexander for being “the victim of two vices: anger and drunkenness.” (Arrian, p.214)

Arrian cites Hermolaus, one of the masterminds of the Pages’ Plot, as confessing his complicity in the plot in protest to Alexander’s various abuses of power mentioning his “drunkenness and drunken sleeps” in particular (Arrian p.226).

Plutarch notes that Alexander often drank well into the night with his friends and that his hangovers saw him sleep for much the following day (Plutarch 23).

According to Arrian’s account of the Pages’ Plot Alexander avoided being killed by his pages because he stayed drinking with his friends until dawn and as if anticipating criticism adds that he did so on the advice of a Syrian prophetess who foresaw doom if he did not (Arrian pp.224-25).

On his return from India Alexander often “drank deep” with his friends. Hephaestion took ill and subsequently died a week later after one such session. (Arrian, p.371).


Plutarch mentions that during the feast after Calanus’ funeral Alexander offered a reward for whoever could drink the most unmixed wine. Plutarch cites Chares’ account as stating that 41 men including the victor subsequently died of fever (Plutarch 70).

Alexander died from a fever brought on by a day and half of heavy drinking with his companions and later with Medias; Darius’ former cup-bearer and at that time the companion closest to Alexander’s confidence since the death of Hephaestion. Arrian actually cites the royal diaries as his source for this. The records show that Alexander dined with friends and then later continued the party with Medias. Then he took a bath and ate a little but on this occasion he continued to drink on with Medias later before bathing and eating again and taking to bed with the fever already upon him (Arrian p.391-92).

Plutarch rejects the tale that Alexander downed the cup of Herakles (a decanter of unmixed wine) in one draught but confirms that he took ill after a day and a half of solid drinking having welcomed the return of Nearchus at Babylon (Plutarch 75).

ALEXANDER’S TYRANNY?

“ ... under his empire no sort of oppression by local government officials was ever permitted.” (Arrian, p.341)

“Alexander was terrible and pitiless in all cases of dereliction of duty” (Plutarch 57)

Plutarch states that “he acted arrogantly in dealing with Asiatics” seemingly convinced of his own divinity but he was careful to behave more humbly with the democratic Greeks (Plutarch 28).

When Alexander was in Hyrcania he began to choose Craterus, whom he called the King’s friend, to represent him before the Greeks because of his stalwart


traditionalism but chose Hephaestion, Alexander’s friend, to represent him before the Asiatics because Hephaestion was more adaptable. (Plutarch 47)

Arrian claims that Darius was easily led by his sycophantic courtiers “such as always are, and always will be, the bane of kings” (Arrian, p.110) to leave the plain of Sochi in search of the invading army of Alexander in the narrow defiles of Issus.

When he rose to oppose the imposition of proskynesis (Alexander’s hybridised form of prostration) on the Macedonians Callisthenes accused the Athenian sophist Anaxarchus of sycophancy and emphatically reminded him and all those present including the Persians that Alexander was not a Persian king but the son of Philip, a man descended from Heracles himself. (Arrian, p.221)

The Persian habits at court were often a source of amusement to the Macedonians. After Callisthenes’ speech against the imposition of proskynesis on the Macedonians and Alexander’s begrudging waive of the matter Leonnatus burst out laughing when he saw the Persian courtiers grovelling before the king. This annoyed him but he did nothing (Arrian p.222).

Later however according to Plutarch he dashed Kassander’s head against a wall for doing likewise. Kassander was Antipater’s son however and only recently arrived from Macedon to serve as his page along with his brother Iollus: his cup-bearer. By that time Alexander distrusted Antipater most of all and liked not his two sons in such close contact with him.

By the Mutiny at Opis, Arrian claims that Alexander had become far more prone to taking offence because “the Oriental subservience to which he had become accustomed had greatly changed his old open-hearted manner towards his countrymen” and he personally leapt off the rostrum into the assembled ranks pointing out the ringleaders of the mutiny for execution (Arrian p.360).

According to Arrian, one of the reasons that prompted Cleitus to speak on the night on which he was murdered by Alexander was “the sycophantic expressions of his courtiers”; a change in Alexander that he deprecated (Arrian, p.214).


Plutarch relates how Cleitus shouted aloud that “if Alexander could not bear to hear men speak their mind, he had better not invite free-born people to his table, and ought to confine himself to the society of barbarians and slaves who would pay respect to his Persian girdle”, which so incensed Alexander that he jumped up in a temper and killed his companion in cold blood (Plutarch 51).

At the end of his history in a passage that seems very much like an obituary for Alexander Arrian claims that whilst “he took some steps towards the pomp and arrogance of the Asiatic kings: but I at least cannot feel that such errors were very heinous, if the circumstances are taken fairly into consideration.” He goes on to explain that Alexander arrogance is excused by the fact that he was a young man who had an unbroken chain of success and “like all kings, past, present and to come, he was surrounded by courtiers who spoke to please regardless of what evil their words might do” (Arrian, p.398).

At Susa Arrian reports that Alexander had the Persian governor Abulites arrested and executed for abusing his office and subsequently his son Oxathres endured the same fate for abusing his office in Paraetacene (Arrian, p.353).

At Susa Plutarch claims Alexander having had Abulites executed he ran Abulites’s son Oxathres through with a sarissa himself for abusing his office as governor of Paraetacene (Plutarch 68).

Plutarch claims that when he was in Sogdiana Alexander personally seized a bow and shot Oxodates: the governor of Media for revolting (Plutarch 57).

Arrian mentions that on receiving reports of his corruption Alexander had Oxodates: the governor of Media replaced because he “appeared to be unreliable”(Arrian, p.232).

In Carmania Arrian claims that Alexander had three of his own companions: Sitacles, Cleander and Heracon arrested and tried for abuses of power in Media. Sitacles and Cleander were found guilty and executed. Heracon was released but arrested again at Susa and executed after trial for looting a temple (Arrian, p.341).

During his journey down the Indus Alexander had Musicanus: a local governor and several of the Brahmin philosophers hanged for inciting rebellion (Arrian p.324).


On his return to Susa, Arrian admits that “Alexander at this period had become readier to accept as wholly reliable the charges which were made against officials, and to inflict severe punishment even for minor offences, in the belief that the sort of attitude which allowed an official to commit some petty irregularity might also lead him to serious crime” (Arrian, p.353).

Shortly after his arrival as royal page to Alexander Antipater’s son Kassander burst out laughing when he saw the Persians prostrating themselves before Alexander. Alexander was so taken with rage that he grabbed the boy by the hair and bashed his head against a wall so violently that subsequently as king of Macedonia Kassander could not pass a statue of Alexander without taking fright. (Plutarch 74)

Plutarch describes the manner in which he made an alliance with a troop of Indian mercenaries only to subsequently break his word and have them massacred as they travelled home on the road as “the greatest blot to his fame” (Plutarch 59)

Arrian cannot condone the barbarity with which he had Bessus executed and concedes that despite his many great achievements he lost the greatest battle of self-mastery and consequently was never truly happy. (Arrian p.213)

Arrian blames a drunken and fiery Cleitus for his own murder and pities Alexander for being the victim of two vices: anger and drunkenness but commends the fact of his obvious remorse for the deed and even his attempted suicide.

“There is a story that (after his murder of Cleitus) Alexander sent for the sophist Anaxarchus, in the hope he might give him comfort, and still on his bed, bewailing his fate, when he came in. Anaxarchus laught, “Don’t you know,’ he said, ‘why the wise men of old made Justice to sit be the side of Zeus? It was to show that whatever Zeus may do is justly done. In the same way all the acts of a great king should be considered just, first by himself, then by the resat of us.” This was some consolation, at any rate for a time ...” (Arrian, p.217)


At the very end of his history by way of an obituary Arrian writes that “he took some steps towards the pomp and arrogance of the Asiatic kings”. He feels that his claim on divine origin was probably no more than “a mere device to magnify his consequence in the eys of his subjects” and that his adoption of Persian dress was simply a matter of policy “By it he hoped to bring teh Eastern nations to feel that they had a king who was not wholly a foreigner, and to indicate to his own countrymen his desire to move away from the harsh traditional arrogance of Macedonia” and it was for this reason he goes on to say Alexander included Persian contingents in his army. Arrian does however betray his obvious bias in favour of Alexander when in the same passage he contradicts his earlier admission with regard to Alexander’s alcoholism and his murder of Cleitus by citing Aristobolus as claiming that Alexander was never a heavy drinker but simply hosted long parties for the sake of his friends. (Arrian, pp.396-97) He does however admit that he pities Alexander for the murder of Cleitus showing himself the slave of two vices: anger and drunkenness (p.216).

Orientalising the army

Epigoni return at Susa (p.356) – the last straw for the rank and file soldiers who already has observed with fury their king donning Persian garb, his companions marrying Persian women, many of whom even objected to the marriages and Peucestes going native as satrap of Persia and especially the inclusion of barbarian squadrons into the elite cavalry regiments of the army and they were equipped with Macedonian sarissas in place of their traditional javelins. (p.356-67)

p.353. At Susa he had Abulites: the Persian governor, arrested and executed for abusing his office and subsequently his son Oxathres endured the same fate for abusing his office in Paraetacene. Plutarch claims that Alexander personally ran his through with a sarissa. (Plutarch 68.7) and even shot Oxodates (formerly the governor of Media for corruption)(Plutarch 57 – Arrian merely says he replaced him for being unreliable p.232) On the other hand we must equally accept that Alexander put Cleander and Sitacles (who had been left in charge of Media) having executed Parmenio to death for the same offences (p.341) and that according to Arrian “under his empire no sort of oppression by local government officials was ever permitted.” (p.341)(backed up by Plutarch 57 –“Alexander was terrible and pitiless in all cases of dereliction of duty”) be they Persians or Macedonian.

Barbaric mutilation of Bessus p.212 and his condemnation of this barbaric behaviour p.213 (cruelty, tyranny and Persian dress and alcoholism (p.214 – murder of Cleitus) Plutarch 59 – “the greatest blot on his fame” breaking his word of alliance to Indian mercenaries and having them a massacred on their march home.

Alexander had Musicanus and the Brahims hanged for inciting a revolt (p.324)

On his return from India Arrian says Alexander regretted burning Persepolis on seeing it a second tim (p.346)


ALEXANDER. GOD or MAN?

“During the ceremonies (of the games he held at Aegea in Macedonia before crossing over to Asia) a report came from Peiria that the statue of Orpheus, son of Oragrus of Thrace, had been constantly sweating, a phenomenon which was variously interpreted by the seers; one of them, however – Aristander of Telmissus – told Alexander that he had no cause for alarm: it merely signified that the writers of odes and the epic and melic poets had hard work coming to celebrate Alexander and his exploits in verse and song.” (Arrian, p.65)

“No prose history, no epic poem was written about him: he was not celebrated even in such choral odes as preserve the name and memory of Hiero or Gelo or Thero, or many other men not in the same class as Alexander, with the result that the wonderful story of his life is less familiar today than that of the merest nonentities of the ancient world. ... And that is why I venture to claim the first place in Greek literature, since Alexander, about whom I write, held first place in the profession of arms.” (Arrian, p.67-8)

“As an offering (after the Battle of Granicus) to the goddess Athena, he sent to Athens 300 full suits of Persian armour, with the following inscription: Alexander, the son of Philip, and the Greeks except the Lacedaemonians dedicate these spoils, taken from the Persians who dwell in Asia.”(Arrian, p.76)

“It occurred to him (at Sardis in Asia Minor) to build a temple and altar in honour of Olympian Zeus, and while he was considering the best site a summer storm, breaking suddenly with violent thunder and a fall of rain over the palace of the Lydian kings, persuaded him that Zeus himself had indicated the spot where his temple should be raised; so he gave orders accordingly.” (Arrian, p.77)

Before the Siege of Miletus Alexander was discouraged from undertaking the naval battle that Parmenio offered to command himself due, in part, to an omen of an eagle perched near the ships “... his interpretation of the omen was different to Parmenio’s: the appearance of the eagle was, without doubt, a favourable sign; but the fact thta it had been seen on shore surely indicated that it was his army, not his navy, which would render the Persian fleet powerless – he would as it were win the sea battle from the land.” (Arrian, p.80-1)

From Phaselis in Lycia en route to Gordium “He himself marched with his picked troops along the coast, a route which is practicable only in northerly winds – during southerlies the beach is impassable. It had been blowing hard from the south before he started: but (by the grace of God, as both he and his staff felt) the wind went round into the north and made the passage quick and easy.” (Arrian, p.94)

Having cut the Gordium Knot either by slashing the cord with his sword or, as Aristoboulus claimed, in unpinning the yoke Alexander deemed himself to be that man whom the oracle declared was destined to be Lord of all Asia. “I do not myself presume to dogmatise on this subject. In any case, when he and his attendants left the palace where the wagon stood, the general feeling about the oracle about the untying of the knot had been fulfilled. Moreover, that very night there was lightning and thunder – a further sign from heaven ...” (Arrian, p.105)

At Issus, Darius was “doomed to make an easy victory to Alexander and the Macedonians. Destiny had decreed that Macedon should wrest the sovereignty of Asia from Persia, as Persia once had wrested it from the Medes, and the Medes, in turn, from the Assyrians.” (Arrian, p.111)


In his written reply to Darius first letter of truce Alexander wrote, “You sent aid to the people of Perinthus in their rebellion against my father; Ochus sent an army into Thrace, which was part of our dominions; my father was killed by assassins whom, as you openly boasted in your letters, you yourselves hired to commit the crime.” (Arrian, p.127)Before the siege of Tyre, Alexander “had further encouragement by a sign from heaven, for that very night he dreamed that as he was approaching the walls of the town Heracles greeted him and invited him to enter.” (Arrian, p.132)

Whilst Alexander was sacrificing for the forthcoming siege of Gaza, a bird flew above him and dropped a stone on his head. Having been asked by the King for an interpretation of the omen the soothsayer Aristander then said, “you will capture the town, but today you must take care for your own safety. ... but in the action a missile from a catapult pierced his shield and corselet and penetrated his shoulder.” (Arrian, p.145-46)

On his journey to the Oracle at Siwah “fortunately for Alexander there was much rain – the god’s own gift, as he supposed.” Alexander’s guides however lost their way in the desert but “in this dangerous situation, however, the god had another gift to give” for, according to Ptolemy’s account, two snakes led the way to the oasis whilst Aristoboulus reported that two crows showed the army the way; “in any case I have no doubt whatever that he had divine assistance of some kind – for what could be more likely?” (Arrian, p.152)

It was too much for Cleitus when Alexander’s sycophants declared that the achievements of Castor and Polydeuces and even Heracles himself were not to be compared with Alexander’s and he intervened “it was intolerable, he declared, to offer such an insult to divine beings, and he would allow no one to pay Alexander a compliment at the expense of the mighty ones of old – such a compliment was not for his honour but for his shame. ... he began to magnify Philip’s achievements and belittle Alexander’s; his words poured out – he was, by now, very drunk indeed – and among much else, he taunted Alexander with the reminder that he had saved his life, when they fought the Persian cavalry on the Granicus.” (Arrian, 214-15)

Callisthenes “used to declare that he had come not in the hope of honour for himself, but merely to spread Alexander’s fame throughout the world; adding that if Alexander was destined to have a share of divinity it would not be owing to Olympias’ absurd stories about his birth, but to the account of him which he would himself publish in his history.” (Arrian, p.218)

During his rebuttal of the claim towards Alexander’s divinity Callisthenes said, “Suppose some fellow or other, by some quite unjustified vote or show of hands, were brought to enjoy royal honours: would Alexander tolerate it? Of course he would not. By the same reasoning there are much better grounds for the gods’ resentment against men who invest themselves with divine honours, or allow other people to do it for them.” (Arrian, p.220)

“The description of this remarkable place (the Rock of Aornos) awakened in Alexander a passionate desire to capture it, and the story about Heracles was not least of his incentives.” (Arrian, p.249)

Glaring down at the Indians within Alexander found himself standing alone on the walls of Mallia when “Suddenly a thought crossed his mind: by staying where he was he mght well be killed with nothing accomplished; but if he leapt down into the fortress, he might by that very act spread consternation among the enemy, or at least, if it was his fate to die, death would come not


without a struggle and as the crown of an exploit which would live upon the lips of men. To think was to act: without further hesitation he made his leap.” (Arrian, pp.313-14)

“Alexander did not chose that route (through the Gedrosian desert) because he was unaware of the difficulties it would involve (Nearchus is our one authority for this); he chose it because apart from Semiramis one her retreat from India, no one, to his knowledge, had ever before succeeded in bringing an army safely through. Even Semiramis, according to local tradtion, got through with no more than twenty survivors, and Cyrus, son of Cambyses, with only seven – for it is a fact that Cyrus came here with the intention of invading India, but found the going so bad and the country so wild and barren that he lost nearly all his men before he could do so. Alexander heard these stories; they inspired him to go one better than Cyrus and Semiramis, and that was the reason, combined wih the hope of being able to keep in contact with the fleet and procure supplies ofr it, why, according to Nearchus, he marched by that route. The result was disastrous ...” (Arrian, pp.335-36)

Addressing the Macedonian Assembly (assembled troops) at Opis Alexander began his speech thus, “First I will speak of my father Philip, as it is my duty to do.” (Arrian, p.360)

Commenting in his faults in the closing passage of his history; a passage that bears all the qualities of an obituary, in reference to his assumed divinity Arrian says, “Nor do I think that Alexander’s claim to a divine origin was a very serious fault – in any case, it may well have been a mere device to magnify his consequence in the eyes of his subjects. In point of fact I account him as great a king as Minos or Aeacus or Rhadamenthus, whose claims to be sons of Zeus were not felt by men of old to be in any way dangerously arrogant; and the same may be said of Theseus’ claim to be the son of Poseidon and Ion’s to be son of Apollo. Surely, too, his adoption of Persian dress was, like his claim to divine birth, a matter of policy: by it he hoped to bring the Eastern nations to feel that they had a king who was not wholly a foreigner , and to indicate to his own countrymen his desire to move away from the harsh traditional arrogance of Macedonia. ... Arrian goes on to say, I cannot but feel that some power more than human was concerned in his birth; indications of this were, moreover, said to be provided at the time of his death by oracles; many people saw visions and had prophetic dreams; and there is the further evidence of the extraordinary way in which he is held, as no mere man could be, in honour and remembrance. Even today, when so many years have passed, there have been oracles, all tending to his glory, delivered to the people of Macedon.” (Arrian, p.397-98)

Treatment of women/sexuality

Whilst in Troy, “One account says that Hephaestion laid a wreath on the tomb of Patroclus; another that Alexander laid one on the tomb of Achilles ...” (Arrian, p.67)

“A number of Macedonian serving in the campaign had been married just before the expedition started; feeling that some consideration was due to these men, Alexander dismissed them from Caria (after Halicarnassus) and sent them home to spend the winter with their wives ... . No act of Alexander’s ever made him better beloved by his native troops. (Arrian, p.91)


“ ... when Alexander invaded Caria she (Ada) presented herself before him, surrendered the town (Alinda), and offered to adopt him as her son. Alexander did not refuse the offer. He restored Alinda to her, and when, with the fall of Halicarnassus, he found himself master of Caria, he put the whole country under her control.” (Arrian, p.90)

“Alexander at once sent Leonnatus, one of his Companions, to tell them that Darius was alive – his mantle and weapons he had left, as he fled for safety, in his war chariot, and these, and nothing else, had fallen into Alexander’s hands. Leonnatus entered the their tent, gave the message about Darius, and added that Alexander wished them to retain all the marks, ceremonies, and titles of royalty ... . This is the account given by Ptolemy and Aristoboulus.” (Arrian, p.123)

“ ... there is also another story to the effect that Alexander on the following day (after Issus) entered the tent accompanied only by Hephaestion, and that Darius’ mother, in doubt, owing to the similarity of their dress, which of the two was the King, prostrated herself before Hephasetion because he was taller than his companion. Hephaestion stepped back, and one of the Queen’s attendant’s rectified her mistake by pointing to Alexander; the queen withdrew in profound embarrassment , but Alexander merely remarked that her error was of no account, for Hephasetion, too, was an Alexander – a protector of men. ... If such were indeed facts, I cannot but admire Alexander both for treating these women with such compassion and for showing such respect and confidence towards his friend ...” (Arrian, p.123)

Alexander’s response to Darius’ second letter, which reached him whilst he was besieging Tyre, included the following statement. “All Asia, including its treasure, was already his property, and if he wished to marry Darius’ daughter he would do so, whether Darius liked it or not.” (Arrian, p.144)

There is a story about Darius that shortly after the battle of Issus the eunuch who had charge of his wife succeeded in making his way to him. Darius’ first question was whether his mother, wife and children were still alive, and hearing that they not only were but were also addressed by the title ofprincess and treated with as much ceremony as when he was on tyhe throne, he proceeded to inquire if his wife still preserved her chastity. ‘She does,’ replied the eunuch. ‘And has Alexander offered her no violence – no insult?’ ‘My lord,’ exclaimed the eunuch with an oath, ‘your wife is as you left her, and Alexander is the best of men and the least ready to yield to temptation.’ (Arrian, p.235)

“One of these daughters (of Oxyartes) was named Roxane. She was a girl of marriageable age, and men who took part in the campaign used to say she was the lovliest woman they had seen in Asia, with the one exception of Darius’ wife. Alexander fell in love with her at sight; but, captive though she was, he refused, for all his passion, to force her to his will, and condescended to marry her. For this act I have, on the whole, more praise than blame.” (Arrian, pp.234-35)

“Here at Susa (on his return from India) he held wedding ceremonies for his Companionsl he also took a wife himself – Barsine, Darius’ eldest daughter, and , according to Aristoboulus, another as well, namely Parysatis, the youngest daughter of Ochus (Artaxerxes III, whom Darius had previously usurped). He had already married Roxane, daughter of Oxyartes of Bactria. To Hephasetion he gave Drypetis, another of Darius’ daughters and sister to his own wife Barsine, as he wanted to be uncle to Hephaestion’ children. ... Similarly, the other officers – to the number of eighty all told – were given young women of the noblest Persian and Median blood.” (Arrian, p.354)

Alexander, it seems, thought it more kingly to restrain himself than to conquer the enemy, and never touched any of them, nor did he know any other before his marriage, except Barsine. This lady, after the death of her husband Memnon,


remained at Damascus. She had received a Greek education, was naturally attractive, and was of royal descent, as her father was Artabazus, who married one of the king's daughters; which, added to the solicitations of Parmenio, as we are told by Aristobulus, made Alexander the more willing to attach himself to so beautiful and well-born a lady. When Alexander saw the beauty of the other captives, he said in jest, that the Persian ladies make [Pg 322]men's eyes sore to behold them. Yet, in spite of their attractions, he was determined that his self-restraint should be as much admired as their beauty, and passed by them as if they had been images cut out of stone. Plutarch 21

Indeed, when Philoxenus, the commander of his fleet, wrote to inform him that a slave merchant of Tarentum, named Theodorus, had two beautiful slaves for sale, and desired to know whether he would buy them, Alexander was greatly incensed, and angrily demanded of his friends what signs of baseness Philoxenus could have observed in him that he should venture to make such disgraceful proposals to him. He sent a severe reprimand to Philoxenus, and ordered him to send Theodorus and his merchandise to the devil. He also severely rebuked a young man named Hagnon for a similar offence. Plutarch 22

On another occasion, when he heard that two Macedonians of Parmenio's regiment, named Damon and Timotheus, had violently outraged the wives of some of the mercenary soldiers, he wrote to Parmenio, ordering him, if the charge were proved, to put them to death like mere brute beasts that prey upon mankind. And in that letter he wrote thus of himself. "I have never seen, or desired to see the wife of Darius, and have not even allowed her beauty to be spoken of in my presence."

Plutarch 22

She at first amused Alexander by her conversation, then adroitly flattered him, and at last, after he had been drinking for some time, began to speak in a lofty strain of patriotism which scarcely became such a person. She declared, that she was fully repaid for all the hardships which she had undergone while travelling through Asia with the army, now that she was able to revel in the palace of the haughty Kings of Persia; but that it would be yet sweeter to her to burn the house of Xerxes, who burned her native Athens, and to apply the torch with her own hand in the presence of Alexander, that it might be told among men that a woman who followed Alexander's camp had taken a more noble revenge upon the Persians for the wrongs of Greece, than all the admirals and generals of former times had been able to do. This speech of hers was enthusiastically applauded, and all Alexander's friends pressed him to execute the design. Alexander leaped from his seat, and led the way, with a garland upon his head and a torch in his hand. Plutarch 38

LXIX. While Alexander was in Persis[429] he first renewed the old custom that whenever the king came there he should give every woman a gold piece. Plutarch 69


After taking Gaza, “He sent many of the spoils to Olympias, Kleopatra, and others of his friends.” Plutarch 25

At the capital of Gedrosia, Alexander again halted his army, and refreshed them with feasting and revelry. It is said that he himself, after having drunk hard, was watching a contest between several choruses, and that his favourite Bagoas won the prize, and then came across the theatre and seated himself beside him, dressed as he was and wearing his crown as victor. The Macedonians, when they saw this, applauded vehemently, and cried out to Alexander to kiss him, until at length he threw his arms round him and kissed him. Plutarch 67

Olympias and Kleopatra[428] had attacked and driven out Antipater, and had divided the kingdom [Pg 370]between themselves, Olympias taking Epirus, and Kleopatra Macedonia. When Alexander heard this, he said that his mother had proved herself the wiser of the two; for the Macedonians never would endure to be ruled by a woman. Plutarch 68

“There is a story that while Alexander was there, Atropates, the governor of Media, sent him a hundred women, who he declared were Amazons. They were equipped like cavalrymen, but carried axes instead of spears and light targes instead of the ordinary cavalry shield. According to some writers, their right breasts were smaller than their left, and were bared in battle. Alexander sent the women away tp avoid trouble; for they might well have met with unseemly treatment from the troops, Macedonian or foreign. However, he told them to inform their Queen that he would visit her one day and get her with child. This story is not to be found in Aristoboulus or Ptolemy,

Olympias

Sexuality

“It was Alexander’s father, Philip, who first instituted the custom of making the adolescent sons of Macedonian nobles personal attendants upon the king.” (Arrian, p.221)

All writers agree that it (his grief over the passing of his friend Hephaestion) was great, but personal prejudice, for or against both Hephaestion and Alexander himself, has coloured the accounts of he he expressed it. ... I do not however think it unlikely that Alexander cut his hair short in mourning for


his friend for he might well have done so, if only in emulation of Achilles, whose rival he had always felt himself to be, ever since he was a boy.” (Arrian, pp.371-72)

“About this time (shortly before Alexander’s death in Babylon) he wrote a letter to Cleomenes, an official with a bad criminal record in Egypt. In sof ar as this letter showed his love for Hephaestion, a love which persisted even beyond the grave, I can find no fault with it; but there were other things in it which, I think, were highly reprehensible. The letter contained instructions for the erection of a shrine in Hephaestion’s honour in the city of Alexandria, and another on the island of Pharos where the lighthouse is, both to be of great size and built regardless of expense. Cleomenes was to see to it that the shrines were named after Hephaestion and that all mercantile contracts should bear his name. So far, so good – except that too much feeling was wasted upon matters of too little importance. It is what followed that I cannot approve. ‘If’, the letter went on, ‘I find that everything connected with Hepahestion’s shrines in Egypt is in proper order, I will grant you free pardon for your former crimes, and henceforward you will suffer no punishment at my hands for anything you may do, however heinous.’ A remark of this kind, in a letter from a great king to the governor of a large and populace country – and a scoundrel at that – is, to my mind, shocking.” (Arrian, p.389-90)

Shortly before his death in Bablyon, Alexander was sitting in court when he got up and left with his attendants “and only the guard of eunuchs was left standing around the throne.” Why does a gay king need a guard of eunuchs? Eunuchs were male attendants to the Persian queen. To ensure that they posed no threat to her virtue and to allow the king to have a eu (good) nux (night), the king had these men castrated. Why would Alexander require a host of eunuchs?

cert/2… · web viewat the end of his history arrian offers a summery opinion of ... and hearing...

Documents