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8/2/2019 Caricom Final

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, MERCED

The Caribbean Community

A Supranational Organization

Noel Justin Lee Gomez

4/25/2012

Professor Jon Carlson

The talk in the street is that CARICOM is a toothless mongoose… - Lloyd B. Smith



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Some years following the failure of the West Indian Federation, the Caribbean Free Trade

Association (CARIFTA) was born from the vision of pioneering Caribbean leaders. Its

successor, the Caribbean Community and Common Marker (CARICOM), took the lead in

forging unity out of the constituent political elements in the Caribbean region to create a larger

and more effective political and economic entity (CARICOM, 2011). The focus of this paper is

to examine the Caribbean Community as a group of Caribbean states whose membership has

expanded from the exclusive core of English-speaking Caribbean countries [who signed the

Treaty of Chaguaramas in 1973] to now include Suriname and Haiti. Specifically, I will explore

the history and background, institutional structure, external relations, policies and actions as well

as the future of CARICOM (CARICOM, 2011).

To contextualize the efforts of CARICOM’s integration effort it is necessary to first

examine the history of the region. The Caribbean Basin, “discovered” during Christopher

Columbus’ first voyage in 1492, includes the hundreds of islands in the Caribbean Sea and

countries on the mainland that encircle it. Columbus’s arrival preceded the invasion of the New

World by Spanish conquistadors, English and French pirates, and settlers as well as Dutch

merchants (CARICOM, 2011). In the hundreds of years in their role as a contested European

arena of action, the islands and mainland territories witnessed, among other things, the

eradication of indigenous people from most of the islands; the creation of colonies that produced

beef for conquistadors in Mexico and tobacco, sugar, and bananas for Europe; the introduction

of the African Slave Trade and slavery; revolts; the Haitian Revolution; eventual emancipation

of the slaves on the remaining islands; the Spanish-American War; World War II and pre-

independence struggles; and the Cuban Missile Crisis (Bravo, 2005).



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The islands frequently changed hands among the European powers, resulting in the

diversity of languages, cultures, and political systems that exist today on the islands and in the

mainland territories of North, Central, and South America. While the English, Spanish, and

French had the largest colonial territories in the Caribbean, the Dutch and Swedes were also

present in the arena of influence (Caribbean Community, 2011). The cultural, economic, and

political ties resulting from each territory’s particular interaction with the European powers have

created “naturally” occurring exclusive groupings: St. Maartens, St. Eustatius, Saba, Curacao,

Bonaire, and Aruba look to the Netherlands; Guadeloupe, St. Martin, Martinique and St.

Barthelemy look to France; Cuba and Puerto Rico looked to Spain and the United States (Bravo,

2005).

The territories commonly referred to as the Commonwealth Caribbean and/or the British

West Indies are: the British Virgin Islands, The Bahamas, the Cayman Islands, the Turks and

Caicos Islands, Jamaica, Trinidad, Montserrat, Anguilla, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, St.

Kitts, Nevis, Trinidad and Tobago, Dominica, Barbados, Belize, and Guyana. Following its own

fight for independence, the United States of America, a relative newcomer to the Caribbean

arena of action, acquired Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands through warfare and purchase

of territories (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003).

Prior to the gradual concession of the territories of their individual independence, Britain

first attempted to consolidate the Caribbean colonies’ political existence into the West Indian

Federation, a federal political organization of all of Britain’s West Indian territories. The federal

system was rejected by successive popular referenda in Jamaica and Trinidad, and their

consequent withdrawal led to the collapse of the Federation. Beginning on August 2, 1962 with

the independence of Jamaica, British territories were granted independence from their colonial



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master. However, colonial influence remains strong with respect to language, culture, political

infrastructure, and education (Lange, Global Organizations: The Caribbean Community, 2009).

CARICOM is comprised of fifteen independent member states, namely Antigua and

Barbuda, The Bahamas, Belize, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Jamaica,

Montserrat, St. Lucia, St. Kitts and Nevis, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and

Trinidad and Tobago. It also provides associate membership for Bermuda, the British Virgin

Islands, the Cayman Islands and the Turks and Caicos Islands. CARICOM also permits observer

members which include Anguilla, Aruba, Bermuda, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Mexico,

the Netherlands Antilles, Puerto Rico, and Venezuela.

CARICOM is classified as a supranational organization because its negotiated power is

delegated to an authority by governments of member states. The Treaty of Chaguaramas

established the main governing bodies - the Conference of the Heads of Government and the

Community Council of Ministers (CARICOM, 2011). The conference is comprised of the prime

ministers or president from each member state and is regarded as the supreme decision-making

body of the community, setting the general policy direction (Caribbean Community, 2011). They

make financial and policy decisions and finalize treaties between CARICOM and other

countries. The chairmanship of the conference is rotated among all the prime ministers. Each

state is granted one vote in the conference and any one state can veto a decision (CARICOM

Secretariat, 2005).

The second body, the Community Council, oversees all strategic planning and is

comprised of government officials from each member state who manage CARICOM affairs for

their nation. This council is responsible for approving programs and proposals developed by

other community committees, examining and approving the community budget, ensuring the



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operation and development of the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME). Here, too,

decisions must be made unanimously (Hall, 2003).

The Conference of Heads of Government and the Community Council of Ministers are

assisted by four more ministers councils, three bodies of the community and a secretariat which

carries out decisions. The Council for Trade and Economic Development is responsible for

promoting trade and economic development of the community. It oversees progress toward

CSME. The Council for Foreign and Community Relations is responsible for relations with

states outside of CARICOM and international organizations such as the United Nations (Lange,

2009). The Council for Human and Social Development is charged with promoting

improvements in health, education, labor and industrial relations, youth, women, and sports. The

Council for Finance and Planning coordinates economic policy and take steps toward unifying

economic policies in the region (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). The other three bodies within the

community, the Legal Affairs Committee, provides legal advice to the organs and bodies of the

community; the Budget Committee, examines the draft budget and work program of the

secretariat and submits recommendations to the Community Council; the Committee of Central

Bank Governors, provides recommendations the Conference of Heads of Government on certain

monetary and financial matters (Hall, 2003).

The secretariat of CARICOM serves as the administrative organ of the decision making

body. It works to carry out the decisions made by the higher bodies and generally oversees the

operation of CARICOM. The staff is employed by CARICOM and includes planners and

managers, technical experts, and office workers from all member states. All of CARICOM’s

administrative work is handled within the secretariat, including the oversight of community

relations, regional trade, and social development programs (Lange, 2009). Those who work



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within the secretariat must ensure that decisions are followed and fully reported to all member

states. They have to help member states meet their established goals for participation in

CARICOM and must have all information pertaining to CARICOM’s objectives ready to

disseminate (Caribbean Community, 2011). They must help to put into practice the approved

CARICOM programs to meet the organization’s broader goals, as well as, drafting the budgets

that will help to finance them and coordinate the different regional, national and international

agencies and organizations that will carry them out. In essence, the members of the secretariat

hold very important positions as the eyes, ears, arms and legs of the community at large (Lange,

2009). They must ensure that what is supposed to get done is done, on time, within the budget

according to high standards.

The secretariat is headed by the secretary-general who manages the large body of staff.

Although the role of the secretary-general is mainly as coordinator and manager rather than

decision maker, he or she plays an important leadership role in holding the organization together

and explaining it to external bodies and agencies (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). Along with the

governing body are smaller entities responsible for implementation of policies and responsible

for providing support to the functioning of CARICOM in each member state such as the,

Assembly of Caribbean Community Parliamentarians (ACCP), Caribbean Agriculture Research

and Development Institute (CARDI), Caribbean Centre for Development Administration

(CARICAD) Caribbean Disaster Emergency Response Agency (CDERA), Caribbean

Environment Health Institute (CEHI), Caribbean Food and Nutrition Institute (CFNI), Caribbean

Meteorological Institute (CMI), and the Caribbean Meteorological Organization (CMO)

(Caribbean Community, 2011).



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In 2001 the Treaty of Chaguaramas was revised to establish the CARICOM Single

Market and Economy (CSME) and its counterpart the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) (Hall,

2003). The CCJ was purposely created to interpret and uphold the provisions of the revised

treaty, which included commitment to the single market and economy, rights of states, and

obligations of members. These rights and obligations relate to the setting up of businesses,

providing professional services, moving wealth from country to country and purchase of land for

business (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). Prior to the establishment of the CCJ, there was very

little procedure in CARICOM law to resolve such issues, and serious disputes would remain

unsettled (Hall, 2003).

The Caribbean Court of Justice was designed with a secondary function to act as the final

court of appeals for the Caribbean region, described as “the municipal court of last resort.” The

court is designed to review and rule on appeals from civil to criminal cases originating in the

courts of individual countries (Caribbean Community, 2011). The previous appeals court for the

Anglophone Caribbean countries was the privy council of the United Kingdom, a branch of the

British judicial system and the highest court for certain cases in Great Britain (Hall, 2003).

The seven judges of the CCJ are appointed by the Regional Judicial and Legal Services

Commission. The nine members of this commission are not members of any political party or

governmental agency, but rather come from a variety of civil organizations. They are responsible

for choosing judges and also responsible for dismissing them. As part of their participation in the

CCJ, the member states must sign an agreement that they will enforce the court’s rulings in their

own country (Lange, 2009).

CARICOM functions around an annual budget of approximately €36,000,000 and each

member state must contribute based on its gross domestic product (GDP) and population and



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minimal sources of funding for certain programs in health and social development rest with the

United Nations (UN), Organization of American States (OAS) and the Pan-American Health

Organization (PAHO) (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). Its restructuring exercises in 1997 and

2001 have enhanced its capacity to discharge its responsibilities strengthen regional integration,

and meet the challenges of the twenty-first century (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003).

In 2006, under much controversy, the Common Market was transformed into the

CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME) (Channel5Belize, 2006). CSME was

formulated with the intent of creating a larger market for all member states that would allow for,

free movement of goods, right of establishment, a Common External Tariff (a rate of duty

applied by all Members of the Market to a product imported from a country which is not a

member of the market), free circulation (free movement of goods imported from extra regional

sources which would require collection of taxes at first point of entry into the Region and the

provision for sharing of collected customs revenue), free movement of capital and integrated

capital market, such as a regional stock exchange, a common trade policy, free movement of

labor (through measures such as removing all obstacles to intra-regional movement of skills,

labor and travel, harmonizing social services, providing for the transfer of social security benefits

and establishing common standards and measures for accreditation and equivalency) (Jamaica

Information System, 2011) (Channel5Belize, 2006).

With the adoption and seemingly successful single market economy, came the

establishment of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ). The CCJ replaced the necessity for the

British Privy Council and became the final court of appeal for civil and criminal decisions of the

Courts of Appeal of those Member States of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). The Heads

of Government believed that bringing the Court to the people, the CCJ would enhance access to



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justice in terms of reducing distance and expense for populations of the Caribbean Community

and will have the challenge of establishing respect as the binding authority of its decisions, while

assuring public support and confidence in its administration of justice (Caribbean Community,

2011). In regards to the CARICOM Single Market and Economy, the CCJ will be the guarantor of

the rights of national, accorded by the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas (Channel5Belize, 2006).

CARICOM’s chief priorities have been to strengthen economic integration, regional

economic control and formulate policies regarding health, education, labor, science and

technology, tourism, foreign policy, and the environment (Jamaica Information System, 2011).

These integration and development efforts are an attempt to overcome the region’s social and

economic marginalization in the world that is still becoming more challenging. However,

CARICOM realizes that this cannot be achieved solely; therefore it has worked to build and

maintain close ties with other external agencies, countries and other international organizations

(Caribbean Community, 2011).

CARICOM has had a long, fruitful and active relationship with the United Nations (UN)

and many other external agencies. Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago were the first to join the

UN in 1962. For such a small community of states, the UN offers an opportunity of voice to

issues which affect the region and thereby influencing policy decisions that would otherwise be

made without regard to the interest of small developing nations (Channel5Belize, 2006). In 1991,

during the 46th session of the UN General Assembly, CARICOM was admitted as an observer. In

this role, they have been given access to key UN officials to discuss the issues of concern and a

limited right to speak during the sessions of the General Assembly, with no right to vote.

Nonetheless, the ties developed with the United Nations and its agencies have provided



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CARICOM with significant resources, both financial and human to support its continuing

development efforts (Caribbean Community, 2011).

The Commonwealth is another international grouping that is also of critical importance to

the Caribbean Community. All member states except for Haiti and Suriname are members of the

Commonwealth, which began as an alliance between Britain and those countries where its

former colonies were. With the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) in 1996

the relationship between the Commonwealth and CARICOM was strengthened (CARICOM

Secretariat, 2005). The MOU provided the necessary framework for both organizations to jointly

implement project, exchange information and consult regularly on matters of common interest.

The MOU also binds them to cooperate in a range of areas such as the preparation of policy-

oriented and technical studies (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). The Commonwealth has also

made resources – human and financial – available to the CARICOM Secretariat in the areas of

diplomatic training, services, informational technology, education, technical and vocational

training as well as regional animal health training (Channel5Belize, 2006).

Through historical ties between Africa and the Caribbean region has grown a special

relationship between CARICOM and countries of Africa. In the 1960’s South Africa dominated

the agenda of the then Commonwealth (CARICOM Secretariat, 2005). The people of

CARICOM identified with the struggles of South Africans because a number of its member

states who had a significant African population had just gained independence. This, coupled with

post-independence struggles for true political and economic independence made the cause of

South Africa, the cause of CARICOM (Lange, The Caribbean Community, 2009). During

periodic visits by South African leaders to CARICOM states in the 1970’s and 1980’s

CARICOM and the African continent began to strengthen their relationship. As a member of the



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commonwealth, CARICOM was very vocal and active in the opposition of the apartheid system

in South Africa and the occupation of Namibia (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). Even before

Commonwealth initiatives, some member states of CARICOM assisted with the anti-apartheid

movement by offering scholarships to South Africans, Namibians and Zimbabweans (then

Rhodesians) at the University of the West Indies (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003).

In 1994 with the election of Nelson Mandela, the Heads of Government of CARICOM

agreed to mount a mission to South Africa to explore opportunities for trade and investment. On

this mission they would provide technical assistance as requested by South Africa and to

establish a joint diplomatic presence in that country (Caribbean Community, 2011). By 1998 the

mission met its success with the establishment of commercial contacts and the warm reception of

the CARICOM delegation. Numerous CARICOM private sector representatives were able to

establish various cooperation and partnership arrangements for South African enterprises and

other were able to lay the groundwork for establishing businesses in South Africa (Jamaica

Information System, 2011).

Like the countries of Southern Africa, the Caribbean Community has had a historical

relationship with the United Kingdom (UK) due to colonialism. In the post-colonial period

CARICOM and the UK are still bound by trade and aid agreements enshrined within

conventions, membership in the commonwealth and a sizable population of CARICOM citizens

living in the UK (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003). Apart from the UK, the European Union (EU)

has become the second largest trading partner for CARICOM. The EU comprises of twenty

seven member states and relations between the EU and CARICOM are conducted mainly within

the framework of African, Caribbean and Pacific – European Union Conventions. These

conventions allow the EU to provide large sources of grant aid to the Caribbean region in



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exchange for assured supplied of raw materials. Each convention has sought to improve the

achievement of its predecessor taking into account the international environment of the time

(CARICOM Secretariat, 2005).

In addition to the UK and EU countries, the Caribbean Community also has formal

relations with France and Spain. Dominica, Haiti and Saint Lucia have all had a historical

relationship with France. France mostly, lends to disaster relief as well as assistance to civil

servants in French language training courses provided through the French Regional Cooperation

Fund (Jamaica Information System, 2011). Spain also had a long colonial presence in Belize,

Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago and it has provided staunch support to CARICOM in order to

safeguard the banana market for the EU. Spain has also supported the fight against narco-

trafficking by participating in the Regional Maritime Cooperation Project that was establishes in

1996 under the Barbados Plan of Actions to monitor and restrict the trading of illicit drugs

through maritime means (Channel5Belize, 2006). Furthermore, Spain continues to provide

support to the Caribbean Community’s efforts for exporting sugar and rice.

Japan and India have also become important partners for the Caribbean Community;

Japan invests about forty million dollars annually in the region to foster small business

development, industrial training, fisheries development, environmental improvement and disaster

management. India is a relatively new partner for the Caribbean Community but has fostered a

close and cordial relationship (Lange, The Caribbean Community, 2009). The greatest exchange

between India and CARICOM has been in the area of information technology, which is an area

of considerable Indian expertise. There are also a significant number of people of Indian origin

within CARICOM states due to indentureship and as developing countries India and member

states of CARICOM share similar views on many global issues (Caribbean Community, 2011).



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CARICOM has taken many steps toward political and economic development yet, over

thirty years later, differences among the Caribbean nations remain a barrier. Some of the more

successful countries fear that economic integration, changes in trade, freedom of movement, and

the attempt to create a common currency is detrimental to their fragile prosperity (Hall, Integrate

or Perish, 2003). Furthermore, people in the region feel that CARICOM has not acted boldly

enough to strengthen the decision making mechanism of the organization (CARICOM

Secretariat, 2005). As Norman Girvan argues, “We’re still clinging to insular sovereignty that is

largely fictitious because in the modern world, nation state of our size simply cannot expect to

have any sovereignty. The forces of globalization, the fact of our small size, the fact of our trade

dependency, the fact of our military weakness, all of these things make it impossible to have any

real sovereignty” (Hall, Integrate or Perish, 2003).

In seeking to create that viable and sustainable community, important underlying issues

must be addressed if Caribbean countries are to make any meaningful progress in the twenty-first

century. These include: the inextricable links between national and regional actions and

decisions as they move to integrate their societies, developing greater community-related

perspectives and according them priority over national perspectives. At the fundamental level,

this issue touches on the effectiveness of traditional concepts of sovereignty and nationhood as

these nations struggle to forge unity from several though not dissimilar units. The issue of

governance, more specifically, devising new and more appropriate forms of governance to suit

their particular needs and circumstances, will therefore assume much greater prominence in the

immediate future.

The prospects for the future are left with the people, rather than the politicians and

technocrats. Each country is unique in its history, with different colonizers; different ethnic and



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language groups and all have experienced different economic and political histories. They have

all been shaped by colonialism, impacted by Caribbean geography, and modified European

language through African and Asian influences. CARICOM recognizes and supports this rich

and vibrant culture and heritage. The ultimate question becomes, will the people in the Caribbean

think of themselves as Caribbean rather than as Belizean, Jamaican, Guyanese, Trinidadian or

can this “collective identity” advance economic and political progress?



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Bibliography

Bravo, K. E. (2005). CARICOM, the Myth of Sovereignty, and Aspirational Economic

Integration. North Carolina Journal of International Law and Commercial Regulation ,

146-199.

Caribbean Community. (2011). Community. Retrieved February 1, 2012

CARICOM. (2011, November 11). About Us. Retrieved April 20, 2012, from CARICOM:

http://www.caricom.org/

CARICOM Secretariat. (2005). CARICOM: Our Caribbean Community. Kingston: Ian Randle

Publishers.

Channel5Belize. (2006). Politics. Retrieved from News5:

http://edition.channel5belize.com/Archives/2006

Hall, K. O. (2003). Integrate or Perish. Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers.

Jamaica Information System. (2011). Structure. Retrieved from CARICOM:

http://www.jis.gov.jm/special_sections/CARICOMNew/structureOfSecretariat.html#

Lange, B. (2009). Global Organizations: The Caribbean Community. New York: Chelsea House

Publishers.

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