Boyle HeightsA New Holistic Landscape

Table of Contents

4-6 Overview Questions

6-8 Statement

8-66 Timeline of Boyle Heights

66-70 Making the Invisible Visible

70-86 Typology of Housing

86-94 Typology of Business

94-100 Typology of Recreation

100-104 Typology of Health

104-106 Preliminary Proposal

106-148 Past work / Case studies

148 Works Cited

Boyle Heights Acupuncture: A New Healthcare Landscape

How can Boyle Heights interweave new forms of urban me-tabolism through social, biophysical, and cultural process-es?

What are the possibilities of post-modern Boyle Heights infrastructures?

How can Boyle Heights become VISIBLE by reinterpreting its rich past and aging infrastructure?

Health and Racism

Since 1875, Boyle Heights has been a dis-tinctive gathering space of multi-ethnic communities searching to make a life in midst of inequality. This historic and current diversity in the community land-scape has always been prone to fragmentation from the Los Angeles fabric through political, economic, and geographic forces.

These forces at hand came from modern-ization of the city, through top-down policy making, and through the funding of monolithic centralized infrastructures that became a part of a distinctive technological landscape. This landscape represent-ed a core element in the development of the modern capital markets and was founded on the impulse to transform nature in the service of new society at the forefront of science, modernity, and progress, which failed to take into account specifi city of local situations. Since Boyle Heights was a racially-mixed neighborhood, it was delegated as disposable, separated from the functioning world around it, and therefore subject to unregulated growth of infrastruc-ture that began to cause a splintering in the commu-nity fabric.

Besides the freeways that criss-cross the site, one of the largest public infrastructural projects in Boyle Heights is the USC Medical center. One of the fi rst hospitals to be open in Los Angeles, it exemplifi es the bacteriological city, an interface between hygiene, centralized water systems, the invented tradition of capitalist healthcare, and a culture of dependence on a one-size-fi ts all source for healthcare.

Despite the scars left by the modernist infra-structural approach, Boyle Heights has made a pow-erful comeback since the 1940s through community activism and grassroots movements, which have unifi ed and given the community a new identity. By taking into account the appropriate typology of the area, an acupunctural approach can be developed in order to address housing, business, recreation and access to healthcare.

Timeline of Boyle Heights

The relationship between Health and Race is diagnosed with institutionalized rac-ism visible in Boyle Heights through urban renewal projects, transportation, health, and water infrastructure.

0-1780s- Historical Water Drainage

Prior to the introduction of the Zanja Madre irrigation ditch, the Los Angeles River was an al-luvial river that ran freely across a fl ood plain that is now occupied by Los Angeles, Long Beach, and other townships in Southern California. Its path was unstable and unpredictable, and the mouth of the river moved frequently from one place to another between Long Beach and Ballona Creek.

historical drainage

1780 1781

Pue

blo

of L

os A

ngel

es is

foun

ded.

Par

edon

Bla

nco

(Whi

te B

luffs

), no

w B

oyle

H

eigh

ts, i

s w

ithin

Pue

blo

boun

darie

s.

1780-1870s- Zanja Madre

Zanj

a M

adre

,the

fi rs

t irr

igat

ion

chan

nel,

is e

stab

lishe

d.

La R

iver

Zanj

a M

adre

Plaza

1st establishment layout

BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.

1850 1858

Cal

iforn

ia b

ecom

es a

sta

te.

And

rew

Boy

le p

urch

ases

land

on

Par

edon

Bla

nco,

pla

nts

vine

yard

s, a

nd

build

s a

hom

e on

wha

t bec

omes

Boy

le A

venu

e.

The main vineyard district of the city of LA itself was distinct and compact: it ran along both sides of the river, mostly on the west or city side, from Macy street on the north to Wash-ington street on the south, and from LA street to Boyle Heights going west to east.

This section has long since been covered over by railway tracks, and warehouses. Nevertheless, the names that belong to its viticultural past persist. To the instructed eye, the contemporary street map of LA reveals generally unrecognized memorial to the early growers and winemakers who lived there long ago. Aliso street remembers Don Luis Vignes great syca-mores and vineyards. In the same region, Keller Street, after Don Matteo Keller, and Bauchet Street, after Don Luis Bauchet, commemorate two of the vineyardists who once made the region green. Just across the river, Boyle Heights street reminds us of the Irishman Andrew Boyle, whose house on the heights looked on to his vineyards and cellars on the lands along the river below.

Bauchet street

Kellenst Street

Aliso Street

Vineyards

Farmland

BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.

Prior to the modernization of the water system, the Zanja Madre irrigation ditch was in-troduced, which carried water from the river and natural pools into small earthen ditches toward agricultural lands. This system, though visible, was fragile, unreliable, and did not control seasonal fl ooding of the Los Angeles River. It also brought forth outbreaks of cholera, typhus fever, and other open-water diseases to the city.

1780-1870s- Zanja Madre

Boyle Heights circa 1877

Zanja Madre path

Irrigation map circa 1884 Flooded areas circa 1852

1870 1871

Firs

t brid

ge b

uilt

over

Los

Ang

eles

Riv

er a

t Mac

y S

treet

.

And

rew

Boy

le d

ies.

His

dau

ghte

r Mar

ia (B

oyle

) Wor

kman

inhe

rits

his

prop

-er

ty.

1875

Boy

les

son

-in-la

w W

illia

m H

. Wor

kman

sub

divi

des

the

area

for r

esid

entia

l de

velo

pmen

t and

nam

es it

Boy

le H

eigh

ts i

n hi

s ho

nor.

1876

Com

plet

ion

of fi

rst r

ailro

ad li

ne, S

outh

ern

Pac

ifi c,

to L

os A

ngel

es. I

n 18

85,

San

ta F

e R

ailw

ay e

xten

ds in

to L

os A

ngel

es. R

ail c

onne

ctio

ns p

rovi

de e

m-

ploy

men

t and

brin

g ne

w re

side

nts

to L

os A

ngel

es.

1877

Hor

se-d

raw

n ca

r lin

e of

fi rs

t in

ter-

urba

n ra

il sy

stem

cro

sses

into

Boy

le

Hei

ghts

to s

erve

app

roxi

mat

ely

40 re

side

nces

.

1878

LA U

SC

Med

ical

cen

ter e

stab

lishe

d.

1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport

BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.

1880 1882

Chi

nese

Exc

lusi

on A

ct p

rohi

bits

imm

igra

tion

of C

hine

se la

bore

rs. J

apan

ese

imm

igra

nts

are

recr

uite

d to

fi ll

the

need

for c

heap

labo

r.

1889

Los

Ang

eles

Cab

le R

ailw

ay o

pens

with

line

ext

endi

ng o

ver t

he F

irst S

treet

Vi

aduc

t int

o B

oyle

Hei

ghts

.

1890

Beg

inni

ng o

f the

so-

calle

d G

olde

n E

ra (

1890

s-19

20s)

for A

frica

n A

mer

ican

s in

Los

Ang

eles

. Mig

rant

s fro

m S

outh

and

Sou

thw

est fi

nd

bette

r opp

ortu

nitie

s fo

r hom

eow

ners

hip

and

empl

oym

ent i

n B

oyle

Hei

ghts

and

oth

er p

arts

of L

os

Ang

eles

.

1885

LA M

edic

al C

ente

r con

nect

s w

ith U

SC

Med

ical

Cen

ter

BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.

1900 1904

Rus

sian

Mol

okan

s, a

dis

sent

ing

sect

of t

he R

ussi

an O

rthod

ox C

hurc

h, fl

ee

Rus

sia

due

to p

erse

cutio

n by

Tza

rist g

over

nmen

t and

man

dato

ry c

onsc

riptio

n du

ring

the

Rus

so-J

apan

ese

War

. Man

y se

ttle

in t

he fl

ats

of B

oyle

Hei

ghts

.

1906

Afte

r the

San

Fra

ncis

co E

arth

quak

e, m

any

Japa

nese

Am

eric

ans

mig

rate

so

uth

to L

os A

ngel

es. L

ittle

Tok

yo b

ecom

es th

e ce

nter

of c

omm

unity

life

.

1908

Los

Ang

eles

City

Cou

ncil

esta

blis

hes

zoni

ng la

ws

prot

ectin

g w

ests

ide

com

-m

uniti

es fr

om in

dust

rial d

evel

opm

ent.

Boy

le H

eigh

ts re

mai

ns o

pen

to in

dus-

trial

dev

elop

men

t, w

hich

by

the

1950

s oc

cupi

es a

ppro

xim

atel

y on

e-qu

arte

r of

area

.

Wor

kmen

s C

ircle

/Arb

eite

r Rin

g, a

Yid

dish

cul

tura

l and

pol

itica

l or

gani

zatio

n, e

stab

lishe

s its

Sou

ther

n C

alifo

rnia

hea

dqua

rters

, the

Vla

deck

C

ente

r, in

dow

ntow

n. T

he C

ente

r is

late

r mov

ed to

Boy

le H

eigh

ts, w

here

it

serv

es J

ewis

h la

bor u

nion

ists

and

act

ivis

ts.

1902

Vale

ncia

trac

t fur

ther

sub

divi

ded

Boy

le H

eigh

ts. I

t was

sub

divi

ded

by W

irsch

-in

g.

The Heights

The Flats

1910

The

Inte

rnat

iona

l Ins

titut

e of

Los

Ang

eles

org

aniz

ed in

Boy

le H

eigh

ts to

as-

sist

fore

ign

com

mun

ities

.

1913

Mex

ican

imm

igra

tion

to L

os A

ngel

es in

crea

ses

as m

any

fl ee

the

turm

oil o

f the

M

exic

an R

evol

utio

n. A

s do

wnt

own

is d

evel

oped

, man

y ot

her M

exic

an A

mer

i-ca

ns m

ove

acro

ss th

e L.

A. R

iver

into

Boy

le H

eigh

ts a

nd E

ast L

.A.

1914

Cal

iforn

ia A

lien

Land

Law

pre

vent

s ow

ners

hip

of la

nd b

y a

liens

inel

igib

le fo

r ci

tizen

ship

.

Beg

inni

ng th

is y

ear a

nd c

ontin

uing

unt

il 19

33, a

ser

ies

of m

onum

enta

l br

idge

s cr

ossi

ng th

e Lo

s A

ngel

es R

iver

are

des

igne

d an

d bu

ilt. S

ix c

onne

ct

Boy

le H

eigh

ts to

Dow

ntow

n Lo

s A

ngel

es.

Con

greg

atio

n Ta

lmud

Tor

ah p

urch

ases

pro

perty

on

Bre

ed S

treet

in B

oyle

H

eigh

ts, w

here

they

eve

ntua

lly b

uild

the

Bre

ed S

treet

Shu

l, th

e la

rges

t and

lo

nges

t-run

ning

syn

agog

ue in

the

neig

hbor

hood

.

1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport

Boyle Heights became parceled up into tracts for single family residency. Due to the housing bust in the 30s, the tracts were never fully devel-oped. Because of the housing policies at the time, Boyle Heights became open to mulit-ethnic families, who were looking to make a home in the few places that they legally could. This settlement was made possible due to the railway, cable car and horse-drawn trollies that connected the Eastide with the Westside.

Boyle Heights map circa 1900stract near Brooklyn and Boyletract near Hollenbeck Park

topography of tract houses- Victorian style topography of tract houses- Victorian style

1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport

The railway cable and Pacifi c Railroad expanded rapidly during this time, enabling quick transit from one part of the city to another. Boyle Heights was fully integrated with the rest of the city.

expansion of railroad tracks

Boyle Heights

typology of a cable car

typology of a street car

1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport

Whats today called the Cesar E. Chavez Avenue Viaduct was the second span realized as part of a major bridge-building program in Los Angeles begun in the mid-1920s (the one at Ninth Street, or the Olympic Boulevard Bridge, built by the North Pacifi c Construction Company, was the fi rst completed). Lead by the Chamber of Commerce, a collection of groups started lobbying in 1923 for the replacement of six of the citys outdated bridge.

Cesar Chavez Ave. Viaduct, 1923 4th Street Bridge, 19241st Street Bridge, 1929

Olympic Bridge, 19257th Street Bridge, 1910/19276th Street Bridge, 1932

Sig

nifi c

ant n

umbe

rs o

f Jew

ish

imm

igra

nts

and

thei

r fam

ilies

mov

e to

Los

A

ngel

es fr

om th

e E

ast C

oast

and

Mid

wes

t, ev

entu

ally

mak

ing

Boy

le H

eigh

ts

hom

e to

the

larg

est J

ewis

h co

mm

unity

wes

t of C

hica

go.

1920

E

astw

ard

mov

emen

t of J

apan

ese

Am

eric

ans

alon

g Fi

rst S

treet

fro

m L

ittle

Tok

yo in

to B

oyle

Hei

ghts

incr

ease

s.

1923

Imm

igra

tion

Act

of 1

924,

by

empl

oyin

g pr

nici

ple

of n

atio

nal o

rigin

s, e

ffect

ive-

ly p

rohi

bits

imm

igra

tion

from

Asi

a an

d lim

its im

mig

ratio

n fro

m S

outh

eath

ern

Eur

ope.

1924

Sto

ck m

arke

t cra

shes

-Gre

at D

epre

ssio

n be

gins

.

1929

Theo

dore

Roo

seve

lt S

enio

r Hig

h S

choo

l in

Boy

le H

eigh

ts o

pens

its

door

s to

th

e fi r

st s

tude

nts.

1920-1940s- Rise of the Multi-Ethnic Community

pockets of poverty

1930

Theo

dore

Roo

seve

lt S

enio

r Hig

h S

choo

l in

Boy

le H

eigh

ts o

pens

its

door

s to

th

e fi r

st s

tude

nts.

1931

Beg

inni

ng o

f dep

orta

tion

and

coer

cive

repa

triat

ion

cam

paig

ns ta

rget

ing

Mex

ican

Am

eric

ans.

One

-third

of t

hose

in L

os A

ngel

es, i

nclu

ding

som

e U

.S.

citiz

ens

and

Boy

le H

eigh

ts re

side

nts,

are

enc

oura

ged

or fo

rced

to le

ave

for

Mex

ico.

1932

Roo

seve

lt H

igh

Sch

ool s

tude

nts

prot

est a

dmin

istra

tion

s su

ppre

ssio

n of

free

sp

eech

, whi

ch b

egan

with

sus

pens

ion

of p

eers

invo

lved

in p

ublis

hing

an

inde

pend

ent s

tude

nt n

ewsp

aper

, The

Roo

seve

lt Vo

ice.

1938

Kris

taln

acht

(the

nig

ht o

f bro

ken

glas

s) in

Ger

man

y m

arks

the

begi

nnin

g of

op

en a

nd in

tens

ifi ed

use

of v

iole

nce

agai

nst J

ewis

h pe

ople

, cul

min

atin

g in

th

e H

oloc

aust

. Boy

le H

eigh

ts re

side

nts

resp

ond

by o

rgan

izin

g pr

otes

ts a

nd

supp

ort e

fforts

.

1939

Cal

iforn

ia S

anita

ry C

anni

ng S

trike

bec

omes

the

fi rst

suc

cess

ful C

ongr

ess

of In

dust

rial O

rgan

izat

ions

(CIO

) foo

d pr

oces

sing

stri

ke o

n th

e W

est C

oast

. Je

wis

h an

d M

exic

an w

omen

livi

ng a

nd w

orki

ng in

Boy

le H

eigh

ts p

artic

ipat

e

Ear

thqu

ake

in L

os A

ngel

es

El C

ongr

eso,

the

fi rst

nat

iona

l Lat

ino

civi

l rig

hts

asse

mbl

y, c

onve

nes

in E

ast

L.A

. with

ove

r 1,0

00 d

eleg

ates

. The

resu

lting

pla

tform

cal

ls fo

r an

end

to s

eg-

rega

tion

in s

choo

ls, e

mpl

oym

ent,

and

hous

ing;

the

right

to jo

in la

bor u

nion

s;

and

the

right

for i

mm

igra

nts

to w

ork

and

rear

fam

ilies

in U

nite

d S

tate

s w

ithou

t fe

ar o

f dep

orta

tion.

Cha

nnel

izat

ion

of L

os A

ngel

es R

iver

beg

ins.

1930-1950s- Water Channelization begins

pockets of poverty

watershed boundaries

sub-watershed boundariesground water basinssub-basins

Los Angeles Hidden Natural Systems

drainageareas maintained by LA County Flood Mainte-nance District

sewerageareas maintained by LA County Flood Mainte-nance District

Los Angeles Hidden Artifi cial Systems

Los Angeles County Systems

1920-1940s- Rise of the Multi-Ethnic Community

Mutli-ethnic communities settled in Boyle Heights from early 1900s to avoid prejudice in other parts of town.

Mexican immigrants Jewish immigrantsWhites

Japanese immigrantsRussian immigrants African Americans

Japa

n bo

mbs

Pea

rl H

arbo

r, pr

ompt

ing

the

Uni

ted

Sta

tes

to e

nter

Wor

ld W

ar II

.

Forc

ed re

mov

al a

nd in

carc

erat

ion

of W

est C

oast

Jap

anes

e A

mer

ican

s be

gins

pe

r Exe

cutiv

e O

rder

906

6.

Ope

ning

of A

liso

Villa

ge, o

ne o

f the

nat

ion

s fi r

st ra

cial

ly in

tegr

ated

pu

blic

hou

sing

pro

ject

s, in

Boy

le H

eigh

ts. P

riorit

y fo

r hou

sing

is g

iven

to

war

-indu

stry

wor

kers

and

late

r to

retu

rnin

g se

rvic

emen

. Soo

n af

ter,

Pic

o G

arde

ns a

nd E

stra

da C

ourts

are

bui

lt.

Boo

m in

war

-indu

stry

wor

k dr

aws

mig

ratio

n of

wor

kers

from

oth

er p

arts

of

the

coun

try to

Los

Ang

eles

.

Bra

cero

Pro

gram

-Mex

ican

con

tract

wor

kers

are

bro

ught

to th

e U

nite

d S

tate

s to

fi ll

the

labo

r voi

d le

ft by

inca

rcer

ated

Jap

anes

e A

mer

ican

s an

d M

exic

an

Am

eric

ans

leav

ing

agric

ultu

ral j

obs

for n

ew o

ppor

tuni

ties

in u

rban

are

as.

Zoo

t-Sui

t Rio

ts e

xplo

de in

the

stre

ets

of D

ownt

own

Los

Ang

eles

and

sur

-ro

undi

ng b

arrio

s, in

clud

ing

Boy

le H

eigh

ts

Roo

seve

lt H

igh

Sch

ool s

tude

nt a

ctiv

ists

org

aniz

e hu

ndre

ds o

f oth

er

stud

ents

from

loca

l sch

ools

in p

rote

st a

gain

st th

e B

oard

of E

duca

tion

for

gran

ting

Ger

ald

L. K

. Sm

ith a

per

mit

to s

peak

at P

olyt

echn

ic H

igh

Sch

ool.

San

Ber

nard

ino-

10 F

reew

ay o

pens

from

Alis

o S

treet

to In

dian

a S

treet

. It i

s th

e fi r

st o

f sev

eral

that

dis

plac

e ov

er 1

0,00

0 B

oyle

Hei

ghts

resi

dent

s.

Hou

sing

cru

nch

hits

Boy

le H

eigh

ts a

s U

.S. s

ervi

cem

en &

Jap

anes

e A

mer

ican

s re

cent

ly p

erm

itted

to re

turn

to th

e W

st C

oast

, set

tle in

are

a.

Firs

t org

aniz

ed o

ppos

ition

by

Boy

le H

eigh

ts re

side

nts

to H

ouse

Un-

Am

eric

an

Act

iviti

es C

omm

ittee

(HU

AC

) hea

rings

in L

os A

ngel

es, w

hich

pro

be a

llege

d co

mm

unis

t infl

uen

ces

by ta

rget

ing

activ

ists

and

uni

on le

ader

s.

San

ta A

na-1

01 F

reew

ay o

pens

from

Alis

o S

treet

to S

oto

Stre

et.

Edw

ard

Roy

bal,

with

the

supp

ort o

f the

Com

mun

ity S

ervi

ce O

rgan

izat

ion

(CS

O),

beco

mes

the

fi rst

Mex

ican

Am

eric

an e

lect

ed to

the

L.A

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.

1941 1942 1943 1946 1947 1948 1949

1940-1970s- Urban Renewal and Fight for Justice

pockets of poverty removed

Ramona Courts

Aliso Housing

Pico Housing

Wyvernwood Apts.

Estrada Courts

1940-1970s- Urban Renewal and Fight for Justice

Till the 1930s, Boyle Heights housed some of the last remaining slums in the US. The federal government decided to eliminate these pockets of slums and redevelop the site as housing projects, which failed to take into account the unique site con-ditions the poor communities created. It was easy to clear the slums because of the institutionalized racism seen at the time. Rather than promoting individual investment in private home purchasing, the government routinely denied the urban dwellers bank loans, instead offering the racialized group public housing as a modernist answer to clean-sweeping the place and starting over.

Aliso Village, 1940 (demolished)

Pico Gardens, 1940 (demolished)Ramona Courts, 1940

Estrada Courts, 1942Wyvernwood Housing, 1939

1950 1952

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le H

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ts c

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Infrastructure- separation of classes and districts

Infrastructure is not neutral but political, and the key to understanding its anatomy is visibility. In this society of risk, our dependence on technologi-cal networks otherwise taken for granted (electricity, water supply, elevators, air-conditioning) is only re-vealed by crises. In order to politicize infrastructure, to return it to its social and environmental context, it must be made visible. While the free is an example of visible infrastructure, there are associated invis-ible scars left on the community, such as the lack of accessibility to certain parts of the neighborhood.

1960 1961 1965 1968

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ulum

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1970 1973 1975

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nom

ic c

ondi

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civ

il st

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t L.

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ourn

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1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism

1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism

Demolnstrations- Chicano MOratorum

The Chicano Moratorium was a movement of Chicano activists that organized anti-Vietnam War demonstrations and activities in Mexican American communities throughout the Southwest and else-where from November 1969 through August 1971. Our struggle is not in Vietnam but in the move-ment for social justice at home was a key slogan of the movement. It was coordinated by the National Chicano Moratorium Committee (NCMC) and led largely by activists from the Chicano student move-ment and the Brown Beret organization.

An estimated 20,000 to 30,000 from around the nation, Mexico and Puerto Rico marched through East Los Angeles on August 29, 1970. The rally, however, was broken up by local police, who said that they had gotten reports that a nearby liquor store was being robbed. They chased the suspects into the park, and declared the gathering of thou-sands an illegal assembly. Monitors and activists re-sisted the attack, but eventually people were herded back to the march route, Whittier Boulevard.

Posters for protests

Photos of protesters, 1970

Protesters on Whittier Blvd., Boyle Heights, 1970

1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism

The Chicano arts movement became a signifi cant unifi er between politics, history, labor, and culture, which was stimulated by the restlessness and ambitions of the Chicano and Mexican resi-dents. This group was a rebellious spirit that tried to make their invisible culture and art come to visibility, as well as expose the political and social problems through site-specifi c performance art.

The name Asco in Spanish means nausea. The name refl ects the reaction that their artwork incites in the spectator. The subject of their work was the normative landscape and offi cial culture of Los Angeles. With their site-specifi c performative art, the group was able to produce awareness to the urban displays of police violence, Chicano discrimi-nation and mistreatment . This directly applies to the idea of place. Places of constrain, such as ghettos, concentration camps, could be perceived as political territories, where the rules and regula-tions that preside over the space can be seen as enforcement of territory. A counter-space was created through their art as a way of reclaiming what has been taken away from the Chicano community. They wanted to bring to light what Chicanos called the phantom culture, which was their marginalized and invisible culture.

Chicano Arts Movement- ASCO

Instant Mural, 1974

First Supper (After a Major Riot), 1974

Walking Mural, 1972

Map depicting the performances on Whittier Blvd.

A few of their famous performative works of art where Stations of the Cross, Walking Mural, Project Pie in De/Face, Instructional Destruction Projects, Instant Mural, Boule-vard Nights, and Asshole Mural.

In their performance First Supper (After a Major Riot), describes the 1970 Chicano Moratorium in nearby Laguna Park, which was an anti-Vietnam and pro-social justice demonstration that turned into a violent riot due to police brutality. This First Supper depicts a secular resurrection of non-space and returning to Whittier Street and starting a new political demonstration, after years of demonstrative suppression. Another performance, Walking Mural, was a counter spectacle, a glamorous reversal of power and a retrieval of social space in their community.

1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism

Community Centers- Self-Help Graphics

Self-Help Graphics was formed during the birth of the Chicano Movement and still showcases up-and-incoming Chicano artists. It is also a center for the community and hosts a series of performanc-es such as the Day of the Dead festival.

Throughout its long history, this non-profi t has worked with numerous celebrated artists such as the group ASCO, the Los Four, and the East Los Streescapers. It also focuses to give training and exposure to new artists through workshops and exhibits.

The artists that work at Self-Help Graphics are creating counter-space and making visible the invisible social conditions of the marginalized resi-dents through media such as street art, printmaking, and spoken word. They challenge the preconceived notions of graffi ti as vandalism by exhibiting aerosol murals in their gallery space. They also create egali-tarian art through print-making, which allows SHG to circulate numerous prints to museums, while keep-ing some for their own collection.

A class on origami at SHG

artwork from exhibit

artwork from exhibit

artwork from exhibit

1986 1987

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1970-1990s- Latino Boyle Heights: Beginning of a New Era

Less than high school

High school

Some college

Bachelors degree

Masters degree or higher

33,620

7,532

5,317

1,721

708

21,136

26,130

12,756

16,756

8,8347,144

Age10 or less 11-18 19-34 35-49 50-64 65 and up

Historically, Boyle Heights has been the entry point for various ethnic immigrants. In the 1940s the neighborhood was home to Jewish and Japanese Americans. For the past two decades, however, it has been home to mostly Latino immi-grants. While more and more second generation Latinos are planting their roots in Boyle Heights, the neighborhood is still an immigrant community, 53 percent of its total population, and 38 percent of the households are linguistically isolated.

Boyle Heights is still a low income working neighborhood with the poverty rate averaging at 33 percent whith the overall poverty rate in Los Angeles being at 22 percent. The median income for the area is $33,253 in contrast to the median income for Los Angeles being approximately $53,000. Hom-eownership in the area is also much lower at 11%, compared with the greater Los Angeles of 39%.

Boyle Heights is one of LA LISCs targeted Sustainable Community areas. To-date, LISC has invested $13 million primarily on affordable housing developments which have served to add signifi cant inventory to the communitys critical supply short-age. It is a community undergoing a transforma-tion and is caught between past economic struggles, political inequality and the onset of gentrifi cation.

1970-1990s- Latino Boyle Heights: Beginning of a New Era

Rent 75.9%

Own 24.1%

Widowed 2.1 %Divorced 4.9%

Never married 43.1%

Never married 35.0%

Widowed 7.7 %Divorced 5.7%

Married 51.5%

Married 50.0%

Males

Females

Occupied housing units

20 or less 20-40 40-60 60-125 125 and up

Household income in thousands of 2000 dollars

9,310

7,166

3,290

2,505

469

Ethnicity

White 2.0%

Other 0.7%

Asian 2.4%Black 0.9%

Latino 94.0%

Boyle Heights- Making the Invisible Visible

Inequality- Access and Exclusion

In earlier periods, the advent of the reason was predicated on the non-local, non-situated, non-material utopia of mind and matter, it is now possible to dissipate those phantoms and to observe them moving in side specifi c spheres and networks. Mod-ernism was good at displacing, at migrating, elimi-nating entities, at vacuum cleaning, breaking with the past, but if you ask it to place, replace, sustain, accompany, nurture, care, protect- in brief, inhabit and deploy- none of the refl exes we have learned from its history are much use.

What the modernist agenda left Boyle Heights with is a questionable health landscape. Yet, through site specifi c typologies, such as housing, commerce, recreation, and health, Boyle Heights has created counter-spaces to help alleviate the scars.

Green space- least in the city, mainly near schools

Non-places / forgotten areas

Smoggiest city in California / tire and brake particulates

Industry belt- inaccessible / disconnected

Water as border

USC Medical Center- inaccessible to neighborhood

Boyle Heights- Making the Invisible Visible

Typology of Resistance

Boyle Heights typology should be given a fair architectural overview to fi nd its unique, fl exible site conditions that could have a future impact on a possible design method. By looking at the usual aspects of life in Boyle Heights, such as housing, commerce, recreation and health, one can get a good visual of the resilient and fl exible typologies at work.

Healthcare

Business / Commerce on Cesar Chavez Ave.

Recreation

Public Housing

Typology of Housing Projects

From slum-clearances toGarden City

Current Public Housing in Boyle Heights

The Ramona Gardens project was designed by Housing Architects Associated, made up of Ralph Flewelling, George J. Adams, Lewis Eugene Wilson, and Eugene Weston Jr. in 1940. It was built on 32 acres (13 ha) with 610 apartment units in over 100 buildings

Designed by architects David J. Witmer and Loyall F. Watson and completed in 1939, the super-block Wyvernwood development contained 1102 units in 143 buildings spread over approximately 70 acres. More than seventy-fi ve percent of the prop-erty was devoted to open green space, lawns, trees, and recreational facilities. Landscape architect Ham-mond Sadler laid out the Modernist landscape.

Estrada Courts was designed by the Hous-ing Authority for the City of Los Angeles by Witmer and Watson, Robert Alexander and Winchton Risley. It was built in 1941 with 214 units, 31 buildings,

Ramona Gardens Wyvernwood Apts. Estrada Courts

Garden City

Despite the idea of garden city as a nec-essary respite from the noise and pollution of the busy city, all three of the public housing are adjacent freeways, making the projects as unhealthy environ-ment to live in, despite its garden-like atmosphere.

The layout also does not interact with the adjacent urban grid, causing the garden city projects to feel isolated from the rest of the neigh-borhood and easier to gate-off the community with heavy gating and security cameras, which was something the original architects did not intend.

The landscape was engineered to foster interac-tion within the community by incorporating active recre-ational facilities and encouraging residents to engage the landscape and one another. Mature trees are interspersed throughout open parkland and lawn. Buildings open out onto common greenspace areas, further enhancing the community feel. Outdoor amenities include playgrounds and asphalt walking trails, which provide passage throughout the shared space as well as room for neigh-bors to stroll and children to ride their bikes. The open lawn areas are often the site of impromptu soccer games and family gatherings.

The buildings are modular, double-story Modern-ist multi-family complexes, that repeat in orientation and placement to create a unifi ed, geometric layout. Originally the design was modeled after the urban ideas of the Athens Charter, the new houses are modeled after the charter for the New urbanism.

Ramona Gardens

Wyvernwood Apts.

Estrada Courts

modular block structuregrass landscapegated-off community

windows with bars painted color -tans tripartide systemfi rst fl , 2nd fl , roof

parking on-site meandering through housing blocks

balconies- attached

dense housing, horizontally spread out

similar back-to-front relation-ship between individual units

FromGarden City to Chicano City

The Estrada Gardens is still a place of great historical power as well as political and ideological tension. This is evident in the residents effort to take back their living conditions through the medium of street art, especially murals on walls.

The Estrada Courts Public housing project is the home of numerous murals that fi rst appeared in the early 1970s. Through murals, the artists reinterpreted the negative image of the projects to concepts of home and family. These murals can be found on almost every portion of the buildings and structures. Several of these murals, which are almost exclusively painted by Mexican Americansdate back to the 1970s during the height of the Chicano Power struggle. The Estrada Court murals are a powerful portrayal of counter and public art with strong political and historical messages that take into account its position as a place of power and resonance.

UNTITLEDFrank Lopez 1973

Portraits of Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy in front of an American fl ag. Between the two men is an eerie list of

comparisons.

TRIBUTE TO THE FARMWORKERSAlexandro Maya 1974the United Farmworkers Union fl ag be-ing raised over cultivated fi eld by mod-ern day agricultural workers, a Spanish soldier from the era of the Conquest, and a pre-Columbian Native American.

UNTITLEDErnesto de la Loza 1975Pastel-hued landscape

UNTITLEDTony Nunez 1976Landscape with bears

METHAMORPHOSISDavid Rivera, George Menchaca, Louie Lopez, Jaime Rodriguez, Alberto Rincon1977Fantasy featuring butterfl y people

MORATORIUM: THE BLACK AND WHITE MURALWIllie Heron and Gronk 1973 A phot-realist montage portraying the 1970 anti-Vietnam War Chicano Mora-torium, as well as imagery condemning police brutality in the barrio. In 1980 Her-ron returned to paint (in color) he and his wife embracing in the murals lower right corner.

IF WE COULD SHARELydia Dominguez 1976

UNTITLEDDaniel Haro 1973Mural of screaming woman

Just as ASCO in the 1970s commented on the content of Chicano murals in Instant Mural or tagged their name on public infrastructure such as LACMA and other buildings to bring awareness to inequality in the arts, a similar counter-spectacle happened around Boyle Heights.

Walls that usually represent physical borders and boundaries seen everywhere in Boyle Heights become reinterpreted as empty canvases. The empty walls of the modernist structure may at-tempt to repair the struggle of inequality and repres-sion, but by camoufl aging it with a rich painting that denotes religious, political, historical stories, the community overcomes the struggle, while making sure that history wont be forgotten.

Chicano City and Chicano Arts Movement

DREAMS OF FLIGHTDavid Botello 1973

The artists fi rst solo mural reveals some of his childhood fantasies

Resiliency: Camoufl aging Barriers

Murals depict

history

violence

religion

politics

symbolism

Typology of Business on Cesar Chavez Ave.

Heart of Community Business

Cesar Chavez and Soto- The corner is considered by locals and some historians as the Eastsides premier intersection. To them, it has more importance than Hollywood and Vine or Wilshire and Rodeo. They see it as a vibrant place that was at the center of the countrys biggest Jewish com-munity west of Chicago before World War II and the nations largest concentration of people of Mexican descent after it.

Despite the change of the street name and the language heard on it, the intersection evokes an intimate sense of neighborhood that is often missing in Los Angeles.

The retail environment suffers because of the communitys isolation from other nearby commu-nities because it is physically separated by commu-nities to the both by a freeway and hilly terrain and from the west and south by railroad lines and large industrial sectors. Local residents are the primary customers of most businesses. Its physical isola-tion is an example of both the connectedness of the community by also of the segregation faced bv the barrio.

Chavez Independently-owned Stores

There are many great community-based businesses on Cesar Chavez, like the world-re-nowned Candelas Guitars, Mercadito, King Taco, etc. But most of the retail establishments are small Mom and Pop businesses owned by families that live in the neighborhood. Therefore, pedestrian traffi c is greater than other parts of the city, which preserves the continuity of the streetscape. There are currently no regional shopping centers in Boyle Heights.

Cesar Chavez

tamale storepharmacy

food chain fl ower store travel company

Sot

o

shoe store pawn shop tattoo parlor barbershop cafe

shoe storefood restaurant

Typology of Independently-owned Stores

These photos depict the typical storefront on Cesar Chavez Ave., which still hold small traces of an older Boyle Heights. The storefronts are usu-ally reclaimed businesses in old brick or stuccoed spaces, public art on one side, safety bars, one-story structures that hand-crafted feel to them.

Murals seen on businesses could be grouped into non-political, political, and religious categories. The religious symbol-ism Virgin of Guadalupe seen regularly on streets. Other thematic non-political subjects include Aztec imagery, wolves, hearts and death masks. Political murals usually depict political stories. The murals also depicts stories of hope, preservation, and the idea that a small seed of hope and action can break through the seemingly monolithic barriers.

brick or stucco material

hand-painted mural on a part of the bldg. depict-ing product that could be purchased in store, or a religious or Aztec representation of culture.

Signage -hand-paint-ed, back-lit, or plastic- usually an addition on the building

1 story

independently owned

metal safety bar for protection

multi-colorful exterior

Signage usually in Spanish

The community is directly involved in its local commerce, and the people that shop at local businesses are usually neighbors. These markets depict the true typology of the shopper in Boyle Heights- small, independently-owned, handcrafted, hybridized shops that serve the needs of the com-munity. As a whole, these markets sustain the needs of the community and give off a small-city feel that is not felt in any other place in Los Angeles. They do not cater to any corporate agenda and tend to keep the money within the neighborhood.

They also challenge the preconceived no-tions of graffi ti as vandalism by exhibiting aerosol murals throughout. Public displays of artwork within their commerce goes hand in hand. The brick 1-sto-ry shell offers an egalitarian space, where everyone has the same space to sell goods as everyone else, which makes it a true local capitalist system.

The few issues at hand are the lack of ac-cess to good-quality, organic, and fresh produce in some areas.

Chicano Markets

Resiliency: Independent and Local Shops

Storefronts depict

history

unique signage

symbolism

non-corporate advertisement

family-oriented

There are only two large parks in Boyle Heights- Hillenbeck park and Hazard Park. Both have been severely cut in size with the introduc-tion of modernist agendas such as freeway building and development, leaving the neighborhood with he least parks places in the entire state, as well as the smoggiest city in the entire state. Both parks hold spaces for picnics and recreational sports.

Nevertheless, the smaller parks are usually located adjacent to schools, to promote better air quality for the kids during their hours of recreation.

Parks of Boyle Heights

Typology of Areas of Recreation

Hazard Park

Hollenbeck Park

Hollenbeck Park is one of the few open green spaces in East Los Angeles. The park was once an idyllic place for recreation and community gathering. The construction of a freeway through the lake in the park destroyed its serenity. Hollenbeck Park remains popular picnic spot for the residents. The old dock where leisure boats were rented in the past still remains.

Hollenbeck Park scarred by freeway

Hazard Park is tucked away behind County USC Medical Center and Bravo Medical High School and is bordered by North Soto St. one theory suggestst that the old arroyo de los pasos is the source of the waterfor the creek. another hints that a section of the old zanja madre irrigation system, was built shorly after the citys founding in 1781, provides the wetlands water. still another suggests that the hazard water is from springs.

Founded in 1884, the park is named for for-mer Los Angeles Mayor Henry Thomas Hazard and was a popular place for outings at the turn of the last century. The 2-acre section, which was once part of a railroad easement through Hazard, has some vegetation that thrives in water, such as cattails, willows and sedges. In addition, researchers have found fresh-water snails and crayfi sh. Several years ago, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service staff members discovered a variety of birds, including the Annas hummingbird, the northern mockingbird and the American crow, in Hazard.

There is also a small reservoir that sits on hill above Hazard Park. After its construction, the reservoir was ringed by large mounds of earth piled around it which could be viewed from all over the city, sullying the beautiful views of the neighbor-hood. After numerous grievances, the reservoir had been made a swimming hole for boys and a resort for dangerous men.

Hazard Park Hiding a Wetland

Park opportunities

restored wetlands

restored community identity

enhanced riparian habitat

Resiliency: Natures Ability to Survive

Typology of Healthcare Landscape

The LA USC Medical Center is a 600-bed public teaching hospital located in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. It is jointly operated by Los Angeles County and the University of Southern California.

Los Angeles County+USC Medical Center is one of the largest public hospitals and medical training centers in the United States, and the largest single provider of healthcare in Los Angeles County.

The hospital was always a visible symbol of modernist thought of hygiene and design. It sits like an ivory tower on a hill on a campus-like setting, with clear borders around its site. It is also com-pletely disconnected from the adjacent urban grid, and does not hold any community programs on its site. The hospital is also ill-equipped in han-dling people who dont speak English well, which causes language barrier between the barrio and the campus. Just the sole image of illegal immigrants deters many from seeking healthcare.

Elitist Approach to Healthcare

Historic past Current, built 1950

New Addition

modernist answer to health

ivory tower on hill

inaccessible to all

no connection with neighborhood

Due to the lack of accessible healthcare, Boyle Heights has one of the largest independently run pharmacies, that also serve the purpose of minimal preventative healthcare. It combines the pharmaceutical power of Western medicine with the herbal power of Mexican medicine in one location.

Local Pharmacies

Resiliency: Local Preventative Healthcare

large signage

combines pharmacy with other busi-nesses such as food court, conve-nience store, local produce, alterna-tive medicine, etc.

brick claddingpublic art on exterior

ambiance of small-town pharmacy from 1950s

Boyle Heights- The First Stitch on a Scarred Landscape

Boyle Heights is poor health.

The solution is a holistic, bottom-up approach to create a healthy and sustainable community without fear of gentrifi cation. The community has developed a methology of grassroots activism to deal with infrastructural fragmentation, which needs to be incorpo-rated into future development.

Just as murals cover walls once considered dividing barriers, existing infrastructure may be redesigned in order to provide site-specifi c services and therefore be taken back by the community.

Development of community advocacy for youth, immigration, education, affordable housing and business development should come through the development of dedicated spaces. Outreach programs must be implemented in order to foster and develop aware-ness of the necessity for preventative healthcare.

The health of the residents is proportional to that of the community and that is the essence to this approach.

Looking into the future, the Chicano population is destined to become the new poly-lingual society, with Anglos in the minority. If those communities look at their neigh-borhoods through the material, social, cultural, and imaginative lens, then those features will be expressed in the future city to convey public history in the urban landscape, as well as the new and developing histories of American cultural landscapes and the buildings within them.

Works Cited

Asco: Elite of the Obscure, A Retrospective, 1972-1987 LACMA. LACMA. Web. 04 Oct. 2011

Boyle Heights, Los Angeles. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boyle_Heights,_Los_Angeles. Wikipedia, 23 Sept. 2011, Web. 04 Oct. 2011.

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Hayden, Dolores. The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997. Print.

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Kwon, Miwon. One Place after Another: Site Specific Art and Locational Identity. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2004. Print.

Self Help Graphics and Art. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self_Help_Graphics_%26_Art. Wikipedia, 15 Sept. 2011, Web. 04 Oct. 2011.

Your Art Disgusts Me: Early Asco 1971-75. http://www.eastofborneo.org/articles/your-art-disgusts-me-early-asco-1971-75. East of Borneo, 18 Nov. 2010. Web. 04 Oct. 2011.

Graham, Stephen. Placing Splintering Urbanism University of Paris. Web. 04 Oct. 2011

Ananya, Roy. The 21st Century metropolis- new geographies of theory Department of City of Regional Planning. Univ Of Berkley Press. 2000. Print.

Maltzan, Michael. Cultural Infrastructure. Vintage: First Edition edition, 1992. Print.

Gandy, Matthew. Rethinking Urban Metabolism: Water, Space, and the Modern City. Urban Metabolism. Carfac Publishing, 2004. Print.

Allen, Stan. Infrastructural Urbanism. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1987. Print.

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