characterizing human society. Contrary to the indeter-minismofhumansociety, thenatural scienceoftheseventeenth and eighteenth centuries assumed a com-pletely mathematical determinismof nature which wassuccessfullycomputableinanalyticalmechanics.Theinnitesimal calculus delivered the mathematicalfundament of the newmathematical disciplines. Philo-sophically, theconcept of natureandsocietyintheeighteenthcentury was discussedlater onby ImmanuelKant. In what way is acting and deciding on the basisof free will in a completely determined nature possible?The strict distinction between a completely determinednatureandahumanworldof random, expectationandprobabilityhasbeenovercomeinthetwentiethcenturywhenquantummechanicswithitsprobabil-istic quantumeects became the newfundamentalof physics.BibliographyBernoulliJ I1713ArsconjectandiBasel[repr.1968,Brussels]BernouliJ I1969DieWerke.1stedn.NaturforschendeGesell-schaftBernouliJ I1959OperaI-II,Geneva[repr.1967,Brussels]Dietz P1959Die Urspru$ ngederVariationsrechnungbeiJakobBernoulli. Verhandlung der Naturforschenden GesellschaftBasel70:81146FueterO(ed.)1939JacobBernoulliGroeSchweizerForscher.Zurich, pp.868Hacking I 1971 Jacques Bernoullis Art of Conjecturing. BritishJournalforthePhilosophyofScience22:20929HofmannJ E1970JacobBernoulli.In:DictionaryofScienticBiographyII.NewYork.pp.4651Mainzer K. 1980 Jacob Bernoulli. In: Mittelstrae J (ed.)EnzykiopaWdiePhilosophieundWissenschaftstheorieI. Mann-heim,pp.2912Spiess O 1955 Jacob Bernoulli. In: Neue Deutsche Biographie II.Berlin,pp.1301Sylla E D1998 The emergence of mathematical probability fromthe perspective of the LeibnizJacobBernoulli correspon-dence.PerspectiesonScience6:4176ThieleR1990JacobBernoulli. In: GonwaldS, Ilgands H-J,Schlote K-H (eds.) Lexikon bedeutender Mathematiker. Leip-zig, pp.489K.MainzerBigMan,AnthropologyofReferringtoachievedleadership, thetermbigmanhascometostandforatypeofpolity(distinguished,e.g., fromtypesidentiedwithinheritedrank). It isassociatedclosely with, thoughnot limitedto, theethnographyof Melanesia. Whileprominent ineth-nography and in developmental theories fromthe1950sthroughthe1980s,thisethnographicconstructhasbecomelessimportantinrecentyears. Contem-porary work reects a methodological turn away fromtypologybuilding(andthefunctional anddevelop-mental theories it served). Emphasis has shiftedinsteadtowards historically andculturally situatedunderstandings of power and agency, attentive togenderandemergentclassrelations,andtonationalandtransnational processes.1. EarlyWork andDeelopingAnalysesBigmanistheAnglicizationofadescriptivephrasebikpela manmeaning prominent mancommon insome variants of Tok Pisin (an important Melanesianlinguafranca).Thetermwasadoptedwidelyinpost-WorldWarIIMelanesianethnography(e.g., Oliver1955, Read1959, Strathern1971) torefer tomaleleaders whose political inuence is achieved by meansof public oratory, informal persuasion, and the skillfulconductofbothprivateandpublicwealthexchange.The anthropology of big men comprises both regionalethnography(thesocioculturalinterpretationofcasematerials derived from extended eld research) andasthisethnographyispuzzlingfromacomparativeperspectivetheoreticaldebate.1.1 EthnographyWhile a variety of political systems have been observedinMelanesiafromthe earlycolonial periodtothepresent day, the big man is a notable feature ofpolitical life in highland regions of Papua NewGuineaandIrianJaya.Theseregionsaredistinctiveforhighpopulationdensitiesandsettled,looselykin-centeredcommunities (e.g., clans associated with namedplaces).Theirhorticulturaleconomiescharacteristi-cally are based on intensive tuber (sweet potato, taro)cultivationandpig raising.Big man leadership has intrigued anthropologists asavantageforunderstandinghoweconomicintensi-cationmight be possible inthe absence of institu-tionalized political structures. As it has been observedethnographically,highlandMelanesiansociopoliticallife is decentralized, informal, andparticipatory inspirit. That is, accesstogardenlandis universal (aexible concomitant of kinrelationships), andsys-tematic dierences in access to subsistence means,spouses(andotherhouseholdlaborresources), andvaluables are muted or absent. While direct par-ticipationinclaneventsisamoreorlessexclusivelymale prerogative and aects male social standing, it isnot obligatory. Evenformen, claninterestsdonottake precedence necessarily over personal relation-shipswithkinandotherexchangepartners,inwhichwomen are also involved. Finally, in many com-munities, leadershipisapersonal achievementasso-ciatedwithorganizingevents heldinthe names ofclans and tribal alliances. Leaders neither inherit theirstatusbyvirtueofseniority, lineagemembership, orritual sanction, nor are they formally elected orinstated. Communities do not typically institutionalizedecision-making councils or oces that must be lled.1162Bernoulli, Jacob I (16541705)Despitethelackofinstitutionalizedpoliticalstruc-tures, during precolonial and early colonial timescommunities did aliate themselves regionally forwarfareandritualperformances(e.g.,initiationsandfertility cults). People also came together frequently tosponsor competitive exchanges of indigenous valu-ables (e.g., pigs and pearlshells), events in whichthousands participated as recipients and donors.Periodic exchange festivals of dierent scales anddegrees of social and political complexity have drivenintensive gardenproductionfor generations inthehighlands. During the colonial period and nowadays,exchangesalsoinvolvemoneyandintroducedvalu-ables(e.g.,cows,trucks),andmaypartiallymotivateparticipation in wage-work and commercial end-eavors. Held to mark important events like deaths, andtoconstitute or reorder regional alliances betweengroups,thesefestivalsrequireskillfulorganizingandlong-term planning, as well as an intensive productionbase.EarlyinHighlandsresearchRead(1959) notedatensionbetweenculturally sanctionedassertions ofpersonal autonomy and of collective purpose. Westernconstructs resolveanapparentlyanalogous relationby subsuming naturalized individual interests withininstitutionalizedsocial structures (likethestate). Incontrast, Melanesian cultures implicate both dieren-tiating and collectivizing interests as social possibilitiesinadistinctiveconceptofpersonhood.Autonomyisenacted in the elaboration of personal networks of kinandexchangepartners(anes,friends).Moreorlessidiosyncratic,eachpersonssocialnetworkembodiesintereststhat convergepartiallybut mayregularlyconictwith the collectiveprojects of clans.Big men make their names by successfully orientingtheir clansmentocollective ends. While the meanstheyusevariesindierentpartsofhighlandMelan-esia, their power is personal and ephemeral relative toleadershippowerinsocietieswithinheritedrankorwith formal councils. This absence of structurallyreproducedpower gives Melanesiancommunities areputationfor egalitarianism (among men, if notbetween men and women). Men with leadershipambitions work to develop personal access to re-sourceswithinandoutsidetheircommunities. Theyachieve fame and inuence by using local and regionalsocial networks as bases for organizing collectivewealth prestations: events that make and remake clansandtribalalliances. Bymeansbothofpublicoratoryand private persuasion, big men work to add acollective signicance to their own and others actions,which would otherwise be construed only as diverselypersonal.1.2 Political Typologies and Deelopmental PuzzlesInpost-World War II anthropology, ethnographicaccounts from Melanesia and Polynesia were inuen-tial in the modeling of sociopolitical ideal types(respectively exemplifying tribes and chieftain-ships). Suchtypologies were central totheories ofcultural evolution (development), of special interest toarcheologists but also prominent over the past centurybothwithinandoutsideof sociocultural anthropo-logy. Developmental theories assumed that less econ-omicallyproductive, less sociallydierentiatedandpolitically centralized social types give way, over time,to more productive, more centralized ones. Theyposited a series of functional interdependencies amongvariables like population density, technology, theorganization of production, surplus production, andsociopoliticalstratication.Sahlinss (1963) typological comparison of thePolynesianchief andMelanesianbigmanperhapsthe single most inuential argument concerning Pacicpolitiesestablished the gure of the leader as key toargumentsconcerningtheirhistoricalfortunes.WithPolynesianchiefsasastandard, Sahlinsemphasizedthe limited coercive power of the big man in mobilizingwealth for public prestations, and identied theselimits in the refusal of his clansmen (understood as hispolitical supporters in regional inter-clan prestations)to put up with his increasingly unreciprocal behavior.Viewedfromthisperspective, evidenceofregular,large-scaleprestationsofpigs,pearlshells,andotherwealthinhighlandMelanesiawas puzzling. Ethno-graphic arguments by Mervyn Meggitt, AndrewStrathern, and others subsequently demonstratedthatwhile relations between men (dominant inwealth exchange) and women (mainstays of food andpigproduction) wereconictualrelations betweenleaders and their fellow clansmen were not predomin-antly extractive, but were mitigated by big mensability to tap labor and other resources in groups othertheir own bymeansof exchange networks.Meanwhile, a convergent line of researchbentmoreonunderstandingeconomicchangethansocio-political systemsdevelopedacomparisonbetweenMelanesianexchanges andcapitalist markets. Dub-bing Melanesians primitive capitalists, this workemphasized apparent similarities between local orien-tations andEuro-Americancultural values like in-dividual achievement, competition, material wealth,andinvestment. Forexample, Finney(1973)arguedthat the similarities culturally and psychologicallypreadaptedthebigman,inparticular,forcapitalistdevelopment. Indeed, during the colonial period,highlandPapuaNewGuineans werenotablyentre-preneurial (rather than simply spending cash incomesonconsumergoods).1.3 Big Man on the MarginsTheselines of researchcametoanambivalent res-olution in the late 1980s (e.g., Godelier and Strathern1991).Mostprominently,MauriceGodeliercentered1163Big Man, Anthropologyofattention on the structure of marriage exchanges in anargumentmeanttosuggestthatthebigmantypewithitsemphasisonthemanipulationofwealthisnot as typical of highlandMelanesiaas earlier eth-nography implied it was. In communities wheremarriage conventions de-emphasize bridewealth(transfers of wealth for persons or their capacities) infavor of sister exchange (transfers of persons forpersons), Godelier proposed that one observes GreatMen not big men: varieties of male prominence(notablyinitiationcultleadership)foundedonritualexpertise.Godelierspositionfollowedtheclassicpatternofusingethnographiccasestoconstructpolitical econ-omic types as elements in a hypothetical develop-mental sequence. It madediversecases comparable(capable of being organized as a progression) byassuming their commoncommitment tothe main-tenanceof malecollective(clan) interests. Alsolikeearlier work, it placed the big man type structurally onthe frontier of market capitalism. However, theseapproaches were already under siege, ethnographicallyand theoretically, as they were articulated in themid\late 1980s.2. Recent TrendsTheprogressivedeclineinresearchonbigmanshipsince the mid-1980s echoes a now long-standingdisciplinary trend away fromtypological, develop-mental\functional comparisonandtowardnuancedcultural interpretation in the context of historical andethnographic analyses of intra- and interculturalengagements. On the whole, Melanesian anthropologyhas not only reected but also spearheaded thesetransformationsinthecultureconceptanditsuses.In thisreworked arena,the richlines of researchthatthe puzzles of big manship stimulated have beenabsorbed intoother projects.These projects include, for example, increasinglyserious attentiontogender relations andmeaningsandtopolitical economic transformations. Melan-esian gender studies direct attention to divergentperspectivesandrelationswithinandbetweencom-munities. Theyrenderthemale-centered(nottosayleader-centered) typicationof cultures analyticallyunusable and big manship a decidedly qualied value(e.g., Lederman1986, 1990, GodelierandStrathern1991).Complementaryworkseeks insight intothe con-tradictory engagements of men and women, dierentlypositioned in emerging class relations, as Melanesianssituatethemselvesinaroilingglobal economy(e.g.,Gewertz andErrington 1999).Attentiontotheadoptionofunfamiliarclassandnationalidentitieshasinturnsharpenedunderstand-ingofthereinventionofculturallyfamiliarrelations,values, and meanings. Thus, studies of the articulationof market and gift exchange relations, and theirassociated political cultures, have claried their dier-ences even as their mutual entanglements have elabor-ated over the past generation. For example, onehighlands PapuaNewGuineapeople personifythestate as a big man to insist on a relationship ofequivalence, not hierarchy, betweenthe local andnational (Clark1992). Ethnographic observationslike thisshowwhatisat stakefor Melanesiansas theintramaleegalitarianismassociatedwithbigmanshipconfrontsambivalently, unevenly, and contin-gentlystructural inequalities associatedwithstateandglobal involvement, as well as newversions offamiliaralternativesandconicts(notablythosebe-tween men andwomen: Sexton 1993).These studies no longer identify themselves ascontributionstotheanthropologyofthebigmanorfunctional\developmental typology building. Instead,they aim to contribute to a more thoroughly historicalperspective on the politics of shifting contexts formeaningful action. The rise and ultimate dispersion ofbig man studies was characteristic of Melanesiananthropology over the past century. Asimilar in-terplayof local interpretive ethnographyandcom-parativecultural analysis will continuearoundpol-iticalvalueswellintothe twenty-rst century.See also: Economic Anthropology; Exchange in Anth-ropology; Exchange: Social; Kula Ring, Anthrop-ology of; Melanesia: Sociocultural Aspects; Trade andExchange, Archaeology ofBibliographyClarkJ1992Imaginingthestate: Idiomsof membershipandcontrol intheSouthernHighlandsProvinceof PapuaNewGuinea.PaperpresentedattheconferenceNation,Identity,and Gender, Australian National University, Canberra, ACTFinney B1973 Big-Men and Business: Entrepreneurship andEconomicGrowthintheNewGuineaHighlands. AustralianNationalUniversityPress,Canberra,ACTGewertzD, ErringtonF1999EmergingClass inPapuaNewGuinea: The Telling of Dierence. Cambridge University Press,Cambridge,UKGodelierM,StrathernM(eds.)1991BigMenandGreatMen:Personications of Power in Melanesia. Cambridge UniversityPress,Cambridge,UKLedermanR1986What GiftsEngender: Social RelationsandPoliticsinMendi, HighlandPapuaNewGuinea. CambridgeUniversityPress,Cambridge,UKLederman R 1990 Big men large and small? Towards acomparativeperspective.Ethnology29:315Oliver D 1955 A Solomon Island Society. Cambridge UniversityPress,Cambridge,UKReadK E1959LeadershipandconsensusinaNewGuineasociety.AmericanAnthropologist61:42536Sahlins M1963Poor man, richman, bigman, chief: Political typesinMelanesiaandPolynesia. ComparatieStudiesinSocietyandHistory5:285303Sexton L 1993 Pigs, pearlshells, and womens work: Collectiveresponse to change in Highland Papua NewGuinea. In:LockwoodV Set al. (eds.) ContemporaryPacic SocietiesPrentice-Hall,EnglewoodClis,NJ,pp.117341164Big Man, AnthropologyofStrathernA1971TheRopeofMoka:BigMenandCeremonialExchange in Mount Hagen, NewGuinea. Cambridge Uni-versityPress,Cambridge,UKR.LedermanBilingualEducation:InternationalPerspectivesThemajorityoftheworldspopulationspeaksmorethanone language. Giventhe humancognitive ca-pacity of managing multiple linguistic systems, curric-ulaemployingtwoormorelanguagesofinstructionand drawing on the linguistic and cultural resources ofbilingual or multilingual individuals should ndwideacceptance. In reality, the situation is more com-plicated.Afteradenitionofbilingualeducation,anoverviewof theobjectives andmajor types of pro-gramsisoered,andparametersdeterminingsuccessare identied. Throughout, L1 refers to the childs rstlanguage(s) andL2toanylanguagesacquiredafterage 3 years.1. DenitionFor educational programs toqualifyas bilingual,twoconditions shouldbe met: (a) more than onelanguage serves as mediumof instruction and (b)bilingualism and biliteracy are explicit goals. Inpractice,however,discussionsofbilingual educationoften relax these conditions and include policiesconsidering bilingualisma transitionalstate.2. Settingsand ObjectiesSince the 1960s, bilingual curricula have been de-velopedall over the world(see the comprehensiveoverview in Baker and Jones (1998) and Garc!a(1997)). Sometimes, as in Asia and Africa, more thantwo languages are involved. Besides globalization andthe need for intercultural communicative competence,the following factors can be singled out as mostconducive to this development: (a) co-existence of twoor more ocial languages, as inBelgium, Canada,Luxembourg, and Switzerland; (b) co-existence ofdierentlocallanguageswithanon-indigenous(col-onial) language functioning as a neutral ociallanguage,suchasEnglishinGhanaorFrenchintheIvory Coast; (c) in-migration and high drop-out ratesof minority children; and(d) revival of interest inethniccultures andlanguages.Against this background, at least three educationalobjectivescan be identied:(a) assimilation of the child of in-migrant orindigenousminoritygroupsintomainstreamsociety;(b) maintenance and development of the rstlanguage of minoritychildren;and(c)enrichmentandempowermentofminorityandmajoritychildren.3. TypesofBilingual EducationBaker (1996) (see alsoBaker andJones 1998) dis-tinguishes strong andweak educational policies,withonlytheformersatisfyingbothconditionsmen-tionedin the denition.3.1 Strong Formsof BilingualEducationAn intensively researched program is the immersion ofgroups of majority children in a second language, suchasEnglishspeakersinFrenchprogramsinCanada,whichmaybegininkindergartenor at later gradelevels, and be partial in the beginning (with only somesubjectstaughtinL2)ortotal, withashiftofsomecontentsto L1in later years.In maintenance or heritage programs, minoritychildren are taught in their L1 at least 50 percent of thetime. Successful programs haveledtothestrength-ening of Navajo in the USA, of Catalan, Gaelic,Finnish, and Welsh in Europe, of Maori in NewZealand,andof aboriginal languagesin Australia.In two-way or dual-language programs, which teachthrough both minority and majority languages (or relyon more than one majority language), balancednumbersofnativespeakersshareaclassroom.Lang-uagesalternate,eitherbysubject,day,orsomeotherconsistent principle.Second-language mediuminstruction is also animportant feature of International and Europeanschools, which, liketheSwissnishingschools, aretypicallyattendedbychildrenofsocioeconomicandintellectualelites.3.2 Weak Formsof BilingualEducationThesinkorswim policyof submersionisthemostwidespreadway of dealing withminority children,both in-migrant and indigenous. The child is placed inmainstreamclassrooms, sometimes assisted by ad-ditional instruction in the majority language (inwithdrawal or pull-out classes). Structuredimmer-sion L2 classes, not to be confused with the immersionprogramfor majority children (e.g., in Canada),contain only minority children. Transitional bilingualeducation starts by teaching in the minority childs L1and as soon as possible moves over to instructionviaL2.Itispossibletodistinguishearlyexit(after23years)andlate-exit options.Inmanycountries, in-migrant childrenmaywellexperience a mix of dierent methods. Parental initia-tives, religious organizations, and consulates oftenprovide additional L1classes focusingonlanguagedevelopment,ethnichistory, andculture.1165BilingualEducation: International PerspectiesCopyright #2001Elsevier Science Ltd.All rightsreserved.InternationalEncyclopediaof the Social& BehavioralSciences ISBN:0-08-043076-7