archis interventions 2010_volume 26 insert

CYPR

US

Nico

sia /

Lefk

osa

Dipk

arpaz

/ Rizo

karp

aso

MOLD

AVIA

ROMA

NIA

BULG

ARIA

TURK

EY

HUNG

ARY

AUST

RIA

SLOV

ENIA

CROA

TIA

BOSN

IA AN

D

HERZ

EGOV

INA S

ERBIA

MONT

ENEG

RO

Koto

r

Saraj

evo

Novi

Sad

Zagre

b

Pula

Ljublj

ana

Belgr

ade

Vladi

in Ha

n

Prish

tina

Skop

je

Tiran

a

Podg

orica

KOSO

VO

ALBA

NIA

MACE

DONI

A

GREE

CE

ITALY

Mosta

r

Biha

Buch

arest

Chisi

nau

Athe

ns

Anka

ra

Sofia

Istan

bul

BUC

CYP

PRN

SEE

FX

KU

PL

IP

ZP ATFR

PG

UR

NP

AB

IS

J

UD

AIAD

PEFA

RCAN

EX

CO

CY

Split

Supported by

Politics of Architecture Kai Vckler

In post-conflict contexts architecture and urban planning only have a disciplinary perspective when they consider themselves part of the overall political system that is to say, of governance. The profession must also come up with a new planning strategy that can contextualize itself both internationally and locally, within various social situations, and by preparing new contexts for participants in society.

NGOs operating in post-conflict situations have to find their own place within the global political regulatory system. To do this, they have to organize more among themselves, so that, ultimately, they form a political counterweight at an international level. Independent, international collaborations and associations would then also help NGOs to formulate comprehensive political goals.

SEE Archis Interventions in South Eastern Europe

Supplement to Volume 26 Architecture of Peace

Social and political problems materialize in cities, but since every city is confronted with these problems and their potential future development, there is also a chance to actively influence the optimism of the residents, in ways that go beyond the provision of basic necessities. The pivotal meaning of the city as an agent for political and social change becomes particularly obvious in a post-conflict situation. In this case, a citys development takes place under mostly unsafe, unstable conditions, and it is essentially defenseless against the mechanisms of political and economic events. This kind of city is scarred by conflicts; it is the expression of the crises in which the city finds itself.

Cities that have to regenerate after a conflict share a recurring problem: the exchange of population segments that occurs when many residents flee during periods of armed conflict. Often, many do not return to their homes for a variety of reasons: they may have better prospects elsewhere, or the political situation in their homeland may have altered so much that they have no interest in returning. Often, the conflicts have not been solved, but have instead become embedded in the city itself; the numerous divided cities around the world from Belfast to Nicosia, Mostar to Beirut are evidence of this. In addition, many people migrate to cities from rural areas. The result is that existing communities dissolve, and new neighborhoods are rapidly assembled. The new residents did not know each other previously, and have little to do with the city and its history. And in the case of rural immigrants, they are often not familiar with city life, which requires people to live closely together with many different types of people. Living conditions are precarious, production has to be set up again, business has to develop, and jobs are scarce. Government institutions have to be rebuilt and do not function well; the political situation is unstable; corruption is everywhere. Most crucial though is the fact that, due to the influx of rural immigrants and the return of refugees after a conflict, the population of a city will grow rapidly in a very short period of time. Cities like Prishtina or Kabul tripled or even quintupled their populations within a few years after military interventions. This results in an unregulated, informal boom in construction, since the demand for living space increases dramatically. Not only does the reconstruction of the city the rebuilding of ruins make its mark on a post-conflict situation, but the construction of new buildings also has a significant effect. Political power vacuums at the national level, along with the absence of self-monitoring in the civilian population, generate uncontrolled forces which seriously damage these cities chances for recovery. For this reason, it is necessary to scrutinize the aid and planning strategies that are used, and intensify the search for possible alternatives.1 One fact that often goes unrecognized is that social and political structures are formed to a great degree by the way a city is developed. This raises the question of how the expertise of architects and planners can be utilized, not only to overcome the consequences of a crisis, but also to avoid more conflict in the future. What would an architecture of peace look like?

Housing construction is strategically important in war or other catastrophic situations since it guarantees a minimum of safety and protection. And it is the key to urban development, as it also helps to constitute new types of social interaction, which have the immediate ability to help institutions begin functioning again. Still, just like the process of rebuilding urban structures that have been destroyed during armed conflict, the construction of housing, the restoration of architectural legacies, or the expansion of industrial and commercial buildings are not merely questions of architecture or urban planning. Political and economic interdependencies are embedded in these issues. Architects and urban planners

have to find their own positions in relation to this complicated association of intertwining forces.

In recent years, the importance of the international community in managing local conflicts has increased considerably. Banding together international aid organizations, it not only contributes significantly to the regulation of conflicts, but also to the restoration of political, social and cultural institutions. Even when the primary task is to provide basic necessities, such as water, electricity, streets and public transportation, rebuilding a citys infrastructure means that all of the decisions and steps taken in the process will profoundly influence the further development of the city. Thus, the urban transformations initiated by global players in very diverse regions around the world often follow the same pattern. However, there are an increasing number of problems: first, it is becoming ever more difficult to discern who is involved; and second, large organizations such as the UN, the OECD and the World Bank, along with countless NGOs, are unable to coordinate their efforts. In addition, these organizations are frequently in indirect competition with each other for political sway, their financial backing is opaque, there is no legal oversight of their actions, and lastly there are individuals employed in these organizations who are involved in outright criminal activities, and they often get away scot-free. Thus, it has become urgent to subject the methods and procedures of the international aid community to critical scrutiny.2

Global Governance and NGO ActivitiesIn a post-conflict situation, the process of rebuilding a city and restoring habitable living conditions is confronted with the necessity of quickly adapting to a specific situation marked by a great deal of ambiguity and insecurity. Most aid and development programs aim to establish new forms of good governance, which often simply imitate the political structures of the donor countries and try to apply generally unquestioned notions of a civil society to the situation at hand.3 Hence, normalization strategies around the globe operate with images and concepts from historical reconstruction to the idea of capacity building. However, despite all of the good intentions, these strategies disregard the realities of these cities. Ideas and concepts, such as freedom and democracy, are exported, even though most of the time, they are mere euphemisms used to cover up the introduction of the same capitalist principles of property and market economies that dominate the donor nations. Even the term human rights is regarded as a political norm that should be valid everywhere, and the fact that human rights have a history, as well as a changeable definition, is overlooked. To spell it out, so as not to be misunderstood: of course, human rights are highly desirable and worth defending, but they do not represent a neutral system of values. Rather, they are always permeated by political claims and ought to be negotiated and adapted to suit local conditions. Briefly stated, too little consideration is given to the special circumstances of local political situations, and frequently, there is little knowledge of local culture and society.

The result is a kind of donor speak, whose goal is to align everything with the political aims of the donor; this language is spoken by all of the members of local initiatives, as well as by those working for international organizations. Unfortunately, this is not a phantasm, but a political reality, and every plan in the crisis situation has to adjust to it. Donors are accountable to their own countries, and have to consider the political situations there, too. Consequently, it is all the more necessary to create a context for planning in crisis situations, and make sure that the goals of the plan reflect the local

situation and are suitably appropriate. It is imperative that local political, cultural, and social conditions be considered in the process. Through urban planning, overlapping problems in the development of the society as a whole can be dealt with, and models for solutions can be concocted. However, this means that an architecture of peace must have a clear understanding of the specific form of local political governance that arises in a post-conflict situation, and its own position in relation to that.

Numerous recent global conferences for example, the 1992 World Environmental Conference in Rio de Janeiro, the 1996 HABITAT II in Istanbul, the 1999 URBAN 21 in Berlin, and the 2010 World Urban Forum in Rio de Janeiro have all rehabilitated planning, in terms of influencing and managing social processes. Widely implemented by global players, such as the World Bank in the 1980s, the predominant neoliberal ideology and its efforts to minimize state influence has proved crisis-prone and increased the drive to reconfigure state structures and develop new forms of planning. This strategy, christened good governance, directly addressed urban agglomeration as the focal point of social transformation, referring to a development that has become increasingly apparent over the last two decades. Further, in conjunction with the significant expansion of cross-border exchange, new transnational structures have also arisen, and they express a new kind of relationship between the local and the global.

This is associated with profound alterations in statehood itself, and also in planning, for it is no longer the hierarchic and centralistic state that comprises the center of politics and controls development when it comes to comprehensive planning. Governmental action instead distinguishes itself in various kinds of areas. The state now tends to play the roles of moderator and coordinator between the international and local levels. Non-governmental players are increasingly involved in decision-making and implementation processes, this being the aim of the term governance. Governance is defined as the sum of all possible options, within which public and private institutions and organizations are constantly regulating their common affairs in order to coordinate their interests and facilitate cooperative action.4 Within this structure, there are active balances of power that are worthy of special attention.

Along with the cross-border expansion of communications, transportation, and information systems, the intensification of economic relationships in the global market, and the internationalization of production and labor conditions, new forms of political regulation have arisen on a global scale. First attempts at a kind of global governance have been carried out by NATO, the IMF, the OECD, and the United Nations, more or less successfully. They act on an international level, wherever there is a lack of formal democratic institutions. They are the protagonists in post-conflict situations, since they are the organs of the international community, which is supposed to guarantee reconstruction and integration into the global market and the international community of nations. They frequently replace missing state institutions, or participate to a large degree in their formation (nation building). Here, the international NGOs are important correctives. Evidence of this is the almost dramatic increase in the numbers of international NGOs that have begun operating in post-conflict situations in recent decades. However, their role within the current form of political regulation (policy regime) is also problematic. Are they simply one component of a dominant political and regulatory system, or do they represent the interests of local civil societies?

2 3

Non-governmental organizations are, according to the general definition, civil society organizations that do not represent the state. They are supposed to be financially and organizationally independent of state apparatuses and private business, and they should not be involved in the pursuit of commercial interests, but the interests of the community instead.5 Ideally, the work of NGOs should conform to the following description:

they represent interests that have no voice in existing political structures (political advocacy)

they identify problems and topics, and include them in political negotiations and decision-making processes on both the local as well as international level (agenda setting)

they mobilize factual expertise and knowledge in order to solve or debate topics in public

they develop projects that are not undertaken by state and supra-state players, or else carry them out when governments or the international community cannot do so for organizational or political reasons

Their potential lies in their scientific, technical, or even political expertise, as well as in the fact that they are very familiar with the problems in their field and with the local structures. This assumes, of course, that an international NGO cooperates with local civil society organizations, so that they can successfully adapt their strategies to the local political, social and cultural context. One important component in the success of their work is their ability to mobilize the public at both an international and a local level, in order to further the goals of the interests formulated. If they can do this, they can make essential contributions to the processes of reaching the compromises and consensus necessary to political decision-making, and thus play an important role as mediators, since they are pursuing neither commercial nor wider political interests.

Reality, however, has a somewhat different appearance: very few NGOs can finance themselves through donations, and therefore, they are highly dependent upon the financial support of governments, international governmental organizations (such as the EU), and their semi-public organizations. For financial support, the only other alternative is to turn to private foundations, such as Aga Kahn, George Soros or other foundations financed by international corporations.6 Therefore, NGOs are forced to adapt their approaches, to accommodate the goals and programs set forth by their financial supporters. In addition, professionalizing their workforce also means paying their employees, which leads to a factual constraint: having to compromise their own programs in order to conform to the donors agenda. Over time, NGO companies have arisen, which are frequently only guided by self-interest. And the staffs of international NGOs are also part of the elite corps of managers and functionaries whom Mary Kaldor calls the cosmopolitans a community of like-minded, well-educated experts, who work for the United Nations, one of the international or non-governmental organizations, or for foreign investors (who also count local experts as part of their membership). This, too, is a new form of global domination, which Kaldor describes as the new divide. On one side are the generally impecunious local residents and migrants, who are seeking a place in the new urban communities, and on the other side are the global citizens and their allies the local elite, most of whom have been educated abroad.7 Yet another difficulty is that NGOs specialize in specific topics, and this often prevents them from understanding an overarching

complex of problems. Last, but not least, is the NGOs own, non-elected (and therefore undemocratic) position within the political negotiation process. In practice, all of this often results in a condescending, paternalistic way of working.

Accordingly, the policies of NGOs operating in post-conflict situations should be critically examined, but they should also be allowed to develop further. An important step toward reinforcing their position enough to oppose donors, gain independence from them, and to find their own place within the political regulatory system, is to strengthen their contacts with each other and to organize more among themselves, so that, ultimately, they can become institutionalized on an international level and form a political counterweight. Independent, international collaborations and associations would then also help them to formulate comprehensive political goals. This also means, however, that they have to develop new forms of democratic politics. New, more transparent, and therefore more open ways must be found to select and represent topics and content, as well as to develop decision-making processes. It is always evident that an intervention from the outside is only successful when there is collaboration with local structures and support for political self-determination. This means that there must be more effort made to integrate non-governmental organizations and other civil society groups into the international system, and to increase their presence on the scene. The search for new ways must begin.

Architects and Planners as Agents of ChangeArchitecture and urban planning only have a disciplinary perspective when they consider themselves part of this overall political system that is to say, of governance. The profession must also come up with a new planning strategy that can contextualize itself within various social situations and simultaneously prepare new contexts for participants in society.8 Should one employ the contextualization necessary in order to plan (for that, too, can be considered a political project), fundamental principles consequently ensue. This is strategic, in the sense that it must react to various social and cultural contexts, while mediating between the special needs of individual social groups and the international power structure and its mechanisms. Yet it must also be cooperative, in as much as it provides, in its own turn, various participants with new contexts, in order to open up these spaces, whose effects go beyond local (and national) contexts. In this sense, planning must be communicative, because participants can only be mobilized through dialogue. This dialogue is not just local, however; it must also be conducted at an international level.

Planners and architects have a seductive perspective of the city from above, which can block the view of how the city should be used, as well as the view of the social relationships and political power relations inscribed in its spaces. Space is not neutral. Accordingly, neither is the position of the architect or planner; there is no such thing as architecture for architectures sake, nor is there any such thing as a neutral plan. Every plan is the result of negotiation and power relations, and these things are expressed through the plan. When architects and planners regard themselves as agents of change, and try to intervene positively in city development, then they need to realize that they will need political patronage. This support, however, should not be based in opaque relationships and closed-door agreements; rather, it should be transparent and open. Only then would it also be possible to address the programs set forth by other political factions, and to include them in the negotiation process. This

Internationals

Locals

Internationals

Local employees

C I T Yin post-confl ict situation

WOR L D

Refugee employees

Us and Them the New Divide

4 5

Archis Interventions in South Eastern EuropeHere is where the Archis Interventions project begins. The aim of Archis Interventions, a community-based, non-profit offshoot of Archis, is to support cities by supplying ideas and concepts that will help to revitalize public space and renew faith in public dialogue. Local partners play the main roles in the process, since they are the ones requesting intervention in the development of their city.9 Archis Interventions activities in South Eastern Europe began in 2005, when some Kosovar colleagues and myself founded a local branch in Prishtina (Archis Interventions/Prishtina). Against this backdrop, Archis Interventions began expanding its activities across South Eastern Europe.10 A network of independent urban initiatives and organizations in South Eastern Europe was launched in 2008 by myself in cooperation with Srdjan Jovanovi Weiss and is still growing. In almost all larger cities in South Eastern Europe there exist independent urban initiatives that use their specialist knowledge and experience to defend the interests of civic stakeholders. Such initiatives often work in isolation from one another or have only limited opportunities to participate in international urban discourse on new urban development and planning methods and concepts. The aim of the Archis Interventions SEE network is to network regionally and develop international cooperation projects, to share past experience and transfer relevant knowledge. And last but not least to strengthen local initiatives by embedding them in supra-regional networks. By 2010 the network has been extended to the successor states of former Yugoslavia, and to Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey and Cyprus. Conferences have been organized in cooperation with local partner organizations in Basel, Bucharest and Vienna. Professionals from throughout the region have been involved in different local projects. And the initiatives work has been presented in international exhibitions such as the Balkanology exhibition at the Swiss Architecture Museum (2008), Architecture Centre Vienna (2009) and at the National Museum of Contemporary Art in Bucharest (2010) , at conferences, and in local and international media.

In the conflict-ridden system of international politics (localized through governmental structures), a globalized market and civil society projects developed in cooperation with local, independent urban initiatives can develop new kinds of cooperative and communicative planning, which will help to support the societys weak civil powers in particular. Thus, positioning within this new framework of governance is of crucial significance, because if an intervention is to succeed, then it has to develop relationships with government institutions and the civil sector likewise. Independent, non-governmental, non-commercial initiatives formed by professionals play an important part here, because not only do architects and urban planners bring their expertise to the table, but they frequently also act as both initiator and mediator, employing empowerment strategies to facilitate or influence urban developments.

Noten1 See Sultan Barakat (ed.), After the Conflict: Reconstruction and Development in

the Aftermath of War (London, New York: 2005); Gerd Junne, Willemijn Verkoren

(eds.), Postconflict Development: Meeting New Challenges (Boulder, London:

2005); Kai Vckler, Prishtina is Everywhere. Turbo Urbanism: the Aftermath of

a Crisis, Amsterdam 2008; Jon Calame, Esther Charlesworth, Divided Cities:

Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar, and Nicosia (Philadelphia: 2009).

2 See Regina Bittner, Wilfried Hackenbroich, Kai Vckler (eds.), UN Urbanism.

Post-conflict cities Mostar Kabul (Berlin: 2010); Linda Polman, War Games:

The Story of Aid and War in Modern Times (London, New York: 2010).

3 See John E. Trent, Modernizing the United Nations System: Civil Societys Role

in Moving from International Relations to Global Governance (Farmington Hills,

Opladen: 2007).

4 Ulrich Brand, Stadt als runder Tisch: Zum neuen Leitbild Global oder Good

Governance, www.bmgev.de/themen/urban21/brand. See also Michael Zrn,

Regieren im Zeitalter der Denationalisierung, in: Claus Leggewie, Richard Mnch

(eds.), Politik im 21. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main: 2001).

5 See Ulrich Brand, Alex Demirovic, Christoph Grg, Joachim Hirsch (eds.),

Nichtregierungsorganisationen in der Transformation des Staates (Mnster: 2001).

6 Archis Interventions activities in South Eastern Europe have been mainly

supported by ERSTE Foundation. ERSTE Foundation is the main shareholder

of ERSTE Group (the savings bank). See www.erstestiftung.org.

7 Mary Kaldor, Cosmopolitanism Versus Nationalism: The New Divide?. In: Richard

Caplan, John Feffer (eds.), Europes New Nationalism: States and Minorities

in Conflict (New York, Oxford 1996).

8 See Nikolaus Kuhnert, Anh-Linh Ngo, Governance, Archplus 173 (May 2005).

9 Documented on www.archis.org.

10 See www.seenetwork.org. The Archis Interventions project in South Eastern

Europe is supported by ERSTE Foundation.

requires a delicate tightrope walk in the political arena, which has to be undertaken by all independent groups whenever they attempt to intervene in the urban space. On one hand, one of their essential tasks is to formulate the interests of excluded segments of the population and to scrutinize the process of developing the city by mobilizing the public. On the other hand, they have to position themselves within the negotiation process, and, accordingly, be ready to cooperate or compromise with other political forces. In short, they have to have the ability to criticize the predominant political situation, while being part of it at the same time. This is because critique and public debate alone are not enough, even though they are prequisites for a successful intervention for if sustainable change is indeed going to come about, then it is always brought about by assertive action, and hence, it is a question of power. The regulation of city development cannot be left up to societys self-regulation and customary law, especially not in post-conflict situations. Accordingly, it is directly linked to the ability of state organs to act assertively, because they have a monopoly on the legitimate use of force. However, no plan, regulation or urban development strategy can be carried out if there is no consensus in society itself about the meaning and purpose of the plan. Yet, even here, limitations have to be set: when organs of the state (and the international institutions and organizations that support them) offer only repression and corruption, then they also have no legitimation. Even when they carry out measures through the threat of force, a critical distance must be maintained. But it is nave to believe that an architecture of peace can exist independently of an architecture of power.

Non-governmental organizations in post-conflict situations must adapt their approach to the local context and thus, only limited generalizations can be made.

However, it is possible to propose some fundamental principles for discussion:

reflect upon and communicate ones own position

do not pursue any commercial interests

address different interest groups, in order to incorporate them over the long term

gather various interests together for projects that require groups to cooperate in order to carry them out

balance collaborations; advantages and profits must be shared equally

create transparency: goals and procedures are openly discussed in public

create room for negotiation, open up perspectives, mobilize knowledge and place it at everyones disposal

plan and design the process; structure it through dialogue and keep it open

Correspondingly, the three fundamental pillars of the work are: (1) communication, (2) cooperation, and (3) shaping the process. What does this mean, specifically, for architects and planners who want to intervene in urban development? They should think less about a project, and more about the process of contriving projects, especially at first. And, as an aside, they should not assume that their project will necessarily wind up in a plan or as a building. As the saying goes, when you have a

hammer, every problem looks like a nail. From the standpoint of the architect, every problem becomes a construction project. Frequently, however, an urban problem can also be solved by other means: a space can be revitalized through public debate, by using it for something else, or else through an economic strategy or regulation, to name just a few examples. That means, when figuring out projects in a post-conflict situation, it always helps to ask a few basic questions:

where: where is the space? Where are there spaces that are not disputed and controversial, but neutral?

what: is it possible to create a new space, which will open up new perspectives?

why: who needs it? Who will profit from it? Who are the partners involved in the process? Is it in the interest of the public welfare?

how: what tools and strategies are needed, in order to create this space? How can collaborations be established, and how can the process be shaped?

Flexible PlanningThe obvious failure of city government and the international organizations in post-conflict situations, which are together responsible for city development, can be traced back to a problematic understanding of planning and the role of the expert. Undeniably, plans are needed in order to structure and regulate the citys development. However, in the traditional top-down approach that is part of hierarchically structured planning from the strategic master plan, to land zoning, to regulated building plans there are already a number of troublesome aspects, which are not really taken into consideration. The main problem is the extremely tedious process that often drags out over several years: by the time it comes to an end, reality has already outpaced it. Also, the city is regarded as a coherent form an object to be shaped and designed. The fact that the city has an active, constantly changing form is ignored. Of course, it is necessary that there be goals in planning, and that planning be a regulated force in urban development, but it is an ongoing process that needs to be flexible whenever circumstances change.

If the traditional model of urban planning is rejected, then new forms of cooperation and processes of negotiation between private parties and governmental institutions need to be developed. Master plans that attempt to treat complex layers of political and economic problems in the same way (comprehensive planning) are of no significance. Instead, it is necessary to develop processual, participatory, and hence, communications-based types of plans (collaborative planning). For this kind of flexible planning, it is crucial that new ways of collaborating be permitted. However, these kinds of cooperative efforts should remain transparent. Still, it has to be transparent enough to be monitored by the public. Therefore, the forces of civil society should be encouraged to participate; they need to be regarded as an important corrective to the planning process. The key to all of this is communication: public debate had to be stimulated, with the assistance of local media. Public campaigns should also stimulate active participation and provide opportunities for people to get involved.

6 7

CYPRUS

Nicosia / Lefkosa

Dipkarpaz/ Rizokarpaso

MOLDAVIA

ROMANIA

BULGARIA

TURKEY

HUNGARY

AUSTRIA

SLOVENIA

CROATIA

BOSNIA AN

D

HERZEGOVINA S

ERBIA

MONTENEGRO

Kotor

Sarajevo

Novi Sad

Zagreb

Pula

Ljubljana

Belgrade

Vladiin Han

Prishtina

Skopje

Tirana

Podgorica

KOSOVO

ALBANIA

MACEDONIA

GREECE

ITALY

Mostar

Biha

Bucharest

Chisinau

Athens

Ankara

Sofia

Istanbul

BUC

CYP

PRN

SEE

FX

KU

PL

IP

ZP ATFR

PG

UR

NP

AB

IS

J

UD

AIAD

PEFA

RCAN

EX

CO

CY

Split

INITIATIVES

AI Archis Interventions Prishtina CP Co-PLANEX EXPEDITIO Centre for Sustainable Spatial Development FX FLUX KU New Media Centre_kuda.org PE press to exit project spacePL Platforma 9,81 Institute for Research in ArchitecturePG Pula GroupPR Pravo na grad Right to the City UD Urban-Rural and Recycling DesignUJ J21 Novi Sad Urbanism

Laboratory UR Under Re:cyclingIP Intitut za politike prostora /

Institute for Policies of SpaceAD ADAPTations1AN AnalogAT ATU Association for Urban

TransitionZP Zeppelin AssociationNP Novi Put, BihacFR FRONTAL, BucharestCY Archis Interventions CyprusAB Abart, MostarFA First Archi Brigade /

Prva Arhi Brigada, SkopjeIS Archis Interventions Istanbul

PROJECTS

SEE networkPRN PrishtinaBUC BucharestCYP Cyprus

Supported by

www.seenetwork.org

8 9

After NATO intervention ended the war between the Serbian military and the Kosovo-Albanian liberation army in 1999, a building boom began in Prishtina. The majority population, made up of Kosovo-Albanians, immediately started erect-ing urgently needed housing, while at the same time, the real estate market became one of the most profitable branches of business, due to the enormous lack of both residential and commercial space. Demand intensified when the rural popula-tion began streaming into the city, along with Kosovo refugees being repatriated by Western European nations. Within a brief period of time, Prishtina tripled its population, resulting in the speedy rebuilding of the city. Those who did not participate in the construction boom were the socially disadvantaged, who had neither land nor money, and the minority population of Kosovo-Serbs, who, faced with a new power structure, were not interested in investing in real estate. Even though Prishtina had not suffered much damage during the war, about seventy-five percent of the citys existing structures and with them, their historical legacy were demolished, until almost nothing was left. In addition, all of this construction activity was illegal, due to the breakdown of local government: until 2005 it was practi-cally impossible to get a construction permit, even if you want-ed to. Note that all of this occurred under the administration of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), which regarded its main task as not so much to regulate urban development for the good of the city, but to introduce concentrated market economy structures. Of course, institutional structures had to be rebuilt, and there were no fundamental documents (such as a land registry, for instance) to secure the legal system; but still, one wonders why the international community, as represented by the UN mission (whose power was ensured by the KFOR troops), was incapable of setting at least minimum standards for construction. The consequences were grave: not only is most of old Prishtina gone, but public squares are neglected, the in-

frastructure is totally overwhelmed, and almost everywhere, there are blatant safety violations, such as blocked or missing emergency exits; insufficient, overburdened structures, where, for instance, load-bearing walls have been removed in order to enlarge rooms, or else single-family houses have been erected on the roofs of five-story apartment buildings from the Social-ist era. Not least among the difficulties are the massive social conflicts that have arisen because neighbors have blocked each others entrances, or even put up new buildings a hands width away from a neighbors living room window. In short, Prishtina has serious problems in terms of safety for both people and buildings; it has social problems as a result of rebuilding of the city, and it has a problem providing for basic infrastructure and services. So, anyone who wants to know why planning is neces-sary and sensible ought to visit Prishtina today.

The task in Prishtina was, first, to analyze the phenomenon and then to make it comprehensible. In order to do this, we collabo-rated with Archis Interventions in 2006 to produce a workshop in which selected situations were analyzed and then organized by type. The various situations were charted and mapped in order to make it clear how extensive the rebuilding of the city actually was. Parallel to this, we worked out an overall strategic concept, which allowed for a combination of various strategies: aside from the urban-architectural strategy, this affected com-munications, the support from the Archis network, the inclu-sion of different interest groups in a model project, and the support of local institutions and organizations. These parallel strategies were pursued from the start.

First of all, it was necessary to communicate the informa-tion about the newly founded, local NGO, the analysis of the situation, and the strategic concept. We were able to do this in an international setting, when the project was publicized in

Volume 11 in Spring 2007; we also presented the project at a number of different conferences on the theme, some of which were organized by the European Union and the UN Habitat. This immediately led to reports appearing in local media, which, in turn, resulted in greater public interest. We were able to take advantage of this when we organized a student workshop, which became a public presentation during the mayoral elec-tion in December 2007. The students took selected situations and developed possible future scenarios for them, which they then visualized in various ways. The visuals made it clear what would happen if the city were simply to continue development as before. This made such an impression on the new mayor of Prishtina, Dr. Isa Mustafa, that he appointed the co-founder of Archis Interventions/Prishtina, Florina Jerliu, as his personal consultant on urbanism issues. The altered political situation, along with the great interest in change shown not only by the politicians responsible, but also by a large portion of the popu-lation, made it possible for us to further develop our concept, and some of it has already been realized. In 2009, for instance, we collaborated with city administrators and the building ministry to create a Manual on the Legalization of Structures

Built without Building Permits. The manual set up basic mini-mal standards that would make it possible to legalize existing structures, and contained a concept for carrying out this highly complex process. In July 2009 the City Council used the funda-mentals of this concept to pass a resolution to start the legal-ization process. At the same time, we produced a television show about illegal construction, which was broadcast at the time the legalization process began. Furthermore, we worked out a preliminary concept for a set of guiding principles for ar-chitecture. Currently, we are at the point where we are working on more actions that might have an effect on the public, as well as on a possible model project, which would make it possible to apply a new process for coordinating some sort of agreement between the various interest groups and the realization of our ideas. What many representatives of international and local organizations thought was impossible in 2005 is now coming to fruition: the situation will be improved for the general good of society. To do all of this, however, we needed architects and planners, who wanted a change and who worked on behalf on their city: they can be regarded as agents of change.

Post-Conflict Planning

ARCHIS INTERVENTIONS IN PRISHTINA, KOSOVOInitiated 2005

Archis Interventions and Kosavarian architects and town planners began their cooperation in Prishtina in 2005 by co-founding a local NGO. Collaborators have included Hackenbroich Architekten (Berlin) and Co-PLAN (Tirana). The legalization concept and the study about the future development of Prishtina has been developed in cooperation with the Municipality of Prishtina.

10 11

INTERNATIONAL

COMPLETEDIN PROGRESS

TO BE DONE

LOCALAiBerlin

AiAmsterdam

NGOAi Prishtina

SupportStrategy

Communication Strategy

ArchisNetwork

ArchitecturalStrategy

ParticipatoryStrategy

NetworkingStrategy

Phase 2 Phase 3 Phase 4Spring 2007

Capacity Building

Activation oflocal knowledge

TV-show Newspaper campaign

Stimulation of interest groups

Leaflet

Prototypical small scale projects

Model Project

Volume issue

Stimulation of Balkan experts

network

Workshops

Integration in the Archis network

Conference

Student Projects

Advisory BoardManual Architectural competition

Architectural exhibition

Strategic Planning

STRATEGY CONCEPTInitiated 2005The strategy concept developed in 2006 (see Volume 11) combined different approaches to achieve public awareness and impart a sensibility for environmental qualities and architectural values. It addresses different actors, local as well as international, and was designed to bridge the gap between them. An important aspect was the combination of a communication strategy (including the production of a TV show) with a support strategy (encouraging students), a participatory strategy (activation of local knowledge), a networking strategy (integration in the Archis network) and last but not least an architectural strategy (developing the manual and starting a model project). Actually most of these strategies could be successfully implemented.

12 13

The Concept for a Manual and Recommendations on the Legalization Process

Manual on the Legalization of Structures Built without a Construction PermitThe first step in developing an implementation strategy was a workshop, in which experts were brought together to develop a manual that explains the principles (relating to security, infrastructural networks and social aspects, etc.) necessary to improve the present situation. The manual was conceived in cooperation with international and local experts, including representatives of the municipality, the Institute for Spatial Planning of Kosova, and other official organizations. The workshop participants developed joint recommenda-tions and strategies on how to act in the near future, and jointly formulated provisos for the manual. They consider this to have made an important step towards bringing major policymakers into closer contact and cooperation, with regard to the legalization issue.

Essentials

Legalization is a ONE TIME process

Day X (the start of legalization) is announced 24HRS before

After Day X a FUNCTIONING system for issuing planning permits must be in place

Buildings constructed after Day X shall NOT BE LEGALIZED

Day Z is THE END of the legalization process.

After Day Z only URBAN PLANNING CRITERIA shall apply.

14 15

Public Debate and Resolution of the Municipal Assembly of Prishtina

A public debate on the regulation for legalization of structures built without a construction permit and the manual for legalization of structures built without a construction permit took place in the Municipality of Prishtina, July 23, 2009. On the basis of the strategic concept presented in the manual, the Municipal Assembly passed a resolution to start the legalization process after the elections for mayor, which took place at the end of 2009. The legalization process started in October 2010.

Download the manual on the legalization of structures built without a construction permit at: www.seenetwork.org/projects

1.1. Security Aspect

MAIN STREET

MAIN STREET

etuor

nairtse

deproffor one-way street

for two-way street

buildings with max 450 sqmPROTOTYPE 1


a)b)

c)

d)

Each building should have direct access to a public road

In case of not having direct access to a public road, agreement of use of the right to passage with theneighbor should be reached,

if agreement is reached, passage for pedestrian should be minimum 1.0 meter wide and the length of thepassage from the building to the main street should be not more than 100 meters.

In order for the passage to have the character of the secondary street, it should be minimum 3.0 m wide fora one-way street, or minimum 5.5 m for a two-way street.

Minimal Standard:


if the building is up to 1.0 meter distance fromthe neighboring building:

:-

.

-


if the building is more 3.0 meters from the plot line,the planning criteria are applied.

1.2. Social Aspect 1.2. Social Aspect

SIDE WAL K

1.2. Social Aspect 1.3. Infrastructure

Neighborhood

Water Supply

Taxes Investment

Sewage Street Open Spaces Bus School

erutcurtsarfnIlaicoSerutcurtsarfnIlacinhceT

Municipality

1.3. Infrastructure

Water Supply

Sewage, etc.

Street Open Spaces

Bus, etc.

School, kindergarden


acce

ssas

street

orbu

ildingpa

ssag

e

MAIN STREET

if the building is below 3.0 meters in distance from the neighboring building:


MAIN STREET

if the building is between 3.0 5.5 meters in a distance from neighboring building:


MAIN STREET

if the building is from 3.0 up to one fourth () of its height, in distance from the plot line:


2.2. Social Aspect

MAIN STREET

buildings above 450 sqmPROTOTYPE 2

2. Prototipi 02

2.2. Social Aspect

Conicts between neighbors results mostly out of the blocking of view (view, insulation) by buildingtoo narrow to the neighbors building, or out of the occupation of a neighbors plot. A negotiationbetween neighbors in case of such problems is also basis for the legalizations of a building.

A1 / Blocking views (view, lighting)

Minimal Standard:

The building should not block the primary view of other buildings. The neighbor whose primary view isblocked, has the right to complain against the applicants for legalization permit.

Blocking of the primary view is considered when:- building with over 450 sqm applying for legalization is in a distance less than 1/4 o ts height from the plotline of the neighbors parcel, who has a building with max 450 sqm);

- building with max 450 sqm applying for legalization is in a distance less than 5.5 meters from the borderingwall of the neighboring building with over 450 sqm which has openings other than windows of bathroomsand staircases;

In case of blocking, the building can be legalized if agreed by the neighbor whose front facade is blocked;

In case there is no agreement, the blocking building needs to be cut back to create the due distance.

2.2. Social Aspect 3.1. Security Aspect

MAIN STREET


No building applying for legalization

16 17

An 8-part TV-Series on Informal Building in Prishtina

TV ShowA public campaign designed by Archis Interventions/Prishtina accompanies the process of regulating informal construction (included the legalization of existing buildings), which commenced in October 2010. Public presentations and a media campaign will raise public awareness of the most important aspects of this issue (safety regulations, public infrastructures and amenities, impact on the community, etc). Beside public presentations and reports in different media, an 8-part TV series has been produced in collaboration with Pixels Productions, Prishtina. Visar Geci, co-founder of Archis Interventions/Prishtina and a renowned TV star in Kosovo, produced the TV show in cooperation with Florina Jerliu and Kai Vckler. Each of the series episodes addresses a different aspect of informal building. Recorded on selected sites in Prishtina, from AugustDecember 2009, the TV series gave local citizens and officials a chance to express their opinions on the state of informal building in the city, in dialogue with Visar Geci.

18 19

STUDENT HOUS I NG

PUBLIC ECONOMIC SUPPORT

MINIMAL UNITS 25 m MAX

COLLECTIVE FUNCTIONS

STUDENTS AND YOUNG ENTERPRENEURS

iI NFORMAT I ON CENTER

CAFFE LOUNGE

Wi FiFREE WiFi

NEWS CENTER

SMALL EXIBI TIONCENTER

PER FORMANCE SPACE

PUBLI CCOMMUNI TY

CENTER

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING

PUBLIC COMMUNITY CENTRES

INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

I NCUBATOR

FI NANCI AL SUPPORT PRIS HT INASMALL OFFICE UNIT

iI NFORMAT I ON CENTER COLLEC TIVE FUNCTIONS

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

Urban Study

Dynamic CityPrishtinas future prospects and how planning might best support them were the focus of an urban study developed in 2009. It is necessary to offer future prospects to citizens by developing a realistic strategy that takes the current situation into account but also establishes the principles of viable future development. This is strategic planning based both on a vision and on reliable information, and can therefore offer a solid foundation for consensus and negotiations. The study develops a key concept by analyzing Prishtinas potential as the capital of Kosovo, and identified knowledge and education as the key factors for future development. The study focused on the latters spatial implications and formulated the major principles of future urban development.

Public Community CenterPublic community centers installed in abandoned or newly erected public buildings shall combine different functions that are attractive to students, and other citizens interested in in-formation and cultural exchange.

Business IncubatorThe city can support new start up-enterprises in the knowledge economy with specific space incubators in which office spaces are concentrated information centers. Specific economic pro-grams could support young entrepreneurs.

Student HousingA specific student housing typology is missing. An investment in this specific housing, with public and commercial functions integrated at the ground level, could be implemented strategi-cally in the core zones of an education-related spatial develop-ment.

Catalysts For students, lecturers and professors, as for future knowledge based-economies, it needs a good environment and close spa-tial connections it shall be clustered and connected well. For that it will need specific catalysts to improve the situation.

The Youth Is The FutureThe highly significant symbolic spaces and buildings in the inner city of the young nation is the backbone of future development. The youth is the future the investment by the nation and the city in developing knowledge among its young citizens will be returned by the development of a knowledge-based economy.

New Attraction PointsBy introducing new typologies (incubators, public community centers, student housing) in the center, the recommended connection of high symbolic meaning between the nation to its history, economy and youth shall gain enormous quality. Those new typologies should be developed as new buildings in mainly abandoned areas, or should be accommodated in exist-ing buildings suitable fur such typologies.

20 21

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

District behind Youth and Sport CenterNew recreation triggers small business and larger business development. Spatial incuba-tors are designed to attract young professionals by offering work space with low running costs, by bringing together different forms of new knowledge-based businesses to form a creative atmosphere and combining this with public functions to enable an interaction with other citizens. Out of this combination spatial incubators are giving a lot of impulses to the urban development and become the nucleus of an urban regeneration and future economic prosperity.

Recreated Public Space and Business District behind Youth and Sport CenterA recreated public square leading to urban regeneration, small business and larger business development.

UNIVERSITY CAMPUS

HISTORIC CENTER

NEW ECONOMIC ZONE

NATION

PEDESTRIAN AREA

ATTRACTION POINTS

STUDENT HOUSING


INCUBATOR

Bulev

ardi N

na T

erez

Luan

Har

adin

aj

Garibaldi

Agi

m R

amad

ani

Met

o Ba

jrakt

ari

Ylfete

Hum

olli

New Community Center behind the Skanderbeg MonumentA public community center shall combine different functions which are attractive to students, and other citizens interested in information and culture.

22 23

Economic and social developments are condensed and con-centrated in cities. Cities offer a place to call home, with the hope of a better life. They are the pivotal points around which international economies circulate, and are therefore directly at the mercy of any economic upheaval that may occur, and any crises that may accompany it. On the other hand, cities offer opportunities to improve ones social status and participate in the global economy. Cities are threatened by social division; by a lack of hope on one side, and by inconsiderate behavior on the other; by rivalries in between cities, which not only diminish the sense of community, but have the potential to turn into ugly violence at any given moment cities are vulnerable.

One thing that all cities in former socialist countries had in com-mon was that, after the collapse of the socialist systems, they had undergone a phase in which they transformed from planned economies to market economies. This phase took place under conditions dictated by a globalized economy and the financial capital coming from around the world. Of course, it had a dra-matic effect on everyday life and development in the cities. Besides democratization, the paradigm for this socio-political transformation involved the speediest possible privatization and liberalization of the market. In most cases, the result was a weakening of the states ability to regulate and oversee the market. In particular, an overly confident belief in market forces ignored the non-economic factors that are just as important to a functioning community. This led to turbo urbanism, the de-formalization of public space that results from unfettered neo-liberal capitalism and all of its concomitant phenomena. Cities were overwhelmed by new construction booms, ranging from questionable investment projects in downtown areas to the large quantity of informal, private housing developments, gen-erally on the urban periphery. Characteristically, these booms occurred with a weak oversight of the city, or even an outright lack of regulation. Even in the case of collective building stock, community property was privatized something that was hap-pening everywhere else in Eastern Europe (with the exception of East Germany) and the new owners were mostly left to fend for themselves. Governments quickly unburdened them-selves of their social responsibilities.

Here is where the Archis Interventions project in Bucharest be-gins. In 2009 a variety of initiatives and organizations started discussing a central problem in Bucharests development: privatization of the old collective buildings had resulted in ad-ministration problems for commonly held property. Property owners were plagued by difficulties with the unclear allocation of responsibility when it came to renovation, or with other own-ers, who often did not understand the necessity of maintaining not only their own property, but also the building itself, in order to prevent the entire property from losing its value. In addition, the situation was strongly influenced by overriding factors, such as traffic and roads, or the buildings location in the city, which affected the market value of the property, which in turn affected an owners ability to obtain loans for renovation proj-ects. In the same vein, property owners in a single building, who might have different interests, do not have good guidelines for negotiating with each other. Additionally, the question of who is responsible for the public space owned by the city remains unsettled. And last, but not least, almost nobody is familiar with the different possible ways of shaping a city with archi-tecture. The first step was to systemize this tangle of problems and make them understandable, and then to develop possible solutions. However, it is also clear that the public especially those directly affected is not yet sufficiently aware of the fur-ther problems that will develop if the current problems are ne-glected. Therefore, publications, exhibitions, public discussions, and local activity are an important part of a publically effective intervention, so that more attention is gained from responsible decision-makers in government, from private property owners, and from those who represent their interests. This is just the start of an exploration of future prospects for a section of the city whose size alone makes it impossible to conceive of the city without it, as well as for the people who live there.

Redesigning Modernity

Strategies for Socialist Collective Housing in Bucharest, RomaniaInitiated 2009

An Archis Interventions, Zeppelin and Point 4 initiative, in cooperation with Hackenbroich Architekten (Berlin). An initial workshop was presented in 2009, in collaboration with ATU, Space Syntax Romania, and Platforma 9,81 (Zagreb). A public intervention was made in collaboration with studioBASAR.

24 25

BALTA ALB1

MILITARI4

FERENT

ARI

5

AVIAIEI6

UNIRII3

MOSILOR2STEFAN CEL MARE2

Socialist Neighborhoods

Behind the Concrete CurtainsThe cityscape of Bucharest is dominated by huge, standardized public housing estates built during the socialist era, mainly in the 1970s and 1980s in which approximately 70% of the citys population still live. Following the collapse of state social-ism and the introduction of a market economy, most public housing was privatized. Sitting tenants were able to acquire their apartment for a minimal sum. Market factors have since come into play: an apartments value falls or rises according to its location, amenities and local infrastructure; some apartments are of interest to investors; others are suffering from neglect. Neither officials in the City Housing Department nor individual owners (most of whom are owner-occupiers) are equipped to cope with the new situation.

The Non-Spaces of BucharestThe totalitarian planning of the 1970s and 1980s produced un-interrupted, uniform rows of apartment blocks along the main axes. Behind them are empty land and the parts of the historic center that just managed to avoid the reconstruction process. The vacant space behind the concrete curtain has enormous potential if upgraded, it could successfully bring together the two disparate worlds: the historic fabric and the new city.

Strategy on an Urban Scale In order to build up a strategy for the areas behind the concrete curtains, the first step would be to consider the bigger context of the city and to define essential types of areas and their spe-cifics to be developed in the future. A zoning of the territory de-fined or influenced by the totalitarian axes comprises of three categories. First,an intervention area covering the left-over empty space behind the rows. It is essentially public property and that can be trans-formed into a system of public spaces through refurbishment actions conducted by the administration. Second, a protection area, more or less coinciding with the one defined by heritage regulations. Third, a buffer area in-between the other two cat-egories, made-up of old streets, private plots and buildings, whose development should protect on one hand the urban fabric of the protection area by giving new commercial housing projects a possibility to invest under urban regulations, which will enforce the function of the buffer area to improve also the space behind the blocks along the boulevards. The interven-tion area has an important bridge-function between the blocks along the boulevards and the urban fabric behind. The develop-ment of the space behind the blocks cannot be seen without a strategy of developing the neighboring new building projects, which should appear in a buffer area with clear urban regula-tions in relation to the existing structure.

26 27

NGOs PROFESSIONALS

- IDEAS- PRACTICAL SOLUTIONS

ACTIVATING THE COMMUNITY / EMPOWERMENT

IMPROVEMENT OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT CAPACITY- CONSULTANCY FOR STRATEGIC PLANNING- DIAGNOSIS- DATA COLLECTION

SOLUTIONS CASE 03

THERMAL INSULATION

GREEN BUFFER

POSSIBILITY 1 POSSIBILITY 2

GREEN BUFFER

ELEVATORSUN PROTECTION / SECURITY ELEMENT

MOV

E

SOLAR PANELS

The project combines different strategies:

> a governance strategy: by supporting the municipality with concepts and ideas of how to improve the situation, to support home-owner associations and to empower residents to articulate their needs.

> an urbanistic strategy: by defining different zones, an intervention zone (the non-space behind the blocks), which should be activated and improved and a buffer zone behind, where new building projects can be developed and which will have a positive impact on the existing situation by taking the pressure out of the protection zone behind.

> an intervention strategy: by defining chill points to activate through peformative actions which will attract residents to interact.

> an architectural strategy: developing new concepts of financing the complex rehabilitation of buildings is an important part of an architectural strategy. A possibility is to create new roof apartments to accommodate the residents currently living on the ground floor. The space that becomes available on the ground floor could then be leased as commercial space. That revenue could, in turn, be used to cover the cost of maintenance and enhancement of the building and the outdoor space. To this end, coordinated finance and refurbishment concepts are necessary.

Top Down StrategiesGovernance StrategyUrbanistic Strategy

Bottom Up StrategiesIntervention StrategyArchitectural Strategy

28 29

PP

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P P

P P

@

50% P

terraces extension cafe cafe kioskcom

mer

cial

analysis proposal icons

flea market

carpet cleaner garbage disposal technical area

tech

nica

l

fountain covered roof secret place square viewing platformmee

ting

plac

e

sunbath/shower fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic semiprivate garden barbeque playground swimming pool

recr

eatio

n

underground

in new buildings

underground

parkingparking

parking on top

of new buildings

parking

structure

vertical

parking

raised green

parking

shared parking

space

empty lot used

for parking

50% of space

used for parking

rearangable

parking

park

ing

indoor meeting

owner associasion)

places (home

youth club community center

soci

al

outdoor gallery public space art outdoor stage

cultu

ral

outdoor cinema music / concert dancing event

ente

rtain

men

t

basketball skating bycicle parking bycicle park chess ping pong small footbal field outdoor gym

spor

t

gym-conversion

open

gre

en

passageways path between

fences/gardens

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

public space fenced playground privat fence

on public

ground

residualpublic space

/green area

fenced off

green around

technical

technical

area/building /undeveloped

public space

underground

area/building

technical

park

ing

official parking

border parking

informal

pedestrian

parking

informal informal

street parking in unused areas

informal parking

individual

garrages

informal official parking

stra

tegy

/con

cept

green

parking area

for children

commerce

groundfloor

/terciary

shopping

senior center

graffiti zoneinternetinfo point

access point

bycicle lane

fee parking

densification reorientation reorganization activationof plots

commerce

/terciary

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

face to back

old & new

collision place

new

intervention strategies overview

extension urban activation activation

of non-space

community

action

inte

rven

tion

stra

tegy

of public

space / use

connection

/ urbanisation

of unaccessible

space


fences/gardens

fenced playground privat fence

on public

ground


/green area

fenced off

green around

technical

technical


public space

underground

area/building

technical

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

face to back

old & new

collision place

new

park

ing

official parkingborder parking

informalpedestrian

parking

informal informalstreet parking in unused areas

informal parkingindividual

garrages


parking

acces

P P

P P

@

50% P

terraces extension cafe cafe kioskcom

mer

cial

analysis proposal icons

flea market

carpet cleaner garbage disposal technical area

tech

nica

l

fountain covered roof secret place square viewing platformmee

ting

plac

e

sunbath/shower fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic semiprivate garden barbeque playground swimming pool

recr

eatio

n

underground

in new buildings

underground

parkingparking

parking on top

of new buildings

parking

structure

vertical

parking

raised green

parking

shared parking

space

empty lot used

for parking

50% of space

used for parking

rearangable

parking

park

ing

indoor meeting

owner associasion)

places (home

youth club community center

soci

al


cultu

ral

outdoor cinema music / concert dancing event

ente

rtain

men

t

basketball skating bycicle parking bycicle park chess ping pong small footbal field outdoor gym

spor

t

gym-conversion

open

gre

en


fences/gardens

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace


on public

ground


/green area

fenced off

green around

technical

technical


public space

underground

area/building

technicalpa

rkin

g

official parking

border parking

informal

pedestrian

parking

informal informal


informal parking

individual

garrages


stra

tegy

/con

cept

green

parking area

for children

commerce

groundfloor

/terciary

shopping

senior center

graffiti zoneinternetinfo point

access point

bycicle lane

fee parking


commerce

/terciary

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

face to back

old & new

collision place

new

intervention strategies overview

extension urban activation activation

of non-space

community

action

inte

rven

tion

stra

tegy

of public

space / use

connection

/ urbanisation

of unaccessible

space


fences/gardens

fenced playground privat fence

on public

ground


/green area

fenced off

green around

technical

technical


public space

underground

area/building

technical

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

face to back

old & new

collision place

new

park

ing

official parkingborder parking

informalpedestrian

parking

informal informalstreet parking in unused areas

informal parkingindividual

garrages


parking

acces

Series of analytical icons are representing the general condition as problems identi fied with regards to parking, the green space, open space and the urban fabric.

HYBRID BACKSPACE / CLEANING UP DIRECT COLLISION / URBANISATION DIFFUSED BORDER / INTEGRATION COMPACT SOCIALIST AREANEIGHBOURHOOD COURTYARDS

ENCLOSURE / URBAN BLOCK

P

P

terraces cafecom

mer

cial

analysis icons

proposal icons

squaremee

ting

plac

e

fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic semiprivate garden playground

recr

eatio

n

underground

in new buildings

parking

park

ing

cultu

ral

basketball skating bycicle parking chess ping pong

spor

top

en g

reen

passageways

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace


on public

ground


/green area

fenced off

technical


public space

park

ing

official parking

border parking

informal

pedestrian

parking

informal informal


informal parking

individual

garrages

informal

stra

tegy

/con

cept

green

parking area

commerce

groundfloor

/terciary

shopping

internet

access point


commerce

/terciary

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

face to back

old & new

collision place

new

@

@

P

P

P

@

technical

area/building

park

ing

official parking

parking

acces

ANALISYS

PROPOSAL

fee parking

Sometimes setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard, interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard, can be created.

Direct Collision

Compact Socialist Area



P

P

@

P

terraces cafecom

mer

cial

analysis icons

proposal icons

carpet cleaner

tech

nica

l

secret place square viewing platformmee

ting

plac

e

sunbath/shower hammock seating picnic semiprivate garden playground swimming pool

recr

eatio

npa

rkin

g

community center

soci

al


cultu

ral

outdoor cinema

ente

rtain

men

t

basketball skating bycicle parkingping pong outdoor gym

spor

top

en g

reen

passageways

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

public space fenced playground residualpublic space

/green area

fenced off

green around

technical

technical


public space

park

ing

official parking

border parking

informal

in unused areas

informal parking

stra

tegy

/con

cept

green

parking area

for children

commerce

groundfloor

/terciary

graffiti zoneinternet

access point

fee parking

activation

urba

n fa

bric

collision place

new

technical

area/building

park

ing

official parking

parking

acces

P

@

P

@

fruit trees pocket park

P P

P

P

The totalitarian axes are an interrupted project, one that aimed at the complete remaking of the central area. In certain areas, the operation was pushed into the depth of the fabric, creating a homogenous structure of apartment buildings and empty spaces. Still, the more or less defined interior courtyards have the potential to be turned into more defined neighborhood units.

Diffuse Border



Sometimes, setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard, interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard can be created.

@

terraces cafecom

mer

cial

analysis

proposal icons

garbage disposal

tech

nica

l

fountain secret place squaremee

ting

plac

e

sunbath/shower hammock seating pocket park

recr

eatio

npa

rkin

g

indoor meeting

owner associasion)

places (home

soci

alcu

ltura

l

bycicle park chess

spor

tst

rate

gy/c

once

pt

green

parking area

commerce

/terciary

internetinfo point

access point

densification reorientation

commerce

/terciary

parking

acces

@

DIFFUSED BORDER

INTEGRATION INTO NEW FABRIC

P

open

gre

ensp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

public spacepublic space

/green area

fenced off

park

ing

informal

pedestrian

parking

informal


informal parking

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

collision place

new

green around

technical

park

ing

official parking

P

P

P

P fee parking

P

P

When the concrete front and the limit of the surviving historical area come extremely close together, an active public space behind the apartment blocks would be impossible to achieve. But reinforcement of the semi-public character and the reconstitution of an urban block is possible and would improve the environmental condition.

Enclosure



open

gre

ensp

ace

privat fence

on public

ground

park

ing

border parking

informal

individual

garrages

informal

urba

n fa

bric

collision place

newcovered roofm

eetin

g pl

ace

sunbath/shower hammock seating semiprivate garden

recr

eatio

n

underground

parking

park

ing

community center

soci

al

outdoor gym

spor

tst

rate

gy/c

once

pt

densification

parking

acces

ANALISYS PROPOSAL

com

mer

cial

P fee parking

P

Sometimes setbacks from the general alignment of the boulevard, interruptions in the fronts and individual apartment blocks built behind the boulevard create a situation in which the old fabric and the socialist developments are intertwined, rather than clearly separated. A new fabric, with a strong connection to the boulevard, can be created..

Hybrid Backspace



terraces cafecom

mer

cial

analysis

proposal icons

garbage disposal

tech

nica

l

fountain secret place squaremee

ting

plac

e

sunbath/shower fruit trees hammock seating pocket park

semiprivate garden playground

recr

eatio

n

underground

parking

park

ing

basketball bycicle parking ping pong outdoor gym

spor

tst

rate

gy/c

once

pt

green

parking area

densification reorientation activation

commerce

/terciary

parking

acces

P

HYBRID BACKSPACE

CLEANING UP

P fee parking

P P

P

open

gre

en

passageways

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

ensp

ace

public space residualpublic space

/green area

fenced off

/undeveloped

public space

park

ing

border parking

informal informal


informal parking

individual

garrages

informal

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

collision place

new

underground

area/building

technical

park

ing

official parking

Calea Moilor Analysis

Five selected areasThe concept is focussing on five selected areas that are typical for the intervention area. The developed proposals can be also used for similar situations in the area.

@

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

P

@

P

P

P

P

P

i@

P

P

P

P

P

P

@

P

PP

@

P

P

P

P

P

carpet

cleane

r



P

P

terraces cafecom

mer

cial

analysis icons

proposal icons

squaremee

ting

plac

e

fruit trees hammock seating pocket park picnic semiprivate garden playground

recr

eatio

n

underground

in new buildings

parking

park

ing

cultu

ral

basketball skating bycicle parking chess ping pong

spor

top

en g

reen

passageways

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace


on public

ground


/green area

fenced off

technical


public space

park

ing

official parking

border parking

informal

pedestrian

parking

informal informal


informal parking

individual

garrages

informal

stra

tegy

/con

cept

green

parking area

commerce

groundfloor

/terciary

shopping

internet

access point


commerce

/terciary

urba

n fa

bric

back to back

old & new

face to back

old & new

collision place

new

@

@

P

P

P

@

technical

area/building

park

ing

official parking

parking

acces

ANALISYS

PROPOSAL

fee parking

The direct collision of the old urban fabric with the new created a left-over space, which can be improved by clear differentiation into public and semi-public zones, and vehicle-related areas. The program in the intervention area is focussing towards an urbanization of the area.

Direct Collision > Urbanization

Compact Socialist Area - Neighborhood Courtyards



P

P

@

P

terraces cafecom

mer

cial

analysis icons

proposal icons

carpet cleaner

tech

nica

l

secret place square viewing platformmee

ting

plac

e

sunbath/shower hammock seating picnic semiprivate garden playground swimming pool

recr

eatio

npa

rkin

g

community center

soci

al


cultu

ral

outdoor cinema

ente

rtain

men

t

basketball skating bycicle parkingping pong outdoor gym

spor

top

en g

reen

passageways

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

open

gre

en

street vendors

mee

ting

plac

esp

ace

public space fenced playground residualpublic space

/green area

fenced off

green around

technical

technical


public space

park

ing

official parking

border parking

informal

in unused areas

informal parking

stra

tegy

/con

cept

green

parking area

for children

commerce

groundfloor

/terciary

graffiti zoneinternet

access point

fee parking

activation

urba

n fa

bric

collision place

new

technical

area/building

park

ing

official parking

parking

acces

P

@

P

@

fruit trees pocket park

P P

P

P

The basic strategy consists of restructuring the empty spaces in order to transform the apartment buildings and the existing amorph

archis interventions 2010_volume 26 insert

Documents