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ECONOMY OF A PREHISTORICURBAN CONTEXT:COMMODITYANDLABOR FLOW AT MOCHEV PAMPA GRANDE, PERU

Izumi Shimada

As a step toward delineationof prehistoricurbanismon the North Coastof Peru,RoyalOntarioMuseumteamshave conducted ntensivestructural-functionalnalysisof "urbancontext"at the site ofPampaGrande,much of which was last occupied by a Moche V population (ca. A.D. 600-700). Such analysis entails, amongotherrequirements,rigoroustemporalcontroland a systemicconceptionof archaeologicalsites, emphasizinginterlinkageof variousactivity oci. Themultistageexcavation-sampling esigndevisedfor the task was basedon codificationof architecturalforms in terms of access pattern and on the belief that ceramicallydefined"contemporaneity"s inadequatefor functionalanalysis. Applicationof the methodshowed that the site con-taineddispersedloci of low-output raft production,with a laborforce commutingromelsewhere andfed byspatially segregatedkitchens.An extensivenetworkof corridorsandformalstoragecomplexes urtherattests

to a concern with the controlof commodityand labormovement.

IN CONCLUDINGHIS COMPREHENSIVEAND MUCH NEEDED CRITICALASSESSMENT of

current conceptions of and approaches to the study of urbanism, Paul Wheatley (1972:633)

argues for the necessity of defining "urban context" for the formulation of cross-cultural "con-

cepts and generalizations applicable to the city as an analytically discrete entity." Interest in

prehistoric urbanism has been traditionally strong among archaeologists working on the North

Coast of Peru, where, over several decades, archaeology has witnessed some major shifts in

theoretical perspectives and methods. In contrast to earlier emphases on population estimates

and architectural expanse, the recent Harvard University Chan Chan-Moche Valley ar-

chaeological project, under the direction of M.E. Moseley and C. Mackey, focused upon organiza-tional and processual aspects of the urban center of the Chimu Kingdom, Chan Chan, and its rela-

tionship with rural areas (e.g., Day 1972, 1973, 1974; Day and Moseley 1978; Keatinge and Day

1973, 1974; Moseley 1975a, 1975b; Moseley and Mackey 1972). Individual studies within the pro-

ject were, for the most part, based upon the axiom that structural form follows function. But theysuffer from a failure to codify structural forms, a basic step in the determination of appropriate

analytic and excavational units.

The project resulted in a number of follow-up studies centering on the process of urbanism on

the North Coast (Day 1975; Keatinge et al. 1975). Analysis and integration of major transforma-

tions observed among structural-functional models of Chimu and pre-Chimu urbanism are thoughtto provide a viable alternative to the widely held view that urbanism on the North Coast was

brought about by Huari expansion out of the central highlands of Peru (e.g., Collier 1955a, 1955b,

1961, 1962; Menzel 1964; Rowe 1963; Schaedel 1951, 1966a, 1966b, 1972; Willey 1953).

The Harvard project and its follow-up studies serve as a test of the explanatory power of the in-vasion/external introduction scheme as compared with that of the indigenous/autogenous devel-

opment model of urbanism.

One of the spin-off projects is the multiyear structural-functional analysis of Moche V urban

context at the extensive site of Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque Valley, Peru (Fig 1), conducted

by the Royal Ontario Museum teams under the direction of K. Day. The 1973 and 1975 fieldwork

specifically focused on (1) functional identification of various architectural contexts and struc-

tural types and (2) formulation of a site-specific functional model of Moche V urbanism (Day

1975). As part of the characterization of Moche V urban context, this paper will discuss the

IzumiShimada,Departmentof Anthropology,

PrincetonUniversity,

Princeton,NJ08540

569

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AMERICAN NTIQUITY

mag. north

Southern Pediment

P

44?,

<0

Figure 1. Base map of Pampa Grande, Lambayeque Valley, Peru. (Scale: 1 in = 530 m)

systemic relationships of supply and demand of raw and finished products and of labor force forcraft production. Presentation of a model of commodity and labor flow is preceded by a brief over-

view of cultural context and architectural variation at the site and of a multistage field method.

CULTURALAND GEOGRAPHICALCONTEXT

OF MOCHEV PAMPA GRANDE

The site of Pampa Grande today covers approximately 4.5 km2 of a large alluvial pediment at

the foot of Cerro de Los Gentiles. Evidence, however, suggests that at the maximum extent of

prehistoric occupation, the site may have covered upward of 5.5 to 6 km2 (Shimada 1976). The

site overlooks the economically strategic valley-neck location of the largest coastal river valley in

Peru, the Lambayeque Valley, and is about 50 km inland from the Pacific (Fig. 2). Much of the

pediment manifests standing architecture occupied only during Moche Phase V, according to theassociated ceramics (Fig. 3).

This phase is the last of the Moche cultural chronology and dates to approximately A.D. 600 to

570 [Vol.43, No.4,1978

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Figure 2. Settlement pattern and prehistoric irrigation systems of the Lambayeque and neighboring valleys.

700 according to recent radiometric determinations: 1280 ? 70 B.P. (A-1704), 1380 ? 70 B.P.

(A-1705), and 1300 := 60 B.P. (SMU-399).The location affords easy access to the prime agricultural "Valle Viejo" land (Ramirez Horton

1974:7, 9) and to the water diversion point for most of the major prehistoric and historic intra- and

intervalley irrigation canals. The Collique Canals run along the adjoining Zaiia Valley to the

south, while the Taymi Canals irrigate the northern portions of the Lambayeque, as well as the

southern bank of the adjacent Leche Valley. These canals along with Raca Rumi I and II form thecore of what economic historian Paul Kosok (1959, 1965) envisions as the largest Precolumbian

hydraulic-political unity ever achieved in the New World. This 5-valley system spanned the area

Shimada] 571







AMERICAN NTIQUITY

0 6

Figure 3. Moche Phase V ceramic vessels.

between the Motupe Valley to the north and the Jequetepeque to the south. Temporal and func-

tional relationships between construction of these canals and occupation of Moche V PampaGrande, however, have not been securely determined. I have suggested that the 2 distinct

alignments of major pyramids at the site reflect the location of the water diversion system, which

shifted due to major floods during Moche V occupation of the site, and that smaller pyramids at

the site may represent the seats of representatives from local populations whose economic suc-

cess depended largely upon continuous access to the irrigation water provided by these canals

(Fig. 4; Shimada 1976; cf. Anders 1975).

Moche V occupation at the site seems to represent the relocated capital of the Moche polity,following abandonment of the site of Moche to the south by the end of Phase IV (Moseley 1978a;Shimada 1976). I have argued that this sudden establishment and subsequent rapid growth of

Moche V occupation at Pampa Grande is part of the generalized inland shift of population with

concurrent establishment of large, nucleated settlements at valley-neck positions that can be

observed on a large segment of the Peruvian coast around A.D. 550 to 600 (Shimada 1976, 1977a).More specifically, following a period of population and irrigation expansion to a prehistoric max-

imum, I have postulated a generalized environmental deterioration on the coast. This may have

been due to a catastrophic flood that accompanied the El NinioCountercurrent, similar to that of

1925, or to a reduction in highland precipitation (cf. MacNeish et al. 1975; Moseley 1978b;Paulsen 1976; Shimada 1977c). This deterioration may have been accompanied by pressure from

the expanding Huari polity from the south.

I have also argued that Moche V society at Pampa Grande was an inherently expansive system,whose unprecedented circumstances of establishment generated internal forces toward majorand continuous socioeconomic change from the beginning. The administration of a multiethnic,

572 [Vol.43, No.4,1978







COMMODITYND LABORFLOWAT MOCHEV PAMPAGRANDE

Figure 4. Two major alignments of pyramids at Pampa Grande and the present-day water diversion

system at La Puntilla.

expanding population alone would have created severe socioeconomic stresses. The resultant

stresses, however, are regarded here as "creative," in that they encouraged reassessment or

systematization of traditional socioeconomic institutions and forms and generation of more

"adaptive" alternatives (cf. Miller 1965:372). For example, I would expect, under such postulatedenvironmental deterioration and population concentration, systematization of extant reciprocityor simple redistribution into a system with large-scale storage facilities and highly structured ac-

counting and dispensing of goods and labor force. I would also expect greater social mobility.

Although the immediate cause of the dissolution of Mochesociety

atPampa

Grande remains

uncertain, a number of internal forces can be enumerated as having preconditioned dissolution.

The inferred increase in population size and diversity, the effects of the postulated environmental

deterioration, and the impingement of Huari forces must be assessed properly. At the same time

agricultural output would be expected to have decreased, while taxation concurrently may have

been increased, creating conditions for possible revolt.

Overall, the establishment and growth of the Moche V occupation was conditioned by external

forces, while its cessation is explicable in terms of internal developments and factors.

ARCHITECTURALVARIATION

Architecture at the site is relatively well-preserved and highly differentiated, including

masonry platforms, truncated adobe pyramids, enclosures (compounds), "small irregular ag-glutinated rooms," and "multilateral depressions" (MLDs). In addition, high-level planning andcontrol of intrasite interaction and growth is suggested by an extensive network of corridors,

highly standardized "formal storage facilities" found in contexts with limited access, and linear

573Shimada]







AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

arrangement of some adobe pyramids. Significantly, monumental and formal architecture occurs

contiguous to areas densely occupied by small agglutinated structures. For example, the largest

compound (Compound 1), which houses what may be the second largest adobe pyramid on the

South American continent (Fig. 1), is bounded by 2 symmetrically opposed areas of small ag-

glutinated structures (known as Sectors D and H). While the latter areas are directly linked to

Compound 1 by a corridor, there is no direct connection between Sectors D and H. In addition to

directing traffic and limiting access, corridors, along with unbroken walls and gullies, appear to

have divided the site into a dozen or so large architectural/spatial units, here called sectors.

Within these physical boundaries each sector manifests homogeneity and coherence in respect to

the composition and distribution of artifacts and architecture. It is hypothesized that each sector

corresponds to a significant socioeconomic grouping. Although detailed mapping and subsequentexcavations in some sectors revealed a high degree of intrasector variance, a careful examina-

tion of corridor networks and inferred patterns of interaction in space shows that functional

unity exists despite such variations.

An architectural form that deserves some elaboration here is the "multilateral depression" or

MLD. The designation describes the present appearance of a unique architectural form that hasnot been reported from elsewhere. MLDs vary in respect to form, size, depth of central depres-

sion, architectural association, and state of preservation. They may occur as clusters without

blending with masonry or adobe constructions or singly in direct association with terrace com-

plexes or small mounds. Furthermore, clusters may be found in or defined by a masonry or adobe

rectangular enclosure. The area densely occupied by MLDs and small agglutinated structures to

the south of the major dry gully called Quebrada IV is referred to here as the southern pediment.

Despite major contextual differences among MLDs, field identification is relatively simple. On

the surface they are characterized by a conspicuous absence of artifacts. Their excavation in-

dicates that the peculiar morphology is derived from a series of interlinked multitiered terraces

surrounding a low spot in the center. They were partially roofed in a verandalike manner (Fig. 5).

The frequent clustering of MLDs without apparent physical barriers, but with an uninterrupted

extension of plastered floor among them, indicates that interaction potential was basicallyunlimited. The partial roofing and open access among terraces suggests that MLDs were loci of

daytime activities that required easy and frequent communication among them. Because of their

wide distribution in diversified contexts, any functional characterization of the site requires

careful assessment of the role of MLDs.

Figure 5. Reconstructed view of MLD 40.

574 [Vol. 43, No. 4, 1978







COMMODITYNDLABORFLOWATMOCHEV PAMPAGRANDE

MULTISTAGEFIELDMETHOD

Various valley-wide surveys conducted by the Royal Ontario Museum teams (Day 1971;

Shimada1976, 1977b)and others before them (e.g.,Kosok 1965:Fig. 2;RodriguezSuy Suy 1967;

Schaedel 1951)have established that Moche occupationin the valley is limited to about a half-dozen Phase IV and V sites in mid-valley,andthatPampaGrande s the largest and mostcomplexMoche settlement on the northern frontier of the Moche polity. PampaGrande was the logicalchoice for an intensive structural/functional analysis of Moche urban context, as the site

manifested diversified architecturalforms and organization hat were the productof a relativelybrief occupation.

The multistage field strategy incorporating "systematic, intensive surface collection" and

probabilistic sampling advocated elsewhere (Redman 1973;man n and Watson 1970) was inap-

propriate here because it was primarily designed for relatively small, featureless mounds. On the

other hand, standing architecture provided a readily available basis for differentiation of the ar-

chaeological universe at the site and minimized our reliance upon assumptions regarding surface-

subsurface correspondence. Thus the attempt was made to maximize the information value of

observable structural remains. A couple of months of intensive surface survey resulted in tenta-tive delineation of a dozen sectors, 4 of which were subsequently mapped in their entirety.

Systematic analysis of open access (e.g., doorways, corridors, and streets), coupled with the

assumptionthat it represents the material correlates of potentialinteraction in space at a givenpoint in time, led to the formulation of a set of "operational definitions" of architectural units at

different levels of organization. This search for the building blocks of observed, complex architec-

tural configurations isisan extension of our concern with the spatial contexts of human activities

and their effective differentiation.They are described and illustrated below (Fig.6):

ROOMRm)= the smallest architectural/spatialunitboundedon all sides by walls, an occupationalsurface,and a roof,andhavingaccess limitedthrougha single entryon theground evel. Itmayassumea varie-ty of configurations. An "entry" is an intentionally constricted opening formed by 2 walls and definesaccess to the room. The mean width of entries at Pampa Grande is 75 cm with a standard deviation of

15 cm. They may or may not have raised thresholds.Certainspecial roomsare recognizedand referredto by distinct terms.

Recessed room (RR) is specifically designated as a rectangular 3-walled construction whose entry opensdirectlyontoa corridor.Here the width of the entry equals the width of the room.

Chamber Ch)refers to the smallest architectural/spatialunit bounded on all sides by walls, an occupa-tionalsurface, anda roof,butwhose access is through erraces of an MLD.Thus the widthof the "en-try" matches that of the terraces.

ANTEROOMARm)= the smallest architectural/spatialunit boundedon all sides, as in the case of a room,but having 2 or ore entries on ground evel to contiguousroom(s)and/oranteroom(s).Certainspecial anteroomsare knownby separate terms.

Courtdesignates an anteroomwith 1 of its multipleentries openingdirectlyonto a corridor.CorridorC)mayalso be viewed as a special anteroomwhose longitudinaldimension s significantlygreater

than its width, which remains constantthroughoutts length.The lengthmut be at least 5 times thewidth.Alternatively, t maybe described as an anteroomwhose widthapproximates hat of theentries.

No evidence has been discovered to suggest the existence of roofingover the corridors.Plaza is an anteroomall of whose multipleentriesopen directlyontocorridors.Inotherwords it is the locuswhere corridors converge. This is the only case where an anteroom occurs by itself. All otheranteroomsoccur in combinationwith othernterooms ante room s.

ROOM-SETRS) = xRm + ARm,where x is an in te rm refers to combinationsof 1 or moreroomsand an anteroom.

ROOM-BLOCKRB) = Rm + xARm,where x is an integer equal to or greater than 2. It designates an in-terlinked set of a room and more than 1 anteroom.

STRUCTURESt) = xRm + yARm, where x and y are integers greater than 1. It refers to an architectural enti-ty composed of multiple rooms and anterooms with the resulting totality directly linked to a corridor.

TERRACE= A construction occurring within an anteroom or a room that vertically differentiates the floorsurface into 2 levels. As it is secondary to the construction of a room or an anteroom, the wall(s) thatdefine the outer perimeter of terrace abut onto the walls of room or anteroom.

MLD or multilateral depression refers to a set of interlinked multitiered terraces that surround a low flatarea in the center. This is further elaborated in the text.

PLATFORM = A free-standing raised construction of less than 3m in height. It usually has a rectangular formand may be terraced.

HUACATruncatedPyramid)= A free-standingraised construction hat stands over3mabove the surround-ing ground evel.

575Shimada]







AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

ROOM RECESSEDROOM CHAMBER

fl&~~~~9 ~

M

LD

ANTEROOM ROOM-SET ROOM-BLOCK

STRUCTURE

W lZA CORRIDOR

qj w PLAZA

Figure 6. Codification of structural forms at Pampa Grande.

COMPOUND = A structure or a set of structures linked by a corridor whose perimeter is defined by an over50 cm wide wall(s), built in 1 single construction episode. It most commonly displays a rectangularshape. Because of the unified construction of the perimeter wall(s), all interior wall corners are formed

by walls abutting onto the perimeter wall(s). Access to the enclosure, of course, is limited to a single orfew entries.

UNIT = the sum total of all architectural/spatial units directly linked by a corridor.SECTOR = a spatial/architectural unit composed of at least 1 unit and a finite number of lower building

blocks. At Pampa Grande, corridors, along with natural or artificial boundaries such as broken wallsand gullies, have divided the site into a dozen sectors. Within its physical boundaries, each sectormanifests homogeneity and coherence in respect to the composition and distribution of artifacts and ar-chitecture.

The above codification of struc-ural form not only systematizes our perceptions and inquiries

but helps to transform our image of large complex sites such as Pampa Grande from

methodological monsters to orderly and manageable phenomena. It is also essential in determin-

ing appropriate sampling and analytic units at different stages of fieldwork. It should be noted

576[Vol. 43, No. 4,1978







COMMODITYND LABORFLOWATMOCHEV PAMPAGRANDE

that the operational definitions offered here are descriptive categories based on morphology and

do not carry any functional implications. Clearly rooms and anterooms are the basic buildingblocks of architectural configurations at Pampa Grande. Although the above codification is not

exhaustive and requires continuous refinement, mostknown architectural forms at the site can be

satisfactorily subsumed by the units defined so far.

The selection of Sector H as the locus of my study of the behavioral significance of interlinked

architectural contexts was dictated (1) by recognition that the sector manifests diverse architec-

tural forms interlinked by a network of corridors and is situated to afford control of traffic bet-

ween Compound 1 and the southern pediment and outside of the site (Fig. 7) and (2) by complemen-

tary work of other members of the project in other sectors and compounds.

Sampling and excavation within the sector proceeded in 3 basic stages, with information from

each stage being used to correct the emphasis and method of each subsequent stage. Briefly, the

first stage elucidated subsurface archaeological variability, particularly depositional

phenomena, and refined the existin architectural maps. Prior to excavation, architecture in the

sector was stratified according to the construction mode (adobe, masonry, and MLDs). Subse-

quently lm2 pits were excavated of a randomly selected 15% sample of consecutively numberedwall corners of adobe and masonry buildings. In addition, supplementary "purposive" samplingof room centers, entries, and well-preserved MLDs was conducted. Excavation at wall corners

circumvented disturbances in the centers of many rooms and anterooms ander mitted accurate

measurement of floor size and analy of f wall construction and relationships.

Second-stage excavation was aimed at determination of the functional significance of room and

anteroom floor-size variations. Individual roomns nd anterooms of various floor sizes and associa-

tions were excavated in their entirety to the latest occupational surface. Analysis of primary con-

text artifact composition and distribution in relation to floor features and configuration indicated

that distinct human activities may be recognized at this level of architectural organization. At the

same time, the above analysis, along with that of the overlying deposits, provided reasonable

assurance that floor context artifacts represent Moche V occupation (Fig. 3) and that post-MocheV occupation is nonexistent or minimal in the central sectors. However, because rooms and

anterooms rarely occur singly, we must consider interlinked rooms and/or anterooms and their

overall significance. The third stage operation thus focused on this task.

The third and most intensive stage of sampling was extensive excavation of interlinked ar-

chitectural contexts in order to trace and carefully analyze the latest occupational surface and

associated material remains. Truly functional analysis of formal variation in space requiresestablishment of what Dean (1969:198) terms "absolute contemporaneity." Ceramically defined

contemporaneity is inadequate for the functional analysis of the sort intended here and should be

considered as only a first step toward the establishment of absolute contemporaneity (Shimada

1977a, 1977c). It should be noted that this task of temporal control was achieved in 3 steps in Sec-

tor H. Following the identification of Moche V ceramics, interlinked architectural contexts that

may have participated in synchronic interaction were identified on the basis of open access. Thelast stage was the tracing of the latest occupational surface as described above.

Here the unit of excavation varied from room-set to entire unit, but the excavation technique re-

mained the same. In many cases, plastered floor surfaces could be traced to wall faces and

through open access circumveniting the discontinuity created by deteriorated walls. The underly-

ing logic of this "contiguous-room" excavation is that the behavioral significance of architectural

association and configuration cannot be adequately elucidated by individual treatment of singlerooms or anterooms. The functional/relational questions we posed assumed that the relational

information derived from the study of architectural units as a system will exceed that which is

deducible from individual rooms or anterooms. Human behavior to a large degree is a continuumin space and time, and "urban existence" is a density phenomenon characterized by complexmeans and patterns of human interaction in space, including contiguous architectural context

(Shimada 1977a, 1977c). Although spatial proximity or continuity does not imply functional rela-tionship, open access in the form of corridors and entries may be regarded as the structuraliza-

tion of synchronic interaction in space.

Shimada] 577







MLD Cluster

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COMMODITYNDLABORFLOWAT MOCHEV PAMPAGRANDE

Determination of sampling contexts for third-stage excavation was "purposive" and non-

probabilistic in that clarification of the behavioral significance of architectural contexts in-terlinked by corridors dictated the location and manner of excavation. Despite its stigma and anumberof

weaknesses, nonprobabilistic amplings

often necessary, particularlywhen

spatialstructure or associational/configurational patterns are being investigated. Asch observes that "abasic difficulty of using probabilistic sampling techniques to sample spatial structure is that thestructure must be specified in element-population terms" (1975:183-184). The importance of rela-tions of elements is ignored. The nonprobabilistic sampling technique may be more positivelyregarded as a way of maximizing the knowledge an investigator has about the population under

study.Random sampling of corridors would have been difficult because oforridorw nsiderable differences in

length, the contexts they connect, and preservation. Exact loci of excavation were largely deter-mined by information provided by the first 2 stages. Another factor that affected selection was a

practical considerationpertaining to the establishment of absolute contemporaneity n space.Tracingthe latest occupationalsurface maybe very expensive. InSection H it was deemed feasi-

ble because of the generally shallow and sterile fill overlying the latest occupational surface. Dif-ferential treatment of different contexts is often inevitable.

COMMODITYND LABORFLOWMODEL

In this section results of the third-stage excavation of contexts linked by corridors are discuss-ed, followed by an abstract model of commodity and labor flow within Pampa Grande.

Structures 52 and 71 and Room-set65, all connectedby Corridor4 (Fig.7), constitute a majorfocus of third-stage excavation. The first 2 stages revealed that Structure 52 occupied thesouthernend of L-shapedCorridor4 and that the internal organizationof the structuremay beconceived as a self-containedcompartmentalizedroom-blockand a set of spacious anterooms(Fig.8). One of the anterooms,ARm57, contained 2 unusually large and solid hearths that werebuiltwith stone and mortarand completelydiscolored due to intense heat. Inaddition,first stage

__ /N

O IOm

aasonry wall Adobe wall

an Burled woll r Terracr edge/ Firepit and discoloredsoil Batoan

;{ Shard cluster rStone lined hearth

0 Buried vesel 6 Neck jar

0 Urn a iered jar Stirrup spout jar

,- Plate 7 Flaring bowl F aceted

stonasCrucible Ash

Figure 8. Architectural organization and artifact distribution within units defined by Corridors 4 and 5.

Shimadal 579







AMERICAN NTIQUITY

excavation of a corner of ARm 61 yielded 2 brick-shaped fissile shales whose perfectly horizontal

faces showed fine striations created by some sharp object and a highly polished and faceted

basalt piece. Third-stage "contiguous-room" excavation of Structure 52 was carried out to

elucidate the broader architectural context and behavioralsignificance

of these unusual finds at

the end point of a corridor.

Architectural configurations and artifact content of the room-block proved crucial to functional

characterization of the structure. Rm 81 and ARm 61, 64, and 85 share the same occupational sur-

face and are accessible to each other. As a unit, they are characterized by clean over- and

underlying fill and refuse-free plastered floors that must have been consciously kept clean. The

mean floor space of anterooms and room composing the room-block is only slighty over 6m2 while

a great majority of rooms and anterooms in the sector have areas well over 10 m2. In rela-

tion to complexity of its configuration, the floor space is unusually small. Rm 81 has the smallest

area and a single entry with a high threshold reachable by steps; jars placed in the floor suggest a

storage function.

The room-block yielded a wide range of pottery, including a painted stirrup-spout jar (85), a

flaring-rim bowl (61), a small bowl with mold-impressed and painted decoration (64), and tieredand neck jars. Occurrence of labor-intensive, high-quality vessels must be noted. ARm 85 contain-

ed 2 ollas with sooted exteriors and reduced-ware deep serving plates. The only evidence of fire,

however, was a small discolored spot on the floor. The ollas may well have been brought in from

outside the room-block and the prepared food consumed in ARm 85.

In addition to the set of faceted stones from the lower level of ARm 61, third-stage excavation

revealed another set of polished and faceted metamorphic rocks from the upper level of the same

anteroom (Fig. 9). Specifically, the second set consisted of 1 dark gray, highly polished basalt with

4 flat working surfaces; another dense, probably porphyritic, brown basalt stone with polished

and faceted surfaces; an off-white, ellipsoidal, fine-grained quartzite with 1 flat and polished sur-

face; and another whitish, ellipsoidal quartzite, only partially polished. A tabular grayish-green

andesite stone measuring about 20 cm by 18 cm and 5 cm in thickness was found leaning against a

raised area built of unusually fine-grained adobe bricks. It is likely that the tabular stone slid off

the top of this tablelike construction. ARm 61 has 2 such tablelike constructions, both of which

stand 35 cm above the floor and occur at the wall corners.

The 2 sets of faceted stones may have served complementary functions within a set of interlink-

ed activities. While shale has smooth horizontal surfaces and perfectly right-angled corners, it is

not particularly resistant to repeated, direct, vertical percussion. On the other hand, hard dense

metamorphic stones such as basalt and quartzite may be effectively employed as hammers

against a hard anvil. Because of these qualities, the 2 sets of stones as well as the tablelike con-

structions and the tabular andesite are inferred to have been a tool kit for production of the sheet

metal so basic to Precolumbian Andean metallurgy. Metal may have been cold hammered into

thin sheets, bent and sliced using shale and some unknown sharp implements. The only metal ob-

ject found in association with the tool kit was a perforated copper strip of unknown function.The above functional inference is supported by various ethnohistorical accounts of Inca

metallurgy (Benzoni 1967; Cieza 1946; Garcilaso 1960; Lothrop 1938), as well as by the ar-

chaeological association of copper artifacts and similar faceted stones in "small irregular ag-

glutinated rooms" at the capital of Chimu Kingdom, Chan Chan (Topic, personal communication;

cf. Grossman 1972; Lothrop 1950). Two possibilities exist for the procurement of the metal to be

worked: in situ smelting in Structure 52 and importation from elsewhere via Corridor 4. As dis-

cussed later, the former seems to have been the case.

Anteroom 60 and Recessed-room 84, which partially surround the room-block, on the other

hand, are quite spacious and contain loose ashy fill above and below the latest occupational sur-

face. The fill contains a large amount of organic refuse. There is no evidence of roofing in these

areas. Artifact composition, which consists exclusively of utilitarian ceramic vessels, and floor

features, such as buried large urns and undisturbed firepits with primary refuse consisting ofcharcoal and llama bones (both in ARm 60), suggest that the primary function of these spaces was

food preparation.

580 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978








l:Z

/'a::8^^<;S:---..^^^i-- (L~_ \X

0 2 4 6 8 10

centimeters

Figure 9. Faceted "metal working" stones from ARm 61, St. 52, Sector H.

Anteroom 57, however, differs in a number of significant ways from the preceding 2. The fill

and floor show little evidence of food preparation. Perhaps the most important discovery is a box-

shaped clay vessel that may have been a mold for ingots in direct association with the previouslymentioned hearths. The vessel resembles a miniature trough, with approximate outside dimen-

sions of 4 cm x 4 cm x 6.5 cm and a maximum capacity of about 50 to 60 cm3. The interior of thevessel is encrusted with a light green substance that appears to be some form of oxidized copper.The encrustations form a perfectly horizontal line, perhaps reflecting the "water line" of "slag"(cf. Caley and Easby 1959; Donnan 1973). Although the vessel is made of very fine white clay, itdoes not seem to have been fired.

In light of the discovery of 2 sets of faceted stones in a nearby context easily accessible fromARm 57, the 2 large stone-mortar lined hearths (that measure 70 to 80 cm in outside diameter)and the ceramic vessel may be evidence of small-scale primitive smelting. It would be the firstsuch discovery at a Moche site. Smelting of a small quantity of copper does not necessarily re-

quire a large or elaborate furnace. Some years ago, Caley and Easby (1959) argued that Precolum-bian Peruvians could smelt copper ores and that new prehistoric metallurgical evidence must be

pursued. Recently Donnan (1973) reconstructed the Moche smelting technique on the basis of

analysis of a Moche modelled vessel showing 3 human figures blowing into a dome-shaped struc-ture with blowtubes, while a fourth figure manipulates 1 of the objects resting on the top of thedome. Blowtubes are said to have been used to provide the forced draft of air into the dome-

Shimada] 581







AMERICAN NTIQUITY

shaped furnace containing a cylindrical crucible that had to be broken open to remove the ingotsince the slag and copper adhered to the sides of the crucible (Donnan 1973:293).

Although no evidence of domes, blowtubes, or crucibles was found, it is interesting to note that

the clay vessel was broken into 2 equal halves.I

suggest that smelted copper was pouredinto

separate molds to form box-shaped ingots, rather than directly removing ingots from crucibles.

Metal objects are basically the product of a 3-stage process. The ore is smelted into ingots, cold-

hammered and otherwise manipulated to produce sheet metals, and finally parts are assembled

and secondary modifications of the sheet metal creates finished objects. Although we are

reasonably sure that smelting and cold-hammering took place within Structure 52, there is no a

priori reason to believe that the locus produced complete artifacts as opposed to parts. The size of

the ingot mold, for example, suggests that the quantities of copper being worked at one time were

rather small. If there were areas of large-scale metal working within Moche V Pampa Grande, we

have failed to identify them thus far.

I have argued elsewhere (Shimada 1976, 1977a) that individual loci of metal working manufac-

tured only specified parts of complex artifacts, which were then assembled in spatially distinct

contexts. Workers in each locus need not have known the total configuration or function of the

composite object or even where the parts they helped make were assembled. Production of an

assigned quantity of specified parts was what mattered. "Chopping" of a manufacturing process

into discrete stages and loci implies greater movement and perhaps economic inefficiency, but the

results of a recent metallurgical analysis of gold objects from the North Coast of Peru conducted

at the University of Toronto (Day, personal communication) support the above argument.

The analysis indicates that the gold objects were produced from layers of thin sheets of gold-

copper alloy and that their production was fundamentally a 3-step process. Following smelting,

very consistent, extremely thin sheets of the metal were produced, a task that required a great

deal of care and skill. The third step was to manipulate the sheets into 3-dimensional objects by

bending, etc. This task apparently did not involve much soldering. Interestingly, the techniques

used in assemblyare said to resemble those used in textile and ceramic manufacture. To

reiterate, the first 2 steps were executed by metallurgists, while the last stepas carried out by

another set of workers who most likely were not familiar with the first steps and were spatially

segregated from the metallurgists.The occasional occurrence of individual faceted stones within habitational contexts and the

fact that the metal objects recovered from our excavations at Pampa Grande are small in size and

utilitarian in function, such as needles, awls, spindle whorls, and fish hooks, suggest that small

quantities of sheet metal were made available for household use. Large metal objects were prob-

ably limited in distributinistribution and often were interred in a funerary context (cf. Lechtman et al.

1975; Shimada 1976).In sum, the observed distribution and composition of artifacts, floor features, and fill, as well as

a differentiated architectural grouping, indicate a nonhabitational function for Structure 52. I

suggest that Structure 52 was the locus of a low-output metal workshop manned by a diurnallabor force commuting from elsewhere via Corridor 4. Available evidence does not suggest a

workshop capable of producing a large output or complex artifacts. However, the presence of a

number of rare, high quality vessels in the room-block may be a material symbol of the importance

attached to this metal workshop and its products. Whether food preparation in the anterooms sur-

rounding the room-block was exclusively for those engaged in metal working cannot securely be

ascertained. However, subsequent excavation revealed evidence of food preparation in other

contexts directly linked by Corridor 4. Finally, the relatively isolated nature of the structure

points to regulation of labor and commodity flow to and from there.

Structure 71 occupies the east end of L-shaped Corridor 4 and resembles Structure 52 in

layout. However, because of poor preservation, its total configuration remains uncertain, par-

ticularly the relationship between Rm (or ARm) 50 and the adjourning MLDs (Fig. 8). Overall, arti-

facts, floor features, and architectural organization suggest a domestic habitation. Part of thelabor force for activities carried on in Structure 52, on the other end of Corridor 4, may have

resided here.

582 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978








Although third-stage excavation of Room-set 65 failed to produce artifacts indicative of its func-tion, tracing of the occupational surface through the corridor attests to its contemporaneity withStructures 52 and 71. Furthermore, the discovery of a second entry to the room-set solved the puz-

zle of access pattern, lingering from the first stage excavation, as it is the only opening that poten-tially connects the unit defined by Corridor 4 to other areas of the site. That is to say, if Structure71 proves to be completely enclosed and has no outlet, then Room-set 65 would be the only possi-ble exit from the unit defined by Corridor 4 Unfortunately, the broaderontext around the second

entry to the room-set was not adequately clarified due to time restrictions. However, the fact thatthe entry opens onto a narrow space with a distinctly sloping plastered floor suggests that the en-

try was part of a rampway.If we assume that the second entry provided the outlet for the population within the unit, Room-

set 65 then occupies a strategic location for monitoring traffic to and from Corridor 4 and the

postulated metal workshop in Structure 52. More specifically, the room-set may have been thestation responsible for directing and accounting for the postulated commuting labor force andcommodities passing through this point.

Another broad context sampled during the third stage was a poorly defined chamber-anteroomcombination that contained MLDs(Fig. 10). Although the roughly square areara as clearly boundedon 3 sides, the fourth side was arbitrary. This loose boundary definition was employed since the

primary research interest was determination of the behavioral significance of interlinked MLDs.The network of trenches connecting all MLDs and various sections of the chamber and anteroom

revealed a clear-cut differential distribution of artifactsand floor features. The northern section ofthe chamber proved to be a large kitchen with 4 large vessels stilltill itting on firepits and a quantity of

primary refuse (cf. Shimada and Shimada 1976). On the other hand, the southwest corner of thechamber was characterized by 3s evenly placed on a clean,lasterizedy 3 batns evenly placed on a clean, plasterefer tostone anvils used in conjunction with large ovoid stones (chungas) held with two hands and rockedto pulverizevarioussubstances.Although he batan-chungacombinationhas been conventionally

interpretedas

partof a

food-preparation kit, they may have been employed for other purposes. Onthe other hand, we must entertain the distinct possibility of spatial segregation of food preparationsthat did and did not require the use of fire.

The MLDs, as anticipated, produced no primary context artifacts.nteresxtrtifacts. Inther, severalcut-shell and stone fragments were recovered from fill overlying the floor of the central depressionof MLDs 40 and 44. The fill was formed by erosion of the surrounding terraces. As already noted,what we know about MLDs in general does not point to a habitational function. Yet contiguousplacement of an unusually large kitchen and MLDs and open access between them suggest thattransient occupants of the MLDs were fed with food prepared in the kitchen. A reconstructed viewof MLD40 is presented in Figure5.

It must be noted that absolute contemporaneity can be claimed only within the chamber-anteroom set because of contiguous-room tracing of the latest floor. The temporal relationship bet-

ween this set and othercontexts sampledduringthe third-stagewas establishedonlyceramically,as it was not feasible to trace the latest occupational surface over a long distance and because

uncertainty surrounded access to the chamber-anteroom set from other sampled contexts.The thirdbroadarchitecturalcontext sampledencompassedthe kitchen-storageroom-set Rm

54, ARm55), Structure46, and Room-block 0. These 3 contexts are linkedto each otherby Cor-ridor 5.

The physicalboundariesof Room-block 0 have notbeen completelydefinedbutapproximatearectangle n planwith adobewalls delimiting he northand southends andmasonrywalls definingthe remainingsides. It is situatedon the west end of Corridor5 andhouses 7 MLDs,an adobeplat-formand room,and 2 spacious anterooms. The networkof trenches connectingall MLDs,as ex-pected, shed little light on their functionbut indicatedcontemporaneitywith the adjoiningadobeconstructions.However,fullexcavationof adobe ARm78 revealedan unusualarrayofartifactsandfloor features (Fig.1 a), includinga "drum rame"in a small adobe enclosure,a paintedflaringbowl, several neck jars, a fragmentof a wooden instrument,and nearly a dozenpostholes.Thecarefully shaped and polishedhardwoodimplementappears to have been a batten used to tamp

Shimada] 583







AMERICAN ANTIQUITY

meters, X -i adobe wall - masonry wallmeters ____ ..e/?e

"e's.,'" ' ,,

.7?r i earlier buried -l terrace edge

0 5 wl/f wall

A 5,/- depression of MLD

Q buried urn - large urn c) bowl -olla

) neck jar & tiered jar X baton

~stonened & firepit and? stone lined hearth discolored soil .. ash and refuse

Figure 10. An excavated chamber-anteroom combination in Sector H.

wefts in textile weaving.Thispossibilityof weavingactivityis furthersupportedby the patternof

postholes. Burnt roofing materials found overlying the latest occupational surface indicate a partialroof constructed largely of straw and other light substances. Since one would expect the size and

numberofpoststovaryinaccordancewiththe roofthey support, hereis clearlyan incongruitybet-ween the nature of the roofingand the numberandsize of postholesfound n ARm78. I suggestthatsome of the postholes represent anchors for looms similar to those in the well-knownweavingscene depicted on a Moche flaringbowl in the BritishMuseum(Fig. lb). This scene illustratesfemale weavers with backstrap ooms anchoredto woodenposts and roof beams.Disturbingly, orthis interpretation,however,the othermaterial correlates that one wouldexpect froma weavingworkshop,such as forks and bobbins,were not recovered.

Careful tracing of the plastered floor showed that the nearby adobe platformwas contem-

poraneouswith ARm78.UnlikeARm78, the platformhad a solid,heavyroofwith a layer of adobeand mortarsupportedby cane and wooden beams and posts. Immediatelybeside the platformwe

uncoveredan intentionallyburiedwholeparrot.Ifwe pursuean analogmodelbasedon the weavingscene depictedon the aforementionedbowl,we may hypothesizethat the platformwas the seat ofan individualwho oversawtheweaving activity n ARm78.Despitesomeintriguing imilaritiesbet-

584 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978








masonry wall

X 1 "~//,//// /E;7 "*..

MD Z4MLD

adobe

adobe wall /platrmi

RR79d On

batten? post-holes

flaring-rim ARm 78%7 bowl.

drum ..~,neck jars '

rwame1nhe archae l fsndshervdwemust clbeons d s hypot meters

pound (Compound 14). It has been suggecale that wapproxu o sie astribute

esie, i i lre lbr rce ered a a ein cener ( ernl c unictio;ter

(a) (b)

Figure 11. (a) Artifacts and floor features in ARm 78, Sector H; (b) Moche painted flaring bowl showingtextile weaving activity.

ween the archaeological finds here and the pottery depiction, the model of supervised weavingmust be considered as hypothetical.

Perhapsmore

significantis the

discoveryof charred,

unprocessedcotton fiber in an adobe com-

pound (Compound 14). It has been suggested that cotton was brought to the site as tribute and that

the site, with its large labor force, served as a weaving center (Day, personal communication;

Shimada 1976). I have suggested that the various tasks of spinning, dyeing, and drying were as-

signed as labor tax to the inhabitants of the site, and that weaving, as in the case of metal workingdiscussed earlier, was a dispersed manufacturing activity (Shimada 1976). Furthermore, consider-

ing the occurrences of parrots in refuse and intentional burial (Shimada and Shimada 1976), I have

argued for the use of colorful birds in the making of "feather cloth," which may have been the

culturally valued commodity.Yet another important ramification of the excavation of Room-block 70 concerned the questions

of food and labor force movement. It is significant that the excavation unearthed no evidence of

domestic activity, much less fire usage, within the entire room-block. On the basis of the ubiquity of

their occurrence, some preserved contents, and their manageable size and weight, I have argued(Shimada 1976) that neck jars served as a major means of intrasite transportation of liquids and

solids. Although neck jars have been recovered from varied contexts, ranging from rooms atopadobe pyramids with beans or corn inside them to the outside of a storage complex situated at the

west margin of Section H, their physical dimensions and capacities cluster within a narrow range.The body of the neck jar is most frequently ellipsoid in shape and consequently not particularlystable. The maximum capacity of the neck jar most commonly falls around 4500 cm3, while the

modal ranges of height and body diameter cluster around 32-35 cm and 30-33 cm,respectively.The neck is most often about 7 to 8 cm in height and has an inside diameter of about 9 to 10 cm at

the mouth, a size that is both easy to pour from and easy to seal.

In addition, a large percentage of neck jars show either mold-impressed or manually executed

human or animal faces (Fig 12). There is a great variety of mold-made faces, while manuallyexecuted faces, because of the simplicity of the technique involved, tend to be homogeneous.There is a distinct possibility that mold-made faces had some socioeconomic significance and

might be utilized to trace out patterns of intrasite interaction among different social groups.

585Shimada]







AMERICAN NTIQUITY

centimeters

O 5

centimeters

0 5

centimeters

0 5

centimeters

0 5

centimeters

O 5

Figure 12. Mold-made and hand-made faces on neck jars from Sectors D and H, Pampa Grande.

In sum, I suggest that Room-block 70 was not habitation, that the labor force which performedthe postulated weaving activity commuted there daily from elsewhere via Corridor 5, and that theywere supplied with food and drink transported by neck jars from spatially segregated kitchen and

storage facilities reachable by the corridor system. With this proposition in mind, the room-set com-

posed of Rm 55 and ARm 54 and Structure 46, both of which are directly accessible from Room-

block 70 through Corridor 5, were excavated.Rm 54 proved to be a storage facility that complemented the adjoining kitchen, ARm 55. While

Rm 54 contained only large plainware urns and jars set in the floor, ARm 55 yielded two batans,

586 [Vol.43, No.4,1978

,,,'' ;^'"^

I* .;








sooted or blackened bowls and ollas, a firepit with primary refuse, and over a dozen neck jars, none

of which showed evidence of usage over fire. The refuse included carbonized corn kernels and

cobs, beans, and llama bones. Indications are that the kitchen was capable of preparing solid foods

but not chicha-at least not inlarge quantities.Excavation of ARm 56, a large anteroom that occupied nearly half of the area covered by Struc-

ture 46, however, revealed large-scale fire usage. Patches of discolored soil and ash covered much

of the south corner of the anteroom. Significantly, they were not associated with organic refuse but

instead with large and medium-size urns and jars and at least 30 neck jars. While the neck jars, as

expected, did not manifest evidence of use over fire, several urns showed sooting and/or blacken-

ing. The large quantity, composition, and usage pattern of large- to medium-sized vessels, as well as

the conspicuous absence of organic refuse, point to large-scale chicha preparation. The largenumber of neck jars is regarded as a reflection of the intensity of movement of comestibles in

space.

Contemporaneity among the contexts linked by Corridor 5 and subjected to third-stage excava-

tion is quite secure. However, my belief in the coterminous relationship between the contexts linked

by Corridor 4 and those of Corridor 5 was based on shared deposits overlying and underlying thelatest occupational surface and on the absence of reconstruction in the walls of Corridor 4 that

separate 2 areas. Additional investigation of access patterns within Section H is believed to bear

out this interpretation.On the basis of the preceding discussion, a tentative model of activity organization and move-

ment of commodity and labor force within Sector H is offered. The model characterizes the sectoras a whole as a locus of dispersed, low-output craft production, spatially segregated from

domestic/habitational activities. Although no single locus dominated the production of a given setof craft goods, access to such loci was limited to the traffic coming through a single corridor.

The model further stipulates that the raw materials and finished products of the manufacturingactivities and the food and drink that fed the producers had to be transported to and from other

areas. Although the 3 stages of excavation, coupled with surface survey and mapping, revealedthe existence and extent of corridors and kitchens that may have provided the requisite food and

drink, the location of the habitations of the "diurnally commuting labor force" remains uncertain.

Excavations, for the number of context samples, revealed surprisingly little evidence of habita-tion in Sector H, except for Compound 38. Although additional sampling of varied architectural

configurations and associations within Sector H is needed, the above observation has led me tolook outside the Sector H boundary for the residences of the labor force. On the basis of the extentof the corridor systems within the site and of the concentration of "small irregular agglutinatedstructures," I suggest that the southern pediment may have served as the major "labor shed" ofthe site (Shimada 1976).

I now turn briefly to site-wide consideration of commodity and labor flow.

SITE-WIDE CONSIDERATIONOF THE MODEL

The southern pediment is defined by Quebrada IV, which effectively bipartitions the site. Thenorthern margin of the southern pediment was built up with refuse and articulated by what I callthe "circum-Quebrada IV corridor system" (Fig. 13). Access to the interior of the southern pedi-ment was provided by a series of corridors extending out of contiguous rectangular compoundsthat bordered and were connected to the circum-Quebrada corridor. In other words, these com-pounds could have controlled the traffic between the quebrada and the interior of the pediment.Remnants of ramps on both banks of the quebrada indicate that the quebrada served as a cor-ridor. In fact, it provided the most direct access to the central portion of the site from the outside.Most major corridors occur on banks of gullies. Many of these corridors are quite narrow, beingno more than 70 to 80 cm in width, and may have been unidirectional and reserved for human

traffic, while the gullies themselves may have been used for llama trains. At a number of lociwithin the site, several corridors converge. These nodal points are referred to as plazas. Courts,on the other hand, are anterooms whose major access is provided by a corridor. Both courts and

Shimada] 587







AMERICAN NTIQUITY

jop

Figure 13. Reconstructed view of the circum-Quebrada IV corridor system.

plazas may be regarded as terminals of traffic flow within or between settlements. Significantly,

largecourts

(thosewith floor

space exceeding400

m2)and

plazasare

consistently associated withrectangular enclosures with other formal architecture. At the contemporary site of Galindo in the

Moche Valley, G. Bawden (personal communication) noted deposits of llama dung in similar con-

texts. I suggest that these courts and plazas served as terminals for intersite as well as intrasite

economic transactions. The absence of portable artifacts and structures would be expected from

loci that served as terminals where loading and unloading of llama trains and/or human carriers,as well as temporary storage and distribution of goods, took place. The neighboring interlinked

formal architecture, then, may be regarded as the physical setting for various socioeconomic

transactions related to the postulated flow of goods.The preceding discussion of commodity and labor flow would not be complete without a discus-

sion of storage facilities. The designation "formal storage complex" refers to highly standardized

adobe constructions found in contexts with limited access and consisting of contiguous rec-

tangular cells of small but equal dimensions (Anders 1975; cf. Day 1973). In addition, they havehigh thresholds and manifest no domestic artifacts or refuse. The number of cells varies from a

high of 24, with an estimated total storage capacity (using 2 m as the height of the cell) of some

1240 m3 to 3 cells with a corresponding figure about 30 m3 (Anders 1975).In spite of their homogeneous architectural features, among the complexes there is con-

siderable difference in respect to their estimated capacities, inferred and identified contents, and

broader contexts. Of the 8 formal storage complexes identified so far at the site, 4 occur within

Compound 1, and 3 of these situated in the area south and west of the long ramp to Huaca 1

within the compound. Although access pattern within the compound has yet to be established, the

existence of a long, uninterrupted rampway to the pyramid (Huaca 1) must have effectively

hampered lateral movement within the compound. The 3 storage complexes south and west of the

rampway may have stored the goods produced in the craft workshops in Sector H and the

southern pediment and transported through the entry at the eastern corner of Sector H. AlthoughSectors D and H are symmetrically placed in respect in Compound 1 and similarly linked to it by a

corridor, uncertainty surrounding the nature of the occupation in Sector D hampers interpreta-

588 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978








tions of the interactions between the compound and Sector D. However, I hypothesize elsewhere

(Shimada 1976) that Sector D was the locus of a service population involved in the preparationand serving of comestibles. The sector produced numerous blackware serving dishes and a large

variety of plates and bowls in an agglutinated architectural context. It is possible, therefore, thatSectors D and H complemented each other in supporting the occupants of the compound.The dispersed distribution and differing contexts of the 4 storage complexes within the com-

pound may well be due to temporal differences in their construction; this would be in accordance

with inferred expansion and internal reorganization of the compound (Shimada 1976). However,the effects of logistic and strategic considerations (such as the expected rate of turnover, intend-

ed usage, and vulnerability of the contents to pests and moisture) and of the accounting and

transportation techniques involved cannot be disregarded. Their respective locations may have

been affected by the separation of access to each storage unit or population segment(s) responsi-ble for the upkeep of the given storage unit, including the contents. Apportionment of specifictasks and/or tribute to specific population units would reduce the complexity of accounting in-volved. Ambiguity in roles and responsibilities had to be reduced. We may conjecture a model

whereby a population segment involved, for example, in weaving in Room-block 70 was responsi-ble for maintaining a certain prescribed quantity of the woven goods in preassigned storerooms.The delegation of a certain degree of authority to this group, allowing them to decide how to

allocate the assigned task among themselves, for example, would reduce the managerial pro-blems.

Formal storage room-sets in Sectors D and H, with 3 and 4 or 5 cells, respectively, are the onlyones with preserved contents. Large quantities of corn kernels and beans were preservedbecause of fire, while the conspicuous absence of even traces of former contents in the remaining

storage complexes may be explained by intentional razing at the time of abandonment of Moche V

occupation (cf. Day 1973:259). There is no a priori reason to believe that these larger storage com-

plexes contained comestibles. Unfortunately, I have not been able to determine whether the

storageroom-set in

Sector H provided foods that fed those engaged in manufacturing activities indispersed loci within the sector. However, discovery of neck-jar fragments with burnt corn

(Anders 1975) supports the earlier suggestion that comestibles were transported in neck jars.

Although the existence of formal storage complexes reflects the high-level long-range concernwith socioeconomic stability expected from a society under the postulated environmental stressand demographic reorganization (Shimada 1976), it should not be regarded as conclusiveevidence of a "redistributive economy" or an indication of the total quantity of goods stored at thesite.

Even a rough computation of small-incremental domestic storage within Compound 38 indicatesthat the corn and beans kept in the 4- or 5-cell storage complex at the western edge of Sector Hcould not have supportedhestimasupportedhe estiin situ residents and commuting labor force much beyonda week or two. The supply would have to have been renewed quite frequently. Limited excavation

in Sector Jin the southern pediment, however, revealed a adobe-masonry structure compartmen-talized into at least 4 small rooms with many large urns set in the floor. The structure was directlyassociated with an adobe platform. It is possible that there are a respectable number of small-scale storage facilities that do not fit the criteria of "formal storage facilities" described earlier. I

suggest dispersed, small-scale storage facilities provided the daily necessities for much of the

population of the site. Whether access to the provisions was founded upon the principle of

reciprocity has not been determined, but the fact of craft production by a commuting labor forceand the association of the small storage units with formalized, labor-intensive construction would

suggest this.

Although production of some quality craft goods is noted, much of the labor force at the sitewas probably involved in the dispersed production of noncomestible daily necessities or construc-

tion, both of which required no special skills or tools other than those they already possessed.Even Huaca 1 is fundamentally a simple construction. I envision an economic system built uponthe principle of production by the masses and not mass production. It was a system in which the

producers were the major consumers.

589Shimada]







AMERICAN NTIQUITY

CONCLUSION

The structural-functional approach necessary to adequately define "urban context" entails the

difficult task of coping with a number of methodological and theoretical requirements, such as

rigorous temporal control, a systemic conception of sites, and functional identification anddelineation of activity loci. The present paper discusses the model of commodity and labor flow that

resulted from application of the multistage method (Shimada 1977a) developed for structural-

functional analysis of prehistoric urban context at Moche V Pampa Grande.

Urban existence, historic or prehistoric, is a density phenomenon and is accompanied by com-

plex means and patterns of interaction in space. Material correlates of presumed synchronic in-

teraction in space, such a corridors and open entries, provide a readily available key to delinea-

tion of behaviorally significant architectural contexts. In this paper I argue that before functional

analysis may be attempted, structural forms must be codified in order to determine appropriateunits of sampling and excavation. In addition, functional analysis of formal variation in spacecalls for establishment of absolute contemporaneity among physical settings of human behavior.

Followingthe establishment of

"classificatory contemporaneity"(Dean 1969:198) through

ceramic analysis, we must focus our attention on tracing and analysis of given occupational sur-

faces.

configurations, I adopted contiguous-room excavation. Although this form of excavation can be

quite costly, ittis regarded here as a necessary condition for functional analysis.

Nonprobabilistic sampling, despite its stigma, is often necessary; some research goals demand

this form of sampling. I argue for further exploration along this line of logic and for further use of

the sampling/excavation techniques discussed here.

Based upon excavation results, I postulated a model of commodity and labor flow with Moche V

Pampa Grande. The existence of various types of storage facilities and extensive networks of cor-

ridors and the segregation of domestic and nondomestic activities among loci linked by corridors

all point to rather extensive movement of labor and commodities within the site. The ubiquitousneck jars were suggested as a means of transporting comestibles to and from storage facilities

and kitchens and, in turn, from kitchens to dispersed loci of low-output craft workshops manned

by an inferred diurnally commuting labor force. In reference specifically to metal working, I

argued for spatial segregation of the production of basic parts such as sheet metals from the loci

of assembly.

Although there are several suggestions within the data and interprtation that we are dealing

with a redistributive economy that may have arisen or become systematized in response to

economic stresses and population nucleation due to inferred environmental deterioration, this re-

mains to be tested.

Acknowledgements.This is an expandedversionof a paper originallypreparedfor the symposium"Com-

modityFlowand PoliticalDevelopmentn the Andes"at the 1977 Societyfor AmericanArchaeologymeetingsin New Orleans.I am indebtedto J.S.DeanandD.R.Wilcoxof the Universityof ArizonaandWendyAshmore

of the University of Pennsylvania for their constructive comments on the original versions of the paper. I am

also grateful to my wife, Melody, for additional comments and editing.Data for the paper were derived during my 2-year participation in the Royal Ontario Museum Lambayeque

Valley Archaeological Project under the direction of K.C.Day, who kindly permitted me the freedom to pursue

my own research interests. The 1975 excavation at the site of Pampa Grande was supported by funds from the

Canada Council (S74-0719) and the Office of the Chief Archaeologist of the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto.

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Anders, M.B.1975 Formal storage facilities in Pampa Grande, Peru: a preliminary report of excavations. Manuscript

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Asch, D.L.1975 On sample size problems and the uses of nonprobabilistic sampling. In Sampling in archaeology,

edited by J.W. Mueller, pp. 170-191. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

590 [Vol. 43, No. 4,1978








Benzoni, Jeronimo1967 La historia del Mundo Nuevo, translated and edited by Carlos Radicati di Primeglio. Universidad

Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima.

Caley, E.R., and D.T. Easby, Jr.

1959 The smelting of sulfide ores of copper in pre-conquest Peru. American Antiquity 25:59-65.Cieza de Le6n, Pedro1946 La cronica del Peru. In Cronica de la conquista del Perui,edited and annotated by Julio Le Riverend,

pp. 125-497. Editorial Nueva Espania, S.A., Churubusco, Mexico.

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