andalusian diplomatic relations with the franks during the umayyid period ptii

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS DURING THE UMAYYAD PERIODAuthor(s): ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJIReviewed work(s):Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1 (MARCH 1967), pp. 21-46Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, IslamabadStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20832865 .Accessed: 14/12/2011 12:22

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ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS DURING THE UMAYYAD PERIOD*

ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

I

INTRODUCTION

What is understood by the word "Franks" varies considerably in the usage of the Muslim historians between a particular and

specific meaning, and a broad and comprehensive one. The com

prehensive meaning is, on the whole, used in the later period, when

it refers to different peoples of Europe other than those of Andalusia (Muslim Spain). It is sometimes used for the inhabitants of Christian Spain,1 and sometimes even for Byzantium and

Constantinople.2 It was also used for the Germans3 and for the

Franks4 who were under the rule of the Merovingian and

Carolingian states which ruled over present-day France together with large parts of northern Spain, such as Catalonia, northern

Italy, part of Germany, and other parts of Europe. It appears that

when it was used as a general designation by the later historians, it covered many of the peoples of Europe, including everything

within the meaning last given; its use was sometimes extended and sometimes restricted. Possibly one of the reasons for this was

the fluctuation of the borders of Frankish rule.

The early chroniclers, contrary to what one might expect, are

more precise in their usage than the later historians. According to them, the word means those peoples who were under the rule

of the two dynasties, Merovingian and Carolingian, which is also

the restricted meaning of the later historians.5 It is used in this

meaning by Ibn Idharf,6 who died about 695/1295, and by al-Bakrl,7 (d. 487/1094) who was influenced to a considerable extent by al-Mas'udi, who had defined this precisely8 and spoke of many of the peoples of Europe, distinguishing between them. Among those

who defined its meaning even more precisely were Ahmad al-Razi

(d. 324/936)9 and Ibn Hay yan (d. 469/1076)10, who considered that the country of the Franks began at the natural border of the Iberian peninsula, beyond the Pyrenees.

22 ABDURRAHMAN A. EL-HAJJI

In either case, those parts which came under the rule of the

two families, Merovingian and Carolingian, were included in the

expression "Bdad al-Firan?\ and modern France?the heart of

the Frankish Empire?represented a large part of it.11 I shall use

the Empire of the "Franks" to mean those regions which were

under the rule of the two families, the southern boundary of which

was usually the Pyrenees, and which (or the greater part of

which) is sometimes called by the Muslims, "the Vast Land", Al

Ard al-Kablrah.12

A Short Survey of the Frankish Rulers

The Empire of the Franks was ruled by the Merovingian dynasty, who established the post of maire du palais (Mayor of the Palace) to organize the affairs of the court. With the passage of

time the importance of the holder of this post grew, until he assumed many of the duties of the king and wielded effective

power, especially after the authority of the crown was weakened.13

The Carolingian family appropriated this position until they rivalled the Merovingian royal family, which fell after a civil war

between Austrasia and Neustria. This ended in Aquitaine, and

certain German provinces becoming independent.14 Pepin of

Heristal was of this family and held the post of maire du palais.

He died in 96/71415 and was succeeded by his son, Charles Martel,

who led the fighting against the Muslims in the battle of Tours, in Sha'ban 114/October 732.1<* When Charles Martel died in 124/741, he was succeeded by his son, Pepin the Short, who during his

lifetime strengthened the power and unity of the Franks until they

began to take the initiative in attacking Muslim Spain, reversing

the former position.17 With the help of the Papal authority he was

able to depose the last of the Merovingian kings, Childbert, and to

proclaim himself king in 135/752. In his reign al-Dakhil came to

Andalusia in 138/755. After this the kingship passed definitely to

the Carolingians.18 When Pepin died in 151/768 the kingdom was divided according to the prevalent custom between his two sons ;

Charlemagne took Austrasia and part of Aquitaine, while Carloman

got Neustria and the rest of Aquitaine.19 Fighting broke out

between the brothers, which ended with the death of Carloman in

155/771. The kingdom was thus united under the rule of Charle magne, who was one of the strongest characters and most astute

minds among the Frankish kings. His activities v/ere noticeable

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 23.

in both friendly and hostile relations with Muslim Spain, and he also exchanged embassies and gifts with the 'Abbasids. He

displayed much activity in attaching other territories to his state, such as that of the Lombards in northern Italy and some parts of northern Spain. In 184/800 he was crowned Emperor by Pope Leo III,20 and took as his capital Aix-la-Chapelle. After his death in 199/814, he was succeeded by his son Louis I, the Pious, whom he crowned King of the Romans in his own lifetime, and who was again crowned by Pope Stephen IV in 201/816.21 Louis did not possess his father's administrative ability, political shrewdness or military

skill,22 and when he died in 226/840, the kingdom was divided between his three sons. Charles II, the Bald, reigned in Neustria,

Aquitaine and the North Spanish Province, the regions in which

Romance language, derived from Latin, prevailed. Louis II, the

German, reigned over the territories east of the Rhine comprising

Austrasia, Bavaria, Swabia and Saxony, where the German language was used. Lothar ruled over the intervening territories, which

comprised Friesland in the Low Countries, the rest of Austrasia

to the west of the Rhine, Burgundy, Provence and Italy.23 In

all these regions both the Romance and German languages were

used. Lothar died in 241/855 and his kingdom was divided into

thfee parts among his sons. War broke out between the various

members of the Carolingian family, and by 271/884 the eligible claimants were Charles the Simple in France and Charles the Fat

in Germany. The latter was able to unite Germany, Italy, and

France, at least nominally, for three years. He was deposed in

274/887 and died the following year,24 At this juncture Charles the Simple was eight years of age and effective power was in the

hands of Odo (Eudes), Count of Paris. There was a dispute after

which Charles the Simple was elected. He ruled from 280/893 to

311/923. The last years of his reign were full of troubles, caused

by Robert, Count of Paris, the brother and heir of Odo. Eventually Robert was crowned king in 310/922, but was killed the following year, leaving his young son Hugh to succeed him. Charles the

Simple was succeeded by his son Louis IV (325-343/936-954). He was a great general and an astute politician.25 He married the

sister of Otto the Great, Emperor of Germany, to link the two families. Nevertheless, he found it wise to maintain peaceful

relations with Hugh, on account of his power. Hugh the Great,

and his son after him, succeeded in gaining control of the


greater part of France before the death of Lothar, son of Louis

IV, in 376/986. The latter was succeeded by his brother, Louis V, who died the following year, leaving no son to follow him. With him the Carolingian dynasty came to an end. Hugh Capet was

crowned king of France the same year as that in which Louis V

died. At this point begins the history of the Capetians as rulers of France.26

II

DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITY BETWEEN THE TWO SIDES

Relations between the Franks and Andalusia were mostly

hostile, particularly in the early part of the Umayyad rule, when

Spain was repeatedly attacked by the Umayyads. Later they

changed this policy when they realized the power of Spain and the

impossibility of conquering it as easily as they had imagined. However, the Andalusian policy, in general, was to hasten to

respond to any calls for friendship. Al-Dakhil. for example, never

took the initiative in any attack on the Franks. He followed a

policy of defence, not only in relation to Frankish attacks, but

also towards the governors of the north, since he was engaged in

strengthening the foundations of his rule and in suppressing rebellions.27 When Charlemagne besieged Zaragoza, al-Dakhil

went to repel him, but Charlemagne had already retreated with his

aim unattained.28 Al-Dakhil did not pursue him but attacked him

while he was crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles. In this skirmish

the rearguard of Charlemagne's army was routed, and a number of

his best commanders, including Roland, were lost. As a result of

this military defeat the policy of the Franks towards Andalusia

began to change. Even though they continued to attack Andalusia

whenever they found an opportunity to do so, yet periods ensued

when peaceful relations prevailed, and embassies were exchanged.29

Among the first periods of peace between the Franks and

Andalusia, is the one which prevailed in the last days of the reign of 'Abd al-Rahman I, al-Dakhil. Referring to this period al

Maqqarl writes:

'Abd al-Rahman corresponded with Qarloh (Charlemagne), king of the Franks, who was one of the tyrants (tughdi) of the Franks. After testing his ['Abd al-Rahman's ?] strength for a

period, he had found him steadfast and full of courage. Thus

he [Charlemagne ?] was inclined to placate him, and invited

ANDALUSIAN DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH THE FRANKS 25

him to intermarriage and peace. He [' Abd al-Rahman ?] accepted the peace, but no marriage took place.30 There are differing views on this statement: Aschbach doubted

its authenticity and considered it a legend31 and Murphy was

doubtful as to who initiated the proposal. He thinks it more

likely that it was al-Dakhil who did so.32 Some say that on the contrary it was Charlemagne who started it, but al-Dakhil turned

down the proposal.33 So the problems to be solved are :?

Who it was that tested the other and tried him in battle ? Who started suing for peace ? Who was the first to offer peace and a marriage alliance ? In fact the expression is not entirely clear, nor do the preceding

and the following statements offer any help. Both interpretations are possible : either that al-Dakhil requested peace and a marriage alliance from Charlemagne, or the opposite. It may be that we can

solve this problem in the light of the historical events connected with this matter and of contemporary internal happenings in each

of the two countries.

It appears that al-Maqqari reproduced this text from the

reliable historian, Ibn Hayyan,34 especially since he also copied the preceding and the following sections from the same author.35 Thus its authenticity is beyond doubt and the preceding and following historical events tend to confirm it. Charlemagne undertook no

further attack on Andalusia after his raid on it in 161/778 until the end of the reign of al-Dakhil?not, in fact, until the occupation of Barcelona by the Franks in 185/801, according to Levi-Proven^al.36 The Franks' attack on Andalusia took place between the death of

al-Dakhil in 172/787 and the latter date 37 However, it was not as

serious as that of 161/778. On the other hand, events were taking

place in the Frankish Empire which deterred them from following an aggressive forward policy. For instance, the Saxons whom

Charlemagne had only recently suppressed,38 had again revolted.39

Charlemagne's failure in attacking Andalusia caused him to think

of changing his policy towards that country and to prefer friend

ship with it, so that he might turn to regulating the affairs of his own country and to putting an end to his local troubles. At the

same time, the disaster suffered by his army while crossing the Pass

of Roncesvalles, showed him the fruitlessness of such adventurous

attempts, especially as the strength of Andalusia and the firmness

of its ruler had become apparent to him. Thus a town like


Zaragoza stood against a powerful army collected from all parts of

the Frankish Empire, and put up a stubborn defence.40 Al-Dakhil left for Zaragoza at the head of an army to encounter Charle

magne, who was retreating with his aim unachieved.41 Though at

first he supposed the occupation of Andalusia and the destruction

of its government to be easy, ultimately he came to realize its

absolute impossibility. In this light we may understand better the

statement of al-Maqqari: "after testing his strength for a period, he had found him steadfast and full of courage". That is to say,

Charlemagne tested al-Dakhil and found in him those qualities ; it is not that al-Dakhil tested Charlemagne, since the strength and

victories of Charlemagne were well-known to al-Dakhil and others.

No testing was necessary to discover them. Moreover, al-Maqqari on the following page again describes the manhood of al-Dakhil on a similar occasion.42 Al-Dakhil, after Charlemagne's attack on

Andalusia, suppressed firmly those rebels who had sought help from Charlemagne43?another proof of his strength and power.

Nevertheless, al-Dakhil preferred to establish amicable relations

with Charlemagne, especially as he knew of the good relations prevailing between Charlemagne and the 'Abbasids and wanted to

frustrate the realization of any aims they might have had in this

friendship. He also needed to devote his efforts to the solution of

his own internal problems. In the circumstances, we presume that

al-Dakhil initiated the move for peace which was most eagerly welcomed by Charlemagne for the reasons described above and he

proposed a treaty of peace and friendship to al-Dakhil. The two

desires coincided, and the treaty was concluded.44 In order to

strengthen the links between the two mpnarchs, Charlemagne seems to have offered his daughter in marriage to al-Dakhil.45

However, al-Dakhil presumably refused, giving as a reason, possibly out of politeness, his ill-health or age.46

After the death of al-Dskhil on 24th Rabf I, 172/2nd October, 787, the Franks returned to their previous aggressive policy towards

Andalusia, even though in not such a serious manner as previously.

They constantly incited the inhabitants of the north against Andalusia. Hisham I sent an army against the Franks which

sustained a number of severe blows in 177/793. In 185/801 the Franks occupied Barcelona and in 192/808 under the command of Louis, the son of Charlemagne, they attacked the Upper Marches and besieged Tortosa, but were repelled to their own territories by


the army of alrHakam I, commanded by his son 'Abd al-Rahm5n.47

However, Louis returned the following year, and the Muslims again

fought him. A number of battles ensued, ending in the defeat of the Franks.48 Engagements also took place at sea49. When both sides were tired of fighting each other they preferred to conclude peace. First, a truce was concluded in 195/810,50 but shortly after

wards was broken when al-Hakam sent an army to attack

Barcelona and other Frankish regions51. It was renewed in 197/812, and an Andalusian embassy arrived at Aix-la-Chapelle to negotiate with Charlemagne.52 The ambassador was successful in his task

and a treaty was concluded for three years. However, it was

broken as a result of the Muslim attack in 198/813 on Corsica and other Frankish regions near the Pyrenees, under the leadership of

'Abd al-Rahman, son of the Amir al-Hakam I.53

The desire of the Muslims for peace, despite the victories they had attained, was increased by al-Hakam's fear of the growing

power of Idris b. Idris in the Maghrib.54 In 201/816 'Abd al Rahman II sent his ambassadors to conclude a truce with the

Emperor Louis I, the Pious. They arrived at Compiegne, then

proceeded to Aix-la-Chapelle, where the truce, which was not to

last long, was concluded.55 In 209/824 the Franks were routed at the Pass of Roncesvalles before the united army of the Basques and the Muslims. In about 211/826 Louis called a meeting in Aix-la-Chapelle attended by his son, Pepin, king of Aquitaine, and the counts of the provinces bordering on Spain. The Emperor announced at this meeting his intention of attacking Andalusia and

avenging himself. But Aizon, the fugitive leader of the Goths, fled secretly to Catalonia and Aragon, inciting those provinces against the Frankish Emperor. He was able to gain possession of the town of Ausona. He asked 'Abd al-Rahman for help, and then went in person to Cordoba in order to secure it more quickly and

be able to resist the advancing Frankish army.56 Certain other

clashes followed. Ibn Hayyan mentions57 that in 232/846 G^ilylm b. Burbat b. Ghilyim (William, Count of Toulouse, grandson of

William), with a group of his companions, came to the court of

'Abd al-Rahman II, seeking the assistance of the Amir against Charles the Bald. The Amir granted his request, and William gained his victory. He was also able to besiege Barcelona and to

attack Gerona (Gerunda). He sent a letter of gratitude to the

Amir, who in his turn wrote to 'Abd Allah b. YahyS, Governor of


Tortosa and ' Abd Allah b. Kulayb, Governor of Zaragoza, telling

them to assist and support William. After two years William came to the court of the Amir %Abd al-Rahman.58 We have

another source corroborating this story, to the effect that a war

between the young Pepin and his uncle, Charles the Bald, took

place, and that Pepin requested the help of the Muslims against his uncle. It was for this reason that he sent William to

Cordoba.59 'Abd al-Rahman s support for Pepin against his uncle

may have been caused by the attacks that the latter mounted

against the Muslims. The two sides were thus in a state of war,

which did not, however, last long, being terminated by the conclu

sion of a peace treaty between Charles the Bald and 'Abd al

Rahman.60 Possibly this is the treaty mentioned by Levi

Provengal.61 Ibn al-Qutiyah has a short, obscure passage on "a

man known as al-Qusbl, whom 'Abd al-Rahman II used to send on

embassies to Qdrloh?Charlemagne or Charles?king of Al-lfranjah ?the Franks, and to the king of al-Rurri\*2 I have not been able

to discover the full name of the envoy, nor has any specific

embassy, connected with a date or event, been recorded.63 Ibn

Hayyan tells us that Charles the Bald enjoyed good relations with the Amir Muhammad, exchanging presents with him and persisting in his efforts for peace.64 Possibly weariness on both sides led to a

strengthening of this peace and the exchange of embassies ; thus in

252/866 the Amir Muhammad sought an understanding with Charles the Bald so as to settle the mutual differences. Charles

agreed to it as he was eager to be rid of the danger of a renewed

attack by the Muslims on Septimania, in order to turn his attention to the internal condition of his country.65 He sent his envoys to Cordoba. Agreement was reached, and the ambassadors returned to their country laden with gifts.66

In the reign of al-Nasir, whose court was filled with ambas sadors from every quarter,67 there arrived in Cordoba the mes

sengers of Louis IV for the conclusion of a treaty of peace and

friendship. It was concluded and their requests granted.68 It

appears that it was this embassy to which Ibn KhaldQn referred. It

might be placed in about 342/953, by a comparison with the dates of events previous to this embassy.69 The expression used by Ibn

Khaldun is not clear. He says :

There arrived at the court of al-Nasir a messenger from the king of the Franks in the farthermost part of the East,


wfio was at that time Kildoh.

The word 'KildoK may be a distortion of Qarloh (Charles). If this were the name given by Ibn Khaldan, and the previous reason

ing connected with this embassy and its dates is correct, then

Qarloh, according to Ibn Khaldun, is Charles the Simple who died in 317/929 before the date of this embassy. It follows from this that Ibn Khaldun thought that he was still the ruler up to the date of the embassy. But in fact, the king of the Franks in the eastern

part of the empire, at the time of this embassy, was Louis IV, son

of Charles the Simple.71 This is the name mentioned by al-Mas'adi, who called him Ludhriq b. Qarloh.72 No doubt he means Louis IV, son of Charles the Simple. It is clear too from the French translation of the text at the lower half of the page previously mentioned.

Ibn Khaldun also mentions that in c. 342/953: An ambassador from the king of the Franks named Afwah,

from the west beyond the Pyrenees [i.e., on the other side of the Pyrenees and to the west of northern Spain], came to

Cordoba.73

It appears that he meant by the name Afwah, Hugh the Great, who was ruling the western part of the Frankish dominions

(939-956).74 Thus it is possible that the western and eastern parts were competing in obtaining the friendship of Cordoba.

In the reign of al-Nasir and his son, al-Hakam II, relations

between the Muslims and the Franks were generally good. One of the signs of this is that nineteen of the columns used in building al-Zahra' were brought from the land of the Franks.75

Al-Mas4udi also76 relates that in 336/947, in al-Fust5t, Egypt,

he came across a copy of a book,77 presented in 328/939 by 'Urmar,

Bishop of Jarbadah, to al-Hakam, ai-Nasir's son (who at that time

was the heir of the Caliph) which contained a summary of the

history of the kings of the Franks. It is necessary to examine the person of this Bishop and the

manner of presentation of the book. The name of the Bishop and

the town where he resided have occurred in different forms in

different editions of al-Mas'adf s book.78 Reinaud calls him Godmar,

Bishop of Cironne (Gerona) in Catalonia,79 which at that time was

subject to the Franks. But we see in the old Egyptian edition of

al-Mas'udi80 that this name is referred to as Ghudmar, Bishop of

ZahraK a Frankish town, distinct from Gerona. One can be inclined


to accept this version, for the Bishop's name corresponds with the

Latin sources and al-Mas'odi describes the town as 'one of the

Frankish towns'. Al-Mas'adI, when he mentions the word Ifranjah

usually means the land ruled by the Merovingian and Carolingian

dynasties, particularly the land beyond the Pyrenees.81 For

example, we find that when he speaks about this book and mentions

'Frankish Kings', he gives us a list of the kings of these two

dynasties. Perhaps, also, it is more reasonable that the Frankish

King (Louis IV) should have sent one of his own people rather than an embassy from other territories which he ruled by force.

Accordingly the town of which Godmar was Bishop must be situated beyond the Pyrenees. This conclusion is supported by

Arslan,82 who was certain that the name of the Bishop was Ghudmar, and that he was originally from Gironne and was Bishop of Ceret, in the province of Roussillon.83 It appears that Zahrah is a

distortion of Ceret. Reinaud asserts84 that this bishop was sent to

al-Nasir on an ambassadorial mission. While in Cordoba, al

Hakam requested from him a book on the history of Frankish kings. This appears acceptable and corresponds with other facts. It does not contradict al-Mas'udf who says that the book was

given to al-Hakam by the Bishop, without specifying the manner in which the gift was made. It is probable that the Bishop offered the book to al-Hakam, following a request made to him while he was on his diplomatic mission to Cordoba in 328/939. We know no further details about this mission, which, as al-Mas'udi informs us, finished in the year of the presentation of the book, 328/939.

AbQ Bakr Muhyi al-Dfn b. 'Arabi (560-638/1164-1240) gives us an imaginative account of a Frankish embassy that came to the court of al-N5sir.85

Impressive preparations had been made : the three-mile

road from Cordoba to al-Zahra\ was spread with mats, and

lined with soldiers whose scimitars formed an arch over the

envoys' heads. At the palace gate they were met by dignitaries dressed in silk brocades, whom they saluted respectfully, thinking the Caliph was among them, but were waved on.

From the gate to the court appointed for their audience, their

path was covered with brocades, and at various points richly attired officers were posted. Every time the envoys saw one of

them, they prostrated themselves, imagining he was the Caliph, but they said, 'Get up ; this is only a slave among his slaves.'


At last they found him in the middle of a sanded courtyard, dressed in simple clothing befitting his ascetic mode of life. He was in short and cheap clothes, and all that he wore was

worth four dirhems. He was seated on the ground with bowed head : before him were placed a Qur'an, a sabre and a brazier. 'There is the King', the ambassadors were told, and they

prostrated themselves before him. He raised his head towards

them, and before they had time to speak, he said, "Allah has commanded us to bid you to conform to this (pointing to the

Qur'an) ; if you will not, we will constrain you by this (the sabre), and if we kill you, this is the fire that awaits you." He then dismissed them and they signed peace, accepting all his conditions.86

It is not entirely clear from the text what is meant by the word al-Ifranj. Does it mean the inhabitants of Catalonia, as

Levi-Provengal87 and following him, Hole say ?88 When did the embassy arrive, and by whom was it sent ? I have been unable to find any embassy89 corresponding or approximating to this descrip tion. Nevertheless, I see no reason to reject this account totally. The only doubtful matters are the presentation of the embassy, the manner of their meeting with the Caliph, his position when receiving them, and the conditions he imposed on the delegation, A!-NS|irs speaking in such a harsh manner and the imposition of conditions never imposed upon ambassadors is improbable. We have never heard of the Caliphs compelling anyone to accept Islam, let alone an ambassador representing a government. Such behaviour contradicts the traditions followed by the rulers of Andalusia in

receiving and honouring ambassadors. It is still more unlikely in the reign of al-Nasir when the rules of diplomatic ceremony reached a new level and 'the protocol of reception became

increasingly elaborate."90 Thus we conclude that Ibn 'Arabfs account is inaccurate in its details, but, perhaps, deals with an

unspecified mission which in fact took place. Good relations with the Franks sometimes transcended the

diplomatic sphere, in particular during the period when Andalusia attained the peak of its power and became the destination, not

only of ambassadors but also of seekers after knowledge and

science.91 Reinaud informs us that

In about 349/960 Gerbert, the monk of Auvergne, who later became Pope with the title of Sylvester II (390-394/999-1003),


went to Spain in order to study physical and mathematical

sciences, and he was so successful in obtaining information

and digesting it that he was regarded as a sorcerer by his own

countrymen.92

Another piece of information which I have been unable to find in any other source is that

In the romances of chivalry it is stated that when Charle

magne was still in his infancy, he was sent to Muslim Spain

for his education and general culture.93

In the reign of al-Hakam II, peace appears to have prevailed between the Franks and Andalusia. Evidence of fully documented

embassies is not forthcoming. But Ibn Hayyan mentions that an

embassy or two came to Cordoba, to al-Hakam's court from Hutu,

king of al-Ifranj, in 360-63/971-74.94 This requires detailed dis

cussion, which follows.

Ill THE RELATIONS OF ANDALUSIAN REBELS WITH THE FRANKS

The policy of the Franks towards Muslim Spain, especially in

the first part of the period under discussion, was one of fear and

hostility. There was fear lest the sphere of Islamic rule should be

widened, which appeared imminent due to the repeated attempts

by the Muslims to extend their dominion beyond the Pyrenees

which culminated in the battle of Tours in 114/732. With the arrival of 'Abd al-Rahman al-Dakhil, who was able to unite all

Andalusia, their fears were confirmed. It led them to seize every

opportunity of striking at or destroying the Andalusian power.

This also made them consider it important to occupy some districts

of Northern Spain. The hostility took other forms as well, such as

support for every rebellion of the local Muslim potentate against

the Andalusian authority95 and a policy of expansion at the

expense of Muslim territory. So Charlemagne sought an occasion

to raid Andalusia, and saw in the invitation of some of the Muslim

rebels to come to their help against Cordoba the golden oppor

tunity he desired.

In 157/774 Sulayman b. Yaqzan al-Kalbi al-A'rabi, Governor of

Barcelona and Gerona,96 and al-Husayn b. Yahya al-Anasari,

Governor of Zaragoza (a descendant of the Companion, Sa'd b.

'Ubadah) allied themselves in a coalition against al-Dakhil and

possibly they were joined by others. This rebellion against


Cordoba lasted for some years and took a critical course. Among

the factors encouraging the rebels to persist were the preoccupation of al-Dakhil with certain revolts in the south of Andalusia, the

forbidding nature of the mountains97 where the rebel headquarters were situated, the distance between them and Cordoba and their

proximity to the frontier, from across which they could seek help. In 158/775 al-Dakhil sent an army against these rebels, under

the command of Tha'labah b. 'Ubayd al-Judhami, but al-A'rabi

was able to defeat him and take him prisoner. In spite of this

victory which strengthened the rebels, they feared 'Abd al

Rahman, as they knew his determination.98 They decided to ask

help from Charlemagne and invite him to Andalusia to oppose the

power of Cordoba.99 In 160/777 al-A'rabi, at the head of a

delegation of his confederates, went to meet Charlemagne100 and

to negotiate this matter with him. At that time Charlemagne was

holding his court at Paderborn, in Saxony (a province of West

phalia in the north-west of present-day Germany) where the great

Diet was held, after completing the suppression of Saxony.101

They proposed to him an alliance against al-Dakhil. The plan was for Charlemagne to lead a campaign in the north of Andalusia,

with the help of the rebels, then to move south, attack Cordoba

and break its power. The rebels agreed to owe allegiance to

Charlemagne and to recognize his sovereignty.102 As proof of

good faith they surrendered to him their prisoner Tha'labah. who

was al-Dakhil's commander.

Here we will pause to discuss the composition of the delegation which accompanied al-A'rabi, about which opinions differ. It is

said that they included Muhammad Aba 'l-Aswad,103 son of Ydsuf

al-Fihri (the last governor of Andalusia) and 'Abd al-Rahman b.

Habib, known as al-?aqlabi (a relation of Yflsuf al-Fihri by marriage

according to our secondary sources).104 He was known as al

Saqlabi, "The Slav", although he was not in fact a Slav, on account

of his height, fair complexion and blue eyes.105 He is not to be

confused with his namesake 'Abd al-Rahman b. Habib, governor

of Ifriqiyyah?modern Tunisia106?who was assassinated in 138/755.

Later historians merely say that these people rebelled, allied them

selves with al-A'rabi and together with him invited Charlemagne to Andalusia.107

However, when these events took place, Abu'l-Aswad was a

prisoner in Cordoba. He had been imprisoned for the second ti-ne


in 142/759108 and his captivity was not ended until 160/784,109 when he escaped from the prison. How, then, could he have taken

part in the alliance or accompanied al-A'rabi to meet Charlemagne?

Concerning al-Saqlabi, we have not come across any original source which says that he was related by marriage to Yusuf al-Fihri.

Even if we presume that he was a relative of his110, it does not

necessarily link him up with al-A'rabi in political alliance, which is

another presumption unsupported by our sources.

In 161/778 al-?aqlabi crossed from the Maghrib to Andalusia, disembarking at Tudmir (Murcia)111 as an agent for the 'Abbasid

Caliph al-Mahdi b. Abi Ja'far al-MansGr.112 He communicated

with al-A'rabi, suggesting that they should join forces against

al-Dakhil. Perhaps Dozy based his belief in their alliance on this. Al-A'rabLrefused al-Saqlabfs request; the latter marched against

him, but was defeated. The matter ended in al-Saqlabfs assassi

nation in 162/779. If the date of al-A'rabfs departure to meet Charlemagne and

the date of al-Saqlabfs arrival in Andalusia are accepted as we

have established above, al-?aqlabi did not arrive until at least

some months after al-A'rabi had left for Paderborn. Moreover,

al-Saqlabi may not have corresponded with him until after al-A'rabi had returned from the Franks, that is, after the battle of Ronces

valles and after al-A'rabi was released by Charlemagne.113 These facts indicate that al-Saqlabi could not have been one

of those who went with al-A'rabi to Charlemagne, nor could he be one of the members of the alliance against the Cordoban govern ment. The same applies to Aba U-Aswad.

Briefly, it may be agreed that al-A'rabi was allied with a

number of Andalusian rebels, the most dangerous of whom was

al-Husayn b. Yahya al-Ansari, governor of Zaragoza.114 It is

generally accepted that al-A'rabi, at the time of his mission to

Charlemagne, was accompanied by one or more of these rebels,

precisely whom we do not know. Levi-Provengal, relying on Latin

sources and State records, says that among al-A'rabfs company

was Abu Thawr, ruler of Huesca.115 Others say that the latter

met Charlemagne on his arrival at Pamplona and handed over to

him certain hostages.116 It is likely that Abu Thawr was concerned

in both matters; but I would go back to the first probability, because

it is known that al-A'rabi did not go alone, and Abu Thawr may have been his companion.


The pact between the rebels and Charlemagne was concluded

and hostages given as a pledge of good faith, Tha'labah. al-Dakhil's

leader, being among them.117 The delegation returned to Andalusia to make the necessary preparations. Then Charlemagne prepared a very large army, chosen from all the inhabitants of the regions of the Frankish Empire at that time. This large army marched

under his command as far as Aquitaine in the beginning of the

spring of 161/778. He directed this army towards Spain, crossing the Pyrenees, after dividing his forces into two parts. One

crossed the eastern Pyrenees, while the second, under the leader

ship of Charlemagne himself, crossed the western side by the

Roman Road through St. Jean-Pied-de-Port and the Pass of

Roncesvalles118 in order to meet the other part of his army over

the river Duero, in front of Zaragoza. After crossing the Pyre

nees, Charlemagne went to the Basque Country and besieged

Pamplona, their capital, and captured it. Al-A'rabi met him after

leaving Pamplona, perhaps with some other rebels. Together they marched towards Zaragoza, where they met the other part of the

Frankish force, which had arrived through Gerona and Barcelona.

Charlemagne thought that he was going to capture Zaragoza

easily, with the assistance of his Muslim allies, but events took

another and unexpected course. He found that al-Husayn b. Yahya al-Ansari had hastened to Zaragoza and fortified the city to be

ready to defend it against these combined forces.119 One might

explain al-Ansarfs behaviour by supposing that he changed his

mind before Charlemagne's arrival, with enough time to prepare

against this huge army. He feared the effects of his involvement in an alliance with the Franks and its results. Al-A'rabi failed

to convince him to join forces with Charlemagne and the

rebels. Charlemagne failed to capture Zaragoza, which repelled all the attacks in spite of their severity.120 Al-A'rabi was unable

to help Charlemagne capturing any other place, which left Charle

magne in doubt about his intentions and he was taken prisoner.1^ The Saxons revolted while Charlemagne was in Spain.122

Charlemagne had to return home as soon as possible. He had not

achieved a single objective of his campaign, because he had faced

such unexpected difficulties. He retraced his steps in Shawwai

161/July 778. The Basques were well prepared to take revenge on him, since

they expected that he would pass through their country dri his way


home. His failure to capture Zaragoza had given them more

encouragement to attack him. Some Muslims who were neighbours of the Basques, together with some rebel officers, joined forces with the Basques to repel the Franks, their common enemy.123 It is likely that Charlemagne had learned of this gathering, for he severely attacked the Basque capital, took possession of it and

destroyed it. He continued marching home the same way he had

come. While his forces were crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles, on the Spanish western side of the Pyrenees, 30 km. north-east of

Pamplona, the disaster took place. The combined forces of the

Basques and the Muslims attacked the Frankish rearguard by

surprise. Since the combined forces had prepared an ambush for

them in the Pass, they were able to separate the rearguard from

the main body. The narrow sloped trails of the Pass were of

great help. All the possessions, booty and hostages were in the

rearguard, which the attackers could take possession. Al-A'rabi, with others, was among the hostages.124

Because of the geographical circumstances of the battle and the surprise, the Frankish army could not reorganize to protect its

rearguard, which was completely destroyed. Many high officers and the best knights were among the rearguard?such as Eggihard, the Seneschal, Anselm, the Mayor of the Palace, Roland (Hruot land), the Warden of the Breton Marches,125 and others. The last named was considered, after his death, a great hero, and his epic, La Chanson de Roland which has a legendary character, became a source for much of the poetry of chivalry in the Middle Ages.

This disaster had very great effect through the whole of

Europe. The graves of Eggihard and Roland are standing on the battle-field to this day, and written on them is the date of the battle (15 August, 778).127 The defeat also changed Charlemagne's

policy towards Andalusia. One might say that it was the most

direct and important motive which led to the concluding of

the peace treaty between Charlemagne and al-Dakhil, as well as to

the marriage invitation of the former to the latter, as has been discussed above. It appears that releasing of Tha'labah, al Dakhil's leader, was one of the practical results of this treaty.128

Yet there is still a point which needs more discussion : how was the co-operation between the Basques and the Muslims effected?

Ibn al-Athir says129 that 'Aysham and Mefruh, sons of al

A'rabl, attacked the Franks with a group of their followers, in order


to rescue their father. They might have been reconciled with

al-Ansari in order to help them in this task; it is quite possible that he supplied them with a military force.130 Some European accounts say that the Basques attacked Charlemagne131 by ambush

ing him while he was crossing the Pass of Roncesvalles and sweeping down upon the rearguard of his forces, in revenge for the inflictions

to which he had twice subjected them and their country. Among the Muslims, the sons of al-A'rabi with their followers, pursued

Charlemagne to rescue their father and other hostages.132 They were helped by the Muslims who were neighbours of the Basques.133 In short, all these parties agreed to make a common front against the Franks.134 In fact, the plan was carried out and the Frankish

rearguard was wiped out. This success, in such a manner, consider

ably strengthens the theory of their co-operation, which helps us

to reconcile the Muslim and the European accounts.

The Muslims were superior in military planning, but lacked the

knowledge of that difficult terrain, which the Basques knew very well. On the other hand, the Basques needed the military skill and

experience of the Muslims. By joining the two abilities, they could successfully attack the rearguard of the Frankish army 135

According to this explanation, there is no contradiction between

the two accounts, for each one of them concentrates on certain

points, the authors being interested in the events that happened in

their own countries.136 Although the Muslim account is less

detailed, it appears more important and accurate.137

As for the most prominent rebels, most of them were killed.138 Yet the story of Muslim rebel officers entering into alliance with

the Christian rulers against Cordoba did not come to an end with

them. However, henceforth it was on a smaller scale. In 174/790

Abu Tinwr, Governor of Huesca, sent envoys to Toulouse, capital of Aquitaine, to conclude an alliance with its king, Louis, son of

Charlemagne.139 We do not have enough details to say if it was

concluded, nor what was the result of this embassy. It may be

that the Franks did not grant his request because they had already concluded a peace treaty with Cordoba after the battle of Ronces

valles. It appears that the Franks did not grant the request of

Abu Thawr and afterwards he returned to Cordoba offering his

allegiance, or at least preferring peaceful relations with Cordoba.

But in 181/797 he turned in revolt against Cordoba, immediately after the death of Hisham and the coming to power of al-Hakam I.


At the same time Bahlul b. Marwan, who was known as Abu

'1-Hajjaj, revolted against Cordoba in the Upper Marches, and took

possession of Zaragoza in the same year. About this time Sulayman and 'Abd Allah al-Balansi, sons of al-Dakhil and paternal uncles

of al-Hakam I, crossed over to Andalusia from al-Maghrib, in

order to group their supporters against al-Hakam. They directed

themselves towards the Upper Marches, joining forces with Abo

'I-Hajjaj. They agreed, together with Abo Thawr, to conclude an

alliance against Cordoba,140 and decided to seek help from the

Franks. Arabic chronicles tell us that al-Balansi went to the

Frankish country to ask their support,141 and requested the help of

Charlemagne against al-Hakam. He might have been accompanied

by some of his allied friends, perhaps Abu Thawr,142 but we have no contemporary evidence for such a surmise.

Al-Balansi met Charlemagne at Aix-Ia-Chapelle, where he was

holding his court. He received al-Balansi hospitably and accepted

his offer of help. Charlemagne sent an army under the leadership

of his son, Louis, king of Aquitaine, who captured Gerona on his

way, and arrived at the Upper Marches with some rebels.143

Because some rebels had accompanied Louis, it may indicate that

they had agreed to invite the Franks to Andalusia against

Cordoba. These actions might be similar to those of al-A'rabf s

and of his friends, although on a smaller scale.

In any case al-Hakam repelled this attack, and the Frankish

army had to turn back, fearing that the rebels would not fulfil

their agreement and there would be a repetition of the disaster of

Roncesvalles. The rebels then returned their allegiance to Cordoba,

and Zaragoza submitted to the Andalusian central power.

Some annals say that the two brothers, 'Abd al-Malik and 'Abd

al-Karim, sons of 'Abd al-Wahid b. Mughith, supported al-Balansi

in his revolt, but later turned in obedience to Cordoba, and al

Hakam welcomed them.144

In J 94/809 'Amrus, Governor of Zaragoza, renounced his

allegiance to Cordoba and took possession of all the areas which

were under the rule of Aurelo, the Frankish leader in Aragon. When

the Franks demanded these areas back from him, he replied that

he was going to submit them to Charlemagne, who sent envoys and

troops to negotiate with him, but he refused to fulfil his promise.

Nothing resulted because the circumstances were changed, 'Amrns


had turned his allegiance to Cordoba and was later called there.

The Frankish troops retreated.145

In 212/828 Mahmud b. 4Abd al-Jabbir b. Rahilah revolted in

Merida, against Cordoba. Louis of Aquitaine encouraged and

helped him.146

In 235/850, at the end of the rule of 'Abd al-Rahman II, Musa b. Mosa b. Qasi, Governor of the Upper Marches who was strong

and was often in revolt against Cordoba, crossed the Pyrenees,

through Urgel and Rivagorsa, to raid Septimania. Charles the

Bald preferred to maintain good relations and concluded a peace

treaty with him, sending him many gifts.147 These good relations

between the Franks and Musa may indicate that the latter himself

attacked the Frankish country without consulting Cordoba.

Perhaps Cordoba would not agree to do so, for this year Musa was

in revolt against Cordoba.148 This might be the reason why the

Frankish authorities desired to establish good relations with Musa.

Some Frankish troops, who were in the Frankish area bordering

Christian Spain, supported Ghalib, b. Hafsun, who had allied himself with Sancho Garcia of Navarre and Ordono II in his revolt

against al-Nasir, who had demolished the federation quickly.149

We have noticed earlier that this kind of relationship between

the Franks and the Andalusian rebels was on a wide scale during

the rule of al-Dakhil. Then it started to become more and more

circumscribed for many reasons and finally it ceased. In the

early days of the Umayyad period, the Frankish Empire under

Charlemagne was very strong and well-united. At the same

time we find the northern Spanish states beginning to establish

themselves and, therefore, they did not have the power to encourage

the Muslim rebels to ask them for help. The Andalusian situation

was still unsettled, but in time all that was reversed, for it began

to get settled day by day. On the other hand, the Frankish

position, after the death of Charlemagne, was disturbed for many

reasons, such as the struggle for power among the members of the

ruling family and the dividing of the Frankish Empire among its heirs. Moreover, the states of Christian Spain became strong

enough to incite the Muslim rebels to seek help, particularly

because Christian Spain was nearer to them than the Frankish

Empire. This made it easier and speedier for the Muslim rebels to

get help. So the Muslim rebels ceased to request the help of the

Franks, preferring the help of Christian Spain.


This kind of relationship finally came to an end when the Andalusian authority reached the stage of strength and stability.

NOTES * The author acknowledges his deep gratitude to Dr. J. F. P. Hopkins, of the

University of Cambridge and Miss J. Thompson for their kind assistance.

1. Ibn Khaldun, al-'Ibar, Beirut. 1958, IV/ii : 252. 307, 356. 395 ; Ibn al-Khatib,

A'mal aUA'lam, ed, Levi-Provencal, Beirut. 1956, 114-15 & al-lhatahfi

Akfrbar Gharnatah, ed. M. A. *Inan, Cairo, 1955, It 142 ; al-Qalqashandi,

Subh al-A'sha, Cairo, 1915, V : 272 ; Ibn Fadl Allah al-'Umarl, Masalik al

aUAbsar, MS No. 559, Dar al Kutub, Cairo, II/iii: 566 ; Ibn al-Athir, Al

Kamil fi al-Ta'rlkk, ed. C. J. Tornberg, Leiden, 1865-71, VI: 91, VII: 58 ;

Yaqut, Mu'jam al-Bulddn. Cairo, 1906, VIII: 42.

2. Ibn Khaldun, op. ext.. 275 ; H. Mu'nis, 'Moslems and the Mediterranean',

Bulletin of the Egyptian Society for Historical Studies, Cairo, 1951, IV : 138.

3. Ibn al-Khatib, A 'mal, op, cit., 219.

4. Ibn Khaldun, op. cit., 256, 276, 396 ; Ibn al-Khatib, A'mal, op. cit., 12, 23 ;

Ibn al-Athir, op. cit.. VI: 92, 102-3, 129 & VII: 58 (he calls France

"Fransiyyah") ; al-Qazwini, Athar al-Bilad, Beirut, 1960, 576,

5. Al-Rashid Ibn al-Zubayr, K. aUDhahha*ir wa 'l-Tuhaf, ed. M. Hamid Allah,

Kuwayt, 1957, 173.

6. Ibn Tdhari, al-Bayan al-Mughrib, ed, Levi-Provencal, Leiden, 1951, II: 72,

97, 108.

7. Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakri, al-Masalik wa 'UMamalik, MS No. 390/80 L., Jami*

al-Qarawiyin Library, Fes, fol. 123a.

8. Al-Mas'udi, Muruj al-Dhahab, ed. C. Barbier de Meynard. Paris, 1864-77.

Ill: 66-75.

9. H. Mu'nis, 'Al-Jughr5fiyyah wa '1-Jughrafiyyun fi l'-Andalus\ Revista del

Instituto de Estudios Isldmicos en Madrid (RIEIM), 1959-60, Vol. VII-VIII,

p. 260 ; Pascual deGayangos, 'Memoria sobre la autenticidad de la cronica

denominada del Moro Rosis', Memorias de la Real Academia de laHistoria,

Madrid, 1852, tomo VIII, No. 44, p. 61 ; Ahmad al-'Udhri, NizZm al-Marjan,

ed. A. al-Ahw5ni, Madrid, 119; (in the press), (I should like to thank Dr. p 1

Ahw5ni and Dr. Mu'nis, the Director of Instituto de Estudios Isldmicos,

Madrid, for their help and kind offer of the fasicules of Nizam al-Marjdn); J. Reinaud, Muslim Colonies in France, Northern Italy and Switzerland (Eng.

trans, with commentary by H. K. Sherwani), Lahore, 1964, 85. (I am grateful

fo Professor Sherwani for supplying me with a copy of this book).

10. Ibn Hayy3n, quoted by al-Maqqarl, Nafh al-Tib , ed. M. M. 'Abd al-Hamid,

Cairo, 1949, 1: 310, 343. We find some other Muslim chroniclers use

al-Ifranj, e.g, al-Mas'udl, op. cit., IX : 149 (also the index under "Francs") ;

Ahmad al-'Udhri, op. cit., 25 and 28 ; Abu 'Ubayd al-Bakri, aUMasalik., MS

No. 3034, Nor 'UthmSniyah Library, Istanbol, fol. 199b. The latter gives

even the name of their capital Paris as Buwayrah or Barlzah. See T. Kowalsxi,


'Relacja Ibrfihlma Ibn Ja'kuba', Pomniki Dziejowe Polski, Cracow, seriall, torn

I. Nr. 184,1946, p. 127.

11. Muslim chroniclers know the word "France" ; possibly they use it for a large part of Frankish territory, not all of it. Ibn al*Athir, op. cittt VI: 103 ; Ibn

al-Khatib. A'mUl, op, cit., 74.

12. Pascual de Gayangos, 'Moro Rasis', op. cit., 19, quoted by al-Maqqari, op. cit.,

1: 126, 128 ; J. Reinaud, op. cit., 24. This term was sometimes extended to

cover all the area between the Pyrenees and Constantinople. 'Abd al-WShid

al-Marrskushi, al-Mu'jlb ed. M. S. al-'Aryan, Cairo, 1963, 129.

13. M. A. 'In5n, The Moorish Empire in Spain, Cairo, 1960,1: 78. 14. Ibid., 78-9.

15. The Cambridge Medieval History, II: 126, 536. 16. Ibid., 128-29.

17. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 83.

18. S, A. 'Ashur, Awruppa : al-'Usur al-Wusta, Cairo, 1961, 1:190.

19. Ibid.%l91.

20. The Cambridge Medieval History, II: 128-29. 21. S. A. 'AshHr, op. ext., 205,

22. Ibid.,206.

23. Ibid., 206-8.

24. Ibid., 208.

25. Ibid., 245.

26. Ibid., 246. 27. M. A. 'Inan, op. cit,, II: 423.

28. S. A. Sslim, Ta'rtkjl al-Muslimln wa itharuhum fi 'l-Andalus, Beirut, 1962, 204.

29. J. Reinaud op. cit., 4,

30. Al-Maqqari, op. cit., 1: 310. See also : E. Levi-Provencal, Espana

Muslumana, (temo IV of Historia de Espana, ed. R. M. Pidal), Madrid, 1957, 79; Pascual de Gayangos, The History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain,

London, 1843, II: 85-86 ; E. Rosenthal, 'Der Plan eines Biindnisses zwischen

Karl dem Grossen und 'Abdurrahman in derarabischen Uberlieferung', Neues

Archiv, Berlin, 1930, Band XLVIII, No. 3, pp. 441-45 .1 should like to thank Professor Rosenthal for his kind help and for sending me a copy of his valu able article.

J. Reinaud, (op. cit., 91) says that an Arab chronicler [Al-Maqqari]

meant 'Abd al-Rahman II and Charles the Bald. However, no one has

mentioned this, and al-Maqqari in fact uses this phrase when dealing with 'Abd al-RahmSn I. TnSn (op. cit., I : 185, n. 2) mentions that Charlemagne's

oldest daughter was ready for marriage.

31. J. Aschbach, Geschichte der Omajaden in Spanien, Frankfurt, a.M., 1829,

1: 131. 32. J. C. Murphy, History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain, London, 1816,84. 33. S. P. Scott, History of the Moorish Empire in Europe, Philadelphia, 1904, I:

409 ;E. L^vi-Provencal, op. cit,, 79.

34. E. Levi-Provencal (ibid.), affirms that al-Maqqari quoted this passage from

Ibn HayySn. Possibly he altered it in doing so.

35. Al-Maqqari, op. cit., I : 309-10.


36. E, Levi-Provencal, op. cit., 79.

37. Ibn al-Athir, op. cit., VI : 108 ; Ibn 'Idharl, op. cit., II: 69; M. A. Tnan,

op. cit., 1:228.

38. M. A. 'In5n, Decisive Moments in the History of Islam, Cairo, 1962, 73.

39. R. Menendez Pidal, La Chanson de Roland, Madrid. 1959, 189.

40. Akjibar MajmWah, unknown author, ed. E. Lafuente y Alcantara, Madrid,

1867,113.

41. S. A. Salim, op. cit., 204.

42. Al-Maqqarl. op. cit., 1:311.

43. Akhbar, op. cit., 114.

44. Although it is not known when this treaty took place, c. 780 is a possible date.

45. Cf. Rosenthal, op. cit., 444-45.

46. S. P. Scott, op. cit., 1: 409.

47. Ibn Khaldun, op. ciU, IV/ii: 276; Ibn Sa'id, al-Mughrib, ed, Sh. Dayf, Cairo,

1953, 1:40; Ibn 'Idhari, op. cit., 11:72 places it in 193/809. All these historians name Louis, son of Charlemagne, Ludhriq or Rudhrtq, son of Qdrloh.

48. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., 1: 237.

49. Ibn Khaldun, op. cit., IV/ii: 276.

50. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 107-8.

51. F. J. Perez de Urbel, Espana Cristiana, (tomo VI of Historia de Espafia, ed.

R. M. Pidal), Madrid, 1956, 439.

52. Ibid. 53. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 110. He calls tho ambassador "Admiral Yahya b.

Hakam", and says that the Arab historians describe him "as a spirited

person". But I have not been able to find a name for him in the available

Arabic sources. Possibly the breach of this treaty by the Muslims followed

the Frankish attack on the Upper March. Ibn Khaldun (op. cit.. IV/ii : 276) says the Frankish ravages in the marches increased, and al-Hakam moved

against them in 196/811. 54. M. A. 'In5n, Moorish Empire, op. cit., I : 238.

55. J. Reinaud, op. cit., Ill: 2.

56. J. Reinaud (ibid., 114) says perhaps Aizon allied himself with the Muslims and was sent by them to Aix-la-Chapelle in order to report to them the

correct state of affairs there.

57. M. A. Inan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., 262.

58. Ibn Hayyan, al-Muqiabis, MS, Unnumbered, Jami' al-Qarawiyin, Fes, fol.

189a."

59. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 119-20.

60. M. A. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., 262.

61. E. Levi-Provencal, Espana Musulmana, op. cit.,141 and 178, n. 24. He places

it in 233/847. See also : Annales Bertiniani, ed. G, Waitz, Hounorer, 1883,

Year 847, p. 34.

62. Ibn al-Qutiyyah, Ta'rikjt If Utah al-Andalus, ed. A, A. al-Tabba', Beirut,

1957,92.

63. E. Levi-Provencal, Espana Musulmana, op. cit., 178, n. 24.

64. Ibn Hayyan, al-Muqtabis, op. cit,, fol. 221b. He calls Charles the Bald


Firdhiland b. Rudin, but the qualities by which he describes him fit Charles the Bald. He calls him king of the Franks, describes him as pious, and

informs us approximately as to the length of his reign. This information he

supplies, while dealing generally with the Amir Muhammad, does not

specify any particular embassy, Ibn 'Idhari (op. cit., II: 108) gives roughly the same information, while calling him Qarulush, a closer version of the

name, as did Ibn al-Khatib (A'mal, op. cit., 23). See also E. Levi-Provencal,

Espana Musulmana, op. cit., 184 and 252. n. 10; Al-Mas'udi, op. cit., Ill : 71 ;

Tnan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., I: 286-309.

65. This was what impelled him to establish good relations with Banu Qasi, the governors of the Upper March who were threatening his country. In 236/

850, Musa b. Mus5 b. Qasi had attacked Septimania, See 'Inan, Moorish

Empire, op. cit., II: 424.

66. J. Reinaud, op. cit., 126. It appears that the envoys of Charles the Bald

themselves took gifts to the Amir; this corresponds with the information

already given by Ibn Hayyan*

67. Ibn yayyan, quoted by al-Maqqari, op. cit., I : 343 ; S. Lane-Poole, The

Moors in Spain, London, 1897 (The Story of the Nations, No. 6), 127. 68. J. C. Murphy, op. cit., 101 ; 'Inan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., II : 415.

69. Ibn Khaldun. op. cit., IV/ii: 309-10.

70. Ibn Khaldun, ibid., 310. Cf. Gayangos, Mohammedan Dynasties, op. cit., II:

139-464.

71. S. M. Imamuddin, A Political History of Muslim Spain, Dacca (Pakistan),

1961, 100, considers Kildoh Charles the Simple sent the embassy. He says that it took place after 336/947. But Charles the Simple died in 929.

72. Al-Mas'udi, op. cit., Ill: 72.

73. Ibn Khaldun, oy. cit., IV/ii: 310. It appears from this expression that the

embassy came at the same time as the previous one, or at some time close to

it. See Imamuddin, op. cit, ; Murphy, op. cit., 101.

74. 'Ashur, op. cit, 244 ; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1952, XI : 864. Cf.

Levi Provencal, Historia de Espana, IV : 352, 368.

75. Ibn Ghalib, Farhat al-Anfus, ed. 'Abd al-Badi', Majallat Ma'had al

Mabhtum (Arab League), Cairo, 1955, I: fasc 2, 300-01.

76. Al-Mas'udi, op. cit. Ill : 69-72 ; B. Lewis, 'The Muslim discovery of Europe',

Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 1957, XX : 410;

idem, 'Mas'udi on the Kings of the Franks', Al-Mas'udi Millenary Com

memoration Volume, ed. S. M. Ahmad and A. Rahman, Calcutta, 1960, 7-10.

77. It appears that the book found by al-Mas'udi was a short work dealing with

the history of the Frankish kings, for he does not mention the rest of its

contents. It is probable that if the contents had been more than what he

summarized, he would have mentioned it parenthetically.

78. Lewis, 'Mas Udi on the Kings of the Franks', op. cit., 8.

79. Reinaud, Muslim Colonies, op. cit., 4.

80. Al-Mas'udi. Muruj, Cairo edition, I : 197.

8L Ibid., Paris edition, IX : 149 ; index under "Francs".

82. Shakib Arslan, Ta'rikJk Ghazawat aWArab, Cairo, 1352 A.H., 20. It is not

clear whether this is Arslan's own conclusion, or he is relying on some


unspecified sources. One cannot be certain that Ceret is the same place which is called by some chroniclers : 'Haykal aUZahrah*, Port-Vendres.

See Ibn 'Abd al-Mun*im al-Himyarl, al-Raw$ al-Mi'far, ed. Levi-Provencal,

Cairo, 1939, 2, 42 ; al-Marraku?hi, al-Mu'jib, op. ext., 29.

83. Al-Maqqarl, op. cit., 1: 324, mentions a town called 'Jarandah' and places it

beyond the Pyrenees.

84. Reinaud, Muslim Colonies, op. cit., 4. To an extent he relies on al-Mas'Udi.

85. Ibnal-'Arabl, Muhdglarat aUAbrdr wa Musamarat al-Ak^yar, Cairo, 1282

A.H., II: 342.

86. E. Hole, Andalus : Spain under the Muslims, London, 1958, 90-91.

87. Levi-Provencal. L'Espagne Musulmane au Xeme Siecle, Paris, 1932, 48, n. 2.

88. Hole, op. cit., 90, places it Ma year or two before al-N?sir's death."

89. Levi-Provencal (see Note 87, above) doubts its authenticity and says that

the word Ifranj generally means, in the works of Arab historians of Spain, the inhabitants of Catalonia. In fact it did mean Catalonia, but usually it

meant other regions as well, as has already been discussed above (pp. 21-22).

Thus, the embassy may have been from Catalonia but more probably from

the lands of the Franks beyond the Pyrenees. 90. Hole, op. cit.% 90 ; Reinaud, Muslim Colonies, op. cit., 152.

91. This was not restricted to the Franks, but applied to other countries as well.

Academic relations are not under discussion hexe, but the facts mentioned

above have a political import.

92. Reinaud, Muslim Colonies, op. cit,, 224. Arslan (7Vrife? Ghazawat, op. cit.,

236, n. 1) says that some monks who later reached Papal dignity, studied at

the University of Montellier, south France, under Arab teachers, see :

I. M. M. Vallicrosa. 'El quehacer astronomico de la Espana Arabe', RIEIM,

1957. V : 57. 93. Reinaud, op. cit., 238.

94. Ibn Hayyan, op. cit., fols. 23b, 101a.

95. Reinaud, op. cit., 83, 85.

96. Ibid., 85.

97. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, op. cit., I; 166.

98. Ibid., 167.

99. Some say that Alfonso II, King of Leon, invited Charlemagne to raid

Andalusia, see 'InSn, Moorish Empire, op. cit., 167 ; Lane-Poole, op. ext., 29 ;

C. Oman, The Dark Ages, London, 1903, 352; M. Deanesly, A History of Early Medieval Europe, London, 1960, 351 ; Ibn al-Athir, op, cit., VI t 43.

100. 'In5n, Moorish Empire, op. cit, 166-67 ; Pidal, op. cit., 179. It appears that

this was not the first time that al-A'r&bl had sought help from Charlemagne, He had done this before, although on a smaller scale ; ln?n, op. ext., 168 ;

Reinaud, op. cit., 85.

101. Pidal. op. cit., 179.

102. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, 170.

103. R. Dozy, Spanish Islam, Eng. tr. F. G. Stores, London, 1913. 204;

Imamuddin, op. cit., 41 ; H. W. Carless Davis, Charlemagne : Charles the

Great, London, 1900, 110,


104. C. Brockelmann, History of the Islamic Peoples, Eng. tr. J. Carmichael M.

Perlmann, London, 1959, 181 ; P. K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, London,

1961, 507 ; Dozy, op. cit., 204 ; Imamuddin, op. cit., 41.

105. Ibn 'Idhari, op. cit., II : 55 ; Levi-Pro vengal, Historia de Espana, op. cit., IV

79.

106. Levi-Provencal, ibid.; 'Inan, Moorish Empire, 128.

107. Dozy, ibid., (n. 103, above); E. Saavedra, 'Abderrahman I', Revista de

Archivos .... Madrid, 1910, XIV: 83; A. Gonzales Palencia 'El Califato

Occidental', Revista de Archivos, 1922. XXVI : 180; Idem, Historia de la

Espafia Musulmana, Barcelona, 1932, 23.

108. Inan, Moorish Empire, 157; Ibn Idhari, op. cit., 50.

109. Ibn KhaldGn, al-'lbar, op. cit., IV/ii : 269 ; Ibn 'Ighari, op. cit., 57 ; Ibn al

Athlr, op. cit.. VI: 52.


111. Ibn 'Idhari. op. cit., 55; Ibn Khaldun. op. cit., 268 ; Ahjtbar Majmu'ah, op. cit.,

110 ; Pidal, op. cit., 180; Ibn al-Athlr, op. cit., VI: 36 ; Saavedra, op. cit., (n.

107, above). 112. Levi-Provencal, Historia de Espana, IV ; 79,

113. Inan, Moorish Empire, 183; al-'Udhri (op. cit., 11) says that al-Saqlabi arrived in Andalusia in 163/780.

114. Ibn al-Athir. op. cit., VI: 43 ; Akkbar Majmu'ah, op. cit, 112-113.

115. Levi-Provencal, Historia, op. cit , 81 ; Reinaud, op cit., 88 ; F. Codera. 'La

Dominacion ardbiga en la Frontera Superior*. Estudios criticos de Historia

drabe espanola, segunda serie, Coleccion de Estudios drabes, tomo VIII, Madrid,

1917, 140. 116. Pidal. op. cit,, 187 ; 'Inan, Moorish Empire, 172.

117. Levi-Provenpal, Historia, op. cit., 83-84 ; Arslan, Ta'rikh Ghazawat, op. cit.

120. Perhaps Tha'labah, was handed over to Charlemagne in Paderborn or

on his arrival at Pamplona or during his campaign in Andalusia. The first

appears more likely, because when Charlemagne was attacked on his return

home, al-A'rabi was rescued from him. But we do not find any hint of

Xha'labah's participation in these events. If he was surrendered to

Charlemagne on his arrival, he would have been with the hostages in the

rearguard and rescued. It is, however, well-known that he was released after

negotiations had been held between Charlemagne and the Andalusian

authorities after Charlemagne's return home.

It could be said that Tha'labah was with the hostages, but al-A'rSbi's

sons did not try to rescue him, This would confirm the idea that if he had

been with Charlemagne, al-A'rabi's sons would have been anxious to take

him in order to use him as a weapon against Cordoba which was very eager

to rescue him.

118. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, 1:171. See also Carless Davis, op. cit., 112. The

Roncesvalles Pass is known in Arabic as Bab al-ShazrS. Al-IdrisI gives us

a valuable description of the Pyrenees, which he calls 'al-Bartat'. He

mentions its passes including the Roncesvalles, which he calls "Bart

Shizru. It was one of the Pyrenean Passes used by the Muslims in crossing

over to France. See al-ldrisl, Nuzhat al-Mushtdq, Rome, 1592, 252-53.


119. Ibn al-Athir, op. cit., VI: 7-8 ; Ak&bar Majmu'ah, op. cit., 113.

120. Shaklb Arslan, al-Hulal al-Sunduslyah, Cairo, 1936, II: 131.

121. Ibn al-Athir, op. cit., 8 ; Levi-Provengal, Historia, IV : 82.

122. Reinaud. op. cit., 89 ; Levi-Provengal, as above.

123. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, I : 174. Cf. Lane-Poole, cp. cit., 35.

124. Levi-Provengal, Historia, op. cit., 83. Perhaps with the hostages were the

sons of Abu Thawr. He possibly took part in the attack on Charlemagne

in order to rescue his sons.

125. Levi-Provengal, as above.

126. Inan, Moorish Empire, 178-79 ; Oman, op. cit., 353 ; Carless Davis, op. cit.,

112,

127. SSlim, op. cit., 203 ; Carless Davis, op. cit., 113; Levi-Provengal, as n. 124,

above.

128. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, 180 ; Pidal, op. cit., 202 ; Levi-Provengal, Historia,

83-84.

129. Ibn al-Athir, op. cit., VI : 8.


131. See : Oman, op. cit., 353 ; Levi-Provencal, art. 'Abd al-Rahman b. Mu'awiya,

?I2 ; Pidal, op, cit., 191-92 : Hitti, op. ciu. 604.

132. Pidal, op. cit., 193-94.

133. Those Muslims who were the neighbours of the Basques tried together

with the Basques to attack Charlemagne while he was returning from

Zargoza, but they failed. Later they were successful in doing so, in the

Pass of Roncesvalles.

134. Levi-Provengal, Historia. IV : 83,

135. Pidal, op. cit., 197.

136. Ibid., 177-78.

137. 'Inan, Decisive Moments, op. cit., 83.

138. Levi-Provengal. Historia, IV : 84.

139. Inan. Moorish Empire, I : 224 ; Pidal, op. cit., 203.

140. Cf. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, 1 : 228.

141. Ibn al-Athir, op. cit., VI: 108 ; Ibn Tdhari, op. cit., II : 69.

142. Reinaud, (Muslim Colonies, 98-99) mentions that the governor of Barcelona

went to Charlemagne. Perhaps, he meant Abu Thawr. the governor of

Huesca.

143. 'Inan, Moorish Empire, I : 228.

144. Ibid., I : 229.

145. Al-Udhri, op. cit., 62 ; Reinaud, op. cit., 105 ; Urbel, op. cit., VI : 438 ; Ibn

'Idhari, op. cit., II : 72.

146. Reinaud, op. cit,, 113-14 ; LSvi- Proven pal, Historia, IV : 151 ; Imamuddin,

op. cit., 64.

147. Arslan. al-Hulal, op. cit., II; 123 ; 'Inan, Moorish Empire II : 424;

Reinaud, op. cit., 120 ; Levi-Provengal, Historia, 205 ; Dozy, op. cit., 311.

148. Ihn Hayyan, op. cit., XIX : 304.

149. Reinaud, op, cit., 135.

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