an introduction to environment-related conflicts and
TRANSCRIPT
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An introduction to environment-related conflicts and initiatives for their prevention in the Southern African region
Figure 1: SADC People's Summit (Source: La Via Campesina)
A research project for the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung
by Dr. Andrea Licata*
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Contents
I. List of figures ....................................................................................................................... 4
II. List of abbreviations ............................................................................................................ 5
III. Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 7
IV. General background .......................................................................................................... 11
V. The regional context ......................................................................................................... 14
A. The SADC as a tool for cooperation, resources management and conflict prevention 15
B. Transboundary Natural Resource Management and Peace Parks ............................... 19
C. Water resources management ..................................................................................... 23
D. Diamonds ....................................................................................................................... 27
E. Regulation as the key .................................................................................................... 30
F. The future role of SADC ................................................................................................. 31
VI. Selection of case studies and critical analysis of EJOLT .................................................... 32
A. An Introduction to EJOLT............................................................................................... 32
B. The case of the Bisasar Road Landfill ............................................................................ 34
C. Acid mine drainage: Witwatersrand water catastrophe and the issue of the Green
Paper ..................................................................................................................................... 36
VII. Military impact on the environment ................................................................................ 38
VIII. Other initiatives of conflict prevention and mediation .................................................... 40
IX. Conclusions ....................................................................................................................... 43
X. Bibliography ...................................................................................................................... 45
XI. Appendices ........................................................................................................................ 51
A. Responses to questionnaire .......................................................................................... 51
1. Farai Maguwu, doctoral student at the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil
Society (email correspondence from April 6, 2015) ......................................................... 51
2. Assane Juanga, Coordenador Executivo da UPC- Uniao Provincial de Camponeses de
Cabo Delgado (email correspondence from March 3, 2015) ........................................... 51
B. Definitions ..................................................................................................................... 54
C. General list of institutions working on environment related conflict prevention (UN
Interagency Framework Team, 2012, pp. 87-90) ................................................................. 56
D. Important institutions and think-tanks in Southern Africa (own research).................. 62
E. Complete list of environment-related conflicts in Southern Africa (source: EJOLT
Environmental Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade website) .................................. 69
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F. Relevant activities of the region’s Ministries of Environment with regard to
environment related conflict management ......................................................................... 72
1. Republic of Botswana, Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism ................... 72
2. Republic of Mauritius, Ministry of Environment, Sustainable Development, and
Disaster and Beach ............................................................................................................ 75
3. Republic of Namibia, Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Forestry ........................... 78
4. Republic of Seychelles, Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate Change ....... 79
5. South Africa, Environmental Affairs Department ..................................................... 82
6. Kingdom of Swaziland, Ministry of Tourism and Environmental Affairs ................... 84
7. Zimbabwe, Ministry of Environment, Water and Climate ........................................ 86
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I. List of figures
Figure 1: SADC People's Summit (Source: La Via Campesina) ................................................... 1
Figure 2: Southern Africa (Source: Public Domain) .................................................................. 14
Figure 3: SADC Member States (Source: SADC) ....................................................................... 17
Figure 4: Peace Parks in 2001 (Source: World Wildlife Fund for Nature) ................................ 22
Figure 5: Major River Basins in SADC (Source: SADC) .............................................................. 26
Figure 6: Diamond Market (Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica) .............................................. 29
Figure 7: EJOLT Map (Source: EJOLT) ....................................................................................... 32
Figure 8: US military bases abroad, 2015 (Source: David Vine, Base Nation) ......................... 38
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II. List of abbreviations
ACCORD African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes
ACIRC African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises
AFD Agence Française de Développement
ANC African National Congress
ASF African Standby Force
BMZ German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development
CANSA Cancer Association of South Africa
CCR Centre for Conflict Resolution
CDM Clean Development Mechanism
CERs Certified Emission Reduction units
CGIAR Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research
COP Conference of the Parties
CO2 carbon dioxide
EC European Commission
EJ Environmental Justice
EJOLT Environmental Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade
EMI Environmental Management Inspectorate
ESCOM Electricity Supply Commission
EU European Union
GHG Greenhouse Gas
IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IWRM Integrated Water Resources Management
KP Kimberley Process
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KTWSP Kunene Transboundary Water Supply Project
MPLA Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola
NEMA National Environmental Management Act
NGO non-governmental organisation
NRM natural resource management
OKACOM Okavango River Basin Water Commission
OPDSC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation
ORASECOM Orange-Senqu River Commission
REWS Regional Early Warning System
RWP Regional Water Policy
RWS Regional Water Strategy
SADC Southern African Development Community
SADCAT Southern African Development Community Administrative Tribunal
SADCC Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference
STARGO Strengthening Aquatic Resource Governance
TBNRM Transboundary Natural Resource Management
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNGA General Assembly of the United Nations
UNITA União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola
UNSC United Nations Security Council
US United States
USA United States of America
WBGU German Advisory Council on Global Change
ZIMOZA Zimbabwe-Mozambique-Zambia Transfrontier Park
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III. Introduction
The intention of this paper is to provide information on the efforts and instruments in the field
of environment-related conflict prevention and to study forms of networks and cooperation
that could be interesting for the work of the Johannesburg office of the Rosa-Luxemburg-
Stiftung. To do so, the research explores and describes initiatives at different levels
(institutions, international organisations, civil society, etc.). In order to compare strategies,
visions and results with regard to environment-related conflict prevention, the project holder
analyses existing and potential conflicts in the Southern African region. The research relies on
the available literature as well as on a map of conflicts developed by EJOLT, the Environmental
Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade, a global research project bringing science and
society together to catalogue and analyse ecological distribution conflicts and confront
environmental injustice1.
The project holder decided not to focus on the examples mentioned by partner organisations
of Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, also because the feedback was little; the received results are
included in the appendix of this paper as they still might be useful for the work of the
foundation2. Following a general analysis, the project holder instead chose to describe two of
the EJOLT cases more clearly, that he considers as particularly interesting for describing the
local situation.
One of the findings of the analysis and the selected cases is their complementary in explaining
the trends of the current economic model and its related effects. Land grabs and the activities
of the mining sector are the most evident areas of conflict in the region. Noam Chomsky
describes land grabbing as the new ‘great game’: “The Global Land Grab refers generally to
the purchase of lands in the Global South for agricultural production for rich countries. It is
part of a more general effort to take over the resources of the weaker and poorer societies
and use them for the benefit of systems of power and domination. For people who have
followed Occupy Wall Street, the Global Land Grab is not really on the radar of their immediate
concerns, but can and should be” (Chomsky, 2014, p. 187).
1 See http://www.ejolt.org/ 2 See Appendix A
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According to Chomsky, the processes around land grabbing go back centuries to the
privatisation of commons – land, that is used and cared for by everyone – for mineral,
agriculture, or energy resources. In line with this, the energy sector, the water distribution and
the pollution are other relevant examples of conflict in the region, problems, which become
all the more significant in times of climate change with its tremendous effects on nature and
people. According to Greenpeace, climate change is a burden Africa cannot afford as local
droughts already occur every year and continental crises at least once a decade (Bassey, 2012).
Overall, and considering the expected growth of population on the African continent, the
African ecological and agricultural system – still largely depending on family farming – seem
to be at a crossroad. According to Lorenzo Cotula, decisions and actions taken now will have
major repercussions for the livelihoods of future generations. He is thereby not only referring
to the growing commercialisation of local land relations as already mentioned above, but also
to the intensification of agriculture which he both considers evitable: “Powerful forces are at
play, but imaginative policy and practice could push agricultural development in a different
direction” (Cotula, 2013, p. 192).
Considering, that conflict is generally neither exclusively positive nor negative, the project
holder would at this point like to emphasize that the concept of conflict applied needs to be
well described and defined3. If war has a negative value and a destructive impact, the conflict
in terms of protest can be a tool for progress and freedom. In this regard, the introductory
words of a recent paper (2012) by the United Nations Interagency Framework Team for
Preventive Action are of interest:
“Managing conflicts that are related to natural resources is now more critical than
ever before. As economic and population growth increase levels of global
consumption, many countries face growing shortages of vital renewable resources
such as freshwater, cropland, rangeland, forests, fisheries and other wildlife.
Depletion of renewable natural resources, combined with environmental
degradation and climate change, pose fundamental threats to human security.
Separately or in combination with other factors, they can destabilize livelihoods,
negatively affect ecosystems and undermine peace and development.
3 For a selection of definitions of environment-related conflict, see Appendix B.
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Governments in developing countries, fragile states and emerging economies, are
under increasing pressure to sustainably manage natural resources and resolve
conflicts around their ownership, management, allocation and control.
Conflict itself is not a negative phenomenon; indeed, well-managed conflict can
be an essential component of social change, democracy and development.
However, where local and national institutions lack the capacity to resolve
disputes over the degradation or depletion of natural resources, violent conflicts
can and do emerge. It is therefore crucial that UN and EU development
practitioners understand the key drivers of conflict over renewable resources and
what specific role UN and EU policies, programmes and projects can play in the
identification of conflict risks as well as entry points to prevent and manage
conflicts through the use of sustainable natural resource management (NRM)
practices” (UN Interagency Framework Team, 2012).
Bearing this in mind, the paper mentions some of the most relevant forms of preventive
actions related to environment-related conflicts in the region as the initiatives of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) to analyse the ongoing efforts and instruments in
the area of environment-related conflict prevention. Due to the complexity of this issue, the
project holder believes that this topic could be elaborated further in the future because of the
different existing points of view that also characterise the crucial debate on (in)sustainability
at large.
The countries in the region in which the project holder found the highest number of
environment-related conflicts are South Africa, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Every country
would deserve its own deep analysis as well as many of the cases. A list of the conflicts and
related initiatives is included in the appendix of this paper4. One important finding in this
context is that the Southern Africa region features a relevant number of environment-related
conflicts, but does not feature military interstate confrontations. Other than in African regions
as Eastern Africa, the process of militarisation and e.g. the presence of foreign military bases
is not so evident, but still deserves to be monitored in the future.
4 See Appendix E source EJOLT.
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The paper also describes some forms of cooperation e.g. water management, Peace Parks and
attempts of regulating the traffic of diamonds. These activities can only be seen as part of a
greater transformation, which should be analysed further by the foundation with its mandate
on political education. As stated by the German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU),
a “comprehensive transformation towards a low-carbon, sustainable society places great
demands on the development, diffusion, legitimation and application of knowledge, and
thereby also on the goals and form of research and research policies” (WBGU, 2011, p. 345).
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IV. General background
The sustainability debate is one of the crucial challenges of our times. At the heart of it are
the negative effects of human activity, namely climate change, pollution and resource
depletion. One of the most significant characteristics of the present world is the
interconnectedness of its current crises. In the world of today, a local crisis can easily become
a continental or global emergency. Rebus sic stantibus, an economic crisis in one country may
have relevant consequences for the economic system of a whole continent or even the world
economy. An environmental crisis then, e.g. a nuclear accident in one country, as in Fukushima
in 2011, puts a whole region or even the global environmental system in danger. A serious
accident on an oil platform, as in Lousiana in 2010, has disastrous and lasting consequences
for the ecosystem of a whole region. More than this, an ecological crisis can become an
economic crisis, and vice versa. A financial crisis can directly lead to hunger as we have seen
from the discussion on food speculation and food security (Chomsky N. , 2011).
All of this is – more than ever before – based on an economic model that is dependent on
growth and continued and increased consumption. As such, it requires large amounts of
energy and natural resources. The constant growth rates combined with a rapidly growing
population put the ecological balance at stake: “A rapidly depleting resource base combined
with an ever growing demand for energy and food creates a great challenge to the world of
the 21st century” (Scheffran & Schilling, 2009, p. 1). Needless to say that this process is in total
contrast to the idea of sustainable development as it was defined in the Brundtland Report:
namely as a development that “meets the needs of the present without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment
and Development, 1987).
One of the greatest challenges to sustainability today is the process of global warming that is
already present in the shrinking of the Himalayan glaciers and the Arctic ice, the rise of the sea
level, the progressive desertification, or the greater frequency of hurricanes. Despite these
dramatic developments, the economic system has not fundamentally changed its problematic
environmental practices (air, water and soil pollution, etc.) even though there is a consensus
that these practices are a growing concern for the global environment today and in the future.
This has led to a system that is chaotic and contradictory in its entirety, requesting growth and
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De-growth at the same time, striving for emission reductions while extending the use of coal
as an energy provider.
One of the possible consequences of this development is a rising concern about environment-
related conflicts. On this very subject, Kofi Annan expressed the following already in 2001:
“Fierce competition for fresh water may well become a source of conflict and wars in the
future” (Carius, Dabelko, & Wolf, 2004, p. 1). These conflicts – as all other conflicts – would
have multiple, long and short-term impacts on development and on environmental and
human well-being. As the main cause of the conflict is environmental degradation itself,
however, its impact on the environment and hence human well-being, could be all the more
dramatic, and so will the long-term post conflict consequences (e.g. a relevant number of
refugees, the destruction of infrastructure, the destruction of the economy).
That is why the question of a transition to a real sustainable development framework is a
pressing one among institutional actors, civil society actors, businesses, as well as the broader
academic community.5 In other words, peaceful sustainability transition is the conditio sine
qua non for the continuation of all ongoing forms of human activity and cooperation. This
transition to a sustainable future includes the effective prevention of possible destructive
environment-related conflicts (for water, land and other resources, just to give some
examples, but considering that a conflict is a complex issue that generally has several causes).
Interdisciplinary scientific research can play a crucial role in understanding the problematic
complexity of this process and developing mechanisms in support of sustainable transition
processes.
Since the publication of the Brundtland Report in 1987 (World Commission on Environment
and Development, 1987), the issue of sustainability has been broadly discussed. In the context
of this debate, several studies and research groups have put the focus on the conflict
dimension of environmental degradation.
On 17 April 2007, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) held a ground-breaking open
debate at ministerial level on the relationship between energy, security and climate. As such,
the meeting emphasised the need to reflect on the links between climate change and
international security (Sindico, 2007, pp. 29-34). In 2008, the High Representative of the
5 The importance of a peaceful transition was already mentioned in the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development in Principles 24 to 26. See http://www.un.org/documents/ga/conf151/aconf15126-1annex1.htm.
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European Union (EU) and the European Commission (EC) suggested, “climate change acts as
a threat multiplier, worsening existing tensions in countries and regions which are already
fragile and conflict-prone” (High Representative and the European Commission, 2008, p. 3).
In 2009, the General Assembly of the United Nations (UNGA) requested a report on climate
change and its potential security implications. In 2011, under the leadership of the German
presidency, the UN Security Council debated the issue of climate change and its potential
consequences for global peace and security for the first time since 2007. In the first-ever
statement adopted by the Security Council on the issue, the UN Secretary-General and UN
organisations were called upon to devote more attention to the link between climate change
and security in their work and to report to the Security Council on the issue.6 With it came a
“securitisation” of the climate debate (Scheffran & Battaglini, 2011, pp. 27-39) and the debate
on human security and violent conflict in the context of climate change (Scheffran, Broszka,
Brauch, Link, & Schilling, 2012).
Recently, various research groups, institutes and organisations (e.g. the UN and the UNU-ISP
University) have been organising programmes, conferences and scientific publications on the
issue of “Sustainable Peace” and “Sustainability Transition”.
The South African Government jumped on the sustainability train latest in 2014 when it
launched a conference on “Sustainable Development at Mining Indaba” to discuss “successful
ways of integrating social responsibility and sustainability into the corporate agenda”7. This
case alone shows that the issue of sustainability is to be enjoyed with care as governments
and corporations have long collected it. Nevertheless, it would be wrong to give up on the
long-developed concept of sustainability; instead, it has to be made clear what the underlying
intentions are.
6 Relevant UN documents: http://www.un.org/wcm/content/site/climatechange/pages/gateway/documents. 7 See http://www.gov.za/debating-sustainable-development-mining-indaba%E2%84%A2.
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V. The regional context
Figure 2: Southern Africa (Source: Public Domain)
At the turn of 21st century, academics and policymakers commonly felt the need for a change
in approaches to conflict management. Virtually all the world’s major countries and
international organisations have since then engaged in efforts to understand the underlying
elements of the recurrence of war in impoverished areas of the world. The result has been a
significant number of studies, strategy papers and initiatives with the goal of analysing and
devising new strategies that would move beyond mere crisis or post-crisis management
approaches.
This impetus, however, lacked operative coordination among the international actors involved
as well as conceptual consensus and clarity. In fact, national and international efforts largely
rested on grand approaches and overarching but simplistic understanding of issues such as
poverty, underdevelopment, greed and arms proliferation that could indistinctly be applied to
conflicts throughout the world. Widespread confusion over root-causes of conflict and
prolonging factors contributed to the unclear situation. Not surprisingly, strategies and action
plans originating from these assumptions often proved unable to grasp the underlying traits
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of conflict thus producing mostly ineffective solutions, incapable of tackling causes and
consequences.
Generic and flawed as they might be, these approaches eventually led to some results in
placing competition over natural resources as a recurrent variable of instable regions
(together with others such as weak statehood, economic grievances, and corruption). As a
result, the issue of environment and natural resources management became to appear and
was discussed in institutional venues (Mehler & Mahnke, 2005).
In the Southern African region, the end of Apartheid, Angolan Civil War and a wave of
democratic transitions “has helped decrease the likelihood of large-scale civil war and cross-
border conflict” (DAI, 2015, p. 27). Yet the region remains fragile, as unsteady development
and environmental issues threaten to destabilise the peaceful equilibrium. Regional
integration is at an early stage and countries - whose borders still bear the legacy of the
colonial past - remain largely self-reliant when it comes to matters of national security.
Nevertheless, a number of initiatives have been deployed, over the last 20 years, with the goal
of achieving environmental peace. In this chapter, these initiatives will be illustrated and
briefly analysed.
A. The SADC as a tool for cooperation, resources management and conflict
prevention
Created in 1992 upon the foundations of the Southern African Development Co-ordination
Conference (SADCC) the SADC8 is an intergovernmental organisation for regional cooperation
that currently comprises 15 countries. Its stated goals include:
“to achieve development and economic growth, alleviate poverty, enhance the
standard and quality of life of the peoples of Southern Africa and support the
socially disadvantaged through regional integration. These objectives are to be
achieved through increased regional integration, built on democratic principles,
and equitable and sustainable development” (SADC, 2012).
8 See Figure 1, p. 14.
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As part of SADC’s commitment towards creating a peaceful environment that fosters regional
development, a number of tools have been developed overtime for conflict prevention
purposes. One of the most “successful” is the Regional Early Warning System (REWS).
Operating in coordination with the National Early Warning Centres based in SADC member
states9 the REWS has been used on some occasions to prevent major crises and potentially
violent situations caused by environmental disasters, such as droughts and famines (Chopak,
1998). In 1991 to 1992, in what can be considered as a milestone success of cooperation and
effectiveness, the REWS helped national governments face a vast drought that was
threatening the livelihoods of the whole region. Weather forecasts and detailed information
about food availability provided by the REWS allowed the member states to devise response
plans and establish emergency food supply lines that helped contain the crisis (Rook, 1997).
In the early 2000s, calls for further regionalisation of crisis management structures have led
the member states to come up with a series of recommendations and initiatives. Because of
these demands, the Regional Early Warning Centre was created in July 2010 in an attempt to
strengthen the REWS’s activity (AIM News, 2010). By working closely with National Early
Warning Centres, the REWS should be able to collect and share information “on threats, to
security and stability of the region and [propose] ways to deal with such threats” (EEAS, 2014,
p. 5).
9 See Figure 2, p. 17.
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Figure 3: SADC Member States (Source: SADC)
Being a body for regional cooperation, the SADC has also played a role in the context of shared
management of natural resources. Indeed, by providing a venue for dialogue, the SADC has
facilitated the creation of multilateral projects on potentially contested areas, in particular
watercourses and natural parks running along state borders (see sections below for a more
detailed analysis).
Yet, despite the good intentions and some early successes obtained through the REWS the
SADC is still far from providing fully-fledged solutions for conflict prevention. Indeed, SADC
member states’ approach to stability is still largely based on state-centric calculations. In other
words, cooperation programmes have not succeeded in converging member states’ interests
towards gradual integration as perceptions of national security are still solidly individualistic.
Cooperation for the sake of regional peace often finds itself stuck on lowest common
denominator and agreements are reached only when they satisfy win-win expectations. As
one analyst has put it, “SADC is a stable (but not very efficient) institution, (mis)used by its
members to serve disparate demands of national interest and sovereignty” (van Nieuwkerk,
2013, p. 51). Meanwhile, SADC’s fairly sophisticated institutional architecture - replete with
committees and boards - actually conceals a record of poor implementation and scarce
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political commitment from the member states (van Nieuwkerk, 2013). In 2001 the Organ on
Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation (OPDSC) was formally established to “promote
peace and security in the region” (SADC, 2001; Bam, 2006). Yet, more than 10 years after its
inception, the OPDSC is constrained by an “absolute sense” of sovereignty that valorises state-
centrism and principles of non-interference in internal matters. This is symbolised by its
decision-making mechanism, still based on consensus, which leaves member states the power
to veto any resolution (Solomon, 2012, p. 26).
Similarly, efforts to build an efficient regional peacekeeping force are still at the testing
ground, held back by political rivalries, technical and financial shortages as well as poor
political commitment. At the time of writing, the two main projects in this realm, the African
Standby Force (ASF) and the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC)
proceed slowly and depend on significant European support (Fabricius, 2015).
In 2011, the process of regional integration suffered a major setback when, in an
unprecedented and heavily criticised move, member states decided for the suspension of the
SADC Tribunal, the only regional body with dispute-settlement powers. A series of rulings
against Zimbabwe’s controversial land reform thus proved fatal to an institution, already
beleaguered by a widespread lack of political support from the member states. As of 2015,
after four years of negotiations and numerous appeals for its reactivation, the SADC Tribunal
is currently set to be replaced by a new body, the Southern African Development Community
Administrative Tribunal (SADCAT). Compared to its predecessor, the SADCAT will however
have a reduced scope, as only national governments will be entitled to resort to it. With the
de facto exclusion of non-state actors, namely individuals and NGOs, the SADCAT signals a
step back in the establishment of a supranational mechanism of dispute settlement (Financial
Gazette, 2015).
To conclude, although SADC architecture and experiences such as the REWS give reasons to
forecast growing cooperation. Nevertheless, SADC’s conflict prevention potential has yet to
undergo a significant stress test. For the time being, SADC incapability to override national
policies makes it just a little more than a venue for traditional diplomatic activity and sectorial
cooperation in which every member state retains the last word on security matters. The
suspension of the SADC Tribunal provides a striking example of how the SADC still lacks the
degree of autonomy that would allow it to become a fully-fledged supranational and
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recognised body, ready to act as a counterbalancing force vis-a-vis the national interests of
the member states. Finally yet importantly, the horizontal solidarity among the heads of state
and ruling elites as well as the vertical inaccessibility for grassroots organisations and regular
citizens are turning the SADC into something that resembles more and more a “club of
presidents” rather than a tool for regional development and conflict prevention (du Pisani,
2011, p. 40).
B. Transboundary Natural Resource Management and Peace Parks
The rather stable political environment that followed the end of the Apartheid and the
Angolan War has encouraged many Southern African states to increasingly devote equipment,
personnel and financial resources from military purposes to environmental preservation
initiatives (Swatuk, 2005).
The idea of coupling wildlife conservation with conflict prevention has inspired the creation
of a series of transboundary cooperation mechanisms, technically known as Transboundary
Natural Resource Management (TBNRM) systems.
“TBNRM can take several different forms: from transfrontier conservation areas
to spatial development initiatives; from formal interstate arrangements regarding
particular shared resources, such as watercourses, to loosely articulated “smart
partnerships” involving donors, NGOs, private companies, and local government”
(Swatuk, 2005, p. 1).
With provisions that generally include joint management of natural areas and removal of
border fences TBNRM projects have been praised as an opportunity to foster multilateral
cooperation and regional integration (Swatuk, 2005, p. 3; van Amerom & Büscher, 2005, p. 8).
Among the different solutions developed under the framework of TBNRM, the so-called
“Peace Parks”10 are perhaps the best known.
Throughout the 1990s, the Peace Parks philosophy generated widespread enthusiasm and
support. In the plans of the promoters, the shared-management approach of wild areas would
bring the bordering countries closer whilst helping defuse tensions and creating a fertile
10 See Figure 3, p. 22.
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ground for tourism and economic development. So popular became the idea that it quickly
garnered the endorsement of a number of prominent economic and political actors (Nelson
Mandela, to name just one of them) who saw in Peace Parks a win-win strategy to solve many
of the region’s problems.
Relevant examples of Peace Parks include the Maloti Drakensberg Transboundary World
Heritage Site, on the Lesotho-South Africa border, the Great Limpopo Park, on the South
Africa-Mozambique-Zimbabwe border, the Zimbabwe-Mozambique-Zambia Transfrontier
Park (ZIMOZA) and the Kgalagadi Transfrontier Park between South Africa and Botswana. The
underlying concept maintains that “by fostering joint conservation (and tourism) development
in Southern Africa’s marginalised border regions, Peace Parks [will] further international
peace, regional cooperation and poverty reduction” (van Amerom & Büscher, 2005, p. 1).
Despite these enthusiastic claims, scholarly researches have revealed that Peace Parks often
failed to meet the expectations and, in some cases, even proved detrimental to regional
stability. As happened in the case of Great Limpopo Park, instead of bringing countries closer
to each other, disagreements over the distribution of economic benefits have generated
tensions among the parties involved (van Amerom & Büscher, 2005, p. 12). Countries with a
longer tradition of tourism and wildlife conservation, such as South Africa, have shown to be
more capable than others of reaping the economic gains of growing ecotourism and
investments. This aspect has fuelled a sense of inequality and envy among partner states (van
Amerom & Büscher, 2005).
But unbalances do not simply develop in intrastate relations. The management of these
projects very often lies firmly in the hands of an elite of politicians, bureaucrats and
businessmen, who have often shown little or no interest in including grassroots stakeholders.
Local communities are only very rarely consulted and included in the creation of the rules that
affect them the most. The positive effects of Peace Parks on local economy do not often go
far beyond a slight increase in income and jobs, whereas the livelihoods of the people living in
these areas are potentially affected by decisions agreed in ministerial venues that occurred
miles away. As a result, this mainly top-down approach has led to an increase in divisions and
disputes as well as discontent and hostility towards TBNRM programmes (Schoon, 2004, p.
18).
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In a controversial, recent case the government of Botswana has announced the selling of
shale-gas fracking rights in the Kgagaladi trans-frontier park, to the consternation of a
significant number of local actors, including environmentalists, civil society activists, tourism
managers and even park officials, who were not even informed of the decision. According to
international press sources, the fracking rights – secretly sold back in September 2014 to a UK-
based private company – will comprise more than half of the park area, which is home to a
great number of wild species as well as a touristic destination (Guardian, 2015, 2 December).
This case provides a clear example of the governments’ often uncompromising attitude
towards shared resource management and threatens to set a dangerous precedent for similar
areas in the region.
Expectations over Peace Parks as a drive for cross-border mobility that could challenge
colonial borders and reunite historically linked populations were also frustrated. National
interests of geopolitical and internal order proved way too crystallised to be transcended,
resulting in selective and restricted transboundary mobility. In the case of the Great Limpopo
Park, for instance, concerns of national security related to the control of the so-called “illegal
migration” and smuggling have led police forces and security circles to resist plans to remove
border fences. As a result, “improved cross-border access for people at the moment mainly
focuses on the needs of international tourists, [while] local people are not allowed to cross
the international boundaries” (van Amerom & Büscher, 2005, p. 15) Forced to yield before
superior interests, local communities could not reap the benefits generated by transboundary
cooperation.
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Figure 4: Peace Parks in 2001 (Source: World Wildlife Fund for Nature)
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C. Water resources management
Water is possibly the most important of all natural resources. Human development largely
relies on constant water supply, as its uses include crucial sectors like agriculture, nutrition,
industry and energy. It then comes as no surprise that water is increasingly being included in
geopolitical discourses as a variable for regional (in)stability.
Disputes over access to water resources have the potential to exacerbate regional rivalries
and ignite dangerous transboundary confrontations. At the same time, water-related disasters
such as droughts or floods – and mass-migrations usually provoked by these events – threaten
to further destabilise already weakened communities. Unbalances in the distribution of water
also fuel disputes between upstream and downstream countries with the latter usually finding
themselves in a situation of geographical disadvantage. Human population growth, mass
migrations, advancing urbanisation, pollution, and climate change are among the factors that
come into play and often present a matter of concern for international organisations
operating in the field. These factors combine with the relatively fragile nature of some of
states in the area, an aspect that further increases the probability of political crisis in case of
environmental shocks.
As in the case of TBNRM, besides the international domain, conflict can also develop
domestically. This usually happens when the state monopolises the management of water
related issues, whilst excluding those local communities that are mostly affected by it. Lack of
public inclusion into decision-making and faulty consultation processes may result in
discontent and tension between the central government and local constituencies. Ultimately,
the local domain provides a further variable for armed confrontation, which conflict
prevention initiatives need to take into account (Trondalen, 2011).
The SADC has played an important role in the domain of so-called Integrated Water Resources
Management (IWRM) by providing the institutional framework required for binding the
member states together towards cooperation. Already in the 1990s, a number of
transboundary cooperation programmes were indeed established under the SADC’s umbrella.
In 2000, SADC member states agreed to sign the Protocol on Shared Watercourse Systems and
a revised version of the protocol came into force in 2003 to meet the standards outlined in
the 1997 UN Convention on the Law of Non-Navigational Uses of International Watercourse.
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The new protocol promoted a renewed approach, which included principles of environmental
protection and preservation (Couzens, 2014). In the mid-2000s, these principles were
repeated in the SADC Regional Water Policy (RWP) and the SADC Regional Water Strategy
(RWS). Notably, both the RWP and the RWS also stressed the importance of participation and
shared decision-making as crucial elements for conflict prevention (Malzbender, et al., 2010).
Quite interestingly, many water management cooperation programmes have received
support from the Western governments in the form of funding, institutional strengthening
and project management. Once acknowledged the water-security nexus and the equation that
links conflict prevention with the need to create a functioning institutional framework for
international cooperation the SADC and the German Federal Ministry for Economic
Cooperation and Development (BMZ) have promoted a series of initiatives to boost water
management cooperation in the Southern Africa region. A relevant example is the cooperation
project in the Orange-Senqu River basin (ORASECOM), involving Botswana, Lesotho, South
Africa and Namibia, which also drew the support of France, Netherlands and the EU. Another
one is the Kunene Transboundary Water Supply Project (KTWSP), between Angola and
Namibia, which once again sees the contribution of the BMZ, with further support provided
by the British and Australian governments. The goal of these initiatives is to establish a solid
environment for dialogue and coordination among riparian countries and, as such, to prevent
tensions over water resources. Particular attention is dedicated to raising awareness among
local governments about the short and long-term socioeconomic benefits of cooperation and
resource sharing, as opposed to the costs of armed engagement (Trondalen, 2011; GIZ
Transboundary Water Management in SADC, 2015).
Whilst it is commonly believed that scarcity of water resources does not yet pose an
immediate threat to regional stability, transboundary disputes might strain bilateral relations
and, as such, contribute negatively to already conflictual situations. As demand for water is
expected to increase due to population growth and climate change, the SADC-BMZ initiative
aims at providing a platform for dialogue, de-escalation and fair resource management. In the
mind of the stakeholders, a cooperative and peaceful environment would also lead to growing
investments and faster development, thus shoring up economic stability. At the same time,
the reduced need for military spending would encourage governments to reinvest these
financial resources in infrastructures and programmes of socioeconomic assistance to the
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local populations. Having recognised the importance of transcending the limitations
connected with a solely state-centric approach, the SADC-BMZ initiative also directed efforts
towards promoting the inclusion of local communities (Trondalen, 2011).
Other relevant initiatives in this realm include the Permanent Okavango River Basin Water
Commission (OKACOM). Signed in 1994 by Angola, Botswana and Namibia, the agreement
established a platform for cooperation, coordination and information sharing. This agreement
received a special impetus in the early 2000s with the end of the Angolan Civil War in 2002
and the SADC Revised Protocol on Shared Watercourses in 2003, which provided the political
environment and the legal stand for further development (Malzbender, et al., 2010).
More recently, in 2013, the Consultative Group for International Agricultural Research (CGIAR)
– an ad-hoc umbrella organisation comprising various international actors – launched the
Strengthening Aquatic Resource Governance (STARGO) initiative in an effort to foster co-
management of water and fisheries in the Lake Kariba area in southern Zambia. The STARGO’s
approach stresses the importance of fostering local ownership and legitimacy through the
inclusion of all the actors involved. Indeed, STARGO’s action drew upon earlier attempts by
the Zambian authorities to harmonise and regulate competition over Lake Kariba resources.
Despite being an important step forward, these initiatives had initially proved unsatisfactory
as they lacked a dispute settlement mechanism and left imbalances of power among local
stakeholders substantially unchallenged. STARGO’s dialogue-driven approach has helped local
communities and national government to overcome these institutional hurdles by bringing
together all the actors involved. In particular, efforts aimed at strengthening the role of local
communities and underrepresented actors, such as poorer residents and artisanal fishers. As
a result, tensions diminished and cases of disputes fell in numbers (Madzudzo, et al., 2014).
Since the early 2000s, also the World Bank has brought up the issue of natural resources whilst
engaging in a number of projects aimed at enhancing regional cooperation on their
management. In Southern Africa, the most recent examples include the 2014 Lesotho
Highlands - Botswana Water Transfer and the 2015 Zambezi River Basin Management Project
(in cooperation with SADC), in an area that in the past has provided hot spots for conflictual
interposition (Ashton, 2007).
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All the above-mentioned initiatives have set a relatively successful precedent for peaceful
cooperation on water resources. The importance of water for the livelihoods as well as its vast
agricultural and industrial uses has, on many occasions, motivated riparian countries to
coordinate efforts and establish institutional frameworks for cooperation.
Although a reason for concern, water scarcity has not yet proven to be a major variable of
political tension in the area and “empirical evidence [seems to indicate] that the likelihood of
disputes between states over access to water is low” (Ashton & Turton, 2005, p. 20). This
potentially has a two-fold implication; whilst it makes cooperation a feasible goal, as countries
do not perceive power-sharing on water resources as a jeopardising move for national
security, it also means that any achievement in conflict prevention might easily be nullified as
conflict can more easily originate from factors unrelated to water management. Similarly:
“The success or failure of these international water-sharing arrangements
depends largely on the degree of political will exerted by each country and their
awareness of the potential benefits that could accrue to the participating
countries” (Ashton & Turton, 2005, p. 18).
Figure 5: Major River Basins in SADC (Source: SADC)
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The role of SADC and international partners has proved important in strengthening these
efforts and supplying technical guidance and financial help. The SADC in particular has
provided a legal framework and a political background for coordination from which regional
IWRM projects have occasionally benefitted. However, the disbandment of an important,
supranational dispute settlement mechanism like the SADC Tribunal highlighted how quickly
multilateral cooperation can be reverted when confronted with contrasting state-centric
political interests (Couzens, 2014). At the same time, the realm of water management
provides a practical example of the very limited scope of the newly established SADCAT. After
decades of cyclical episodes of tension, the long-lasting Lake Malawi border dispute between
Malawi and Tanzania reached a new impetus when, in 2012 Malawi announced its decision to
conduct oil explorations thus prompting the protests from the Tanzanian government. SADC
Chairperson Lt General Seretse Khama Ian Khama as recently as August 2015 ruled out the
possibility that the new tribunal would be able to intervene in the case as “it falls outside its
mandate” (Nyasa Times, 2015). As a result, the issue is still being dealt with through difficult
diplomatic initiatives and the mediation of officials from Botswana, South Africa and
Mozambique (Coastweek, 2015). The lack of a regional body for dispute settlement is likely to
force the two parties to resort to the International Court of Justice (Lalbahadur, 2013; World
Politics Review, 2014).
D. Diamonds
Of all the natural resources, whose extraction and trade has been linked to conflict in the
Southern African region, diamonds are probably the one that attracted the greatest attention
from the Western public. In this regard, the Angolan Civil War (1975 to 2002), pitting the
communist Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) against the anti-communist
União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA), possibly provides the most
revealing case of how illegal trade of diamonds can help fuel a conflict by financing the
belligerents’ war efforts.
Controlling 60 to 70 per cent of Angola’s diamond production UNITA forces largely benefitted
from trading diamonds with various international partners and continued to do so even after
a UN Security Council Resolution introduced in 1998 imposed an embargo on all the Angolan
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diamonds not approved by the (MPLA-controlled) Angolan government. However, the nearly
impossible task of determining the origin of diamonds, trade triangulations with bordering
countries and the poor commitment displayed by the stakeholders (in particular some
Western and African states as well as major multinational corporations) towards international
obligations allowed UNITA to circumvent the embargo and continue financing its military
operations.
The example of the Angolan civil war reveals a scenario that stretches well beyond the regional
boundaries. Given the scale of diamonds trade and the strong interests behind it, any
successful conflict prevention initiative aimed at cutting the link diamonds-conflict cannot
forgo international venues and requires exceptionally strong multilateral efforts (Global
Witness, 1998). It is to meet these challenges that the most relevant stakeholders (including
producing countries, private companies and non-governmental organisations [NGOs]) finally
agreed, in 2000, to meet in Kimberley, South Africa and discuss a common solution to the
problem of ‘blood diamonds’. After three years of negotiations, a certification scheme was
introduced in order to track the diamonds’ international supply chain and prevent blood gems
from entering the international market (Grant, 2012).
Despite being a rather promising step forward in the fight against diamond-fuelled conflicts,
problems of implementation threatened the effectiveness of the Kimberley Process (KP) from
its inception. Blood diamonds still kept reaching international markets thanks to triangulations
with nearby, war-free countries and the complicity of corrupted officials and companies. Keen
to show political commitment towards the issue - at least rhetorically - both producing
countries and diamonds industry have too often failed to enforce controls on illegal flows
(Global Witness, 2006).
Another problem lies in the definition of ‘conflict diamonds’11. The KP defines as ‘conflict
diamonds’ only those used to fuel insurgency in war-ridden countries. As a result, no ban is in
place for diamonds coming from countries technically not at war but marred by state violence
(Moore, 2011). The most obvious example is the case of the Marange diamond fields, in
Zimbabwe, scene of a brutal government crackdown that in 2008 left hundreds of “illegal
miners” dead (Global Witness, 2011). Despite the media outcry, a series of EU sanctions and
11 See Figure 5, p. 29.
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harsh criticism from various NGOs, KP members refused to suspend Zimbabwe from the
Process. Instead, an ad-hoc working group was established to monitor the situation at
Marange and Harare’s compliance with KP regulations. However, in 2010, the working group
concluded that Marange diamonds could not be considered “conflict diamonds” since no rebel
group was using them to fuel armed uprisings against legitimate governments. As such, the
government of Zimbabwe was not in breach of the KP’s rules (The Wall Street Journal, 2010).
Eventually, in 2013 the EU lifted the sanctions on diamonds mined at Marange, which could
then freely reach European markets (EU Observer, 2013).
The example of Marange diamond fields exposed the tight legal boundaries within which the
principles and provisions of the KP actually operate, resulting in limited operational efficiency.
It also revealed the lack of an independent oversight as verification is still autonomously
carried out by KP member states and thus relies on their voluntary compliance.
Figure 6: Diamond Market (Source: Encyclopaedia Britannica)
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Meanwhile, calls for an upgrade of the KP towards more strict regulations and greater
transparency went unheeded. Frustrated by these events, in December 2011 Global Witness,
KP’s founding member and influential watchdog, quit the Process citing KP’s continued
“refusal to evolve and address the clear links between diamonds, violence and tyranny”
(Global Witness, 2011, p. 5).
E. Regulation as the key
The common management of natural resources is tightly intertwined with an enhanced
regional peace. When compared to other parts of the continent, Southern Africa has
maintained a relatively stable and peaceful setting. As a result, various initiatives could be
introduced over the past 20 years with the goal of shoring up the peaceful situation of the
region. In particular, countries have agreed to cooperate on the management of watercourses
and natural areas and they very often did so under the framework of the SADC, the most
important institution for regional cooperation and integration in Southern Africa. However,
doubts remain as to whether SADC’s institutional structure will actually suffice to defuse
conflictual situations whenever they will arise. At the same time, cases of unequal power
sharing and unbalances in the distribution of benefits have undermined the efficiency of cross-
border projects. In particular, the exclusion or marginalisation of local communities from
decision-making processes has contributed to an increase of the internal tensions, with
conflicts more likely to arise within states rather than among states. More recent projects
seem to have learned this lesson and now tend to give more space to grassroots actors,
especially in the realm of water management.
Despite the number of bi- or even trilateral border projects being relatively high Southern
African countries still have to go a long way in the creation of a regional identity that will help
them overcome their selfishness and state-centric culture. So far, states have been keen on
working together only when they envisaged win-win scenarios and when core national
interests were not put into question. The lack of a strong supranational agent leaves
cooperation efforts largely in the realm of bi- or multilateral agreements. Indeed, SADC
member states have shown unwillingness to give up too much authority – in the realm of
security – to any external body and whenever conflictual situations arise, they tend to resort
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to traditional diplomatic initiatives, as the recent Malawi-Tanzania dispute demonstrates. In
this sense, the suspension of the SADC Tribunal and its reintroduction as a purely
administrative body signals a step back in the creation of a supranational justice system and
threatens to widen the rift not only between countries but also between ruling elites and the
wider populations.
Ultimately, the core issue seems to rest in the difficulty of making states lay down and follow
a common and binding set of rules. That is, the creation of an autonomous body that
guarantees the implementation of the regulations. A problem, which has also been observed,
although on an international rather than regional scale, in the case of the KP.
F. The future role of SADC
Doubts remain as to whether the institutional structure of the SADC will suffice to defuse
conflictual situations when they will arise. The region still has to go a long way in the
reinforcement of cooperation that will help member states to overcome the most dangerous
of state-centric politics. At the same time, the suspension of the SADC Tribunal and its
reintroduction as a purely administrative body signals a step back in the creation of a
multilevel regional justice system and threatens to widen the rift between elites and wider
populations. Consequently, conflicts are potentially more likely to arise within states rather
than among states. By the same virtue, TBNRM projects, such as Peace Parks and shared
watercourse areas, present the same issue.
To conclude, management difficulties and unbalances in the distribution of benefits have
prevented TBNRM projects from becoming an effective tool for regional conflict prevention
and peaceful regional integration. The mainly top-down approach adopted by national
governments also meant that local communities would largely be left out of decision-making
process, thus leading to an increase in divisions and disputes, and as such, threatening the
sustainability and robustness of TBNRM programmes (Schoon M. L., 2004).
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VI. Selection of case studies and critical analysis of EJOLT
Figure 7: EJOLT Map (Source: EJOLT)
A. An Introduction to EJOLT
In the search for case studies, the project holder reverted to the maps of EJOLT12. In their own
battles and strategy meetings since the early 1980s, EJOLT and its networks have introduced
several concepts to political ecology that have also been taken up by academics and policy
makers. On their own, or sometimes with the help of sympathetic academics, EJOLT has
introduced or adopted powerful concepts and principles to analyse and to cope with
environmental conflicts. They have produced a “political ecology from the bottom up”
(Martinez et al, 2014, p. 20).
EJOLT’s analysis and strategies have been based on four concepts: the concept of
Environmental Justice (EJ) born (in its sociological usage) in the United States (US), in struggles
12 See Figure 6, p. 32.
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against waste dumping in North Carolina in 1982. Authors such as Robert Bullard, one of the
pioneering scholars and activists in the environmental justice movement13, civil rights activists
with no academic affiliation and members of Christian churches saw themselves as “militants
of environmental justice” before a large assembly in Washington, D.C., proclaimed the
principles of Environmental Justice in 1991. The second is a concept called popular
epidemiology, which was relevant in many struggles inside and outside the US. It fits with the
“post-normal science” approach, which has been influential in ecological economics
(Funtowicz, 1993). Since the late 1980s, EJOLT has also started using the term
“environmentalism of the poor” in activist interventions by poor and / or indigenous people’s
struggling to defend their livelihoods against resource extraction. As the word “poor” is
derogatory to impoverished indigenous communities, it was replaced by “ecologismo
popular” or “popular environmentalism” already in the early 1990s (Martinez, 1992, p. 24).
The fourth main concept is the concept of ecological debt and climate justice. In EJOLT’s
understanding, the ecological debt arises from ecologically unequal trade as well as from the
occupation of disproportionate environmental space (Weterings, 1994) which was then
deployed as climate debt in international negotiations on climate change. EJOLT introduced
and developed the concept of climate justice in the early 2000s, which after that rapidly
spread around the world (Bond, 2014).14
The selection of cases to be further analysed is based on the map of EJOLT15 and specific
literature findings. As the regional office of the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung is based in
Johannesburg, South Africa, the project holder decided for two cases from South Africa. The
information on the cases is mainly taken from a book recommended by EJOLT, namely
Ecological Economics from the Ground Up (Healy, Martínez-Alier, Temper, Walter, & Gerber,
2013).16 A field research would help to verify these reports.
13 See here for an interview with Robert Bullard on environmental justice: http://www.ejnet.org/ej/bullard.html 14 The project holder can at this point not analyse the concepts that EJOLT is referring to and their eventual controversial aspects in depth. One limitation is in fact the bottom-up approach of EJOLT in itself as the related reports are often based solely on individual efforts. For a better understanding of these concepts, a specific literature analysis would be necessary. 15 See Figure 6, p. 32. 16 For a complete list and short description of the EJOLT cases in Southern Africa, see Appendix E.
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B. The case of the Bisasar Road Landfill
The first example concerns the opposition of Durban’s Clair Estate neighbourhood against the
Bisasar Road dump, Africa’s largest permitted landfill site. It was opened for business in 1980
during the Apartheid regime under the Group Areas Act, a crucial pillar of the Apartheid
government’s segregation agenda, which meant, “Bisasar Road would ‘import’ waste from
privileged white areas to impoverished, working-class black areas deprived of basic human
rights. Bisasar was emblematic of 4,000 disposal dumps created across the country (of which,
as the government acknowledged, only 200 met minimum environmental standards)” (Bond
& Sharife, 2012). Residents of Durban’s Clair Estate neighbourhood which was classified as an
‘Indian’ and ‘coloured’ area lacked access to political, economic and legal recourse, although
the African National Congress pledged in 1994 that the new democratic municipal government
would close the dump.
Daily, between 3,000 and 5,000 tonnes of waste (including hazardous waste) are processed in
this dump. In 2014, in spite of strong opposition by the neighbourhood, which voted for the
closure of the dump, the municipality decided to keep the dump “open-for-business” and start
a new project: the collection and conversion into electricity of methane emissions, a by-
product of decomposing waste in the landfill. As methane is a Greenhouse Gas (GHG) more
powerful than carbon dioxide, the intention was to generate carbon equivalent credits
(Certified Emission Reduction units, CERs) by reducing methane emissions (Bond & Sharife,
2013).
After hosting the Green Economy Summit of 2010 and the Conference of the Parties (COP) in
2011, the South African government signed a more sustainable and green development of its
economy, called the National Climate Change Response Green Paper. In the course of these
events, Bisasar Road dump became the leading Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) pilot
project of the country, thought to reduce GHG emissions.
The local community, however, supported from researches of the Cancer Association of South
Africa (CANSA), considered the dump “a toxic cancer hotspot” (Bond & Sharife, 2013, p. 173).
The activist Sajida Khan brought the issue to the world’s attention through a front-page article
in the Washington Post and supported a local opposition movement (Bond & Dad, 2007). The
World Bank was supposed to finance this project, but “apparently intimidated” (Bond &
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Sharife, 2013, p. 174) by this organised civil society, pulled out. The municipality then
registered the initiative on the UN list of CDM projects and found other international
supporters as the French Development Bank (Agence Française de Développement, AFD)
which assisted with an 8 million US Dollar loan thanks to an at that time expected monthly
revenue of 600.000 US Dollar from the sales of carbon credits. Thereupon, municipal official
soon constructed the full system of extracting methane, burning and flaring it, powering the
turbines and connecting the generated electricity back into the municipal grid. Hence, the
“CDM financing justifies utilization of the remaining landfill space, a toxic site based in a
residential area under the guise of environmental protection against climate change” (Bond
& Sharife, 2013, p. 174). This is based on the so-called carbon or emissions trading that was
launched through the Kyoto Protocol in 1997 to control pollution by providing economic
incentives for reduced emission of carbon dioxide (CO2)17. The case of Bisasar, however,
clearly shows, that the CDM under the UN does not reduce emissions at the source, “but move
reductions to where it is the cheapest to make them, which normally means a shift from the
Northern to Southern countries” (Bond & Sharife, 2013, p. 171). It is, however, in line with
Article 12 of the Kyoto Protocol that declares that the CDM allows a country with an emission-
reduction or emission-limitation commitment under the Kyoto Protocol (Annex B Party18) to
implement an emission-reduction project in developing countries and earn CERs19: “A more
climate-appropriate approach could have been considered, but was constrained by two
factors: a CDM which locked in municipal environmental racism, intra-community conflict,
fraud and ineligibility; and adequate financing to pursue a different route. It is because of the
dual problem of CDMs — they amplify problems, and they forego alternative options — that
this mechanism should be discontinued. The pilot project for South Africa is a case in point”
(Bond & Sharife, 2012).
17 See http://unfccc.int/kyoto_protocol/background/items/2880.php. 18 A list in the Kyoto Protocol of 38 countries plus the EU that agreed to QELRCs (emission targets), along with the QELRCs they accepted. The list is nearly identical to the Annex I Parties listed in the Convention except that it does not include Belarus or Turkey. 19 See http://unfccc.int/kyoto_protocol/mechanisms/clean_development_mechanism/items/2718.php, the official website of the United Nations Frame Convention of Climate Change.
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C. Acid mine drainage: Witwatersrand water catastrophe and the issue of the
Green Paper
The second example of environmental conflict in South Africa, still based on the findings of
Bond and Sharife, concerns the uranium-mining site of the Witwatersrand region, the largest
gold and uranium basin in South Africa, exploited by the multinationals of the Minerals-
Energy-Complex. Apart from climate change, acid mine drainage (ADM) has been described
as the “single most dangerous threat to South Africa’s environment” (Bond & Sharife, 2013,
p. 176). Inadequate controls and safety standards in the uranium mining industry in the
Witwatersrand basin have therefore resulted in an environmentally dangerous situation due
to radioactive tailings and contaminated water.
Gold mining was one of the main pillars of South Africa that was capable of supplying
cheapened labour and cheap resources (Bond & Sharife, 2013). Ever since the famous
Witwatersrand Gold Rush of 1886, which was also the founding event for the town of
Johannesburg, the Witwatersrand basin has been a major mining site. In search of new
sources of uranium, the US and United Kingdom (UK) governments jointly sponsored a global
prospecting programme, which indicated that the Witwatersrand gold mines contained
significant amounts of radioactive materials. By late 1949, a process, which would lead to the
opening of 26 Witwatersrand gold mines, started in secret contracts with the US and the UK.
In these contracts, the South African mining industry agreed to supply uranium for a 10-year
period based on a price structure that covered extraction costs plus profits (Fig, 2009).
With significantly lower safety standards and production costs in South Africa than in other
countries, companies like AngloGold, now AngloGold Ashanti, and other companies have been
mining gold, but also uranium ever since (Coetzee, Wade, & Winde, 2002). 20 As a result, the
environmental liabilities of the mining practices affect the quality and quantity of water
supplies for the entire country, one of the world’s most arid nations. One of these liabilities
included a mine tailings dam measuring 400 square kilometres comprised of waste materials
alongside six billion tonnes of iron sulphide, one of the substances which, when exposed to
air and water, produces acid mine water. This then impacted as much as 40 million litres of
20 See also http://www.nuclear-risks.org/en/hibakusha-worldwide/witwatersrand.html.
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37
ADM: “Like the porous of dolomite aquifer, acting as a sponge, the multinationals of the
Minerals-Energy-Complex sponge off economies, people and ecologies” (Bond & Sharife,
2013, p. 177).
Although the South African government’s Minerals and Mining Policy of South Africa: Green
Paper21 declares that costs of remedying pollution must be paid for by the responsible,
companies have been seeking so-called ‘closure certificates’ exonerating them from
environmental reparations and liabilities. According to Bond and Sharife, this very much
resembles the realities of the Minerals-Energy Complex, which is – in contradiction to the
Green Paper rhetoric – proven by the Eskom expansion plans for coal-fired electricity.
The antidote to environmental degradation is a louder civil society demands for genuine
solutions not found in the Green Paper, World Bank reports or other state and supranational
initiatives. According to Bond and Sharife, grassroots activism is basically the only way to
achieve solutions to conflicts like the one in the Witwatersrand basin: “Such activism exists in
isolated, fragmented forms, such as the myriad township battles with municipalities; [...]
campaigns to close the South Durban petrochemical complex, the Bisasar Road dump; or
struggles against multinational corporations’ plans for resource extraction […], to mention a
few examples” (Bond & Sharife, 2013, p. 185). It must be a “fully connected civil society project
to link demands for renewable energy, household electricity, climate change mitigation and
adaption, anti-pollution, protection of the Witwatersrand water table, occupational safety
and health, reparations for climate damage, return of capital flight, end to crony-capitalistic-
political corporate corruption and the need to leave minerals in the soil (especially coal in the
hole) is yet to catalyse” (Bond & Sharife, 2013, p. 185).
These two examples make clear that the policies of the governments including supranational
organisations did not meet the expectations of the activists on the ground as part of the social
movements. Given the time and financial restraints, the project holder was not able to verify
the current situation on the ground. More sources would have helped to develop an even
better understanding of the developments concerning these examples.
21 See http://www.gov.za/documents/minerals-and-mining-policy-south-africa-green-paper.
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VII. Military impact on the environment
Figure 8: US military bases abroad, 2015 (Source: David Vine, Base Nation)
In the context of conflicts and international risks, the military activities on the African
continent deserve to be well analysed and monitored also in the future. The new risk of
militarisation of environmental-related conflicts is an important reason for that. From the
comparison of different maps and sources, e.g. David Vine (Vine, 2015), the project holder
excludes a relevant presence of foreign military bases in the region of Southern Africa
compared with the presence and activities in other parts of the world. Other than during times
of the Cold War, the Southern African region does not to appear to be of strategic military
importance other than e.g. the Middle East or Northern Africa.
The negative impact of military activities, e.g. military polygons, military airports, large military
bases in general, on the environment is a relevant issue that is often marginalised. That is why
military activities also in the Southern African region should be considered as a possible cause
of problems.
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As regards the military police, it is interesting to see that South Africa joined the programme
of COESPU (Center of Excellence for Stability Police Units), a military institution based in Italy,
that is focusing more and more on Africa.
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VIII. Other initiatives of conflict prevention and mediation
There is a range of institutions in the field of conflict prevention initiatives that also focus on
environment-related conflicts. Some of them base their work on research as the Peace
Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), some on advocacy as the International Land Coalition or the
International Crisis Group (ICG); others are actually doing project work on the ground as
International Alert (IA)22. The ones with the biggest outreach are based in North America and
Europe, mainly for reasons of financing, but also because many of these initiatives work
closely with UN organisations as the Geneva Peacebuilding Platform (GPP) or the Initiative for
Peacebuilding (IFP).
However, conflict prevention is also taking place on the local level, and that is both on side of
the government and the civil society sector. The Republic of Mauritius for example is
conducting prevention initiatives on historic preservation and public sensitisation. It
established an Environmental Law and Prosecution Division that is mandated to establish the
right enabling legal and institutional instrument for environmental protection and
management as well as the Police de l’Environnement which provides assistance to the
Director of Environment as well as Enforcing Agencies to enforce environmental laws23. The
Republic of the Seychelles in turn has installed a Division on Environment Education Activities,
which is entrusted with the responsibilities of running all the environmental education and
Public Relations activities as well as assisting other Divisions or Sections within the
Department in carrying out various activities and projects, as well as a Documentation Centre
that provides services to public on a day-to-day basis. The Division on Environment Education
Activities works closely with other governmental and non-governmental organisations to
ensure that education for sustainable development is mainstreamed in programmes, project
and action plans at all level. It also works collaboratively with regional and international
organisations and institutions which promotes education for sustainable development or
which builds the capacity of local people on sustainable development issue. The government
of Southern Africa has created an Environment Sector Conflict and Dispute Resolution
Directorate in the Department of Environmental Affairs. The National Department of
22 For a comprehensive list, see Appendix C. 23 For this example and the following examples see Appendix F.
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Environmental Affairs is running a network of environmental compliance and enforcement
officials from national, provincial and municipal government called the Green Scorpions
(Environmental Management Inspectorate, EMI), which are leading the criminal prosecution.
The Green Scorpions all share the same legislative powers and duties in terms of the National
Environmental Management Act (NEMA). EMIs are tasked with ensuring the implementation
of and adherence to specific pieces of national environmental legislation.
Whereas these governmental projects are of course rarely critical with state programmes or
with corporate activities, local civil society has been able to establish non-governmental
conflict management institutions since the end of Apartheid as the African Centre for the
Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD) based in Durban. It was established in 1992
with the aim of influencing the process of negotiation and conflict resolution in South Africa.
ACCORD's focus has since broadened to include the whole of the African continent, and its
activities stretch from the SADC in the South, through the Great Lakes region to West Africa
and the Horn of Africa in the northeast. Other than the international institutions working on
conflict prevention and resolution in the region, ACCORD strives to offer innovative and
effective African solutions to African challenges. Through its work, ACCORD has developed a
comprehensive peace model, officially recognized by the United Nations in 1996 as a viable
model for Africa24. Another local example for civil society engagement in conflict prevention
and resolution work is the Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR). It was already established in
1968 in Cape Town with the intention to contribute towards a just and sustainable peace in
Africa by promoting constructive, creative and co-operative approaches to the resolution of
conflict through training, policy development, research, and capacity-building. Since 2003,
CCR extended its work on a pan-continental basis to strengthen the capacity of African
institutions and actors to manage conflicts and build peace. This included a contribution to
policy and academic debates on African security and governance issues towards a just and
sustainable peace in Africa through providing an impartial space for key stakeholders to
engage critically and freely in these discussions. CCR’s focus is on peacebuilding and region
building, as well as by its synergistic combination of policy practice25. Although there are other
local initiatives, ACCORD and CCR remain among only a handful of African policy and capacity-
24 For further reading, see http://www.accord.org.za/. 25 For more details, see http://www.ccr.org.za/.
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building institutions with high-level convening power and a solid track record in empowering
actors at the national and regional levels.
Other means of conflict prevention and resolution that ought to be taken seriously are
traditional conflict resolution methods and customs. These local traditions, whether
adjudication or mediation, form part of the social system. Their objective is usually more than
settling a case, but reconciliation and the maintenance or even improvement of social
relationships. What is common to all these traditional instruments is the desire to contain
conflict and therefore the potential for disruption. The use of alternative methods of conflict
resolution by the traditional societies of South Africa and its neighbouring countries is deeply
rooted in the customs and traditions of the various tribes of the region. These range from the
rudimentary processes of the Khoisan of the remote Northern Cape to the sophisticated
traditional courts of the Zulu in KwaZulu-Natal (Maharaj, 2008). As such, chiefs and headmen
in the conflict resolution process played an important role in the development of South African
jurisprudence, especially in respect to customary law (Hammond-Tooke, 1993). Interesting
enough, the methods of conflict resolution employed in traditional courts are not unique to
South Africa, but are practised elsewhere in traditional societies in Africa, Asia and Australia.
The debate in South Africa, however, is on whether these methods can or should be extended
to cases that did not previously fall under the umbrella of traditional courts. This is because
the majority of the South African population is rural and conceivably still wedded to tribal lore
and culture (Oomen, 2005). As a concomitant of urbanisation, informal conflict resolution
regimes other than the traditional forms have emerged in recent years. The so-called ‘People’s
Courts’ courts, which are not recognised by the government, are an attempt to return to the
precepts of African communitarianism (Radipati, 1993).26
26 For an overview of important institutions in the field of conflict prevention in South Africa, see Appendix D.
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IX. Conclusions
Today, the large majority of institutions and enterprises is talking about sustainability, but
from different perspectives. There is an increasing interest in conflict prevention, but it is
important to distinguish and criticise the different initiatives in this sector and to understand
the dynamics and the real motivations behind.
In general, the Southern African region (geographical definition) appears to be economically
attractive, but less relevant from a geopolitical point of view. At the moment there seems to
be no risk of interstate wars on natural resources, even considering that the Republic of Congo
was a theatre of war until 2003. Still it will be important to monitor if new foreign military
bases – e.g. of the US and China – will be installed, as this could likely create international
tensions.
There is a relevant number of environmental problems in the Southern African region.
Environmental problems as the ones described in the case studies are particularly crucial in
times of climate change. The job of the activists and the social movements in the region looks
difficult. The region is very attractive in terms of land and resources and will continue to be
attractive, that is why corporate activities will not diminish. That is why the Rosa-Luxemburg-
Stiftung should support local activists in their local struggles, as the EJOLT network is somehow
doing. At this regard, the EJOLT maps look rich in information, but the reports related to the
single conflicts could be more accurate.
The relevant presence of foreign corporation doing business in the region and causing
environmental makes the internationalisation of the local struggles essential and an
information exchange between activists of South and North. Something to bear in mind is
what Chomsky considers as the only means to confront state capitalism: an active public:
“The principal architects of policy can only be held accountable by an organised,
active public. But in our modern democratic system, the public has been
essentially atomised and marginalised. Again, none of this is by accident. It is quite
purposeful” (Chomsky N. , 2011, S. 58).
The development of a map of existing and potential conflicts and a map of initiatives and
instruments in favour of conflict prevention was an ambitious project that the project holder
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could only partially fulfil, as it would have needed a deep analysis on the ground and extensive
work with local initiatives. Still it remains an important topic that could be pursued by the
Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung in the future.
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Responsibility, Newsletter of the International Network of Engineers and Scientists for
Global Responsibiliy, p. 1.
Scheffran, J., Broszka, M., Brauch, H. G., Link, P. M., & Schilling, J. (. (2012). Climate Change,
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Schoon, M. L. (2004). Do parks harm more than they help? The role of peace parks in
improving robustness in Southern Africa. Bloomington, IN.
Schoon, M. L. (2004). Do parks harm more than they help? The role of peace parks in
improving robustness in Southern Africa. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University website.
Sharife, P. B. (n.d.).
Sindico, F. (2007, 01). Climate Change: A Security (Council) Issue? Carbon and Climate Law
Review, pp. 29-34.
Solomon, H. (2012). Critical Reflections of the African Standby Force: The Case of its SADC
Contingent. Southern African Peace and Security Studies, 1(2), 20-28.
Stern, N. (2007). he Economics of Climate Change: The Stern Review. Cambridge: Cambridge
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Swatuk, L. A. (2005). Peace Parks in Southern Africa (Draft). University of Botswana, Maun:
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Trondalen, J. M. (2011). Conflict Prevention and Peace Dividends through Cooperation on
Transboundary Water Management in SADC. SADC.
UN Interagency Framework Team. (2012). Toolkit and guidance for preventing and managing
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Weterings, R. O. (1994). Towards environmental performance indicators based on the notion
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XI. Appendices
A. Responses to questionnaire
1. Farai Maguwu, doctoral student at the University of KwaZulu-Natal
Centre for Civil Society (email correspondence from April 6, 2015)
In the case of Zimbabwe there are many environmental conflicts especially involving mining.
There is the Penhalonga Conflict on the outskirts of Mutare, which has been raging for close
to a decade. A Russian - Zim joint venture DTZ OZGEO has been doing open cast gold mining
in the area and in the process destroying the environment extensively. A beautiful river,
Mutare River, has been reduced to a tunnel for a stretch of about 10KM whilst forests have
disappeared
Penhalonga Community Development Trust reported the company to the Environmental
Management Agency in 2014 and the company was stopped from doing further mining
activities. However, DTZ is a company patronized by senior ZANU PF officials who are pushing
for resumption of operations.
But these environmental conflicts are common in Zimbabwe. In the Marange diamond fields,
villagers are complaining of water poisoning which is killing livestock. In Hwange colliery, the
community is also disgruntled due to the impacts of coal mining and thermal power station
on their health. Again, the involvement of politicians and abuse of state institutions make
resistance difficult.
I am not aware of any conflict prevention mechanisms except little efforts we are doing of
building the capacity of communities to resist. Our organisation, Centre for Natural resource
Governance and Zimbabwe Environmental law Association are the two leading organisations
helping communities resist pollution by big mining corporations.
2. Assane Juanga, Coordenador Executivo da UPC- Uniao Provincial de
Camponeses de Cabo Delgado (email correspondence from March 3, 2015)
The most significant conflicts with the environment in this region are:
• exploitation of mineral resources in the districts of Ancuabe and Namuno;
• ruby extraction in the Montepuez district;
• exploration of sand from the Mecufi district;
• natural gas exploration in the districts of Palma and Mocimboa da Praia.
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Description:
The exploitation of mineral resources in the districts of Ancuabe and Namuno has been
marked by the destruction of the environment, especially in the practice of mining, where the
miners invade and / or buy the farmers' fields. As consequences of this practice, there is a
destruction of the natural structure of the soil, constant erosion, destruction of fields of
farmers due to flooding, water from contaminated rivers, because after the excavations, the
miners are addressed in the rivers for their washing. In addition, it also has other side effects
such as land conflicts, prostitution, crime, school abandonment by children and young people
to engage in this activity, constant divorces in homes, etc.
There are initiatives. For example, the UPC has developed several campaigns and reflections
of debate surrounding the abandonment of farmers in agricultural activity to engage in mining
customers, bringing the aforementioned consequences and placing the population in extreme
food insecurity. The UPC has been conducting training on climate change, as an alternative of
the peasants to gain knowledge on adaptation measures to climate change. We also study on
land grabbing peasants by investors for megaprojects facility; and the conduct of open
terraces where various actors in the environmental conservation area part in search of
promoters of these conflicts.
The sources are numerous, such as the study of the environmental impact of gas exploration
in the Rovuma Basin in Palma district in the province of Cabo Delgado; social and
environmental impact on mining customers in the Montepuez district. The relevant contacts
for this research are the organisations that are part of the thematic group of natural resources
and environment (GTRNA) such as: Association of Environment, Centro Terra Viva, Earth
Forum, Eduardo Mondlane University, Helvetas Swiss Intercooperation and Direction
Provincial Land, Environment and Rural Development. The most institutions involved in
conflicts are: Montepuez Ruby Mining, Anadarko, Syrah Resources, Ecoenergia, Ajacaranda
miners and unlicensed .
The activities of these companies are diverse and distributed as follows:
• Montepuez Ruby Mining - is dedicated to the extraction of mineral resources (Ruby);
• Anadarko - dedicated to liquefied natural gas exploration;
• Syrah Resources - is dedicated to the exploration of graphite;
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• Ecoenergia - is dedicated to sugarcane field plantations;
• Ajacaranda - dedicated to banana plantation;
• Prospectors unlicensed - are dedicated to mining customers.
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B. Definitions
Environmental related conflict:
“Environmental conflicts manifest themselves as political, social, economic, ethnic, religious
or territorial conflicts, or conflicts over resources or national interests, or any other type of
conflict. They are traditional conflicts induced by an environmental degradation.
Environmental conflicts are characterized by the principal importance of degradation in one
or more of the following fields: 1) overuse of renewable resources; 2) overstrain of the
environment's sink capacity (pollution); 3) impoverishment of the living space.” (Libiszewski,
1992, p. 13).
“Environmental conflicts are violent conflicts that are caused by environmental scarcity in
interaction with a variety of, often situation-specific, contextual factors. Environmental
scarcity appears in three forms: demand-induced scarcity (i.e. scarcity arising from increases
in demand caused by, for example, population growth); supply-induced scarcity (i.e. scarcity
arising from reduced total availability of certain resources due to degradation or depletion),
and structural scarcity (i.e. scarcity arising from the unequal distribution of or access to
resources).” (Homer-Dixon, 1999, p. 254).
Conflict prevention:
“Any structural or intercessory means to keep intrastate or interstate tension and disputes
from escalating into significant violence and use of armed forces, to strengthen the capabilities
of potential parties to violent conflict for resolving such disputes peacefully, and to
progressively reduce the underlying problems that produce these issues and disputes.” (Lund,
2002, p. 117).
“A medium and long-term proactive operational or structural strategy undertaken by a variety
of actors, intended to identify and create the enabling conditions for a stable and more
predictable international security environment.” (Carment & Schnabel, 2003, p. 11).
Climate justice:
“Climate Justice is a vision to dissolve and alleviate the unequal burdens created by climate
change. As a form of environmental justice, climate justice is the fair treatment of all people
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and freedom from discrimination with the creation of policies and projects that address
climate change and the systems that create climate change and perpetuate discrimination.”
(Climate Institute, 2015).
“Climate Justice is a struggle over land, forest, water, culture, food sovereignty, collective and
social rights; it is a struggle that considers “justice” at the basis of any solution; a struggle that
supports climate solutions found in the practices and knowledge of those already fighting to
protect and defend their livelihoods and the environment; a struggle that insists on a genuine
systematic transformation in order to tackle the real causes of climate change.” (Rising Tide
North America and Carbon Trade Watch, p. 26).
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C. General list of institutions working on environment related conflict prevention (UN Interagency Framework Team, 2012, pp.
87-90)
Name Description Webpage URL
Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) The Center for the Study of Civil War has conducted extensive quantitative research and analysis on links between natural resources and civil war. They have also extended this work to include climate change and security.
http://www.ipinst.org/
United States Institute of Peace (USIP) USIP is the independent, nonpartisan conflict management centre created by the US Congress to prevent and mitigate international conflict without resorting to violence. USIP works to save lives increase the government’s ability to deal with conflicts before they escalate, reduce government costs, and enhance our national security. The USIP has issue Guiding Principles for Stabilization and Reconstruction, which includes a detailed chapter on Sustainable Economy and natural resources.
http://www.usip.org/
University of Oxford The Centre for the Study of African Economies (CSAE) within the Department of Economics carries out economic research with a particular focus on Africa. Its aim is to improve economic and social conditions in the poorest societies. The resulting policy recommendations address questions in the economic and political spheres as well as in civil society in developing countries. One of the themes addressed by the centre is the role of natural resource governance in conflict and peacebuilding. It has conducted a series of quantitative studies on how greed and grievances over natural resources contribute to conflict and also published case studies on good resource governance. The work of the centre catalysed the Natural Resource Charter Initiative.
http://www.csae.ox.ac.uk/
University for Peace UPEACE offers a Masters of Arts Programme in Environmental Security and Governance (ESG). The programme is designed for those wishing to participate in environmental policy design at regional, national, and/or international levels. It pursues a comprehensive understanding of the complex interconnections among global environmental change, peace, and conflict, and how these interconnections are addressed by policy-makers in a variety of arenas.
http://www.upeace.org/academic/masters/esp.cfm
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Name Description Webpage URL
Tufts University The Feinstein International Center develops and promotes operational and policy responses to protect and strengthen the lives and livelihoods of people living in crisis-affected and marginalized communities. This has included research on natural resources, livelihoods, vulnerability and resilience, as well as pastoralism, migration, and food security.
http://sites.tufts.edu/feinstein/
Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars
The Environmental Change and Security Programme explores the connections between environmental, health, and population dynamics and their links to conflict, human insecurity, and foreign policy. They have conducted detailed research on environmental peace making, environmental cooperation, resource scarcity, conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
http://www.wilsoncenter.org/program/environmental-change-and-security-program
United Nations University (UNU) Projects conducted by the Institute for Environment and Human Security (IEHS) reflect the overall mission of UNU: “Advancing Knowledge for Human Security and Development”. UNU-EHS spearheads research and capacity-building activities in the broad interdisciplinary field of ‘risk and vulnerability’. This includes research tracts on natural resources, livelihoods, migration, climate change and disasters.
http://www.ehs.unu.edu/
World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF) The Centre is part of the alliance of the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), dedicated to generating and applying the best available knowledge to stimulate agricultural growth, raise farmers’ incomes, and protect the environment. The Centre’s vision is a rural transformation in the developing world as smallholder households strategically increase their use of trees in agricultural landscapes to improve their food security, nutrition, income, health, shelter, energy resources and environmental sustainability. The Centre’s mission is to generate science-based knowledge about the diverse roles that trees play in agricultural landscapes, and use its research to advance policies and practices that benefit the poor and the environment.
http://www.worldagroforestry.org/
Geneva Peacebuilding Platform (GPP) The Platform is an inter-agency network that connects the critical mass of peacebuilding actors, resources, and expertise in Geneva and worldwide. The Platform has a mandate to facilitate interaction on peacebuilding between different institutions and sectors, and to advance new knowledge
http://www.gpplatform.ch/
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Name Description Webpage URL
and understanding of peacebuilding issues and contexts. It also plays a creative role in building bridges between international peacebuilding actors located in Geneva, the United Nations peacebuilding architecture in New York, and peacebuilding activities in the field. The Platform’s network comprises more than 700 peacebuilding professionals and over 60 institutions working on peacebuilding directly or indirectly. As part of its 2012-2014 Programme, the Platform provides policy-relevant advice and services, ensures the continuous exchange of information through seminars, consultations, and conferences, and facilitates outcome-oriented peacebuilding dialogues in five focus areas, including a dedicated track on natural resources.
Initiative for Peacebuilding (IFP) A consortium led by International Alert and funded by the European Commission. IfP draws together the complementary geographic and thematic expertise of 10 civil society organisations (and their networks) with offices across the EU and in conflict-affected countries. Its aim is to develop and harness international knowledge and expertise in the field of conflict prevention and peacebuilding to ensure that all stakeholders, including EU institutions, can access strong independent analysis in order to facilitate better informed and more evidence-based policy decisions. IfP focuses on multiple themes, across multiple regions and organized under the framework of six interconnecting clusters. Thematically, the action includes: security; gender; democratization and transitional justice; mediation and dialogue; regional cooperation on environment, economy and natural resource management; and capacity-building and training.
http://www.initiativeforpeacebuilding.eu/
International Land Coalition A global alliance of civil society and intergovernmental organisations working together to promote secure and equitable access to and control over land for poor women and men through advocacy, dialogue, knowledge-sharing and capacity-building. The mission of the coalition is to secure and equitable access to and control over land reduces poverty and contributes to identity, dignity and inclusion.
http://www.landcoalition.org/
Global Water Partnership (GWP) GWP’s vision is for a water secure world. Its mission is to support the sustainable development and management of water resources at all levels.
http://www.gwp.org/
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Name Description Webpage URL
GWP focuses on advancing Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM) - the coordinated development and management of water, land and related resources in order to maximize economic and social welfare without compromising the sustainability of ecosystems and the environment.
Environmental Law Institute (ELI) ELI is a non-profit, non-advocacy environmental group, which specializes in producing publications and research that target legal practitioners, business leaders, land managers, land use planners, environmentalists, journalists, and lawmakers. ELI also convenes conferences to promote the exchange of ideas; holds seminars to educate legal practitioners and business leaders; and publishes original research, both as monographs and in its periodicals, the Environmental Law Reporter, The Environmental Forum, and the National Wetlands Newsletter. Together with UNEP and the Universities of Tokyo and McGill, ELI is co-managing a global research programme ‘Strengthening post-conflict peacebuilding through natural resource management’. This four-year research and publication project has yielded more than 150 peer-reviewed case studies and analyses by over 230 scholars, practitioners, and decision makers from 50 countries. These case studies and analyses have been assembled into a set of six edited books - all published by Earthscan - each focusing on: (1) high-value natural resources; (2) land; (3) assessment and restoration of natural resources; (4) water; (5) resources for livelihoods; and (6) governance.
http://www.eli.org/Program_Areas/PCNRM/
International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD)
IISD manages a dedicated programme on environment, conflict and peacebuilding. The programme aims to catalyse a better understanding of the links between environmental change and human security in order to inform effective conflict prevention, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction efforts. The programme also considers how climate change could affect political and economic stability, and develops effective ways to address those problems.
http://www.iisd.org/ecp/
Initiative on Quiet Diplomacy (IQD) IQD provides practical tools and techniques for mediating conflicts. It assists inter-governmental organisations, governments and conflict parties to identify, understand and effectively address the causes of conflict with
http://www.iqdiplomacy.org/
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Name Description Webpage URL
just solutions. IQD promotes proactive, early and quiet preventive diplomacy by stimulating institutional development at inter-governmental level, providing multidisciplinary analysis and discreet advice, and supporting and facilitating dialogue and mediation processes. The IQD is in the process of developing technical guidance on natural resources and conflict prevention as well as land and conflict prevention.
International Crisis Group (ICG) One of the world’s leading independent, non-partisan, sources of analysis and advice to governments, and intergovernmental bodies such as the United Nations, European Union and World Bank, on the prevention and resolution of deadly conflict. ICG’s reports, and the advocacy associated with them, provide early warning, conflict analysis, and recommendations for conflict resolution. A number of country-specific reports have focused on the role of natural resources and the environment in driving conflict and impeding peacebuilding. ICG is also conducting new analysis on the climate change and conflict nexus.
http://www.crisisgroup.org/
Global Witness Global Witness operates at the nexus of development, the environment and trade. Global Witness seeks to raise awareness on the underlying causes of conflict and poverty and to end the impunity of individuals, companies and governments that exploit natural resources for their own benefit at the expense of their people and the environment. Global Witness activities range from targeted global advocacy, to undercover investigations, to high-level lobby meetings, to country level technical support.
http://www.globalwitness.org/
International Alert (IA) IA is an independent peacebuilding organisation that works to establish the foundations for lasting peace and security in communities affected by violent conflict. International Alert works in over 20 countries and territories around the world, both directly with people affected by violent conflict as well as at government, EU and UN levels to shape policy and practice in building sustainable peace. IA has conducted focused work on managing conflicts from natural resources as well as on climate change and security.
http://www.international-alert.org/
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Name Description Webpage URL
Interpeace Interpeace is an international peacebuilding organisation that helps divided and conflicted societies build sustainable peace. The organisation works with local peacebuilding teams, made up of nationals from affected countries, to facilitate dialogue with all sectors of society. These dialogue processes enable populations directly affected by conflict to rebuild trust, define priorities for social, economic and political rehabilitation, find consensus-based solutions to conflict, and assist with their implementation.
http://www.interpeace.org/
Saferworld: Saferworld is an independent organisation that works directly with local people as well as through governments and international bodies to prevent violent conflict and encourage cooperative approaches to security. Saferworld has conducted focused work on managing conflicts from natural resources as well as on climate change and security.
http://www.saferworld.org.uk/
Conciliation Resources (CR) CR is an independent charity working internationally to prevent violent conflict, promote justice and build lasting peace in war-torn societies. The CR Accord publication series informs and strengthens peace processes worldwide by documenting and analysing the lessons of peace making. Natural resources in conflict, peace agreements and peacebuilding are one of the key topics covered by Accord.
http://www.c-r.org/
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D. Important institutions and think-tanks in Southern Africa (own research)
Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
Centre for Conflict Resolution
Cape Town, RSA http://www.ccr.org.za/ The Centre for Conflict Resolution aims to contribute towards a just and sustainable peace in Africa by promoting constructive, creative and co-operative approaches to the resolution of conflict through training, policy development, research, and capacity-building.
Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA); Embassy of Denmark, South Africa; Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Embassy of Finland, South Africa
Centre for Natural Resource Governance
Zimbabwe Founded by Farai Maguwu
Consultancy Africa Intelligence
Johannesburg, RSA http://www.consultancyafrica.com/
IOA was established in South Africa in 2007 with the goal of becoming the definitive source of expert research and analysis on Africa, in Africa. We enable Private, Public, Donor and Civil Society Organisation (CSO) entities to make informed and calculated decisions in and on Africa through superior insight into the continent’s political, economic, financial and social affairs.
Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR)
South Africa http://csir.co.za/ The CSIR is one of the leading scientific and technology research, development and implementation organisations in Africa. Constituted by an Act of Parliament in 1945 as a science council, the CSIR undertakes directed and multidisciplinary research, technological innovation as well as industrial and scientific development to improve the quality of life of the country’s people. The CSIR is committed to supporting innovation in South Africa to
The CSIR receives an annual grant from Parliament, through the Department of Science and Technology (DST), which accounts for close to 40 per cent of its total income. The remainder is generated from research contracts with government departments at national, provincial and
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Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
improve national competitiveness in the global economy. Science and technology services and solutions are provided in support of various stakeholders, and opportunities are identified where new technologies can be further developed and exploited in the private and public sectors for commercial and social benefit. The CSIR’s shareholder is the South African Parliament, held in proxy by the Minister of Science and Technology.
municipal levels, the private sector and research funding agencies in South Africa and abroad. Additional income is derived from royalties, licences and dividends from IP management and commercial companies created by the CSIR.
Defence Web Johannesburg, RSA http://www.defenceweb.co.za/
Geasphere RSA http://www.geasphere.org
GeaSphere has its roots at a meeting held in the Nelspruit Botanical Gardens in 1999.This meeting went under the heading “South African Water Crisis” and it focused on the significant impacts of industrial timber plantations in our region – particularly with reference to escalating water shortages. The organizer of the meeting – Philip Owen – was tasked with establishing a network for dissemination of relevant information. The organisation functioned as the ‘South African Water Crisis Network” until formally registered as GeaSphere in 2003.
Since 2003, funding has been obtained from various sources, including Global Greengrants Fund (GGF) and the Germany based Grassroots Foundation. Currently, we are in the ninth year of a ‘partnership’ with the Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC). These funds allow us to currently employ part time coordinators in South Africa and Swaziland.
Global Witness London, UK https://www.globalwitness.org
Global Witness is an international NGO established in 1993 that works to break the links between natural resource exploitation, conflict, poverty, corruption, and human rights abuses worldwide. The organisation has offices in London and Washington, D.C. Global Witness
Adessium Foundation; Arcus Foundation; David and Anita Keller Foundation; Democratic Governance Facility; Ford Foundation; Grantham Foundation for the Protection of the Environment; Humanity
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Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
states that it does not have any political affiliation.
United; Irish Aid; JMG Foundation; Jocarno Fund; Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD); Pro Victimis Foundation; Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Samworth Foundation; Skoll Award for Social Entrepreneurship (The Skoll Foundation); Synchronicity Earth; Ted Prize; The Alexander Soros Foundation; The David and Elaine Potter Foundation; The Foundation to Promote Open Society; The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; The Laura & John Arnold Foundation; The MMHBO Fund; The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA); The University of Wolverhampton – Strengthening African Forest Governance Contract; The William and Flora Hewlett Foundation; UK Department for International Development; Wallace Global Fund; World Resources
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Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
Institute. 52 per cent income from governments, 43 per cent from Trusts and Foundations.
Institute for Security Studies
Pretoria, RSA https://www.issafrica.org/
The Institute for Security Studies is an African organisation, which aims to enhance human security on the continent. It does independent and authoritative research, provides expert policy advice, and delivers practical training and technical assistance. The vision of the ISS is a peaceful and prosperous Africa for its entire people. Our goal is to advance human security in Africa through evidence-based policy advice, technical support and capacity building.
Government of Australia; Government of Canada; Government of Denmark; Government of Finland; Government of Japan; Government of Netherlands; Government of Norway; Government of Sweden; Government of the United States of America / USAID; African Union; British High Commission; Embassy of the Republic of Korea; European Commission (EU); Ford Foundation; Government of Germany/ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ); Government of New Zealand; Government of the United Kingdom/Department for International Development (DFID); Grand Duchy of Luxembourg; Hanns Seidel Foundation; Institute for Development Studies; International Development Research Centre (IDRC); MTN;
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Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
National Endowment for Democracy; Omega Research Foundation; Open Society Foundation for South Africa (OSF-SA); Open Society Initiative for West Africa (OSIWA); Swiss Confederation; The World Bank; United Nations Development Program (UNDP); United Nations Office of Disarmament Affairs (UNODA); Western Cape Government
Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung - South Africa
Johannesburg, RSA http://www.rosalux.co.za The Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung is a German political foundation that promotes democratic socialism worldwide. It is registered as a non-profit organisation according to South African law and is affiliated to the German Left Party. The foundation has been active in Southern Africa since 2002 and its focus on political education involves creating platforms for civic participation, critical thinking and research and dialogue in the quest for participatory, inclusive and peaceful democracy.
BMZ
South African Institute of International Affairs
Cape Town, RSA http://www.saiia.org.za/ The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) is South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. As an independent, non-government think tank, we have a long and proud history of providing thought leadership in Africa. We are both a centre for research excellence and a home for
The Konrad Adenauer Foundation; The Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs; The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency; Anglo American Chairman’s Fund; Anglo
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Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
stimulating public discussion. Founded in 1934, SAIIA has been voted the best think tank in sub Saharan Africa for five consecutive years (2009-2013) in the largest global survey of peers, the University of Pennsylvania’s annual Global Think Tank Survey.
Platinum; Department for International Development; Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ); Canadian International Development Agency; Centre for International Governance Innovation; Economic and Social Research Council; First Rand Foundation; Foundation Open Society Institute; Open Society Foundation for South Africa; Oppenheimer Memorial Trust; The Bradlow Foundation; The British High Commission; The Government of the Kingdom of Denmark; The Royal Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs; The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation; World Bank
Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association
Harare, Zimbabwe http://www.zela.org/ Formed in 2000 and legally constituted as a Trust in November 2001 under Notarial Deed of Trust MA1669/2001, the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA) is a premier public interest environmental law group based in Zimbabwe. As a public interest non-governmental organisation, we seek to promote environmental justice, sustainable and equitable use of natural resources, democracy
European Union; Ford Foundation; Southern Africa Resources Watch (SARW); Global Greengrants Foundation; Norwegian people's aid; Norwegian Church aid; Irish Aid; Social Accountability International; Christian aid; OXFAM Novip &
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Name of institution Location Webpage URL Description Funded by
and good governance in the natural resources and environment sector.
Netherlands Embassy Action Aid International Zimbabwe
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E. Complete list of environment-related conflicts in Southern Africa (source:
EJOLT Environmental Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade website)
South Africa
Acid Mine Drainage, South Africa
Anglo Platinum Mogalakwena mine lawsuit, South Africa
Asbestos legacy, South Africa
Bafokeng Platinum mine, South Africa
Bisasar Rd Landfill Site, South Africa
Cape/Gencors asbestos mining & milling activity, South Africa
Chiawelo, Soweto, electricity struggles, South Africa
Expanded Nuclear energy, South Africa
Exxaro Leeuwpan Mining Project, South Africa
Hydraulic fracking in the Karoo, South Africa
Mondi and Sappi plantations in Zululand, South Africa
Mtunzini - Exxaro proposed sand mining, South Africa
Pondoland Wild Coast Xolobeni mining threat, South Africa
PPT case: Lonmin mine, South Africa
Richards Bay Minerals dune mining, South Africa
Sappi Ngodwana, South Africa
Sappi Saiccor pulp mill pollution, South Africa
Namibia
Demeter International Katondo Farm Project (Bwabwata National Park) in Mbukushu
District, Namibia
Namibia Agriculture and Renewables / CAPARO farming project in Caprivini, Namibia
Rio Tinto's Rössing Uranium Mine, Namibia
Botswana
Diamond Extraction in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, Botswana
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Zimbabwe
Black Granite Mutoko, Zimbabwe
Chimanimani Diamond Mining, Zimbabwe
Chrome-rich Great Dyke Area, Zimbabwe
DTZ OZGEO Gold Penhalonga, Zimbabwe
Ethanol Fuel Plant Land Conflict, Zimbabwe
Forests of Matebeleland North Province, Zimbabwe
Gold Panning in Kwekwe, Zimbabwe
Marange Diamond Land and Human Rights abuses, Zimbabwe
Marange diamond mines pollute rivers, Zimbabwe
Mozambique Water Pollution from a dumpsite, Zimbabwe
Mutare City River Pollution, Zimbabwe
New Zimbabwe Steel River Pollution, Kwekwe, Zimbabwe
Sable Chemicals, Zimbabwe
Lesotho
Lesotho Highlands Water Project, Lesotho
Zambia
PPT case: Glencore copper and cobalt mining, Zambia
Vedanta and Konkola, Zambia
Mozambique
Biofuel company likely to lose its licence in Nacala, Mozambique
Chikweti plantations, Mozambique
Eucalyptus producer Portucel Group, Mozambique
Fuel switching by Cimentos de Mocambique-Matola Gas Company, Mozambique
Gorongosa and carbon market, Mozambique
Green Resources AS Niassa Project
Large-scale coal mining and resettlements in Tete Province, Mozambique
Malonda Tree Farms in Niassa, Mozambique
Matola Gas Company CDM project, Mozambique
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Matuba Farm, Emvest’s land fund in Limpopo/ Chokwe, Gaza Province, Mozambique
Ntacua tree plantations in Zambezia, Mozambique
Pande and Temene Gas Field, Mozambique
Principle Capital Holdings Biofuel project in Dombe, Mozambique
ProCana Sugar Plantation, Limpopo, Mozambique
Programme of Triangular Cooperation for Developing Agriculture in the Tropical
Savannahs of Mozambique (ProSavana)
Quifel’s Hoyo Hoyo agriculture project in Lioma, Zambezia Region, Mozambique
Quirimbas Community Carbon Project, Mozambique
Tectona monoculture tree plantations, Mozambique
Vale mines displace farmers, Mozambique
Mozambique (South Africa)
Pande-Temane Natural Gas Pipeline, Mozambique & South Africa
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F. Relevant activities of the region’s Ministries of Environment with regard
to environment related conflict management
1. Republic of Botswana, Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism27
a) Most significant conflicts: Land use conflicts
“Land use conflict in Botswana occurs at different levels: intra - urban, the urban - rural
interface and the intra - rural. Land use conflict at intra-urban level are a result of competition
between different uses for the same piece of land within the urban areas. In the case of
Gaborone’s original Central Business District for example, there is growing pressure to have
residential properties converted to commercial. Still in Gaborone, pressure from developers
has led to the conversion of recreational areas- open spaces to commercial use such as petrol
stations. Land use conflicts at the rural-urban interface usually take the form of competition
between urban land uses and nonurban land uses. The urbanization process in Botswana
entails the expansion of urban land uses over rural. The most well-known is the development
of Phakalane Township to the north of Gaborone. To the south of Gaborone, a substantial part
of the Forest Hill Farm has been converted into residential estates of Kgale View area. In
Francistown the newly established Gerald Estate development area is located in an area that
was formally used for cattle ranching. Land use conflict between wildlife and livestock are
common in areas bordering Wildlife Management Areas. In other cases, measures geared at
promoting beef industry have impacted negatively on wildlife. This refers particularly to the
erection of the so-called veterinary fences in different parts of the country. Research has
shown that the fence interfere with animal migration patterns causing decimation of wildlife
population. The discussion in the Land use and land resources chapter concentrate on land
use and land resource with regard to pressure and causes of land use and land resources
problems, the result of the problems and the mitigation measures through which different
actors in Botswana are trying to address.”28
Type of conflict: civil
“While the conflict itself is materializing into a civil dispute between ethnic tribes regarding
land use, the issue is not particular to Botswana. Around the Okavango, Namibia and Angola
are experiencing a similar problem due to land degradation and overgrazing. Ethnic groups
27 See http://www.mewt.gov.bw/DMM/index.php. 28 See http://www.mewt.gov.bw/uploads/files/landuse_n_landresourcess.pdf.
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share similarities across borders, creating a domestic problem that may have international
implications. Level of Conflict: Resource Access. The conflict is in the resource access level of
conflict and the key concern is how this will materialize in the coming years. There is a certain
amount of time in which the government can institute policies to reduce the probability of
conflict.”29
b) Conflict prevention initiatives: World Wetlands Day Commemoration
2015
“Wetland ecosystems provide important services to many people and it is often the poorest
communities who depend on them most, yet they remain highly threatened by land
conversion, water abstraction and pollution,” says William Darwall, Head of IUCN Species
Program’s Freshwater Unit. “We hope this book will inspire decision makers throughout the
region to take forward programs for monitoring conditions within the delta as one important
step for helping to ensure the survival of this delta as one of the world’s most beautiful and
valuable wetlands. “The plight of wetland species is so often overlooked yet they face many
serious threats around the world - in particular due to the increasing water use. This book not
only provides some wonderful pictures of the highly diverse group of species found in the
Okavango Delta, but also helps to raise awareness about the important role they play in this
vital ecosystem,” says Dr. Simon Stuart, Chair of IUCN’s Species Survival Commission.”30
World Day to Combat Desertification 09/06/2015
“This year's theme calls for:
A change in our land use practices through smart agriculture and adaptation to
changing climate, especially in the dry fragile parts of the world where food shortages
are becoming more and more severe.
Access to technology and land rights for smallholder farmers who safeguard the
environment and meet the food needs of millions of households, especially among the
poorest households.
A balance in the land use for ecology and consumption, drawing on the best practices.
29 See http://www1.american.edu/ted/ice/botswana.htm. 30 See http://www.ramsar.org/sites/default/files/documents/pdf/wwd/10/wwd2010_rpts_botswana_iucn1.pdf.
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More investments in sustainable land practices so that sustainable food systems
become the normal practice.
More effective action on desertification whose effects on security, peace and stability
are invisible yet real for the affected countries due especially to food and water scarcity
and environmentally forced migration.
Other activities for WDCD will include school awareness campaigns and community service
day which will be in Nlaphwane and Mapoka.”31
c) Sources
Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism (MEWT)32
Darkoh, M. B. K. and Mbaiwa, J. E., 2009. Land-use and resource conflicts in the Okavango
Delta, Botswana, African Journal of Ecology, Volume 47, Issue Supplement s1, pp. 161–165.
d) Institutions for prevention
DEA Department of Environmental Affairs- Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism33
Coordination of the implementation of the National Environmental Education strategy
and Action Plan (NEESAP)
Promotion of cooperation and partnership among the environmental education
stakeholders.
Development and maintenance of an environmental resource centre.
Dissemination of environmental information.
Facilitation of the commemoration of environmentally important dates.34
31 See http://www.mewt.gov.bw/DMM/news_events.php?id=117. 32 See http://www.mewt.gov.bw/index.php. 33 See http://www.mewt.gov.bw/DEA/index.php. 34 See http://www.mewt.gov.bw/uploads/files/dea_brochure.pdf.
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2. Republic of Mauritius, Ministry of Environment, Sustainable
Development, and Disaster and Beach35
a) Conflict prevention initiatives: historic preservation
“Many of the beaches in Mauritius have historical backgrounds which are often forgotten or
damaged over time. The Authority strongly believes that conservation of Mauritius historical
heritage is of the utmost importance and aims at preserving beaches with historic heritage. A
good example is that of the Telfair Public Beach (commonly known as Telfair garden). The
project stands out from other projects as all the work undertaken was aimed preserving the
historical nature of the site.
The Telfair Garden historic preservation project involved the re-surfacing of the driveway and
the creation of an emergency access to the beach. The steps leading to the beach have been
upgraded and a masonry wall was constructed to enclose and protect the garden. A new
parking area was set up and the existing amenities, like the kiosks, were upgraded. The
drainage system has been restored and landscaping and turfing was carried out in such a way
that the historical nature of the site was maintained. To provide more security to beach users,
lighting facilities were also provided.”36
Public “Sensitisation”
“The Beach Authority is not only mandated to improve the state of public beaches but also
engages in public sensitization on the authority’s role as it is a key component in the
preservation of public beaches. Informing people about the beaches not only makes them
better understand the projects of the Beach Authority and other related institutions but also
helps them to recognize the importance of protecting the beaches and contribute to the
endeavours of the Beach Authority.
A campaign has recently been done with schoolchildren to make them aware of the need to
protect beaches. The children have also participated in initiation to swimming and diving
lessons. The objective of involving them at a young age is to help them grow into responsible
beach users who will continue preserving the island’s beaches.
35 See http://environment.govmu.org/English/Pages/default.aspx. 36 See http://beachauthority.intnet.mu/historic-preservation.html.
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Another venture of the Beach Authority was the setting up of a Beach Resource Centre in
Pereybere. The model was based on a similar resource centre in the British Virgin Islands. The
Resource Centre gives details on the lagoon, the do’s and don’ts on the beach and general
information about the sea. Lifesavers also complement the information provided by the
Resource Centre and guide people on the facilities in place on the beach.
With the collaboration of NGOs, the Beach Authority has set up a platform to give increased
importance to green projects as ‘green’ is the buzzword nowadays. In fact, the Beach Authority
has been working a lot with NGOs and other associations for the implementation of CSR and
other similar projects.”37
b) Sources
Environmental Law and Prosecution Division
“The Environmental Law and Prosecution Division is mandated to establish the right enabling
legal and institutional instrument for environmental protection and management. The
Division is presently reviewing and amending the Environment Protection Act (EPA), which is
the umbrella framework for environmental protection in Mauritius. The Division is also
responsible for developing and reviewing environmental regulations and standards for the
protection of the air, land and water so as to safeguard human health and the environment.
The list of Enactments Declared as Environmental Laws is being updated to be in line with the
new and reviewed legislation and to have better control over offences having adverse
environmental impacts.
Since 2012, the Environmental Law and Prosecution Division’s scope of work has been
enlarged. The Division conducts prosecution against contraveners of the EPA and other
environmental laws under Section 87 of the said Act. Accordingly, the Division is required to
carry out enquiries in respect of environmental offences in consultation with relevant
stakeholders and the Police de L’Environnement prior to referring the case to the Director of
Public Prosecutions’ Office for advice on prosecution.”38
37 See http://beachauthority.intnet.mu/public-senzitisation.html. 38 See http://environment.govmu.org/English/Department%20of%20Environment/Pages/Environmental-Law-and-Prosecution.aspx.
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EIA/PER Monitoring Division
“The EIA/PER Monitoring Division was set up in March 2013 to ensure compliance to
conditions imposed in EIA Licenses and PER Approvals in view of promoting sustainable
environmental management.
The EIA/PER Monitoring Division has the overall responsibility of monitoring undertakings for
which EIA Licenses and PER Approvals have been issued in order to ensure compliance with
conditions imposed. An EIA/PER Monitoring Committee set up under section 28A of the
Environment Protection Act, comprising all Enforcing Agencies, is also in place for effective
monitoring exercises. In case of non-compliance, the Division recommends appropriate
enforcement action to the EIA/PER Monitoring Committee and takes appropriate remedial
measures in accordance with provisions underscored in the Environment Protection Act.
One of the key tasks of the Division includes the processing of Environmental Monitoring Plans
submitted by proponents after an EIA License has been issued. An Environmental Monitoring
Plan describes how adverse impact of a particular activity during its design, construction and
operational phases will be mitigated, controlled and monitored.”39
c) Institutions
Police de L’Environnement
“Established in 2000, the Police de l’Environnement provides assistance to the Director of
Environment as well as Enforcing Agencies to enforce environmental laws. The Police de
l’Environnement attends to environmental complaints with regard to breach of environmental
laws and takes appropriate enforcement actions as well as contraventions. The main
environmental complaints relate to noise pollution, odour, dumping, eyesores, illegal
slaughtering and nuisances caused by derelict bare lands.
Headquartered at the Ministry of Environment and Sustainable Development, the Police de
L’Environnement also comprises Divisional Environment Protection Teams based at the Trou-
aux-Biches, Rose-Belle, Flacq, Rose-Hill and Curepipe police stations. This unit has been
decentralized and strengthened to offer more efficient response to citizens. As part of their
39 See http://environment.govmu.org/English/Department%20of%20Environment/Pages/EIAPER-Monitoring.aspx.
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duties, the Police de l’Environnement also carries out sensitization campaigns at community
level.”40
3. Republic of Namibia, Ministry of Agriculture, Water and Forestry41
a) Conflict prevention initiatives: Community Forestry Program
“Community forestry is one of the core programs of the Directorate of Forestry. The program
aims at establishment of community forests and the transfer of forest resource management
rights to local communities in accordance with the Forest Act of 2001. The objectives for the
forestry sector in Namibia's second National Development Plan include close integration of
the community forestry program with other community-based natural resource management
initiatives. These objectives directly support the national objectives of poverty reduction,
employment creation, economic development, and enhancing environmental and ecological
sustainability.
The Directorate of Forestry believes that community forestry, and community-based natural
resource management in general, has a great potential to help communities to achieve their
own goals and to gain better control of their resources. This will give them better
opportunities to improve their own lives, while simultaneously managing the forests and
woodlands in a more sustainable way.
The community forestry program is a key element towards successful and sustainable
management of the forest resources.”42
b) Sources
Project Community Forestry in North-Eastern Namibia (CFNEN)
c) Institutions
Directorate of Forestry. Its main functions are:
Forest inventories
Maps
40 See http://environment.govmu.org/English/Department%20of%20Environment/Pages/Police-De-L'Environnement.aspx. 41 See http://www.mawf.gov.na/. 42 See http://www.mawf.gov.na/Programmes/communityforest.html.
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Indigenous land units classifications
Permit
Seedlings
Community Forestry Program
Training
Its core functions are:
o To create, manage, utilize and conserve forests, including woodland, for human
benefit.
o To provide robust scientific support to manage and develop the potential of
Namibia's plant and resources.43
4. Republic of Seychelles, Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate
Change44
a) Conflict prevention initiatives: Environment Education Activities
“The Division on Environment Education Activities is entrusted with the responsibilities of
running all the environmental education/Public Relations activities as well as assisting other
Divisions/Sections within the Department in carrying out various activities and / or projects of
which some are listed in the web site. The committed involvement of media (TV, Radio & Local
Newspapers) especially for daily news purposes are also planned and coordinated by the
Division.
Apart from activities, the production of environmental media programs on TV and Seychelles
Nation's Environment Page (third page of every Monday's paper) are made possible by the
commitment of the Division in collaboration with all involving partners.
Furthermore, the GREENLINE, daily available via telephone is manned by staff of PECO. It is
aimed to provide service to the general public by means of receiving and forwarding
environmental complaints/concerns to responsible staff members within the ministry or other
responsible departments for investigation and immediate action, when need be.
43 See http://www.mawf.gov.na/Directorates/Forestry/forestry.html. 44 See http://www.env.gov.sc/.
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The Documentation Centre
The Documentation Centre provides services to public on a day-to-day basis. Every update
local and international environmental information in diverse fields of interest is kept there by
different modes such as books, booklets, leaflets, videos, CDs, posters, etc. These documents
can be easily retrieved and specific information researched, by use of efficient database and
filing systems which set are up by the Centre's staff. Any interested locals as well as foreigners
from different walks of life can pay us a visit if ever they require any assistance for research,
project or any other environmental – related activities being undertaken. Since 1997, all daily-
published local news related to the environment are screened through all local papers, copied
and compiled into monthly booklets entitled “Enviro-News - Press-Cuttings.” These are done
by PECO's staff and are available for viewing by anyone of interest.
Education and Public Awareness Programs
Public demands for a safe and healthy environment has increased significantly and
environment issues have attracted public's interest. The media such as Television, Radio,
Magazines, and Newspapers also lead environmental preservation campaigns. The
Government has taken the initiative on environmental protection movements by increasing
public awareness over environmental issues e.g. through different campaigns to celebrate
under themes; Save the turtles, National Park Day, etc. The Government conducts many
programs to inform the general public about environmental issues so as to encourage them
to lead environmental friendly lifestyles through distribution of leaflets, articles, brochures,
audio – visual information, etc.
Celebrate Environmental Theme Days
The importance of environment has led to the development of many special days throughout
the year that deserve to be celebrated. These are known as Environmental Theme Days and
are celebrated throughout many countries around the world, which form part of
Organizations such as UN, UNEP, FAO, etc. To commemorate these days, series of various
activities are organized every year such as media sensitisation campaigns, rallies, marches,
talks delivering, trail walks, field trips, exhibition mounting and display, competitions
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organized and much more. Locals as well as foreigners from all walks of life are encouraged to
participate.”45
b) Institutions
“The Environment Department has created the Public Education and Community Outreach
(PECO) Division in order to promote public education and outreach programs which will
encourage greater participation and engagement of the local population at all level and this
include schools, churches, and community at large. The division works closely with other
governmental and non-governmental organisations to ensure that education for sustainable
development is mainstreamed to the maximum in programs, project and action plans at all
level. It also works collaboratively with regional and international organisations and
institutions which promotes education for sustainable development or which builds the
capacity of local people on sustainable development issues. With the increasing threats of
climate change on the islands, the division will have to work closely with its partners to
promote sustainable lifestyles, which will help to mitigate and most importantly adapt to this
global threat.
The Core Functions of the Public Education and Community Outreach Division:
To promote environmental awareness and understanding within the local community
through a wide range of activities and communication tools and a well-organized and
sustained community outreach program;
Undertake programs that will strategically inculcate awareness, understanding, as well
as promote skills, positive attitudes, commitments, and active participation in
environmental activities, through the integration of environmental concerns in the
school system at all levels, government agencies, districts and private sectors;
Documents, collates, and disseminates environmental information in the form of
popular information drives, media campaigns, public functions, and exhibitions;
Manage a well stock documentation centre which with access to adequate and current
environmental information and publications;
Provide training for all key staff and those from other stakeholders on information
dissemination and the best methods to communicate key messages to the public;
45 See http://www.env.gov.sc/index.php/2011-07-27-09-41-16/2011-07-28-07-21-05.
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Establish networks with a wide range of government agencies, businesses, non-
government organisations and promote actively environmental awareness programs
through those networks;
Develop a clear, comprehensive and integral environmental campaign, which will
contribute towards sustainability within the Seychellois nation;
Raise funding and other forms of support from various sources to sustain the
campaign.”46
5. South Africa, Environmental Affairs Department47
“The Department of Environmental Affairs, has welcomed the sentence against Bosveld
Phosphate (PTY) Ltd in relation to environmental degradation and water offences. These
charges relate to unlawfully and intentionally or negligently causing a situation in December
2013, which led to water containing polluted substances being released into the Selati River
The Olifants River eventually flows through the Kruger National Park, which is one of South
Africa’s biggest drawcards for tourism. The wastewater that was released had the potential to
cause serious damage, not only to the immediate environment, but also to water resources of
Mozambique. Quick intervention by the authorities was therefore critical. At the time,
SANParks, together with the Department of Water Affairs and Sanitation, ensured that
immediate measures were implemented by Bosveld to ensure that the risk to the environment
was reduced. These measures included dredging the impoundment facilities to create extra
storage capacity and a number of other activities in order to ensure that another spill did not
occur.”48
a) Conflict prevention initiatives: Greenest Municipality Competition
(GMC)
“The Cleanest Town Competition (CTC) was initiated in 2001 with a primary focus in
implementing the National Waste Management Strategy. The key elements were reducing,
recycling and reusing waste materials. Although the Cleanest Town Competition was fairly
successful in achieving its primary objectives, developments within the greening movement
46 See http://www.env.gov.sc/index.php/2011-07-27-09-41-16/2011-07-28-07-22-08. 47 See https://www.environment.gov.za/. 48 See https://www.environment.gov.za/mediarelease/bosveldphosphateptyltd_foundguilty.
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require the modifications of the concept to embody other elements which are outside the
waste management category.
The incorporation of new elements is justifiable within a new name, hence the Greenest
Municipality Competition (GMC). The Greenest Municipality Competition enhances Cleanest
Town Competition by incorporating new elements and providing a broader focus. The
Greenest Municipality Competition will link to other global and national initiatives, e.g. green
goal, greening the nation, reducing greenhouse gases, amongst others.”49
“The Cleanest Town Competition (CTC) was officially launched in September 2001 by the then
Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, Valli Moosa. The competition is divided into
two categories, namely the metropolitan and local municipality.
CTC is intended to change attitudes by raising awareness and educating communities on good
waste management practices as well as to acknowledge ongoing improvements in waste
management initiatives undertaken by local and metropolitan municipalities (...). The
selection criteria focused on the physical conditions of municipalities and their support
systems. The physical conditions aspect of the competition looked at amongst others
cleanliness of commercial places, public facilities, and leisure and tourist attractions. The
support systems criteria looked at waste minimization, awareness programs as well as
enforcement and compliance issues.
Entrants were judged by a panel comprising of representatives from the national environment
department, provincial departments and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs).”50
b) Sources
National Environmental Management Act, 107 of 1998 (Act no. 107 of 1998) (NEMA)51 Chapter
4 which authorizes the use of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms so as to ensure fair
decision making and effective conflict management52.
49 See https://www.environment.gov.za/projectsprogrammes/gmc. 50 See https://www.environment.gov.za/mediastatement/nelsonmandelametro_breederiverwinelandsmunicipality_cleanesttownaward. 51 See https://www.environment.gov.za/sites/default/files/legislations/nema_amendment_act107.pdf. 52 See https://www.environment.gov.za/projectsprogrammes/environment_sectorconflict_disputeresolution.
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c) Institutions
The Environment Sector Conflict and Dispute Resolution Directorate in the Department of
Environmental Affairs.53
“The criminal prosecution was led by the Green Scorpions (Environmental Management
Inspectorate, EMI) of the National Department of Environmental Affairs. The Green Scorpions
are a network of environmental compliance and enforcement officials from national,
provincial and municipal government, who all share the same legislative powers and duties in
terms of the NEMA. EMIs are tasked with ensuring the implementation of and adherence to
specific pieces of national environmental legislation.
An overview of the criminal enforcement activities for the 2012/13 period shows that a total
of 1,818 arrests were made by the Green Scorpions as compared to 1,339 in the previous
financial year. 1,488 criminal dockets were registered during the period in question compared
to 1,080 in the 2011/12 period.”54
6. Kingdom of Swaziland, Ministry of Tourism and Environmental Affairs55
a) Conflict prevention initiatives
Swaziland has six “commemorative days”56; the World Environment Day is the most recent
(June 2014):
“The 5th June World Environment Day is arranged to spread awareness worldwide and action
for the environment. World Environment Day (WED) is the United Nations’ principal vehicle
for encouraging worldwide awareness and action for the environment. Over the years, it has
grown to be a broad, global platform for public outreach that is widely celebrated by
stakeholders in over 100 countries. It also serves as the ‘people’s day’ for doing something
positive for the environment, galvanizing individual actions into a collective power that
generates an exponential positive impact on the planet.
53 See https://www.environment.gov.za/sites/default/files/docs/environmental_mediation.pdf. 54 See https://www.environment.gov.za/mediarelease/necer_201213report. 55 See http://www.gov.sz/index.php?option=com_content&id=257&Itemid=207. 56 See http://www.sea.org.sz/categories.asp?cid=13.
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The Swaziland Environment Authority in partnership with its national stakeholders joined the
International community in celebrating this year’s world Environment Day on the 5th June
2014 at the Town of Siteki, Park, and East of Swaziland.
The theme for Swaziland adapted from the international theme was “Raise Your Voice Not
Emissions”. The theme talks the global challenge that efforts to deal with climate change are
still not enough, greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere are at their highest for
800,000 years. Even though the international theme focuses mainly on Small Island States, the
impacts of climate change on Swaziland as a small state are not different.”57
b) Institutions
The National Environment Fund
“The Swaziland National Environment Fund operates in association with local communities in
different areas of Swaziland. The objective of the fund is to support the protection and
conservation of the environment and to support the communities’ participation in those
relating activities.
The fund approves and supports projects on communal level that needs financial funding in
the work towards sustaining the local environment. Currently 15 community projects are
targeted for 2014.
The Environment Fund has had a significant impact on communities where the projects have
been implemented. The projects have been promoting unity within the communities, as well
as empowering women in particular to take a leadership role on environmental protection.
People have gathered for a united case while sacrificing their time for the local environmental
issues. Awareness has been spread among communities as a positive result.
The challenges with maintaining the projects are the politics and barriers that might include
possible conflicts between different parties, as well as price inflation. If environmental project
is going to be successful, one important key is education. Further the ownership should belong
to the communities.”58
57 See http://www.sea.org.sz/pages.asp?pid=77. 58 See http://www.sea.org.sz/pages.asp?pid=95.
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7. Zimbabwe, Ministry of Environment, Water and Climate59
a) Conflict prevention initiatives: commemoration days
“The Government of Zimbabwe through the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources
is party to various regional and International Conventions and Agreements. As part of its
obligations Zimbabwe is expected to reflect and appreciate the importance various natural
resources that we have through annual commemorations. The benefit is that of improved
local awareness of our natural resources and international cooperation in shared resources.
The following are the major commemorations so far:
World Wetlands Day (2nd February): It marks the date of the signing of the Convention on
Wetlands, called Ramsar Convention, on 2nd February 1971, in the Iranian city of Ramsar on
the shores of the Caspian Sea. WWD was celebrated for the first time in 1997 and made an
encouraging beginning. Each year, government agencies, non-governmental organisations,
and groups of citizens at all levels of the community have taken advantage of the opportunity
to undertake actions aimed at raising public awareness of wetland values and benefits in
general and the Ramsar Convention in particular.
Africa Environment Day (3rd March): The Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources
Management_Information for Website_2012 Page 12 of 28 Africa Environment Day was
established by the Organization of African Unity in 2002. Since that time, March 3rd has been
set aside to raise awareness of the pressing environmental challenges facing the continent.
Some of the biggest environmental changes facing Africa today are loss of biological diversity,
climate change and desertification.
World Environment Day (5th June): An annual event that is aimed at being the biggest and
most widely celebrated global day for positive environmental action. World Environment Day
activities take place all year round and climax on 5 June every year, involving everyone from
everywhere. The World Environment Day celebration began in 1972 and has grown to become
one of the main vehicles through which the United Nations stimulates worldwide awareness
of the environment and encourages political attention and action.
59 See http://www.environment.gov.zw/.
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Biodiversity Day (22nd May): The day to appreciate biodiversity and the need to conserve and
sustainably utilize it. Desertification Day (17th June) Set aside to reflect on the threat of
desertification resulting from our actions and the need to combat it.
Ozone day (16th September): on 16th September 1987, 24 Parties signed the Montreal
Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer. In 1998, in recognition of the Protocol's
unique accomplishments, the General Assembly in its Resolution 49/114 named 16th
September as the International day for the Preservation of the Ozone Layer. Since that time,
the Parties have used this day to celebrate the signing of the Montreal Protocol, and the
significant environmental and health benefits that this amazing treaty has yielded.
National fire Week (2nd Week of May): Week set aside to encourage Zimbabweans to stop
uncontrolled burning and adopt fire suppression measures.
National Tree Planting Day (1 Sat of every December): President Mugabe leads the nation in
tree planting as a way to encourage every Zimbabwean to plant trees.”60
*The views and opinions expressed by the author do not necessarily represent those of the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung
60 See http://www.environment.gov.zw/index.php/about-us/commemorations.