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TwoSoulsofMaoism

Abstract

AfterbeingexportedfromChinatotheWestinthe1960s,Maoismdevelopedintotwovery

differentpoliticaltraditions.Ontheonehandahierarchicalandtraditionalist‘Anti-

Revisionism’defineditselfasthedefenderofthe‘oldways’ofStalin-eraCommunism,

whereasSpontaneousMaoistsmovedinanunrestrainedandalmostanarchisticdirection.

ThisessayseekstounderstandtherelationshipofbothtraditionstoChineseideologythat

inspiredthemandunderstandthemannerinwhichtheydevelopedthroughtheclose

examinationoftheCommunistPartyofBritain(Marxist-Leninist)andGaucheProlétarienne,

thechiefadvocatesofAnti-RevisionisminBritainandSpontaneousMaoisminFrance

respectively.Byinvestigatingthecommonrootsoftwoverydifferentpartiesin

contemporaryyetdivergentsettings,agreaterappreciationoftheimpactofChinauponthe

WesternfarleftaswellasdomesticideologicalconcernsintheWestitselfisgarnered.

TwoSoulsofMaoism

Fromthe1960sthroughthe1970sadiversevarietyofpoliticalgroupsinspiredbyChinese

CommunismandtheideasofMaoZedongemergedacrosstheWesternworld.Thesegroupscanbe

broadlydescribedassubscribingtooneoftwodistinctivevisions-twosouls.Anti-Revisionists,

typifiedbyRegBirch’sCommunistPartyofBritain(MarxistLeninist),sawMaoistthoughtasareturn

toCommunism’smilitanttraditionswhilsttheSpontaneousMaoistsofGaucheProlétarienneaspired

towardsalevelofunstructured,youthful,radicalismalmosttotallyalientoWesternCommunism.

TheCommunistPartyofBritain(MarxistLeninist),orCPB-ML,haditsoriginsinthepersonalityof

RegBirch.HewasaprominentfigureintheAmalgamatedEngineeringUnion(AEU),oneofBritain’s

keybluecollartradeunions.BirchhadalsobeenamemberoftheCommunistPartyofGreatBritain

(CPGB)from1938.Supportingmilitantpoliticsthroughouthiscareer,Birchassociatedhimselfwith

theChineseonAnti-Revisionistgroundsfromtheearly1960s1.However,hedidnotfullybreakfrom

theofficialCommunistPartyuntil1967afteritsupportedanopposingcandidateintheelectionfor

theleadershipoftheAEU2.LeavingtheParty,hebroughtwithhimasmallbutcommittedfollowing

intohisneworganisation–theCPB-ML.DespitebeingthelargestMaoistgroupinBritainformostof

itsexistence,theCPB-MLneverhadmorethanafewhundredmembers,manyofthemdrawntothe

partybyBirch’sprestigeasaprominenttradeunionists,withalargeportionofitsmembership

concentratedaroundtheAEU.AfterChinamovedawayfromMaoZedong’sradicalisminthelate

1LawrenceParker,TheKickInside:RevolutionaryOppositionintheCPGB,1945-1991,(NovemberPublications,2012)p622SamRichards,TheRiseandFallofMaoism:AnEnglishExperience,(Anti-RevisionismOnline)p63

1970s,thepartyshifteditssupporttothestill‘Anti-Revisionist’AlbanianPartyofLabour,placingfar

lessemphasisonitsMaoistroots3.

GaucheProlétariennegrewoutoftheUniondesJeunessesCommunistsMarxistes-Léninistes(UJC-

ML),anAnti-RevisionistMaoistyouthorganisation.InthefaceoftheMayeventsof1968theUJC-

MLhadbeensuspiciousoftheheavyinvolvementofstudentsandrefusedtobecomeinvolvedon

thegroundsthatstudentshadnoconnectiontotheworkingclass4.Itwaslargelyinresponsetothis

inadequatelineduringthegreatupheavalsof1968thatasmallgroup,ofnomorethan40members,

ledbyBennyLévy,andcomingpredominantlyfromrelativelyprivilegedbackgrounds,splitawayto

formtheGaucheProlétariennelaterthatyear5.Itsextremeandviolentpoliticssawthegroupface

repressionfromtheFrenchstatewhilstitsheavydemandsuponitsmemberscontributedtoasense

ofexhaustionthateventuallyforcedittodissolvein1973afterabriefbutdramaticexistence6.

ForallMaoists,theadoptionoftheirideologyrepresentedanexplicitrejectionoftheirown

countries’officialCommunistPartiesandtheSovietledmovementinternationally.Bythe1960s

CommunistsPartiesofWesternEuropehadcometoacceptmoderatepoliticalpositionsthat

abandonedrevolutionaryviolenceinfavourofacceptingthenormsofparliamentarydemocracyand

regulartradeunionactivity7.TheEurope-widerevivalinworkingclassmilitancyfromthelate1960s-

whichinvolvedasubstantialupswinginindustrialactionfrom1968-72aswellasattimesviolent,

politicalconfrontationasinFranceduringMay1968-failedtoprovokeachangeinpolicyasthe

3WilliamPodmore,RegBirch:engineer,tradeunionists,communist,(BellmanBooks,2004)p1474RichardJohnson,TheFrenchCommunistPartyversustheStudents:RevolutionaryPoliticsinMay-June1968,(YaleUniversityPress,1972)p1635JulianBourg,FromRevolutiontoEthics:May1968andContemporaryFrenchThought,(McGill-Queen’sUniversityPress,2007)p536Ibid.,p657PerryAnderson,ArgumentsWithinEnglishMarxism,(Verso,1980)p106

partiesremainedcommittedlyreformist8.Thisabandonmentofrevolutionarypoliticsfrustrated

manyradicals.ItlayatthecentreofboththeCPB-ML’scritiqueoftheCPGBas‘’differingfromsocial

democracyonlyinappearanceandphraseology’’9andGaucheProlétarienne’scriticismofthe

‘’syndicalistspirit’’10ofFrenchCommunistswhoappearedconcernedonlywithimmediateeconomic

issues.Inresponsetotheprevailingattitude,theChineseappearedtopropagateanexplicitly

revolutionaryoppositionfromwithinthewiderCommunistmovement.

LeftistdissatisfactionwithofficialCommunismextendedbeyondmerecriticismsoftheirrespective

nationalparties,itstruckattheheartofthedecliningreputationoftheSovietUnionitself.Whereas

theUSSRhadoncebeentheshiningbeaconofrevolutionaryinspirationacrosstheentireworld,by

the1960sitsprestigewasinsteepdeclinewithmanyacrossthefarleftquestioningwhetheritwas

still,orhadeverbeen,agenuineworkers’state11.

Mao’sassessmentoftheSovietUnionasimperialist,conservativeandauthoritarianreverberated

withleft-wingoppositiontomainstreamCommunismintheWest12.China’srhetoricallowed

WesternMaoiststorallyagainstthe‘’hypocriticalfeaturesoftheSovietrevisionistclique’’,asthe

USSRwasbelievedtohavebeguntoembodymanyoftheverycriticismsitfrequentlydirectedat

WesternImperialism13.ByturningawayfromMoscow,towardstheChineseandtheirAlbanian

allies,describedasthe‘’bannerbearers’’ofgenuineanti-imperialismbyRegBirch,Maoistswere

8DonaldSassoon,OneHundredYearsofSocialism:TheWestEuropeanLeftintheTwentiethCentury,(FontanaPress,1997)p3579TheBritishWorkingClassandItsParty,(CommunistPartyofBritian(Marxist-Leninist),1971)10OntheQuestionoftheLineofDemarcationinUnionMatters,trans.MitchellAbidor11RaphaelSamuel,TheLostWorldofBritishCommunism,(Verso,2006)p13712PerryAnderson,ArgumentsWithinEnglishMarxism,p10913CommunistPartyofBritain(Marxist-Leninist)DenouncesSovietRevisionistRenegadeClique’sArmedAggressiononCzechoslovakia,(PekingReview,1968)

abletoadoptanewinternationalperspective14.TheshiftoftheSovietsawayfromanopenly

confrontationalrelationshipwiththeWest,tothepolicyof‘PeacefulCoexistence’advocatedby

PremierNikitaKhrushchevandhissuccessorsfurtherstrengthenedthepotencyofMaoist

accusations15.Fromtheearly1960sitappearedthatChinawastheonlyworldpowerconcerned

withfightingagainstImperialism,allthewhileexudinginfectiousconfidenceininevitabletriumph.

Mao’sbombasticproclamations‘’allreactionariesarepapertigers’’contrastedsharplywiththe

Kremlin’sdovishness16.Inthepast,therejectionoftheSovietUnionhadbeenregardedasmeaning

indirectsupportfortheUnitedStatesbymanyontheleft.Yetthroughthe1960sitbecamelogical

forMaoistsofallshadestorejectthe‘twocamps’theorythatjustifiedthisthinking.Formany,China

hadreplacedtheSovietsasthetrueleaderofworldrevolution.

CriticismofSoviethypocrisyextendedbeyonditsforeignpolicytoitsinternalstructures.Apopular

imageoftheUSSRasauthoritarianandhierarchicalbroughtmanytoquestionitsvitality–

particularlyincomparisontoChina.Thedissimilaritybetweenthetwostateswasexemplifiedin

theircourtsystems–whilstSovietcourtswererigidlyfocusseduponlawandorder,toadegree

conservativeevenbyWesternstandards,theChinesesystemappearedtobebasedaround

revolutionaryimprovisationwithmassopinionplayinganactiverole17.Furthermore,theSoviets

crudelyprioritisedsupportingeconomicgrowthandtheadvanceoftheproductiveforcesaboveall

elseintheEasternBlock,andwithfarlesssuccessthaninthepast18.InthefaceofMoscow’s

mechanisticfixations,Westerngroupsconcernedwithmoreabstractnotionsofequalityand

14RegBirch,quotedinWilliamPodmore,RegBirch:engineer,tradeunionists,communist,p8215NikitaKhrushchev,‘TheNewProgrammeoftheCommunistPartyoftheSovietUnion(1961)’,ArthurPMendelP(ed.),EssentialWorksofMarxism,(Bantam,1971)p41516QuotationsFromChairmanMaoTse-Tung,(PekingForeignLanguagesPress,1966)p7217GeorgeGinsburg,‘SovietCritiqueofMaoistPoliticalModel’,JamesChiehHsiung,(ed.),TheLogicof‘’Maoism’’CritiquesandExplication,(PraegerPublishers,1974)p16118EricHobsbawm,TheAgeofExtremes1914-1991,(Abacus,1994)p384

freedomwerefarmoreattractedtoMaoZedong’spersistentegalitarianism19.Thesedifferences

wereespeciallyimportanttoGaucheProlétariennewhomaintainedastridentoppositiontoall

hierarchies.Thisdrewthemtowardsafascinationwiththe‘GreatProletarianCulturalRevolution’,

whichwasseentogenuinelyliveuptoitsverbosetitle.Itwasregardedasaseismicstruggle

betweentherevolutionary,democratic,CommunismofMaoandtheSovietstyleconservatismofhis

entrenchedenemieswhoaimedtotransformChinaintoanemptyauthoritarianhusk20.

TheattitudeoftheCommunistmovementtowardspoliticalideasthatwereproducedoutsideofits

owntraditionfurtheredtheappealofMaoismastheonlyeffectivecounterargumenttothe

dominantdogmas.Itsstatusasacritiqueemanatingfromwithinthemovementitselfgreatly

reinforceditsappealtoallvarietiesofCommunistradical.AsLawrenceParkernotes,the

authoritarianspiritoftheCommunistmovement,andtheprinciplesofDemocraticCentralism,made

thedevelopmentofaneffectiveoppositiontotheleadership’spartylinealmostimpossible21.This

meantthat,despiteradicalslikeBirchsharingmanyoftheircriticismsoftheofficialCommunist

Party’s‘socialdemocratic’inclinationswithTrotskyists,ittooktherebellionofagroupwithin

internationalCommunismforcriticstofeelendowedwiththemoralauthorityandideological

weighttostandagainstpartyleaderships22.Moreover,China’spolemicsagainsttheSovietsplaced

themoralresponsibilityforsplittingtheCommunistmovementonrevisionistleadersandidentified

themastruedeviantsfromMarxistorthodoxy23.Maoismwasthereforeabletoappealtoleftcritics

withintheCommunistmovementinamannerthatnoothertendencyhadeverbeenabletosince

19JohnFMelby,‘MaoismasaWorldForce’,AnnalsoftheAmericanAcademyofPoliticalandSocialScience,Volume402,ChinaintheWorldToday(1972),p3120LeszekKolakowski,MainCurrentsofMarxism:ItsOrigins,Growth,andDissolution,VolumeIIITheBreakdown,trans.PSFalla,(OxfordUniversityPress,1978)p50721LawrenceParker,TheKickInside:RevolutionaryOppositionintheCPGB,1945-1991,p4422ErnestMandel,FromStalinismtoEurocommunism,TheBitterFruitsof‘SocialisminOneCountry’,trans.JonRothschild,(FrançoisMaspero,1978)p1923TheLeadersOfTheCPSUAreTheGreatestSplittersOfOurTimes,(ForeignLanguagesPress,1964)

theGreatPurgesofthe1930s24.WhilsttheYugoslavs’rebellionofthelate1940sand1950shad

beensomethingofanexception,thisrebelliontookplaceatatimewhenMuscoviteCommunism

wasnearthepinnacleofitsprestigeandwasthusabletodismisstheYugoslavsinahysterical‘Anti-

Titoite’campaignwhichavertedinternationalcontagion25.Moreover,acountryasvastasChina

possessedincomparablygreaterinternationalstatusinexpoundingitsviewpoint.AMaoistidentity

wasalluringforleftistcriticsofCommunistmovement,evenifitmerelychimedwithexisting

dissatisfactionratherthaninspiringit26.

GaucheProlétariennedidnotsharethesameAnti-Revisionistsensibilities.Maoism’spositionwithin

theCommunisttraditiondidnotappealtoadesiretorejecthereticalnon-Communistthought–

indeedtheadoptionofMaoismwasseenasameansofshiftingawayfromCommunistcircles27.

InsteaditwasthedesiretostakeaclaimtotheFrenchCommunistParty’sheroicResistancelegacy

thatmotivatedGaucheProlétarienne’smilitantsingroundingtheirideologyinwhatwasseenasthe

successoroftheResistancemovement.TheGauchistesretainedanobsessiveinterestinthewartime

Resistance.Outofthe36%ofarticlesintheirnewspaper,LaCauseduPeuple,thatwerehistorical,

thevastmajorityrelatedinsomewaytotheResistance28.Allusionstothewartimemovement

permeatedtheirrhetoricastheycalledforarevivaloftheera’sspiritwithparallelsbeingdrawn

betweentheNazioccupationandCharlesDeGaulle’sauthoritarianregime29.Despitelackingthe

attachmentoftheCPB-MLtotraditionalCommunistmoralvirtues,GaucheProlétariennealsohad

reasontobeattractedtoanideologythatembracedFrenchCommunism’sprestigiousheritage.

24LeszekKolakowski,MainCurrentsofMarxism:ItsOrigins,Growth,andDissolution,VolumeIIITheBreakdown,trans.PSFalla,p10525Ibid.,p16926LawrenceParker,TheKickInside:RevolutionaryOppositionintheCPGB,1945-1991,p7127NiiloKauppi,RadicalisminFrenchCulture,ASociologyofFrenchTheoryinthe1960s,(Ashgate,2010)p7728PhilippeButon,‘InventingaMemoryontheExtremeLeft:TheExampleoftheMaoistsafter1968’,JulianJackson,Anna-LouiseMilne,andJamesSWilliams(eds.),May68:RethinkingFrance’sLastRevolution,(PalgraveMacmillan,2011)p6929SunilKhilnani,‘ArguingRevolution:TheIntellectualLeftinPostwarFrance’,(YaleUniversityPress,1993)p140

Yet,theCPB-MLandGaucheProlétariennedifferedwildlyintheirapplicationofMaoistideology.

TheresponseofGaucheProlétariennetothesupposedcorruptionoftheCommunistswastototally

rejectallexistingformsoforganisationandstruggle‘’weareresolutelyopposedtounions’’,and

insteaddependedonthespontaneityofthemasses30.Inthis,thepartytookinspirationfromMao’s

conceptofthe‘MassLine’whichrelieduponthecreativeforceofthemassesastheparty’sguiding

force.GaucheProlétarienneattemptedtomoveaway,asfaraspossible,fromtheideasof

DemocraticCentralismthathaddominatedboththeofficialCommunistPartyaswellastheUJC-ML,

andwereseentodetachthedecisionsofthepartyfromthepopularwillofthemasses31.Astilted

viewoftheongoingChineseCulturalRevolutionprovidedfurtherinspirationfortheirbreakwith

Communisttraditions.TheCulturalRevolutionwasseentorepresentthespontaneousrebellionof

theChinesemassesandthereforejustifytheiranti-partyideas32.LaCauseduPeuplemakesclear,

GaucheProlétariennebelievedabsolutelythatonlythe‘’powerfulactionfromthemasses’’,rather

thananyexistingstructures,couldbringaboutrealchangeinFrenchsociety33.

ThisextremeviewwasatoddswiththebeliefoftheCPB-ML’sleaderthat‘’agenuinerevolutionary

party…isable,inonewayoranother,toputthesealofrevolutiononallslogansandallformsof

organisationandstruggle’’34.WhilstGaucheProlétariennesawasicknessemanatingfromtraditional

formsofworkingclassorganisationandaction,Birchidentifiedtheproblemasnotthenatureof

theseexistingformsbutthemannerinwhichtheyhadbeenrobbedoftheirrevolutionaryélan.The

Anti-RevisionistCPB-MLwasattractedtoMaoismasthebearerofanearlierperspectivewhichsaw

30BlowforBlow,trans.MitchellAbidor,(LaCauseduPeuple)31BeldenFields,‘FrenchMaoism’,SocialTextsNo9/10,The60’sWithoutApology(1984),p16932LanYang,‘MemoryandRevisionism:TheChineseCulturalRevolutionontheInternet’,IngoCornils,andSarahWaters(eds.),Memoriesof1968InternationalPerspectives,(PeterLang,2010)p26633LaCauseduPeuple,quotedinPhilippeButon,‘InventingaMemoryontheExtremeLeft:TheExampleoftheMaoistsafter1968’,p7034RegBirch,GuerrillaStruggleandtheWorkingClass,Podmore,William,RegBirch:engineer,tradeunionists,communist,(BellmanBooks,2004)p227

allactivitiespromotedbythepartyaspartofawiderstruggletoadvancetherevolutionarycause35.

Indeed,Birchmadetheextraordinaryclaimthatthegreatestfactormotivatinghiseventualsplit

fromtheCPGBwas‘’theideaofamunicipalbandofCommunists,notafactorybasedParty’’when

referringtotheshiftthattookplaceduringtheearly1950sfromorganisingbranchesbasedon

occupationtoorganisingaroundgeographicallocation36.Thisclaimhighlightstherealitythat

ultimatedesireoftheAnti-RevisionistswasnotanewformofrevolutionarypartybasedonMao’s

‘pioneeringideas’,butareturntoanidealisedvisionofthemovement’spre-1950sradicalpast.

FromacceptingthesameChinesecritiqueofrevisionism,theCPB-MLandGaucheProlétarienne

producedextremelydivergentconceptsofhowtoovercomeitandadvancethecauseofsocial

revolution.TheanarchisticoutlookofGaucheProlétarienneonwildcatactions,thatwere

independentofthereformiststructuresoftheworkers’movement,contrastedsharplywiththe

CPB-ML’sconcentrationontransformingtheexistinglabourmovement.

PerhapsthesinglemostdistinctiveelementofMaoisminWesternpoliticswasitsjustificationof

violenceandillegalism.Bythemid-1960sthelefthadalmostuniversallyturneditsbackonpolitical

violencewiththeleaderofthecomparativelyradicalFrenchCommunistParty,WaldeckRochet,

expressinghisunreservedsupportfor‘’thepeacefulpassagetosocialism’’throughlawful

parliamentarymeansin196537.Inthisatmosphere,theChineseglorificationofviolence,epitomised

byMaoZedong’sslogan‘’politicalpowergrowsoutofthebarrelofagun’’,becameriotously

popularamongsttheWesternleft’smostextremeelements38.

35EricHobsbawm,Revolutionaries:ContemporaryEssays,(WeidenfeldandNicolson,1973)p18736RegBirch,quotedinWilliamPodmore,RegBirch:engineer,tradeunionists,communist,p4437WaldechRochet,quotedinRonaldTiersky,FrenchCommunism,1920-1972,(ColumbiaUniversityPress,1974)p27138QuotationsFromChairmanMaoTse-Tung,p61

AlthoughafascinationwithillegalactivitygrippedtheMaoistmovementasawhole,itwasmuch

morecentraltothepoliticsofGaucheProlétariennethantotheCPB-ML.AsRegBirchmadeclear

withhisproclamation‘’therevolutionhastobeviolent’’,theBritishpartydidnotshirkawayfrom

supportingrevolutionaryviolencedirectedagainststatepowerbutopenlyexpresseditssupportfor

it39.However,Birch’sadvocacyofsuchactivityalwaysremainedexclusivelytheoretical.Hebelieved

thattheclassstrugglewouldonlycometoopenconflictafteranextendedperiodofincreasingly

radical‘massstruggle’thatwouldevolveoutoflegalindustrialaction(aphasetheCPB-MLnever

movedpast)andtheradicalisationoftheworkingclass40.Inthis,theCPB-MLwasagainreturningto

earlierCommunistpractiseratherthanadoptingafreshposition.Itssupportforrevolution

sometimeinthefuturewassimilartothepartylinepriortotheCPGB’spledgeto‘’theadvanceto

socialismwithoutarmedstruggle’’throughtheadoptionoftheBritishRoadtoSocialismmanifesto

in195141.

GaucheProlétariennetookthetheoreticalembraceofrevolutionaryviolencemuchfurtherby

wranglingwiththepracticalimplicationsofbecominginvolvedinillegalactivity.Astheirclosest

intellectualally,Jean-PaulSartre,noted‘’theonlyoneswhoweretrulyontheplainofcomplete

illegality…weretheMaoists’’42.Thepartyplacedafundamentaldichotomyinfrontofallforces

challengingtheexistingorder‘’resistanceorcapitulation’’,tochoosethepathofresistancemeant

placingoneself‘’outsidetheboss’slaw’’asonlyforcewasregardedaseffective43.Indeed,Sartre

identifiedtheleft’srejectionofviolencetheprimaryreasonforitsinabilitytochallenge

39TheBritishRevolution(TheWorker,1975)40RegBirch,GuerrillaStruggleandtheWorkingClass,Podmore,William,RegBirch:engineer,tradeunionists,communist,p22941TheBritishRoadtoSocialism,(CommunistParty,1978)p3742PhilippeGavi,Jean-PaulSartre,andPierreVictor,IllegalismandUltra-Leftism,trans.MitchAbidor,(Gallimard,1974)43BlowforBlow

contemporaryGaullistpredominance44.LaCauseduPeuplewasfilledwithadulationfor

revolutionaryviolenceinbothhistoricalandcontemporarysettings,seenasinherentlyjust45.Yet,

unlikeotherurbanguerrillamovementsactiveinmanyadvancedcountriesatthetime,Gauche

Prolétarienneneveradoptedthesamelevelofextremeviolencenoractsofterrorismassociated

withorganisationslikeItaly’sRedBrigades46.AsBennyLévy47explained,thepartytookamore

nuancedviewontheuseofillegalactionthanthe‘Redterrorist’groups‘’in[arevolutionary]action

[thereis]alegalelementandanelementthatbreakswithlegality.Itisthisunstablecombination

thatgivestheactionitsforce’’48.Withthisinmind,GaucheProlétarienneinsteadattemptedto

inciteconflictthatblurredthelinesbetweenpopularlyacceptedandbourgeoisjustice.Theymade

attemptstoprovokeviolencebetweenstrikingworkersandpolice,alsoencouragingcommutersto

jumpbarriersandrefusetopayforParismetroticketsfollowingapricerise–theseactions,amongst

others,weredesignedtoencouragethemassestochallengeexistinglaws,andthosewhomade

them,throughamoreincrementalapproach49.MaoismprovidedGaucheProlétariennewithcritical

ideologicalsupportforviolenceandthevoluntaristassertionthatthroughsheerforceofwillthe

party’sactionscouldspeeduptheclassstruggletowardsrevolution50.Yetitwastheparty’sown

theoreticalinnovations–evolvedlargelyindependentofMaoistthought–thatpreventeditfrom

becominganotherterroristicurbanguerrillamovement.

DespitetheoreticallyembracingGramsciannotionsofa‘’broaddemocraticalliance’’thatinvolved

theworkingclassandCommunistscooperatingwithvarious‘progressiveforces’,inpractiseWestern

EuropeanCommunistpartiesremainedoverwhelminglyfocusedontheircoreindustrialworking

44Jean-PaulSartre,TheMaoistsinFrance,(PantheonBooks,1977)45PhilippeButon,‘InventingaMemoryontheExtremeLeft:TheExampleoftheMaoistsafter1968’,p6346YonahAlexander,andPluchinsky,DennisA,Europe’sRedTerrorists:TheFightingCommunistOrganizations,(FrankCass,1992)p19447BennyLévywasworkingunderthepseudonymPierreVictor48PhilippeGavi,Jean-PaulSartre,andPierreVictor,Pierre,IllegalismandUltra-Leftism,49BeldenFields,‘FrenchMaoism’,p15650IanHBirchall,TheRevolutionaryLeftinEurope,(InternationalSocialism,1976)

classbase51.ThisrigiditymadeMaoZedong’sfluidconceptionofclasssocietybeingsimplydivided

betweenthebroadmassesof‘thepeople’andtheirenemies,aninspirationforGauche

ProlétarienneevenasitwaslargelyoverlookedbytheCPB-ML52.

TheCommunistPartyofBritain(Marxist-Leninist)endorsedthestrikingclaim‘’Britainhasonlytwo

classes’’unifyingvirtuallytheentirepopulationofthecountryintoasingleproletariatdialectically

opposedtothebourgeoisie53.Byexplicitlydenyingadiversityofinterestsamongstthevastmajority

ofthecountrytheCPB-MLfosteredaManicheanconceptionofsocietythatallowedthemtoreturn

toacombative‘class-versus-class’viewpoint,longabandonedbytheCommunistmainstream.With

thisanalysisthepartycouldorganiseamongstsocialgroupslikestudentsandwhitecollarworkers,

whoseproletariannaturehadbeenquestionedbysocialistideologues54.Thesetheoretical

innovationsallowedthepartytomaintainamilitantbutorthodoxclassanalysiswithoutcuttingitself

offfromnewlyemergingstrugglesoutsideofthetraditionalworkingclass.Yet,byregardingthevast

majorityofthepopulationasappendagestotheproletariat,theCPB-MLleantthemselvestowards

conventionaltheoriesandpractisesemployedwhendealingwiththeindustrialworkingclass55.The

organisationcontinuedtorallyagainstthe‘’attitudeofsubjugation’’permeatingthroughoutthe

workingclassandinturnproposedpredictablemethodsofcombattingitthroughparticipationin

industrialdisputes,protestsandideologicalpolemic56.Inreality,thepartyremainedjustasnarrowly

workeristinoutlookastheofficialCommunists,withlittlemorethanarhetoricaledgetotheirclass

analysis.

51TheBritishRoadtoSocialism,p1752StuartSchrim,ThePoliticalThoughtofMaoTse-Tung,(PallMallPress,1963)p17053StudentsIntoClassStruggle,(1971)54WhiteCollar–amythdestroyed,aclassmadestronger,(1973)55LawrenceParker,TheKickInside:RevolutionaryOppositionintheCPGB,1945-1991,p6956TheDefinitiveStatementontheInternalPolemic,1972-1974,(1974)

TheverydifferentsocialcompositionofGaucheProlétariennedrasticallyaffecteditsviewofFrench

society.WhilsttheCPB-ML’smembershipwasheavilyproletarian,scarcelyanymilitantsandnoneof

theleadersofGaucheProlétariennecamefromworkingclassbackgrounds.Despiteeffortstoplant

militantsinfactoriesinordertoorganiseworkers,themembersofthegroupremainedtotally

disconnectedfromtheworkingclass–facilitatingtheirextremeromanticisationoftheFrench

proletariat’srevolutionarypower57.Foragroupdisgustedbytheexistinglabourmovementbut

confidentinafuturerevolution,Mao’sideasofthecreative,spontaneous,revolutionaryforceofthe

peoplewereacompellinginspiration58.Asthelyricstoasongreleasedbythepartyinsinuate‘’vote,

manipulate,Grenelle59again;youwon’tfoolus’’GaucheProlétariennebelievedthattheworkers

wereheldbackonlybytheirMachiavellianpoliticalandtradeunionleaders60.Theybelievedthat

withoutthesereformistrestraintstheywouldundoubtedlybecomeunstoppablypowerful.Without

reservationtheybelieved‘’theworkingclasswantsrevolution’’61.Takingforgrantedthatthe

workershadalreadybeen‘converted’totheideaofrevolution,GaucheProlétarienne’sanalysisof

Frenchsocietyanditsapplicationofthatanalysiswereshapedtowardsverydifferentendsthanthe

Anti-Revisionists’.

IncontrasttotheCPB-ML,GaucheProlétariennewholeheartedlyembracedMaoistideasofbroad

massesfrommanydifferentsocialgroupsfightingagainsttheircommonrulingclassenemyasthe

proclamation‘’theworkersarenotalone’’makesclear62.TheGauchistesplacedespecialemphasis

onbringingnewgroupsintothestruggle.GaucheProlétariennemadesincere,iflargely

unsuccessful,effortstomobiliseFrance’ssocialgroups,mostlyignoredbytheleftduetotheir

57JulianBourg,FromRevolutiontoEthics:May1968andContemporaryFrenchThought,p5858WolfgangLeonhard,ThreeFacesofMarxism:ThePoliticalConceptsofSovietIdeology,MaoismandHumanistMarxism,trans.EwaldOsers,(Holt,RinehartandWinston,1970)p22259AtradeunionnegotiatedagreementthatfollowedtheMay’68eventsgrantingworkersa10%payincrease60Textof‘’NewPartisans’’,trans.MitchellAbidor61ANewFormofOrganization...,trans.MitchellAbidor,(LaCauseduPeuple,1969)62Ibid.

deeplyconservativeinclinationsincludingshopkeepers,smallpropertyownersandfarmers63.Also

takinginspirationfromtheCulturalRevolutioninmobilisingschoolanduniversitystudents,they

attemptedtoreconcilethestrugglesofdisparatesocialgroupsandbringthemtogetherbehinda

quasi-mythologicalrevolutionaryworkingclass,BennyLévyclaiming‘’ifthestudentsdon’tgotothe

factorygatestheyhavenofuture’’64.

YetGaucheProlétarienne’srevolutionismappearedasanti-hierarchicalasitwasproletarian.Their

antagonism‘’totheentireorganisationoftoday’ssociety’’includedforthrightoppositiontoall

bodiesdeemednon-revolutionaryandfundamentallyhierarchical,regardlessoftheirclassorigins,

andsupportforallstrugglesdeemedtobehostiletothosehierarchies65.InadoptingaMaoist

inspireddualisticvisionoftheworldthepartyfounditselfsupportinggroupswithouttheslightest

egalitarianinclinations,followingonfromMao’snotion‘’weshouldsupportwhatevertheenemy

opposesandopposewhatevertheenemysupports’’66.Yettheyappearedlessconcernedwiththe

replacementoftheruleofoneclasswithanother,butratherwitharevolutionthatwouldproduce

thesortofnon-hierarchicalsocietyenvisionedintheiridealisationofCulturalRevolution-eraChina.

ThelatershiftofthemajorityofGaucheProlétarienneactivistsawayfromMarxism,andsomeaway

fromleft-wingpoliticsentirely,addscredencetosuspicionsthattheirideologywasalwaysone

aimedagainsthierarchyratherthanworkingclasspower67.

Bothpartiesheldasharedhostilitytowardsintellectualactivityseparatedfromthestruggle,a

themethatisalsopresentintheideasofMaoZedong.RegBirch’sdeclarationthat‘’theorisingis

63BeldenFields,‘FrenchMaoism’,p16564BennyLévy,InvestigationintotheMaoistsinFrance,(CommunistArchives,1971)65BlowforBlow66QuotationsFromChairmanMaoTse-Tung,p1567TonyJudt,MarxismandtheFrenchLeft:StudiesonLabourandPoliticsinFrance1830-1981,(ClarendonPress,1986)p170

idle’’succinctlyexpressedthistendency68.TheCPB-MLclaimedthattherewasnoneedforany

connectionbetweendistantintellectualsandthemovement‘’infacttheintellect;andleadership

mustcomefromtheworkingclass,foritisthisclassthatmakestherevolution’’69.Although

broachingthequestionfromadifferentperspective,GaucheProlétarienne’sconclusionsdrew

similaritiestotheirBritishcounterpart’s.Inexplainingtheparty’sapproachtotheory,BennyLévy

claimed‘’wesaidyouhavetostartfromreality’’70.LiketheCPB-ML,GaucheProlétariennerejected

thebeliefthattheoryandthestrugglecouldbeseparate.However,thefundamentaldividebetween

thetwoparty’sviewsofclasssocietyensuredthattheCPB-MLplacedvalueontheclassoriginsof

particularideaswhilstGaucheProlétariennefocussedonlyonwhethertheseideascamefrom

politicalstruggle.Inpractise,thebeliefsofbothpartiesactedasshieldsagainstanyeffortsto

corrupttheirrespectivedogmatisms.TheCPB-MLwasabletorejectallopposingideasaseither

bourgeoisorrevisionistandthereforealientotheworkingclass,whilstGaucheProlétariennesaw

itselfasmonopolisingtheconnectionbetweentheoryandstruggle.Bothparties’rejectionof

intellectualismwasthereforeameansofgrantingtheirideasmoralsuperiorityovertheirmyriad

left-wingcompetitors.

IntheWest,Maoistsproducedmovementswithtwoverydifferentsouls.Despitenoticeable

similaritiesinsomeofthetheoriesespousedbyGaucheProlétarienneandtheCommunistPartyof

Britain(Marxist-Leninist),thetwoorganisations’actionsandaimswereunrecognisableaspartofthe

samemovement.Thecompositionsofthetwoorganisations’membershipbestexplaintheir

divergentreactiontotheideasofMaoZedong.TherewasaclearclassdividewiththeCPB-ML’s

membershipbeingprimarilyworkingclass,withmanyinvolvedinthetradeunions,whilstGauche

Prolétarienne’sweremostlyfrommoreprivilegedbackgrounds.Atthesametimethegenerational

68TheBritishRevolution69EconomismorRevolution?ACritiqueoftheCommunistPartyofBritain(M-L),(CommunistUnityAssociation(Marxist-Leninist),1973)70BennyLévy,InvestigationintotheMaoistsinFrance,

dividebetweentheyouthfulcadreofGaucheProlétarienne,whohadcomefromthelate1960s

generationofrebelliousyouthandrejectedoutrighttheideas,aspirationsandorganisationsoftheir

parents,andtheCPB-ML’soldermembershipwhowerefarmoreattachedtotheCommunist‘old

ways’oftheiryouth71.Theseclassandgenerationaldivisionsmadethetwopartiesfarmoreinclined

totherespectivesoulsofMaoismthattheyeventuallyadopted.TheFrenchgrouplookedtofind

newmethodsinallthingsandtheBritishgrouplookedtoreturntoglorifiedtradition.Gauche

Prolétarienneproducedanetherealmovementcloselyattachedtodramaticactionandsurvivedfor

onlyashorttime72,whilsttheCPB-MLprovedfarmorerobust,althoughstaticanduninspired,

maintaininginfluenceoveratinycorneroftheBritishlabourmovementfordecades73.Maoist

ideologyitselfshowedaremarkable,andperhapsunique,degreeofflexibilityasbothAnti-

RevisionistandSpontaneousMaoiststookinspirationfromitstenantsandemployedthemas

justificationfortheirownbeliefs.

71DanielAGordon,‘Memoriesof1968inFrance:Reflectiononthe40thAnniversary’,Cornils,InigoandWaters,Sarah(eds.),Memoriesof1968:InternationalPerspectives,(PeterLand,2010)p5172BeldenFields,‘FrenchMaoism’,p15873EconomismorRevolution?ACritiqueoftheCommunistPartyofBritain(M-L)

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