rha - medieval colours
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N.º I S É R I E W 2 0 1 1
fa c u l d a d e d e c i ê n c i a s s o c i a i s e h u m a n a s – u n lissn
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2-32
94
Medieval Coloursbetween beauty and meaning
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Índ
iceEditorial
Entrevista com Michel Pastoureau
conduzida por Adelaide Miranda e Ana Lemos
...............................................................................
Value and beauty: towards a double aesthetic of colours
in early Romanesque book illumination
Anja Grebe
Étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’image médiévale:
l’Évangéliaire d’Otton III, fin xe siècle
Marie Aschehoug-Clauteaux
Remarks on colours and pigments in the French court illumination
of the 13th century
Xenia Muratova
...............................................................................
Byzantine recipes and book illumination
Doris Oltrogge
The Strasbourg family texts: originality and survival.
A survey of illuminating techniques in medieval South Germany
Sylvie Neven
Les couleurs de l’enluminure: recettes de Michelino da Besozzo
et d’Antoine de Compiègne
Inès Villela-Petit
À propos d’une notice sur le vermillon
Horácio Peixeiro
Binding media in medieval manuscript illumination: a source research
Stefanos Kroustallis
...............................................................................
À la recherche des pigments
Claude Coupry
Colours versus colorants in art history: evaluating lost manuscript yellows
Mark Clarke
6 r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e n.º e s p e c i a l - 2 0 1 1
The colour of medieval Portuguese illumination:
an interdisciplinary approach
Maria João Melo, Adelaide Miranda, Catarina Miguel, Rita Castro, Ana Lemos,
V. Solange F. Muralha, João A. Lopes and António e Pereira Gonçalves
Illuminations: secrets, alchemy and conservation in three case studies
Marina Bicchieri, Michela Monti, Giovanna Piantanida e Armida Sodo
Early Netherlandish manuscript illumination: technical aspects of
illuminations in the Rime Bible of Jacob van Maerlant
Arie Wallert
Analysis of the Anjou Bible
Marina van Bos e Lieve Watteeuw
That it seemeth to be the thing itself. The obsession of 16th century
miniature painters to imitate the beauty of nature
Timea Tallian e Alan Derbyshire
...............................................................................
Non-invasive XRF and UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopic analysis of
materials used by Beato Angelico in the manuscript Graduale n. 558
M. Picollo, A. Aldrovandi, A. Migliori, S. Giacomelli e M. Scudieri
A protocol for non-invasive analysis of miniature paintings
Maurizio Aceto, Angelo Agostino, Monica Gulmini, Eleanora Pellizzi e Valentina Bianco
The application of SR-XRF to the analysis of manuscript illumination
a case study
Marco Battaglia, Laura Alidori Battaglia, Richard Celestre, Peter Denes,
Dionisio Doering, Tae Sung Kim e Sarah Zalusly
Combining visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy with site specific,
in-situ techniques for material identification and mapping
Paola Ricciardi e John K. Delaney
RECENSÕES CRÍTICAS
Michel Pastoureau. Noir. Histoire d’une couleur. Éditions du Seuil, 2008
Adelaide Miranda e Rita Carvalho
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r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e n.º e s p e c i a l - 2 0 1 1 7
Mark Clarke. Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques:
The Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium. Archetype, London, 2011
Stefanos Kroustallis
VARIA
Des interactions entre scriptoria Portugais au XIIe siècle
Rémy Cordonnier
Highlighting manuscripts’ third dimension.
Access, documentation and display of micrometric details
Inês Correia
À volta de um vermelho. Apresentação de edição
d’O livro de como se fazem as cores, sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia
Maria João Melo e Catarina Miguel
Interactive technology to explore medieval illuminations
Nuno Correia, Tarquínio Mota, Rita Carvalho e André Ricardo
NOTÍCIAS
Colour in Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts:
Between Beauty and Meaning
Maria João Melo
O projecto Imago
Ana Lemos
The awakening of the Manueline Foral charters
Ana Isabel Seruya e Maria Luísa Carvalho
Studies in medieval manuscript illuminations:
Master and PhD thesis
Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities and Faculty of Sciences and Technology,
New University of Lisbon
Seminário e Exposição. Os Livros de Horas do Palácio Nacional de Mafra
e a cultura artística do século XV
Ana Lemos
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r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 18
Os códices medievais iluminados são testemunhos da
construção ideológica e cultural Europeia, assumindo-
se ainda como objectos artísticos. No caso de Portugal,
nos sécs. XII e XIII, constituem a única arte da cor, já
que se perderam as pinturas murais e sobre tábua.
Este número especial da Revista de História da Arte
apresenta o resultado científico do congresso «Medie-
val colours: between beauty and meaning. An interdis-
ciplinary conference on the study of colour in medie-
val manuscripts», que decorreu na FCT e na FCSH da
Universidade Nova de Lisboa, de 10 a 11 de Setembro
2009, sendo organizado conjuntamente pelo Depar-
tamento de Conservação e Restauro e pelos Instituto
de História da Arte e Instituto de Estudos Medievais.
O estímulo para a organização deste congresso nasceu
da investigação efectuada no âmbito de dois projec-
tos financiados pela FCT-MCTES e coordenados por
Adelaide Miranda e Maria João Melo. A equipa inter-
disciplinar pretende com estes projectos valorizar os
manuscritos iluminados medievais (sécs. XII/XIII), um
património riquíssimo, ligado à formação da nacionali-
dade, que alia a importância cultural dos textos à valo-
rização artística da iluminura.
Pela primeira vez foi possível reunir os mais notáveis
investigadores nesta área, incluindo químicos, histo-
riadores da arte, cientistas da conservação e restau-
radores, entre outros. Os conferencistas convidados,
Michel Pastoureau, Mark Clarke, Claude Coupry, Do-
ris Oltrogge e Yarza Luaces apresentaram o estado da
arte. As comunicações dos participantes de diferentes
origens e instituições (universidades, museus, labora-
tórios) possibilitaram uma discussão frutuosa das di-
versas abordagens de investigação. Concluiu-se que se
encontravam reunidas as condições necessárias para a
criação de uma rede de investigadores e de uma base
de dados internacional, que teria como objectivo prin-
cipal a construção de um Atlas dos pigmentos e coran-
tes medievais. Este Atlas será um passo importante no
conhecimento e divulgação dos colorantes e significa-
do da cor utilizada na iluminura medieval.
Os artigos deste número encontram-se, tal como no
congresso, organizados em torno de quatro eixos te-
máticos: significado da cor, cor nas fontes escritas
Ed
itor
ial Medieval illuminated manuscripts are among the most
valuable objects of the European cultural heritage, and
are testimonies to medieval ideas, religion and policy.
For Portugal, in the 12th-13th centuries, they may be
considered the only surviving artistic colour, because
both mural and panel paintings are practically lost.
This special issue of «Revista de História da Arte» is
devoted to the conference «Medieval colours: between
beauty and meaning. An interdisciplinary conference
on the study of colour in medieval manuscripts», or-
ganized by the Department of Conservation and Res-
toration (FCT) together with the Institute of Art History
and Institute for Medieval Studies (FCSH), on 10th-
11th September 2009. The impetus for organizing this
conference arose from research carried out under two
projects funded by FCT-MCTES and coordinated by Ad-
elaide Miranda and Maria João Melo. In these projects
the interdisciplinary team aimed to evaluate medieval
Portuguese illuminated manuscripts (12th-13th centu-
ries), a rich heritage, linked to the formation of nation-
ality, which combine the cultural importance of texts
with the artistic appreciation of illumination.
For the first time it was possible to bring together the
most eminent researchers in this discipline: chemists,
art historians, and conservation-restoration scientists.
The invited speakers, Michel Pastoureau, Mark Clarke,
Claude Coupry, Doris Oltrogge and Yarza Luaces, put
into context the state-of-the-art and methods in this
field. The communications presented by researchers of
diverse geographic origins and institutions (universi-
ties, museums, chemistry laboratories) enabled a fruit-
ful discussion of the different methods of research.
This conference and this publication demonstrate con-
clusively that genuinely committed and open interdis-
ciplinary collaboration is essential in colour research
and manuscript studies, and indicates the value of
«Technical Art History» across all fields of art histo-
ry. A wide knowledge of cultural history helps us (for
example) to avoid anachronistic interpretations of
colour meanings. The careful observations of conser-
vator-restorers, combined with chemical and physi-
cal analysis in the laboratory, helps us evaluate how
colours have altered or been lost; these observations
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 9
medievais, os materiais da cor, novas perspectivas na análise
científica da iluminura medieval. Entrevista-se ainda Michel
Pastoureau, historiador e pioneiro nos estudos da cor numa
perspectiva social e simbólica, que nos alerta para as arma-
dilhas mais frequentes neste campo de estudos; mas que por
outro lado, nos chama a atenção para a potencialidade e rique-
za desta investigação desde que levada a cabo em contextos
específicos e combinando resultados alargados. O estudo da
história das cores é também atractivo e lúdico, como nos conta
Pastoureau «(...) avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs,
je semblais par trop me faire plaisir.» E é esse prazer que gos-
taríamos de poder partilhar com o leitor! •
Maria Adelaide Miranda, FCSH-UNLmmac@fcsh.unl.pt
Maria João Melo, FCT-UNLmjm@dq.fct.unl.pt
Mark Clarke, UvAmark@clericus.org
and analyses, when further combined with the insights and
knowledge from traditional art history, help us mentally re-
construct original appearances. Above all, interdisciplinary
discussion was shown to be the «royal road» to formulating
meaningful research questions – for the curator in the gallery,
the art historian in the study, or the chemist in the laboratory.
The papers published here are organized thematically: the
meaning of colour, colour in mediaeval written sources, the
materials of colour, and new trends in the analysis of medieval
manuscripts. An interview with Michel Pastoureau – historian,
anthropologist and pioneer of studies in the social and sym-
bolic meanings of colour – provides the perfect framework for
the topic. As an historian who pioneered the social and sym-
bolic studies in colour, he alerts us to the many traps that may
be found in this field of study, highlighting at the same time
the extraordinary impact and richness that the research on the
social history of colour may bring. Colour: between beauty an
meaning is also an extremely attractive field of research, or
as Pastoureau stated: as a researcher we can even have fun
with it!
«… avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs, je
semblais par trop me faire plaisir.» 1 •
1. «…with my researches in the history of colors, I seem to please myself
greatly.»
participantes do congresso «medieval colours: between beauty and meaning» na biblioteca da fct-unl, campus caparica, 10 setembro 2009
e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 0
Michel Pastoureau*, né le 17
juin 1947 à Paris, est un his-
torien médiéviste français,
spécialiste de la symbolique des cou-
leurs, des emblèmes, et de l’héraldique.
Michel Pastoureau est le petit-cousin
de Claude Lévi-Strauss et le fils d’Henri
Pastoureau, proche des surréalistes ; ar-
chiviste paléographe, sa thèse de l’École
des chartes, soutenue en 1972, porte sur
le bestiaire héraldique du Moyen Âge.
Il est historien, et directeur d’études
à École des hautes études en sciences
sociales et à l’École pratique des hau-
tes études, où il occupe depuis 1983 la
chaire d’histoire de la symbolique occi-
dentale. Il a été élu le 28 avril 2006 cor-
respondant français de l’Académie des
inscriptions et belles-lettres. Il est mem-
bre de l’Académie internationale d’hé-
raldique et président de la Société fran-
çaise d’héraldique et de sigillographie.
Il a publié une quarantaine d’ouvra-
ges, dont certains traduits dans plu-
sieurs langues, consacrés à l’histoi-
re des couleurs, des animaux et des
symboles. Notamment, Couleur, ima-
ges, symboles, Bleu: l’histoire d’une
couleur, Une histoire symbolique du
Moyen-Age occidental, Jésus chez le
teinturier, Noir. Le 3 novembre 2010,
il reçoit le prix Médicis essai pour son
ouvrage Les Couleurs de nos souvenirs.
* Biografia adaptada da Wikipedia
michel pastoureau
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 1
com michel pastoureau
c o n d u z i d a p o r
M A R I A A D E L A I D E M I R A N D A
A N A L E M O S
Michel Pastoureau, pouvez-vous nous raconter comment est née votre attirance, et même votre passion, pour les couleurs ?
Mon attirance pour les couleurs est née très tôt, dès la petite enfance. J’ai eu la
chance de naître dans une famille où la peinture occupait une place importante. Trois
des oncles de ma mère étaient artistes peintres et, même si je n’ai connu que l’un
d’entre eux, du côté maternel tous les appartements de mes grand-tantes, de mes
oncles et tantes, de mes cousins et même de mon arrière-grand-mère, morte à 96
ans, étaient encombrés de tableaux, certains de grand format.
Du côté de mon père, les peintres n’appartenaient pas à la famille mais au cercle
des amis proches. C’étaient tous des artistes s’inscrivant de près ou de loin dans la
mouvance surréaliste et essayant de vivre plus ou moins bien de leur peinture. Mon
père m’emmenait souvent dans leur atelier, terrain de jeux fascinant pour un petit
garçon. Parfois les peintres amis de mon père me faisaient cadeau de tubes de pein-
ture usagés, destinés à la poubelle mais représentant pour moi le plus beau des pré-
sents. Plaisir des yeux et du toucher plus que véritable bonheur créatif car ces tubes
presque vides et desséchés, s’ouvrant mal ou pas du tout, ne m’étaient guère utiles
pour peindre une fois de retour à la maison. Non seulement enlever le bouchon était
pratiquement impossible, mais je ne disposais ni du matériel ni des connaissances
nécessaires pour peindre à l’huile. J’étais cependant fier de détenir un tel trésor, de
classer les tubes par couleur, de caresser leur enveloppe de plomb, lourde et mate,
En
trev
ista
e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 2
et surtout de les montrer fièrement à mes camarades, qui ne possédait qu’une boite
de crayons de couleur.
Je dois également à mon père une habitude qui m’a accompagné tout au long de ma
vie: la visite des musées et des expositions artistiques. Il m’y a emmené très jeune,
et ce goût pour les musées et les expositions ne m’a plus jamais quitté.
Mais je dois aussi à ma mère, passionnée de botanique, une partie de mon atti-
rance pour les couleurs. Elle était pharmacienne. Sa pharmacie, située à Paris tout
en haut de la butte Montmartre, était également pour le jeune enfant que j’étais
un magnifique terrain de jeux. J’aimais notamment observer comment les boîtes
de médicaments étaient rangées et classées par couleur: bleus pour les calmants et
les somnifères, orangés pour les produits toniques et reconstituants, bruns pour les
laxatifs, verts pour les produits à base de plantes. Le noir, signe de mort, n’était pas
utilisé en pharmacie, et le rouge servait à attirer l’attention sur les produits dange-
reux: «Ne pas dépasser la dose prescrite».
Je n’avais pas encore dix ans mais classer les couleurs était déjà chez moi un plaisir
récurrent. Que ce soit dans la pharmacie maternelle ou dans l’atelier des peintres, je
m’imaginais qu’il existait un ordre chromatique secret qu’il me fallait retrouver. En
grandissant, j’ai développé une sorte d’hypersensibilité aux couleurs (ce qui m’a par-
fois joué de vilains tours) et je me suis progressivement fabriqué un certain nombre de
principes personnels. Des principes pas spécialement originaux, mais acquis de bon-
ne heure et que par la suite je n’ai jamais eu motif ni envie de remettre en question,
pas même lorsque devenu historien j’ai compris qu’il n’y avait pas de vérités chroma-
tiques universelles mais qu’au contraire tout variait selon les époques et les sociétés.
Ces quelques principes, forgés dès l’enfance mais qui m’ont accompagné dans ma
vie adulte, dans mon travail de chercheur et même dans mes modestes activités de
peintre du dimanche, peuvent se résumer ainsi:
1. Le noir et le blanc sont des couleurs à part entière.
2. Il n’existe que six couleurs «de base»: le noir, le blanc, le rouge, le bleu, le jaune
et le vert.
3. Viennent ensuite cinq couleurs «du second rang», que l’on appelle à tort des «de-
mi-couleurs»: le gris, le brun, le rose, le violet et l’orangé.
4. Toutes les autres colorations ne sont que des nuances ou des nuances de nuances.
Comment s’est passé le début de votre carrière ? Quel rôle a pu jouer Georges Duby?
Jeune chercheur enthousiaste et naïf, j’ai commencé à m’intéresser à l’histoire des
couleurs – tous problèmes confondus – au milieu des années 1970. L’environne-
ment familial, la fréquentation des peintres, les visites régulières faites aux musées,
une attention maladive portée aux couleurs des vêtements et une thèse récemment
soutenue sur les armoiries médiévales: tout m’avait préparé et conduit vers de telles
recherches. Je les croyais faciles et estimables, bien acceptées dans le milieu des
historiens et pratiquées par de nombreux chercheurs. Je me trompais totalement.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 3
e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u
A cette époque, chez les historiens, les archéologues et les historiens de l’art, per-
sonne, absolument personne ne s’intéressait aux couleurs. Même dans des domai-
nes où l’on se serait attendu à trouver des études sur un tel sujet, la couleur brillait
par son absence. L’histoire du vêtement, par exemple, était une histoire totalement
achrome. Les documents existaient pourtant, et en grand nombre, même pour les
époques anciennes, mais les spécialistes du costume ne s’y intéressaient pas. Seules
comptaient l’archéologie des formes et la nature des différentes pièces composant
le vêtement au fil des âges. L’idée d’un «système vestimentaire», se situant au coeur
de la vie en société et au sein duquel les couleurs auraient pu jouer un rôle essentiel,
leur était étrangère. Comme leur était étranger le nom de Roland Barthes…
Mais il y avait pire: l’histoire de la peinture. Dans une discipline où la couleur aurait dû,
par sa nature même, occuper le premier rang, elle était presque toujours passée sous
silence. Des livres entiers, épais, savants, s’écrivaient sur l’œuvre d’un peintre ou sur
tel ou tel mouvement pictural, sans que jamais leurs auteurs ne parlent des couleurs.
Trois cents ou cinq cents pages sans formuler une seule idée, une seule remarque, un
seul mot concernant les couleurs, pas même des mots comme «bleu», «rouge», «jau-
ne: à coup sûr, c’était une performance! Elle était courante, presque générale au mi-
lieu des années soixante-dix. La couleur était la grande absente de l’histoire de l’art.
Je tombais des nues. Mais je n’étais pas au bout de mes découvertes. Après quel-
ques mois d’enquêtes et de réflexions sur l’histoire des couleurs, terrain quasi vierge,
je constatais que mon travail était mal reçu. Soit un tel sujet semblait peu sérieux,
frivole même (j’avais pourtant commencé par l’historiographie), soit il semblait tota-
lement vain, à la fois inutile et impossible à conduire. En outre, il paraissait plus ou
moins immoral. C’était l’époque où les historiens – et d’une manière plus générale
les chercheurs en sciences humaines – avaient des devoirs envers la société mais fort
peu de droits, et surtout pas le droit de se faire plaisir. L’idée que le plaisir individuel
du chercheur pouvait être le moteur premier de sa recherche n’était pas dans l’air du
temps, ou bien était condamnée. Or, avec mes enquêtes sur l’histoire des couleurs,
je semblais par trop me faire plaisir. C’était une attitude individualiste, presque indé-
cente, sinon dangereuse, et en tout cas contraire à l’éthique du chercheur.
Heureusement, deux grands historiens médiévistes, qui n’étaient pas historiens de
l’art, m’ont encouragé dans mes recherches et en ont vu l’intérêt: Georges Duby et
Jacques Le Goff. Je leur dois beaucoup. Duby, qui à ses moments perdus peignait
quelques tableaux pour se détendre, dans un style semi-figuratif, a tout de suite vu
comment la couleur pouvait être un nouvel objet d’histoire. Il m’a poussé à conduire
mes enquêtes dans tous les domaines, du lexique aux symboles en passant par les
emblèmes et la création artistique. Le Goff, avec qui j’ai fait un séminaire commun
pendant un dizaine d’années, était plus attiré par l’histoire sociale des couleurs:
vêtements et codes vestimentaires, lois somptuaires, métiers de la teinturerie, place
des couleurs dans la vie quotidienne.
Votre approche de la couleur est tout à fait novatrice. Elle se situe au carrefour de l’histoire sociale, artistique culturelle et symbolique. Quels
e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 4
conseils donneriez-vous aux jeunes chercheurs qui sont de plus en plus nombreux à s’intéresser à ce domaine de recherche ?
Aux jeunes chercheurs qui veulent se lancer dans l’étude des couleurs au Moyen Age
(ou bien dans l’Antiquité ou au début de l’époque moderne), je leur conseillerai de
se méfier de tout anachronisme.
Il est en effet impossible de projeter tels quels sur les images, les monuments, les
oeuvres et les objets produits par les siècles passés nos définitions, nos conceptions
et nos classements actuels de la couleur. Ce n’étaient pas ceux des sociétés d’autre-
fois (et ce ne seront peut-être pas ceux des sociétés de demain...). Le danger de
l’anachronisme guette toujours l’historien – et l’historien de l’art peut-être plus que
tout autre – à chaque coin de document. Mais lorsqu’il s’agit de la couleur, de ses
définitions et de ses classements, ce danger semble plus grand encore. Rappelons
par exemple que pendant des siècles et des siècles, le noir et le blanc ont été consi-
dérés comme des couleurs à part entière (et même comme des pôles forts de tous
les systèmes de la couleur); que le spectre et l’ordre spectral des couleurs sont pra-
tiquement inconnus avant le XVIIe siècle ; que l’articulation entre couleurs primaires
et couleurs complémentaires émerge lentement au cours de ce même siècle et ne
s’impose vraiment qu’au XIXe; que l’opposition entre couleurs chaudes et couleurs
froides est purement conventionnelle et fonctionne différemment selon les époques
et les sociétés. Au Moyen Age et à la Renaissance, par exemple, le bleu est considéré
en Occident comme une couleur chaude, parfois même comme la plus chaude de
toutes les couleurs. C’est pourquoi l’historien qui chercherait à étudier dans un vitrail
ou dans une miniature du Moyen Age ou bien dans un tableau de Raphaël ou du
Titien la proportion entre les couleurs chaudes et les couleurs froides et qui croirait
naïvement que le bleu y est, comme aujourd’hui, une couleur froide, se tromperait
complètement et aboutirait à des absurdités.
Les notions de couleurs chaudes ou froides, de couleurs primaires ou complémentai-
res, les classements du spectre ou du cercle chromatique, les lois de la perception ou
du contraste simultané ne sont pas des vérités éternelles mais seulement des étapes
dans l’histoire mouvante des savoirs. Ne les manions pas inconsidérément, ne les
appliquons pas, sans précaution aucune, aux sociétés du passé.
Prenons un exemple simple et attardons-nous sur le cas du spectre. Pour nous, de-
puis les expériences de Newton, la mise en valeur du spectre et la classification spec-
trale des couleurs, il est incontestable que le vert se situe quelque part entre le jaune
et le bleu. De multiples habitudes sociales, des calculs scientifiques, des preuves
«naturelles» (ainsi l’arc-en-ciel) et des pratiques quotidiennes de toutes sortes sont
constamment là pour nous le rappeler ou pour nous le prouver. Or, pour l’homme de
l’Antiquité, du Moyen Age et encore de la Renaissance cela n’a guère de sens. Dans
aucun système antique ou médiéval de la couleur, le vert ne se situe entre le jaune et
le bleu. Ces deux dernières couleurs ne prennent pas place sur les mêmes échelles ni
sur les mêmes axes; elles ne peuvent donc avoir un palier intermédiaire, un «milieu»
qui serait le vert. Le vert entretient des rapports étroits avec le bleu mais il n’en a
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e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u
aucun avec le jaune. Au reste, que ce soit en peinture ou en teinture, aucune recette
ne nous apprend avant le XVe siècle que pour faire du vert il faille mélanger du jaune
et du bleu. Peintres et teinturiers savent fabriquer la couleur verte, bien évidem-
ment, mais pour ce faire ils mélangent rarement ces deux couleurs. Pas plus qu’ils ne
mélangent du bleu et du rouge pour obtenir du violet. Pour ce faire, ils mélangent du
bleu et du noir: le violet est un demi-noir, un sous-noir; il l’est du reste encore dans
la liturgie catholique et dans les pratiques vestimentaires du deuil.
L’historien doit donc se méfier de tout raisonnement anachronique. Non seulement
il ne doit pas projeter dans le passé ses propres connaissances de la physique ou de
la chimie des couleurs, mais il ne doit pas prendre comme vérité absolue, immuable,
l’organisation spectrale des couleurs et toutes les théories qui en découlent. Pour lui
comme pour l’ethnologue, le spectre ne doit être envisagé que comme un système
parmi d’autres pour classer les couleurs. Un système aujourd’hui connu et reconnu
de tous, «prouvé» par l’expérience, démonté et démontré scientifiquement, mais un
système qui peut-être, dans deux, quatre ou dix siècles, fera sourire ou sera défini-
tivement dépassé. La notion de preuve scientifique est elle aussi étroitement cultu-
relle; elle a son histoire, ses raisons, ses enjeux idéologiques et sociaux.
Et sans même solliciter la notion de preuve, que penser de l’homme médiéval – dont
l’appareil de vision n’est aucunement différent du nôtre – qui ne perçoit pas les
contrastes de couleurs comme l’homme d’aujourd’hui. Au Moyen Age, en effet, deux
couleurs juxtaposées qui pour nous constituent un contraste fort peuvent très bien
former un contraste relativement faible; et inversement, deux couleurs qui pour no-
tre oeil voisinent sans aucune violence peuvent hurler pour l’oeil médiéval. Gardons
l’exemple du vert. Au Moyen Age, juxtaposer du rouge et du vert (la combinaison
de couleurs la plus fréquente dans le vêtement entre l’époque de Charlemagne et le
XIIe siècle) représente un contraste faible, presque un camaïeu. Or pour nous il s’agit
d’un contraste violent, opposant une couleur primaire et sa couleur complémentaire.
Inversement, associer du jaune et du vert, deux couleurs voisines dans le spectre,
est pour nous un contraste relativement peu marqué. Or c’est au Moyen le contraste
le plus dur que l’on puisse mettre en scène: on s’en sert pour vêtir les fous et pour
souligner tout comportement dangereux, transgressif ou diabolique!
Quelles sont les autres difficultés que rencontre l’historien des couleurs?
Elles sont au moins de deux sortes.
Sur les monuments, les œuvres d’art, les objets et les images que les siècles passés
nous ont transmis, nous voyons les couleurs non pas dans leur état d’origine mais
telles que le temps les a faites. L’écart est parfois considérable. Or ce travail du
temps, qu’il soit dû à l’évolution chimique des matières colorantes ou bien à l’action
des hommes qui, au fil des siècles, ont peint et repeint, modifié, nettoyé, vernis
ou supprimé telle ou telle couche de couleur posée par les générations précéden-
tes, est en lui-même un document d’histoire. Dès lors, que faire? Faut-il, avec des
moyens techniques aujourd’hui très sophistiqués, «restaurer» les couleurs, tenter de
e n t r e v i s t a c o m m i c h e l p a s t o u r e a u
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les remettre dans leur état d’origine? Il y a là un positivisme qui me paraît à la fois
dangereux et contraire aux missions de l’historien: le travail du temps fait partie
intégrante de sa recherche; pourquoi le renier, l’effacer, le détruire? En outre, les
grands peintres savent très bien que leurs pigments vont évoluer, que leurs couleurs
vont se transformer: ils agissent en conséquence, et ce qu’ils souhaitent pour la pos-
térité ce n’est pas l’état premier du tableau ou du panneau mais un état ultérieur,
qu’eux-mêmes ne verront pas. Ainsi, lorsque nous essayons de remettre tel tableau
ou tel œuvre d’art dans son état premier nous allons parfois à l’encontre de la vo-
lonté de l’artiste. La réalité historique n’est pas seulement ce qu’elle a été dans son
état d’origine, c’est aussi ce que le temps en a fait. Mais jusqu’où peut-on laisser le
temps faire son oeuvre?
Autre difficulté documentaire: nous voyons aujourd’hui les images et les couleurs du
passé dans des conditions d’éclairage très différentes de celles qu’ont connues les
sociétés antérieures au XXe siècle. La torche, la lampe à huile, la chandelle, le cierge,
la bougie produisent une lumière qui n’est pas celle du courant électrique. C’est une
évidence. Et pourtant quel historien, quel visiteur de musée ou d’exposition, quel
amateur d’art ancien en tient compte? Aucun. Or l’oublier conduit parfois à des ab-
surdités. Prenons pour exemple la récente restauration des voûtes de la chapelle Six-
tine et les efforts considérables – tant techniques que médiatiques – pour «retrouver
la fraîcheur et la pureté originelle des couleurs posées par Michel Ange». Un tel exer-
cice stimule certes la curiosité, même s’il agace un peu, mais il devient parfaitement
vain et anachronique si l’on éclaire à la lumière électrique les couches de couleurs
ainsi dégagées. Que voit-on réellement des couleurs de Michel Ange et de ses élèves
avec nos éclairages modernes? La trahison n’est-elle pas plus grande que celle qu’a
lentement opérée le travail du temps depuis le XVIe siècle? Plus inquiétante aussi,
quand on songe à l’exemple de Lascaux ou à celui d’autres sites préhistoriques,
détruits ou endommagés par la rencontre funeste des témoignages du passé et des
curiosités d’aujourd’hui. Mais, d’un autre côté, il est impossible, absurde même, de
remettre dans la chapelle Sixtine des chandelles ou des lampes à huile. Que faire?
Les éclairages du passé sont tous produits par des flammes. Celles-ci font bouger les
formes et les couleurs des images et des tableaux, elles les animent, les font vibrer,
les rendent même cinétiques (pensons à un document comme la broderie de Bayeux
regardé à la lumière de torches ou de chandelles). Nos éclairages électriques, au
contraire, sont relativement statiques, ils ne font bouger ni les formes ni les cou-
leurs. D’où un écart de sensibilité considérable entre notre regard et celui de nos
ancêtres. Qu’on le veuille ou non, nous ne percevrons jamais comme eux un objet,
un document, une œuvre d’art. Pour un œil antique, médiéval ou moderne, les cou-
leurs sont toujours en mouvement – Aristote souligne déjà combien toute couleur
est mouvement. Pour l’œil d’aujourd’hui les couleurs ne bougent pas, ou guère, elles
semblent immobiles: la différence de perception est immense.
De même, nous n’avons aucune difficulté pour éclairer de manière uniforme une
grande surface. Dans un musée contemporain, un tableau de trois mètres de haut
sur cinq de long ne présente aucune zone moins éclairée que les autres. Grâce aux
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spots et à des lumières artificielles de plus en plus perfectionnées, le tableau est
parfaitement éclairé dans son entier sans que la couche picturale en souffre. Un tel
exercice est impossible pour les sociétés du passé. Quelles que soient leurs natures
et leurs performances, les éclairages à base de flammes ne peuvent éclairer de fa-
çon égale une surface un peu importante. Il y a toujours des zones bien éclairées et
d’autres qui restent dans l’ombre. D’où ces jeux de clairs-obscurs auxquels sont si
sensibles les artistes et les publics d’autrefois. L’arrivée de l’électricité a totalement
modifié le rapport du spectateur à l’objet, à l’œuvre d’art, à l’image et, peut-être
plus encore, à la couleur.
Quelles informations peuvent fournir, selon vous, les analyses matérielles et scientifiques de la couleur dans les documents et les œuvres d’art du Moyen Age? Vont-elles apporter à l’historien un regard nouveau sur ce champ d’étude?
Les analyses de pigments et de colorants peuvent apporter beaucoup. Je souhaite
qu’elles se multiplient et qu’elles s’appliquent à tous les supports de la couleur. Mais
cela à deux conditions. D’une part, il faut tenir compte des dangers de l’anachronisme
dont je viens de parler. Le savoir médiéval n’est pas le savoir d’aujourd’hui, et même
s’il est légitime d’utiliser nos savoirs d’aujourd’hui pour essayer de mieux comprendre
le passé, il faut le faire avec une certaines prudence. D’autres part, les analyses en
laboratoire n’ont de raison d’être que si elles sont reliées à une problématique. Que
cherche-t-on exactement? Faire des analyses pour faire des analyses ne sert à rien.
Or j’ai l’impression qu’assez souvent c’est ce qui se passe aujourd’hui: on fait des
analyses sans but très précis, sans problématique. Ou bien on oublie en cours d’ana-
lyse ce que l’on cherchait au départ. Il faut une collaboration plus étroite entre les
scientifiques qui effectuent les analyses en laboratoire, et les historiens qui indiquent
dans quelles direction les conduire. Il faut sérier les problèmes, les buts, les enjeux.
Il faut constamment se demander: «Des analyses, pour quoi faire?».
Dans certains domaines, l’étude en laboratoire des pigments apporte des informa-
tions importantes. Prenons un exemple simple : un panneau peint italien du XVe siè-
cle représentant une Vierge au manteau. A l’oeil nu, le bleu du manteau de la Vierge,
placée au centre du panneau, nous semblera identique aux autres bleus que l’on
peut voir ailleurs sur le panneau pour peindre d’autres figures. Mais en laboratoire,
on pourra constater que le manteau de la Vierge est peint avec du lapis-lazuli – un
pigment très cher au XVe – tandis que les autres figures sont peintes avec des pig-
ments plus ordinaires, de l’azurite par exemple, ou bien de l’indigo. L’oeil ne voit pas
la différente mais elle existe et est importante, notamment pour le commanditaire et
pour l’artiste. Dans ce choix de différents pigments bleus pour peindre les différentes
figures du panneau, il y a des enjeux économiques, cultuels, symboliques. La Vierge
est mise en valeur, honorée, vénérée même par le choix d’une matière colorante de
très grand prix, et pourtant le spectateur ne s’en rend pas compte. Cela nous en dit
long sur les pratiques médiévales de la couleur et de la matière. •
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va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
Resumo
A investigação sobre manuscritos medievais iluminados é ainda muito dominada por uma análise baseada no estilo e na iconografia. Além disso, a maioria dos estudos sobre texto-e-imagem concentram-se no conteúdo e no significado simbólico da iluminura, enquanto questões ligadas à materialidade e paginação, que se situem para além da análise codicológica, são muitas vezes ignoradas. O mesmo acontece com a análise das cores: a investigação tem-se focado no seu significado religioso, dinástico ou ritual, considerando-as categorias abstractas sem uma materialidade específica. Mesmo um especialista em pigmentos medievais como Heinz Roosen-Runge (Roosen-Runge 1967), seguiu a tradição iconográfica da história da arte e interpretou as cores com base na sua função, por exemplo, como meio de represen-tação transcendental de ideias e ideais. Pelo contrário, historiadores como Michel Pastoureau (Pastoureau, 1990) trabalhando para «uma história social das cores», sublinharam a importância dos pigmentos e do seu simbolismo específico, e não de conceitos abstractos, para um melhor conhecimento da percepção medieval da cor.A tese de Pastoureau baseou-se principalmente na sua investigação sobre o papel da cor no vestuário e têxteis medievais. Com esta contribuição, desejo demonstrar que se tomaram atitudes semelhantes sobre a materialidade da cor em manuscritos iluminados. A recente investigação interdisciplinar sobre o «Codex Aureus Epterna-censis», produzido em torno a 1045 no mosteiro beneditino de Echternach, conser-vado no Germanisches Nationalmuseum em Nuremberg, lançou uma nova luz sobre a consciência que os iluminadores e seus patronos tinham da materialidade da cor e do seu valor. As minhas reflexões basearam-se na análise científica do «Codex Aureus» levada a cabo por Doris Oltrogge e Robert Fuchs (Fuchs and Oltragge 2009) e, nas minhas próprias pesquisas sobre o uso e estética das cores na Idade Média (Grebe 2007). O precioso Evangeliário contem mais de 40 miniaturas a página inteira, pin-tadas por vários iluminadores de oficina. Os iluminadores usaram uma paleta muito variada de cores e tons, por exemplo, o «vermelho» ou «púrpura» não são apenas representados por um, mas por dois ou mais pigmentos. Entre eles encontramos os muito raros e dispendiosos pigmentos «exóticos», como o lápis-lazúli ou o quermes, que foram abundantemente usados neste manuscrito quando comparado com ou-tros manuscritos românicos. Esta observação permite colocar como hipótese, que os iluminadores de Echternach e os seus patronos quiseram de facto usar o maior número possível de cores e as mais dispendiosas, para incluir a máxima variedade de cores no «Evangeliário Dourado».Outro nível de «consciência cromática» revelou-se pelo facto de muitas miniatu-ras do ciclo com a Vida de Cristo e a miniatura em duplo folio da Maiestas Domini (fol. 2v-3r) terem sido repintadas durante a produção do manuscrito. O retoque da maioria das carnações e fundos pode ser interpretado, numa primeira análise, como um «restauro estético». Surpreendentemente, os iluminadores não alteraram as composições na sua globalidade ou as formas das cabeças ou mãos, em vez dis-so, mudaram apenas o tom da pele e os fundos. O motivo foi, provavelmente, o de evitar contrastes violentos e unificar cromaticamente os duplo fólios executados por diferentes iluminadores. O «Codex Aureus Epternacensis» é, assim, a prova da ele-vada sensibilidade do período românico aos valores cromáticos e virtudes materiais de cores e pigmentos, que serão discutidos neste artigo. •
palavras-chave
evangeliáriomanuscrito iluminadoestética das coresotonianolápis-lazúli
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Abstract
Research on medieval manuscript illumination is still dominated by the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concentrate on the con-tent and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions of materiality and layout beyond codicology are often neglected. The same is true for the analysis of colours: research so far focuses on the religious, dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours that are considered as abstract categories without a specific materiality. Even a specialist in medieval pigments like Heinz Roosen-Runge (Roosen-Runge 1967) followed the iconographical tradition of art history and interpreted colours with re-gard to their function, e.g. as media to represent transcendental ideas and ideals. On the contrary, historians like Michel Pastoureau (Pastoureau 1990), working towards a «social history of colours», have underlined the importance of pigments and their specific symbolism instead of abstract colour terms for a better understanding of the medieval notion of colours.Pastoureau’s thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours in medieval clothing and textiles. In my contribution, I am trying to show that similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours are manifested in medieval manuscripts. Recent interdisciplinary research on the «Codex Aureus Epternacensis», made around 1045 in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach, now in the Germanisches National-museum in Nuremberg has shed new light on the consciousness illuminators and patrons had of the materiality of colours and their respective value. My reflections are based on the technological examination of the «Codex Aureus» carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs (Fuchs and Oltrogge 2009) and my own research on the use and aesthetics of colours in the Middle Ages (Grebe 2007). The precious Gospel Book contains more than 40 full-page miniatures painted by several illumi-nators of the Ottonian Echternach workshop. The illuminators used a very varied palette of different colours and tones, e.g. the colours «red» or «purple» are not only represented by one, but by two or more pigments. Among them we find many rare and expensive «exotic» pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which have been abundantly used in this manuscript compared to other Romanesque manuscripts. This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their patrons explicitly wished to use as many and costly colours as possible to include the maximal variety of colours in the «Golden Gospel Book».Another level of «chromatic awareness» is revealed by the fact that many miniatures in the cycle with the Life of Christ and the double page miniature of the Majestas Domini (fol. 2v-3r) have been painted over during the making of the manuscript. The reworking of most of the fleshy parts and backgrounds can tentatively be in-terpreted as «aesthetical restoration». Surprisingly, the illuminators did not alter the whole composition or touch the forms of the heads and hands, instead, they only changed the tone of the complexion and backgrounds. The reason was probably to avoid violent colour contrasts and to chromatically unify double-pages executed by different illuminators. The «Codex Aureus Epternacensis» thus proves the high sen-sibility of the Romanesque period towards chromatic values and material virtues of colours and pigments, which will be discussed in the article. •
key-words
Gospel Book Illuminated ManuscriptAesthetic of ColoursOttonianLapis lazuli
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value and beauty: towards a double aesthetic of colours in early romanesque book illumination
1. From Material to Medium
In 1508, Albrecht Dürer started to work on a large altarpiece depicting the «Assump-
tion of the Virgin» (Anzelewsky 1991, 221-228; Kutschbach 1995, 71-80; Decker
1996; Grebe 2006, 82-86; Pfaff 1971). The execution of the painting, which took
Dürer more than one and a half years to complete, was accompanied by an extensive
correspondence with the patron, the Frankfurt merchant Jakob Heller. Heller repeat-
edly complained about the delayed completion of the altarpiece and threatened to
withdraw his commission. Dürer countered the reproach by pointing to the quality of
the execution and his use of the best and «most beautiful colours» available. These
included «vltermarin», or lapis lazuli, worth more than 20 ducats, which he claimed
to have applied in 5 to 6 layers.1 And instead of apologizing to his patron, he dou-
bled the price of the altarpiece. His arguments were: a painting executed with the
maximum amount of materia and ingenium needed more time to finish, and it had
its price – which Heller actually agreed to pay when he finally saw the painting.
The Heller correspondence underlines the importance which was attached to certain
colours and pigments at the beginning of the 16th century. Lapis lazuli, for instance,
did not only provide a blue tone, but also represented quality and prestige (Pastou-
reau 2001; Fuchs and Oltrogge 1990; Bender 1990). The Latin name, «ultramarin»,
points to the far-off, exotic, and even mystical origin of the colour prepared on the
basis of Afghan lapis lazuli, which was the most expensive pigment apart from gold
and was therefore used as distinguishing feature in painting throughout the Middle-
anja grebe Department of Medieval Art History
University of Bamberg, Bamberg (Germany)
1. Letter to Jakob Heller dated November 4,
1508, ed. by Rupprich 1956, 67-68. Cf. the let-
ters to Heller dated March 21, 1509: «the colours
I used are worth more than 24 guilders» (Ruppri-
ch 1956, 69), and July 24, 1509: «I have been
working on it [= the altarpiece] for more than a
year using ultramarin for approximately 25 guil-
ders.» (Rupprich 1956, 71).
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 2
2. Unfortunately, the original panel was des-
troyed by a fire in the Ducal Palace in Munich in
1729. Before the painting was sold to Archduke
Maximilian I of Bavaria in 1614 the Nuremberg
painter Jobst Harrich made a faithful copy of the
original, now in Frankfurt/Main, Historisches
Museum, Inv. Nr. B 265, which, however, does
not allow any judgement about the paints or pig-
ments used.
3. Cf. Welchman 1990, esp. 8: «From the time
of Plotinus (A.D. 205-70) until the High Re-
naissance, writers touching upon the arts and
mentioning color were forced to wrestle with the
troublesome and dangerous question of sensu-
ality. Although colors were perceived through
sight – the highest of senses – they were still
a part of the non-celestial substance of which
humankind was made. The only way to elevate
the colorful, and hence intrinsically sensual, hu-
man sense of sight was to celebrate the divine
nature of light.»
Ages. Dürer probably used lapis lazuli for the blue cape of the Virgin thus enhancing
its inherent symbolical value by the use of the precious and prestigious material.2 If it
had been his aim to communicate only the chromatic symbolism of blue as celestial
colour he could have used a less expensive pigment like azurite instead. In his letters
to Heller, however, Dürer does not mention the religious symbolism of colours, but
insists on the value of the colour in its literal, material sense.
One should think that the primacy of «materia» would have been outdated in the
age after Alberti. In his treatise «De Pittura» (1435/36), which Dürer knew from a
copy in possession of a Nuremberg humanist (Fara 2002, 171-347), Leon Battista
Alberti clearly put the referential value of colour, even of gold, above its material
value (Alberti 2000, 290-291). According to Monika Wagner, Alberti marks the be-
ginning of modern colour aesthetics: «Since Leon Battista Alberti […] colour was no
longer judged by its material value. Now, its task was to simulate all kinds of other
materials on the surface of the image.» (Wagner 2001, 17-18).
2. Colours in medieval book illumination: Colour systems and attempts at interpretation
In his «Theory of Colours» («Farbenlehre») of 1810, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
gave priority to the metaphysics as opposed to the materiality of colours (Schmidt
1965). He described colours as «acts of light», referring to medieval colour theories,
where colours are described as reflections of the immaterial divine light which Saint
Augustine had designated as «queen of all colours». 3 Referring to Fritz Haeberlein’s
«Essential Features of a Post-antique Iconography of Colours» («Grundzüge einer
nachantiken Farbenikonographie»), Lorenz Dittmann characterised the colours in me-
dieval art as intended to represent the divine («Vorstellungsfarben»). Released from
all referential tasks colours could now function as «vocabulary» in the system of colour
symbolism (Dittmann 1987, 2-3). Although Heinz Roosen-Runge, in his fundamental
study on the «Colours and Techniques of Early Medieval Book Illumination», puts his
main focus on the material nature of colours, he nevertheless interprets them as a
means of representation for transcendental truth (Roosen-Runge 1967, vol. 1, 26-29).
Today, research on medieval manuscript illumination continues to be dominated by
the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concen-
trate on the content and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions
of materiality and layout, which go beyond codicological issues, are often neglected.
The same is true for the analysis of colours: research focuses mainly on the religious,
dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours which are considered as abstract categories
without a specific materiality. In view of the role of colours as bearers of meaning
(«Bedeutungsträger») in medieval art and culture one has to ask for the specific use
of colours as well as the value(s) attached to them in the literal and figurative sense
to fully understand a work of art.
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va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
4. Cf. Pastoureau 1990, 38: «Avant tout codage
extra-pictural, venant de l’extérieur, la couleur
est d’abord codée de l’intérieur, par et pour un
document donné. [...] Elle est à la fois surface,
matière, lumière, éclat, fluide, rythme, construc-
tion, syntaxe, marque, emblème, symbole, idée,
mode, atmosphère, style, art, technique, prix,
beauté – tous termes certes vagues et discuta-
bles mais dont la liste [...] souligne parfaitement
ce caractère polysémique et plurifonctionnel de
la couleur. »
Until now, such questions have mainly been asked by historians. Michel Pastoureau,
above all, has been working towards a «social history of colours» («histoire sociale
des couleurs»), that takes into consideration the percipient against the backdrop
of his culture, ideas, experiences and sensitivity (Pastoureau 1990, 22). According
to Pastoureau, research into the use of colours in the Middle Ages should not be
based on abstract theory but on the objects and their specific colouring in which the
polysemantic and multifunctional character colours is manifested.4 This leads to the
hypothesis, that people in the Middle Ages in many cases did not perceive colours
as abstract chromatic values, but in their material form as pigments. The case of the
red pigment called sanguinis draconis, for instance, clearly shows that it is necessary
to develop a kind of «pigment symbolism» instead of abstract colour terms to help
with our understanding of the medieval notion of colours:
«Quand au XVe siècle un peintre utilise pour tel élément de son tableau le
célèbre pigment sang-dragon plutôt que tel ou tel autre pigment rouge, c’est
sans doute pour des raisons à la fois économiques, techniques et artistiques,
liées au prix de ce pigment, à son pouvoir couvrant, aux effets qu’il permet
d’obtenir, mais c’est aussi et surtout pour des raisons symboliques, liées au
nom même de ce pigment et aux rêves que ce nom suscite chez l’artiste et son
public.» (Pastoureau 1989, 39-40)
3. The values of colour between consciousness of material («Materialbewusstsein»), symbolic function and aesthetics
Michel Pastoureau’s thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours
in medieval clothing and textiles. In the following, I would like to show that medieval
manuscripts manifest similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours. The investi-
gations of Heinz Roosen-Runge and Johan Jakob Tikkanen (Tikkanen 1933, 352-443)
have shown that medieval illuminators possessed a very detailed knowledge of colours
and pigments, which was transmitted orally, by written treatises such as the «Mappae
Clavicula», the «Heraclius» or the «Theophilus», and by numerous individual collections
of recipes and guidelines (Oltrogge 2006; Gullick 1995; Roosen-Runge 1967; Bartl et.
al. 2005, 17-34). These texts consist mainly of practical instructions in the preparation
and handling of colours. Sometimes however, the introductory remarks contain theo-
retical reflections on the meaning of colours as well as on the conjunction of «materia»
and «ingenium». A 12th-century copy of the «Mappae Clavicula» provides an example:
«The arts are learned little by little, step by step. The art of painting is pre-
ceded by the preparation of colours. Thus, you should first pay attention to the
mixing of each colour. Only then should you start on the actual work, but you
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 4
5. Translated from Halleux 1990, esp. p.
179: «C’est peu à peu, partie par partie, que
s’apprennent tous les arts. L’art des peintres
est précédé par la confection des couleurs. En-
suite, que votre esprit tourne ses soins vers les
mélanges. Alors, passez à l’oeuvre, mais soumet-
tez tout à la rigeur, pour que ce que vous pein-
drez soit orné, et comme naturel. Ensuite, par
bien des preuves d’ingéniosité, l’art augmentera
l’oeuvre, comme le montrera ce livre.» («Sensim
per partes discuntur quaelibet artes/Artis picto-
rum prior est factura colorum/Post, ad mixtu-
ras convertat mens tua curas/Tunc opus exerce,
sed ad unguem cuncta coerce/ut sit ad ornatum
quod pinxeris, et quasi natum/Postea multorum
documentis ingeniorum/Ars opus augebit, sicut
liber iste docebit.») Theophilus, who treats co-
lours always as pigments, shortly mentions the
material importance of colours in the preface of
his treatise, cf. Brepohl 1999.
6. Up to now, there are very few publications on
the technical examination of manuscripts from
the 10th and 11th centuries. Roosen-Runge
1967 focuses on English illuminated manuscripts
from the 11th and 12th centuries. On Ottonian
book illumination in Trier see Oltrogge and Fuchs
2005. On the Echternach «Codex Caesareus» in
Uppsala see Fuchs and Oltrogge 1998.
7. Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum,
Hs 156142.
should always strive to let your painting appear decorative as well as natural.
This book shows how artistry in combination with ingenuity will enhance your
work.» (cf. Halleux 1990, 179) 5
In the Early Romanesque period, it is not only treatises, but the works of art them-
selves which testify to the awareness of illuminators and patrons towards the mate-
riality of colours and their respective value. Up to now, nearly all attempts to draw
up a kind of general «chromatic grammar» or system of colour symbolism based on
the use of colours in illuminated manuscripts have failed. It has become clear that
the application and distribution of colours varies from book to book, even when
entire pictorial cycles are based on the same, constantly repeated models, as in the
case of the so-called «Reichenau» and «Echternach» schools.
4. Colours in the «Codex Aureus of Echternach»
The following reflections are based on the technological examination of the «Codex
Aureus Epternacensis», now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg,
which was carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs in 2006, as well as my
own research on the use and the aesthetics of colours in manuscript illumination.6
The «Codex Aureus», made around 1045 in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach,
where it remained until the French Revolution, is one of the rare medieval Gospel
books entirely written in gold ink (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009; Grebe 2007; Kahsnitz
[ed.] 1982).7 It is also one of the largest and most richly decorated manuscripts, with
more than 50 large-format illuminated pages. These include a sumptuous double-
page depicting the Majestas Domini, while each Gospel is preceded by a sequence
of equally lavish double-pages with the portraits of the Evangelist (fig. 1), full-page
decorative initials, other decorative pages as well as four sequences of scenes from
the life of Jesus. The texts of the Gospels themselves are not interrupted by scenic
illustrations like in other Ottonian manuscripts.
The codex is the work of at least eight illuminators, some of which executed only ex-
ecuted a single page. They must have been working together very closely and within
a short period of time. In several cases, recto and verso of one and the same sheet
of parchment are executed by different illuminators who possessed a distinctive style
yet used nearly the same palette of colours. The technological examination of the
manuscript has revealed a very rich and varied palette, in which nearly all the colours
and hues available to 11th century scriptoria occur (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 153-
162, 163-167). The colours «red», «blue» or «purple», for instance, are represented
not by a single, but by two or more pigments. Among these we find many rare and
expensive «exotic» pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which were actually used
quite abundantly in this manuscript as compared to other Ottonian manuscripts.
This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their
patrons explicitly wished to use as many and as costly colours as possible to provide
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 5
va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
fig.1 codex aureus of echternach, st. john the evangelist, f. 112v.© nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 6
the maximum variety of colours for the «Golden Gospels». Lapis lazuli, for instance,
can be found as a distinguishing colour for the garments of the protagonists, but
was used also for backgrounds, e.g. in the Pentecost scene (fig. 2B), where we would
fig.2a+b codex aureus of echternach, double-page with scenes of the passion
and pentecost, f. 111v-112r. © nuremberg, germanisches
nationalmuseum
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 7
va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
expect a less expensive pigment like azurite. In the eyes of the contemporaries, the
prodigal use of the most expensive pigment must have enhanced the exceptional
character of the manuscript (Pastoureau 2001, 32-40).
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 8
The most dominant colour in the codex is purple (fig. 3), a synonym of sumptuous-
ness and costliness and symbol both of God and the Emperor, which occurs in dif-
ferent tones and shades both in the miniatures and the decorative pages (Muthesius
1997, 27-33; Steigerwald 1990; Fuchs and Oltrogge 2007, 82-98). The extensive
use of purple enhances the religious significance of the book as an embodiment of
God’s words. The illuminators did not apply the «real» Tyrian purple extracted from
the murex shell («murex brandaris»), but used less expensive pigments made from
plants like different kinds of the Rocella (or auricella) or the Ochrolechia as well as
Kermes vermilio, which were perhaps also better suited for the preparation of body-
colours (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 155-159). Technological examination has revealed
fig.3 codex aureus of echternach, initial page of the gospels of st. matthew, f. 22r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
fig.4 codex aureus of echternach, scenes of the infancy cycle, f. 19r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 9
va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
a preference for the darker Rocella purple, which was easier to procure, for the less
prominent sections of the miniatures, whereas clothing is more often painted in
the more costly Kermes purple, which had to be imported from the Mediterranean
(Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 34-50). Thus, in the case of purple, the illuminators
probably wished to enhance the more important parts of a figure or scene by using
a more expensive pigment, again displaying an awareness of the material quality of
colours (Oltrogge and Fuchs 2009, 34-50).
Another level of this «chromatic consciousness» is revealed by the fact that many
full-page miniatures, amongst others the double page depicting the Majestas Domini
(f. 2v-3r , fig. 6A), the Evangelists as well as most of the miniatures in the cycle of
fig.5 codex aureus of echternach, third page of the infancy cycle with alterations by the «master of the long nosed figures», f. 19v© nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 13 0
the life of Jesus (fig. 4-5), were partially painted over at some point. This must have
taken place in the workshop itself either during the making of the manuscript or
immediately after the illuminations had been finished, but before the final binding
fig.6a+b codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini double-page, f. 2v-3r
© nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 1
va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
of the pages. The retouches were carried out by the same group of illuminators who,
probably with one exception, had been responsible for the original or first phase of
the work. Curiously enough, these alterations, which were done using the same col-
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 13 2
ours and pigments as before, only concerned the backgrounds, the tone of the flesh
and the hair of the figures, leaving the form of the heads and hands as well as the
rest of the composition untouched (Oltrogge et Fuchs 2009, 34-35, ill. 57-72).
In the case of the Majestas Domini double-page, the alterations can partly be de-
tected with the naked eye (fig. 7-8). The figure of Christ enthroned, the angel sym-
bolising St Matthew or the personification of Prudentia (fig. 9-10) each possess four
eyes: one pair of eyes belongs to the «actual» face, while below this which appear
two dark points that belonged to the original features. Investigation with infra-red
light has revealed that the second illuminator completely covered the fleshy parts,
but did not touch the original version which is entirely conserved.
fig.7 codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini, detail of the head of christ, f. 2v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseumfig.8 codex aureus of echternach, majestas domini, detail of the head of christ (infrared reflectography), f. 2v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 3
va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
The alterations seem to be highly unusual and demand an interpretation. A «practical»
explanation could be that we are faced with an early repair of defective portions or
layers of paint which were corrupted or chipped. This, however, can be rejected in the
view of the remaining, fully conserved original faces. A second hypothesis concerns
the content of the miniatures. It states that the makers of the manuscript may have
wished to change the character of a figure or a scene. There is, however, no substan-
tial evidence for this explanation either. While the illuminators would frequently alter
the tone of the flesh and some of the facial features, they would generally not change
the posture of the head or the line of sight. One of the few exceptions is the «Noli
me tangere» scene, where the painter corrected the orientation of the angels’ heads,
which had originally looked straight ahead (fig. 11-12). By re-directing them to the
right the illuminator enhanced the focus on Christ as the central figure of the scene,
but did not completely change the meaning of the image. Similar changes do also
occur with some of the minor figures which are part of the decorative framework and
do not carry any particular meaning. This observation suggests another explanation.
The alterations were probably carried out for aesthetical reasons and can tentatively
be interpreted as «aesthetical restorations». Interestingly enough, the illuminators did
fig.9 codex aureus of echternach, personification of prudentia, detail from the majestas domini double-page, f. 3r. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
fig.10 codex aureus of echternach, personification of prudentia (infrared reflectography), f. 3r. © robert fuchs/doris oltrogge, university of applied sciences, cologne
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 13 4
not paint over entire figures, which would probably have been easier, but instead only
retouched the fleshy parts, making sure that the renewed face fitted between the
hairline and the neckline. In the case of the Majestas Domini and related pages, the
rather long-nosed «face-lifting» did not really result in an improvement in appear-
ance. However, as technological analysis has revealed, the more harmonious general
features of the first version had been combined with a rather garish pink skin colour
and blue hair as seen in the portrait of St John. Some minor figures preserve this
colouring, and these give us an idea of the original facial tones: the ox symbolising
St Luke (f. 2v), the grotesque masks in the frame of the decorative initial page of
the Gospels of St John (f. 114r) and St Peter in the scene of the «Doubting Thomas»
(f. 111v). Some of the trumpeting angels as well as St John the Evangelist (f. 112V)
even retained their original blue hair (fig. 1).
These examples suggest that the true reason for the alterations was probably to
avoid violent colour contrasts within the images, and to create a chromatic har-
mony between several of the double-pages which had been executed by different
illuminators. The new, brownish skin colour and black hair, for instance, do indeed
match better with the colours of the clothing and backgrounds. Thus, the «Codex
Aureus» underlines the high level of sensitivity of the Romanesque period towards
both chromatic values and material virtues of colours and pigments.
fig.11 codex aureus of echternach, passion cycle, noli me tangere scene, detail: angel, f. 111v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
fig.12 codex aureus of echternach, passion cycle, noli me tangere scene, angel (infrared reflectography), f. 111v. © nuremberg, germanisches nationalmuseum
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 5
va l u e a n d b e a u t y : t o w a r d s a d o u b l e a e s t h e t i c o f c o l o u r s i n e a r ly r o m a n e s q u e b o o k i l l u m i n at i o n
The astonishing insights into the production of the codex reveal a twofold aesthetic
of colours, which had both the materiality of the colours or pigments and their
chromatic interaction in view. Instead of focusing only on the symbolism of certain
colours, which was the general supposition of research until recently, the makers
of the manuscript actually gave priority to chromatic variation. Their aim seems to
have been to enhance the status of the codex as an actual materialisation of the
word of God by endowing it with the finest of colours both in the material and the
artistic sense. Hopefully, the new interpretation proposed here of the employment
of colours and the importance attached to chromatic values in medieval and espe-
cially in Romanesque book illumination may be supported by further technical and
art historical research into other manuscripts in the nearby future. •
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Biography
Anja Grebe studied Art History, History, and French Literature at the University of
Constance (Germany) and Paris, La Sorbonne. 1995 M.A. Dissertation on Modern
French Artists’ Books. 1996-1997 Research assistant at the University of Constance,
Department of Art History. 1997-2000 Graduate school «Medieval Writing Culture» at
the University of Münster; PhD Dissertation on «Art on the Edge: Book Design in the
Burgundian Netherlands after 1470». Since 2001 Research assistant at the Germanisches
Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg and Associate lecturer at the University of Erlangen,
Department of Art History.
Institutional affilation: Assistant professor of Medieval Art History at the Otto-Friedrich-
University, Bamberg.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 9
étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’ image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton i i i , fin xe siècle
Resumo
O período que se estende entre o fim do século X e os finais do século XII é uma época de mutações. É por isso, que ele me parece interessante para estudar a emergência de um código da cor do corpo. A minha investigação actual articula-se em torno dos laços que existem entre a cor e os corpos na imagem medieval. Dou uma atenção muito especial sobre a cor do nu e a sua relação com a cor do vestuário que o cobre: será que existe um laço entre estes dois «espaços» da cor, o da pele e o do vestuário? A cor do corpo, nu ou vestido, desempenha um papel no estatuto das personagens representadas?O pequeno número de manuscritos a cor que chegou até nós, o seu estado de conservação por vezes mau e a dificuldade de aceder às fontes, não parece , à primeira vista, justificar a minha opção cronológica. Contudo, estes documentos parecem-me reveladores duma época em plena mutação e são portadores de índices dessas mesmas mutações. As minhas pesquisas permitiram-me constatar que não haverá ainda um sistema cromático definido, mas tendências. O que é verdadeiro para um manuscrito não o é para os outros. O estado transitório do período que aparece por vezes em filigrana num manuscrito e a escassez de fontes directas ou indirectas sobre a cor das personagens aconselham uma grande prudência nas minhas conclusões. Na minha investigação sobre as relações que existem entre a cor e o corpo representado, interrogo-me sobre a forma como se exprime iconograficamente a cor do corpo. Focalizo a minha atenção na presença ou não de técnicas cromáticas para traduzir a cor da nudez, da pele, dos cabelos, mas também na forma de representar o vestuário. Para poder responder, finalmente, à questão de saber se a cor em geral, a cor do corpo em particular, desempenha uma função no estatuto da personagem representada nas imagens. Com efeito, notei em certos documentos, um esforço para diferenciar, pela cor, a pele positiva da pele negativa e, para lá da pele, o estatuto da personagem apresentada. Este esforço de classificação pode ir em certos casos, até dar ao corpo mais valorizado, o de Cristo, uma cor particular.De modo a responder às questões que me coloco, pareceu-me prudente centrar a atenção sobre o estudo dum manuscrito otoniano datado de finais do século X, o Evangeliário de Otão III. O manuscrito, produzido em torno de 997, é um dos mais belos exemplos do atelier da abadia alemã de Reichenau. O conjunto iconográfico é composto de 35 pinturas a página inteira, o que faz dele um dos mais importantes da época. A riqueza de tons e a densidade da cor, o excelente estado de conservação das pinturas, a relação estreita entre a cor do corpo e o estatuto das personagens representadas, fazem desta obra um elemento chave no meu estudo sobre as cores do corpo.A gama cromática do manuscrito é caracterizada pela variedade das tintas, o jogo de matizes e o perfeito estado de conservação e saturação das cores. Ao olhar para este rico mostruário de cores («nuancier»), três elementos atraíram a minha atenção: a delicadeza do trabalho do artista para criar uma vasta gama de brancos, a presença de um matiz de vermelhos e castanho na cor do vestuário principal. E, enfim, a riqueza dos tons para a cor da pele.O Evangeliário de Otão III não cessa de levantar um grande número de questões. A cor aparece aí codificada e pensada em função dum contexto bem particular. Mas este estudo obriga a uma grande prudência, pois este documento permanece uma excepção. Ele obriga-me a modelar pouco a pouco e sensatamente a minha análise, pois o que é válido para este manuscrito não o é para a maior parte dos integram o meu estudo. •
palavras-chave
corcorpoimagemmanuscrito
ano 1000
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Abstract
The period stretching from the end of the 10th century to the end of the 12th century is a time of many changes. This is why it seems interesting to us to study the emer-gence of a code of colour for the body. My current research is based on the existing links between the colour and the body in medieval imagery. I pay particular attention to the colour of the naked body and its relationship with the colour of the clothing that it covers: Is there a link between these two «spaces» of colour, which are the skin and clothing? Does the colour of the body, naked or dressed, play a role in the status of the various represented characters? The small number of manuscripts with colours remaining to this day, their state of conservation sometimes bad and the difficulty to access the sources does not seem, initially, to justify our chronological choice. However, these documents appear to us as an insight into a time in complete transformation and they are, at the same time, carrying the indications of these changes. My research identified that there was not a defined chromatic system yet, but some tendencies. What is true of one manuscript is not of others. The transitory state of the period that appears sometimes pen flour-ished initials in the manuscripts and the scarcity of the direct or indirect sources on the colour of the characters, forces the greatest of caution regarding our conclusions.In my search for existing links between the colour and the depicted body, I question the way in which the colour of the body is represented from an iconographic point of view. I concentrate my attention on the presence or not of chromatic techniques to translate the colour of nudity, of the skin, of the hair, but also to represent clothing. Ultimately, the question is to know if the colour in general, the colour of the body in particular, plays a role in the status of the represented characters in my pictures. Indeed, I have noticed that on certain documents an effort to differentiate, by using the colour, the positive skin from the negative skin and, beyond the skin, the status of the character represented in the scene. This effort of classification can, in certain cases, lead to giving to the most valued body, that of Christ, a particular colour. In order to answer the questions that we ask ourselves, it seemed judicious to focus our attention on the study of an Ottonian manuscript dating from the end of Xth century, the Evangeliar of Otto III.1 The manuscript, made around 997, is one of the finest examples of the workshop of the German abbey of Reichenau. Its iconogra-phy consists of thirty-five full-page paintings, making it one of the most important iconographic programs of the time. The richness in the tinge and density of the col-our, the excellent state of conservation of paintings, the close relationship between the colour of the body and the status of the characters represented makes this work a key element in our study on the colours of the body. The colour chart of the manuscript is characterized by the variety of colours, a set of shades and the perfect state of preservation and saturation of colours. In this rich colour chart, three points have caught my attention: the delicate work realized by the artist to create a wide range of white, the presence of shades of red and brown in the colour of the main clothing and, finally, the richness of nuances in the color-ing of the skin.The Evangeliar of Otto III continues to raise many questions. The colour appears codi-fied and thought in terms of a particular context. But this study requires the utmost caution, this document remains an exception. It forces me to adjust gradually and carefully my analysis, because what is valid for this manuscript is no longer valid for the great majority of the manuscripts of my study. •
key-words
colourbodyimagemanuscriptyear 1000
1. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Clm.
4453, towards 997.
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étude des rapports entrela couleur et le corps dans l’image médiévale:l’évangéliaire d’otton iii,fin xe siècle
La période allant de la fin du Xe siècle à la fin du XIIe siècle est une époque de mu-
tations. C’est pourquoi, elle me semble intéressante pour étudier l’émergence d’un
code de la couleur du corps. Mes recherches actuelles s’orientent autour du rapport
qui existe entre la couleur et le corps dans limage médiévale. la couleur joue-t-elle
un rôle dans les différents statuts du corps représenté? Afin de répondre à cette
question, il m’a semblé judicieux de focaliser l’attention sur l’étude d’un manus-
crit ottonien datant de la toute fin du Xe siècle, l’Évangéliaire d’Otton III.1 Pour
cette étude, je n’ai malheureusement pas eu accès au manuscrit original conservé à
Munich, ce dernier étant très difficile d’accès. Pourtant, consciente des difficultés
d’analyse que cela engendre, la consultation du fac-similé m’a permis de soulever
un certain nombre de questions. De ce fait, la richesse des nuances et de densité de
la couleur, l’excellent état de conservation des peintures, le rapport étroit entre la
couleur du corps et le statut des personnages représentés font de ce manuscrit un
élément clé dans mon étude sur la couleur du corps.
L’Évangéliaire d’Otton III, réalisé vers 997, est l’un des plus beaux exemples de l’ate-
lier de l’abbaye allemande de Reichenau. Il fait l’objet d’une commande du jeune
empereur Otton III (983-1002). Après la mort subite de ce dernier,2 le bel Évangé-
liaire revient à son cousin éloigné et successeur Henri II (973-1024) qui, à son tour,
l’offre au trésor de la cathédrale de Bamberg.3 L’ensemble iconographique est com-
posé de trente-cinq peintures à pleine page, parmi lesquelles vingt-neuf miniatures
mettent en scène la vie du Christ et quatre miniatures sont consacrées à la figuration
des évangélistes et de leurs symboles. Le programme pictural et christique de notre
marie aschehoug-clauteaux
École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris
(France)
1. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm
4453.
2. Otton III meurt à l’âge de 19 ans au nord de
Rome. Ne laissant pas d’héritier mâle, la suc-
cession de l’empire devient incertaine. Henri II,
ayant entretenu par le passé des bonnes relations
avec son cousin, s’empresse à prendre la succes-
sion, avant même qu’une élection aie lieu.
3. Après la mort de son père, en 985, Henri II de-
vient alors duc de Bavière. Il épouse Cunégonde
de Luxembourg (978-1040) vers l’An Mil. C’est
sous son règne, en 1007, que la ville de Bamberg
devient un évêché.
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Évangéliaire est l’un des plus importants de l’époque. Après les douze Canons de
Concordance, le cycle d’images s’ouvre sur deux peintures se faisant face, aux folios
23 v. et 24: les quatre provinces impériales, Sclavinia, Germania, Gallia et Roma,
prêtent hommage au jeune empereur Otton III. Ce dernier est représenté en majesté,
entouré de nobles, clercs et laïcs. (Fig.1)
La gamme chromatique du manuscrit est caractérisée par la variété des teintes, le
jeu des camaïeux et le parfait état de préservation et de saturation des couleurs.
J’ai relevé pas moins de cinquante-huit nuances différentes. Parmi ces nuances, l’or
a une place centrale: il est la couleur principale des fonds des peintures. Toutefois,
il est intéressant à remarquer que la mise en scène de la majesté impériale et les
quatre dernières images du cycle christique, la Passion et la Résurrection du Christ,
ne sont pas figurées sur un fond d’or mais sur un fond polychrome. C’est comme si
ces fonds de couleur rappelaient la nature terrestre du pouvoir impérial et la nature
humaine du Christ.
Au regard de ce riche nuancier, trois éléments ont attiré mon attention. Tout d’abord,
le délicat travail que réalise l’artiste pour créer une vaste gamme de blancs. Ensuite,
la présence d’un camaïeu de rouges et de marron dans la couleur des vêtements
principaux est intéressante à signaler. Enfin, la richesse des nuances dans la mise en
couleur de la peau est un élément qui pose un grand nombre de questions.
Le minutieux travail artistique pour représenter une riche gamme de blancs est un
point intéressant. La couleur blanche, lorsqu’elle est appliquée au vêtement des
personnages, n’est pas une couleur «pure», totalement blanche. La peinture blanche
pure est seulement réservée aux rehauts de couleurs de la peau, des yeux et des plis
des étoffes. Le blanc vestimentaire est toujours un blanc bleuté, ou bien un blanc
fig.1 folios 23 v. et 24 (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
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étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’ image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton i i i , fin xe siècle
grisâtre, parfois même violacé. Ce blanc est la couleur la plus claire, généralement
réservée au vêtement porté le plus près du corps: la tunique, la tunique du dessous
ou la chemise, certains bas-de-chausses et les voiles des femmes. Par exemple, au
folio 24, la tunique du vieux laïc à gauche d’Otton III est d’un blanc bleuté, tandis
que le linceul de Lazare, au folio 231 v., est d’un blanc violacé. J’ai remarqué qu’il
était parfois difficile de différencier le blanc du gris. Le gris permettant d’enrichir la
gamme des blancs, l’idée serait d’avoir une couleur claire pour le vêtement le plus
près du corps. (Fig.2)
Lorsqu’un groupe est représenté, aux tuniques blanches viennent s’ajouter des tuni-
ques jaunes. Par exemple, au folio 116 v., les jeunes enfants qui entourent le Christ
portent des tuniques blanc violacé et jaune clair de manière intercalée. En rythmant
l’image, ce jeu de couleurs semble donner vie au groupe et rendrait la scène moins
monotone. (Fig.3)
Mais l’usage du jaune comme couleur associée au blanc peut aussi créer une tension
au sein d’un couple de personnages. Dans la scène du Baiser de Judas, au folio 244
v., le Christ et Judas portent tous les deux des tuniques claires. Pourtant, celle du
Christ est blanc grisâtre tandis que celle de Judas est jaune clair. Leurs manteaux
sont rouges, mais celui du Christ est rouge violacé, plus foncé que celui de Judas, qui
est rouge orangé. Le contraste de couleurs apparaît à la fois faible et extrêmement
subtil. Par la couleur, l’artiste n’a-t-il pas voulu traduire l’ambiguïté de ce baiser et,
au-delà du baiser, la complexité du geste de Judas? (Fig.4)
Cette figuration d’habits qui ne sont pas réellement blancs n’est-elle pas le reflet
d’une réalité vestimentaire, c’est-à-dire l’impossibilité de teindre les étoffes en blanc?
fig.2 folios 24, 60 v., 94 v., 97 v., 113 et 231 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
fig.3 folio 116 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
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Le fait de représenter des tuniques aux diverses nuances de blancs et de jaune
n’est-il pas une manière d’exprimer la couleur changeante des tissus non-teints?
Les tissus blancs sont généralement les tissus de couleur naturelle, ou qui ont subi
des techniques d’éclaircissement comme le séchage au soleil. C’est pourquoi, à
l’époque qui nous concerne, il est presque matériellement impossible d’avoir des
étoffes réellement blanches. Généralement, celles-ci sont de couleur écrue, ou bien
grisâtre ou brunâtre.
Précédemment, nous avions mentionné la présence d’un camaïeu de rouges dans
la palette vestimentaire des personnages. Le rouge est enrichi de diverses nuances,
tirant parfois même vers le marron. Dans certaines images, il est même difficile de
distinguer le rouge et le marron. Cela m’amène à penser que le marron, dans ce
manuscrit-ci, fait partie de la palette des rouges. La diversité des nuances rouges
et leur récurrence sur le vêtement semble imposer l’idée d’une couleur foncée pour
l’habit des personnages principaux. Au folio 24, l’empereur Otton III est vêtu d’une
luxueuse tunique rouge violacé et d’un manteau vert. La longue tunique du dessous
est blanc bleuté. On peut remarquer que la couleur foncée du vêtement principal
contraste avec la couleur claire du vêtement le plus près du corps. (Fig.5)
De son côté, au folio 34 v., le Christ revêt un manteau couleur rouge ou marron.
Comme pour le vêtement impérial, la couleur du manteau du Christ contraste toujours
avec la couleur claire de sa tunique. À une exception près. (Fig.6)
La seule scène où le Christ ne porte pas de couleur foncée, rouge ou marron, est
celle de la Transfiguration, au folio 113. Il y est vêtu d’une tunique blanche et d’un
fig.4 folio 244 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
fig.5 folio 24 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
fig.6 folios 34 v., 97 v., 192, 231 v. et 251 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002) > fotofig.6.jpg
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étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’ image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton i i i , fin xe siècle
4. Depuis l’Antiquité, le rouge est la couleur par
excellence. À l’époque romaine, la plupart des
pigments qui servent à teindre en rouge pénè-
trent mieux les fibres textiles. Les différentes
gammes de rouges sont plus résistantes que les
autres couleurs. Les belles étoffes sont donc gé-
néralement de couleur rouge, dont les teintes
sont extrêmement diversifiées. (Lire à ce sujet le
chapitre consacré aux couleurs et aux teintures
dans l’ouvrage de PASTOUREAU Michel, Cou-
leurs, Images, Symboles, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard
d’Or, 1989, pp. 20-31).
manteau orangé. La couleur claire de l’habit du Christ se ferait l’écho de ce «vêtement
d’une blancheur éclatante» dont parlent les Évangiles. (Fig.7)
La richesse des nuances de rouge et de marron sur la tunique d’Otton III et sur le
manteau du Christ confirmerait le statut encore exceptionnel qu’a le rouge dans le
monde occidental aux alentours de l’An Mil.4
Le travail réalisé par l’artiste sur la couleur de la peau mérite notre attention tant il
est extrêmement subtil. Une première couche de couleur saturée est posée sur l’es-
pace destiné à la peau. Pour la couleur de cette couche de base, j’ai relevé pas moins
de onze nuances différentes: beige moyen rosâtre, beige verdâtre, beige jaunâtre,
jaune verdâtre, beige clair, beige rougeâtre, blanc verdâtre, marron clair, verdâtre,
beige clair rosâtre et gris verdâtre composent le nuancier de la peau. Ensuite cette
couche de base est relevée de reflets blancs et d’ombres de couleurs diverses. J’ai
remarqué que la couleur des ombres variait en fonction de la couleur de base de la
peau. Par exemple, au folio 24, la peau des laïcs figurés auprès de l’empereur est
beige, relevée d’ombres marron rougeâtre, alors que la peau d’Otton III, jaune ver-
dâtre, est rehaussée d’ombres verdâtres. (Fig.8)
fig.7 folio 113 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002) fig.8 folios 15 v., 17 v., 18, 23 v., 30 v., 32 v., 60 v., 97 v., 113 et 149 v. (détails) (briechle
andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
Pourquoi retrouve-t-on tant de couleurs différentes pour la peau? Afin de répondre
à cette question, je ferai appel à sept cas de figure qui me paraissent significatifs: la
peau d’un vieillard indigent, celle de Satan, celle du lépreux, celle de Lazare, celle des
quatre provinces impériales, celle de l’empereur Otton III et, enfin, la peau du Christ.
Au début de notre cycle d’images, au-dessus de l’une des Tables de Concordances,
au folio 17 v., nous remarquons un vieillard courbé, tunique courte et pieds nus,
en train de se chauffer les mains auprès d’un feu. Sa peau est beige verdâtre. Face
à lui, un jeune vigneron est aussi vêtu de court et les pieds nus. Mais sa peau est
marron clair. Ici, la couleur de la peau semble établir une frontière entre deux âges,
la jeunesse et la vieillesse. (Fig.9)
Pourtant, un feuillet plus loin, au folio 18, un jeune homme et un vieillard ont été
également figurés au-dessus des Tables de Concordances. Ce sont des artisans. Leurs
fig.9 folio 17 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
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5. Sur l’aspect péjoratif d’une couleur saturée
pour le corps, lire PASTOUREAU Michel, Cou-
leurs, Images, Symbolique, Paris, Ed. Le Léopard
d’Or, Paris, 1989, pp. 95-97.
tuniques sont courtes et leurs jambes et leurs pieds sont recouverts. Et, surtout, ils
ont tous les deux la même couleur de peau, beige jaunâtre. La couleur de la peau
ne crée plus seulement une distinction entre deux âges, mais elle semble établir un
écart social entre l’univers des paysans et le monde des artisans. Le vieillard qui se
réchauffe les mains auprès du feu, vêtu dune courte tunique, jambes et pieds nus,
pourrait être un indigent. La couleur de sa peau, beige verdâtre, contraste avec celle
des trois autres travailleurs représentés: l’homme est non seulement un paysan, mais
il est surtout un exclu. (Fig.10)
Dans les trois scènes des Tentations du Christ, au folio 32 v., Satan a la peau beige
rougeâtre, beaucoup plus sombre que celle du Christ, qui est beige clair. Son corps
est recouvert d’une étoffe marron clair. La manière dont est posée l’étoffe sur le corps
du diable est particulière: elle cache une partie tout en découvrant l’autre partie.
L’ambivalence vestimentaire, doublée d’une couleur sombre de peau, soulignerait
le caractère sournois et inquiétant de Satan.5 (Fig.11)
fig.10 folio 18 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
fig.11 folio 32 v. (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
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étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’ image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton i i i , fin xe siècle
6. Sur le tacheté de la peau, lire PASTOUREAU
Michel, Couleurs, Images, Symbolique, Paris, Ed.
Le Léopard d’Or, Paris, 1989, pp. 92-95.
7. La lèpre serait la plus visible des maladies de la
peau. Elle représente ainsi l’archétype de la ma-
ladie de peau. (Lire à ce sujet TOUATI François-
Olivier, Archives de la lèpre: Atlas des léproseries
entre Loire et Maine au Moyen Age, Paris, 1996).
8. Le lépreux ouvre la voix du salut par la cha-
rité qu’il appelle. (Lire TOUATI François-Olivier,
Maladie et société au Moyen Age. La lèpre, les
lépreux et les léproseries dans la province ecclé-
siastique de Sens jusqu’au milieu du XIVe siècle,
Bruxelles, De Boeck Université, 1998).
9. Lire, à ce propos, l’article d’ALIBERT Domini-
que, “Approche de l’iconographie politique autour
de l’An mille”, in Gerberto d’Aurillac, da Abate di
Bobbio a Papa dell’Anno 1000, Atti del Congres-
so Internazionale, Bobbio, Archivum Bobiense.
Le lépreux, au folio 97 v., est peint le corps courbé, une corne attachée en bandou-
lière autour de son torse. Sa peau est marron, semée de taches sombres.6 C’est un
personnage singularisé, par la couleur de sa peau et par le bruit qu’il fait avec sa
corne. Et ainsi différencié, on peut mieux le mettre à l’écart, l’exclure.7 Toutefois, je
me demande si la figure du lépreux est aussi négative que cela dans notre manuscrit.
Non seulement le lépreux bénéficie de la compassion du Christ, mais aussi il jouit
d’un traitement de couleur particulier: sa peau, aussi dévalorisée soit-elle, n’est pas
de la même couleur que celle de Satan.8 (Fig.12)
Plusieurs feuillets plus loin, au folio 231 v., lorsque Lazare, couvert d’un linceul, est
ressuscité par le Christ, sa peau est gris verdâtre. C’est comme si cette association
du gris et du vert signifiait le mieux la pâleur cadavérique. (Fig.13)
Les personnifications féminines des quatre provinces impériales, au folio 23 v., se
prêtent également à un intéressant jeu de couleurs de la peau. La couleur est inter-
calée d’une femme à une autre. De cette manière, Roma et Germania ont la peau
de couleur jaune verdâtre, tandis que celle de Gallia et de Sclavinia est marron clair.
Placée de manière intercalée, la couleur de la peau donne du rythme à l’image. Or,
est-ce que c’est un hasard si la peau de Roma, la province placée le plus près du pou-
voir impérial, est de la même couleur que celle de l’empereur Otton III?9 (Fig.14)
Au folio 24, l’empereur Otton III, figuré en majesté, a la peau jaune verdâtre. À sa
droite, les deux clercs ont aussi la peau jaune verdâtre, tandis qu’à sa gauche, les
laïcs l’ont beige. La couleur de la peau semble rapprocher l’empereur des clercs, le
pouvoir impérial de l’Église. Est-ce qu’elle ne traduit pas les enjeux idéologiques de
la politique impériale des ottoniens? La peau du Christ pourrait donner un début
de réponse. (Fig.15)
fig.12 folio 97 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
fig.13 folio 231 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 14 8
J’ai relevé trois nuances différentes pour la peau du Christ: beige clair, blanc ver-
dâtre et verdâtre. Pourquoi ces différenciations? J’ai remarqué que Jésus avait la
peau beige dans toutes les scènes qui ont un rapport avec sa vie terrestre et publi-
que. Je pense ici, aux scènes du Baptême, des Tentations, des enseignements, des
guérisons et de la Passion. J’ai également observé qu’il avait la peau couleur blanc
verdâtre dans les scènes où la nature divine du Christ était mise en avant, comme
celle du Christ en majesté ou bien de la Résurrection. Enfin, dans la scène de la
Transfiguration, la peau du Christ est entièrement verdâtre. Une couleur de peau
particulière, unique dans le manuscrit, qui s’accorde avec la couleur claire de son
vêtement. Comme si le verdâtre était la nuance de peau qui se rapprochait le mieux
du divin. (Fig.16)
À quelques feuillets d’intervalle, la majesté impériale et la majesté du Christ se font
écho. Comme s’il n’y avait aucun intermédiaire entre l’empereur et le Christ. La peau
de l’empereur et celle du Christ divin tendent toutes les deux vers le verdâtre. À une
nuance près: celle de l’empereur est jaune verdâtre tandis que celle du Christ est
blanc verdâtre. La couleur de leur peau se ressemble, mais n’est pas la même. Tout
en faisant partie du monde spirituel, voire de la mouvance divine, Otton III n’est pas
fig.14 folio 23 v. (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
fig.15 folio 24 (détail) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 4 9
étude des rapports entre la couleur et le corps dans l’ image medievale: l’evangeliaire d’otton i i i , fin xe siècle
le Christ, l’empereur n’est pas Dieu. Serait-il hasardeux de dire que la couleur est un
outil de pouvoir dans l’idéologie impériale?
L’Évangéliaire d’Otton III est extrêmement intéressant par le nombre de questions
qu’il ne cesse de soulever. La couleur y apparaît codifiée et pensée en fonction
d’un contexte bien particulier. Comme si sur ces deux espaces que sont la peau et
le vêtement il existait un chiasme de couleur du clair vers le foncé et du foncé vers
le clair. La peau claire et le vêtement foncé étant mieux mis en avant que la peau
foncée et le vêtement clair.
Mais l’étude de la couleur dans ce manuscrit force à la plus grande prudence. Car
au vu de l’ensemble de mon corpus, ce document demeure une exception. Il force
à moduler peu à peu et prudemment mon analyse, car ce qui est valable pour ce
manuscrit ne l’est plus pour la grande majorité des manuscrits de mon étude. Pour
la période choisie, fin Xe – fin XIIe siècles, en pleine mutation, la norme n’est jamais
de mise. •
Biography
Je suis d’origine franco-vénézuelienne. Après des études d’Histoire à l’Institut Catholique
de Paris puis à l’Université La Sorbonne-Paris IV, je suis en train de terminer un Doctorat
en Histoire médiévale à l’École Pratique des Hautes Études (E.P.H.E.), à Paris, sous la
direction de Monsieur Michel PASTOUREAU. Le sujet de la Thèse est: «Les couleurs du
corps nu et vêtu dans les manuscrits enluminés des Xe-XIIe siècles: une étude des rapports
entre la couleur et le corps dans limage médiévale». Publication: Article «Ich halte Dich
am Bart: Spiel der Hände, Spiel der Farben in einem Ritual zwischen Männern», in Edgar
BIERENDE, Sven BRETFELD et Klaus OSCHEMA, Riten, Gesten, Zeremonien, Trends in
Medieval Philology, Volume 14, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New-York, 2008, pp. 69-78.
Adresse e-mail: iotamarie@gmail.com
fig.16 folios 174 v., 34 v. et 113 (détails) (briechle andrea, etc., das evangeliar kaiser ottos iii, bayerische staatsbibliothek, münchen, clm 4453. augsburg, haus der bayerischen geschichte, 2002)
© Crédits photographiques:
BRIECHLE Andrea, FOX Angelika, MEYER Carla,
Das Evangeliar Kaiser Ottos III: eine Handschrift
zum Blättern, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mün-
chen, Clm 4453. Augsburg, Haus der Bayerischen
Geschichte, Bayerisches Staatsministerium für
Wissenschaft, 2002.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
Este artigo discute as cores e pigmentos utilizados numa das cópias d’O bestiário
do amor de Richard de Fournival, datado do 3.º quartel do séc. XIII. A aplicação de
uma certa paleta cromática bem como de certas especificidades iconográficas faz-
-nos pensar que este artista conhecia as técnicas utilizadas na produção bem mais
sofisticada da Cappella Regis sob o patronato de S. Luís: o Saltério de S. Luís que
se encontra na BNF, em Paris, e o ms designado por Saltério de Isabella no Museu
Fitzwilliam, em Cambridge. •
Abstract
This paper considers the colours and pigments of a manuscript of the Bestiary of Love
of Richard de Fournival from the third quarter of the 13th century. The particularities
of the use of the chromatic palette in this manuscript, together with several icono-
graphical devices, allow one to reflect on the knowledge, by the artist who decorated
this manuscript, of the methods of work used in the most sophisticated products of
the Cappella Regis under Saint Louis: the Saint Louis Psalter in the BNF of Paris and
the so called Isabella Psalter in the Fitzwilliam Museum in Cambridge. •
palavras-chave
corpigmentoiluminuraRichard de Fournivalbestiário
key-words
colourpigmentilluminationRichard de Fournivalbestiary
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 5 1
remarks on colours and pigments in the french court illumination of the 13 th century
The aim of this paper is to present the study of colours, pigments and of the picto-
rial technique in an illuminated manuscript of the Bestiaire d’Amours of Richard de
Fournival, the so called manuscript T of this work (Switzerland, private collection)1.
Rather modest in size (23 folios, of the dimension 17 x 12 cm), it is, nonetheless,
one of the most important manuscripts of this famous work. It is not only one of the
most ancient known manuscript of the Bestiary of Richard de Fournival (it can be
dated from the 1260s-1270s, whereas the other 23 known manuscripts of this work
date from between the 1270s and the 15th century ). Written in «francien», the Ile-
de-France version of the Old French, it is, also one of the most ancient illuminated
vernacular manuscripts known to us.
Another important point is its relationship to the French court: the miniature of the
Vulture, allegory of the persecution of a beloved by her lover in the ironical inter-
pretation of this fine writer of the 13th century, presents the images of Saint Louis
followed by his son-in-law Thibaud V, count of Champagne and king of Navarra
(1235-1270), easily recognizable by their arms. It is probable that the manuscript
(or its model) was commissioned by or for Thibaud of Navarra, and it cannot be ex-
cluded that the manuscript, the last miniature of which represents the God of Love,
served as a wedding present.
The miniatures of this manuscript give an exciting possibility for the close investiga-
tion of colours, pigments, of their deterioration and transformation, their reaction
with the parchment and their modification visible on the reverse side of the leaves.
This study shows us the proceedings employed by an artist who knew the methods
xenia muratova Professor Emeritus
xmuratova@aol.com
1. X.Muratova, B. Roy, Le manuscrit T du Bestiaire
d’Amour de Richard de Fornuival. Edition cri-
tique et étude des enluminures, Ramsen, in print.
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 15 2
2. R.Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris Dur-
ing the Reign of Saint Louis, Berkeley and Los
Angeles, 1977, pp.5, 132-137, 238-239;H.
Stahl, Picturing Kingship. History and Paint-
ing in the Psalter of Saint Louis, University
Park, Philadelphia, 2007; X.Muratova, B.Roy,
op. cit.; X. Muratova, «Officina di miniatori
della Cappella Regis all’epoca di San Luigi»,
Medioevo: Le Officine. I Convegni di Parma
XII. Atti del Convegno internazionale di stu-
di, Parma, 22-27 settembre 2009, a cura di A.
C. Quintavalle, Milano, 2010, pp. 511-516.
3. S. Cockerell, A Psalter and Hours Execut-
ed Before 1270 for a Lady Connected with St.
Louis, Probably His Sister Isabelle of France,
London, 1905; S.Panayotova, «The Psalter and
Hours of Isabelle of France», The Cambridge
Illuminations. Ten Centuries of Book Produc-
tion in the Medieval West, Catalogue of the
Exhibition, ed. by P. Binski & S. Panayotova,
Cambridge, 2005, London-Turnhout, 2005,
pp.178-180; X.Muratova, «Officina…», op. cit.
4. X.Muratova, «Un episode de la pratique de
travail des enlumineurs au XIIIe siecle: l’utilisation
des motifs bibliques pour illustration des ecrits
profanes», Imagenes e promotores en el arte me-
dieval. Miscellanea en homenaje a Joaquin Yarza
Luaces, Barcelona (Bellaterra), 2001, pp. 545-554.
of work and the repertory of forms used by an important group of artists which
executed the French Royal Psalters of the 1260s, the Saint Louis Psalter, ms. 10525
of the BNF of Paris2 and the so-called Isabella Psalter, ms. 300 of the Fitzwilliam
Museum in Cambridge3.
It is difficult to say if he belonged himself to this group of artists; but in any case he
was acquainted with their work. At the same time he was confronted with an unu-
sual task: to ornate a profane, vernacular manuscript for the decoration of which he
was not always provided with the iconographical devices of several scenes4. Beside
that, the study of the technique of the execution of the manuscript gives rather an
impression that the order was particularly urgent and that the work was executed
in a hurry.
Sixty-four small miniatures of the manuscript (the height of the majority of them
takes between three or five lines of the text) are placed on a blue or a pink water-
colour background but the tonality of these colours (especially a very deep, brilliant,
transparent blue) as well as the technique of the transparent watercolour itself used
for the background are closer to the chromatic devices and to the technique used
by English illuminators or by those who had an English training or were strongly
influenced by it. It is not an exception in the North French and Parisian miniature
of the 13th century.
But the use of the watercolour for the backgrounds can be hardly found in the ma-
jority of the French miniature production of this period. However, it is characteristic
for full-page miniatures of the two Royal Psalters where the coloured parts of the
background surround the central parts painted in gold.
In the Bestiary manuscript, the slightly orange pink colour is also used in watercolour
technique and covers the surface of the background in a rather irregular manner.
This orange pink is very close to the same colour in the Saint Louis Psalter. In rare
cases, however, the painter used a small amount of a binder or of a white in order
to unify the tone. But his mixtures were too fragile and led to the deterioration of
the some paintings. Perhaps, these mixtures were prepared too rapidly, the binders
were used in a too precipitated manner or, what is also possible, the degree of the
heating of the mixture was too high or too rapid.
In his work, the artist transgressed several norms adopted in the French manuscript
production of the 13th century. The alternation of blue and pink backgrounds is not
regular, as in the majority of the French manuscripts where this kind of alternation
constituted a system of personal marks in cases of the decoration of manuscripts of
the a large size. The artist of the Ms. T demonstrated a surprising freedom regarding
several norms which characterized the work of established workshops of illumina-
tors and book-makers. His practices are those of the illuminators who were called
to execute the decoration of small vernacular manuscripts, where many rules used
in the ateliers specialized in the production of important Latin manuscripts were
simply neglected and disregarded.
It is also difficult to judge whether the designer and the painter who just coloured
the silhouettes were the same person. It seems, in fact that the quality of the design,
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 5 3
r e m a r k s o n c o l o u r s a n d p i g m e n t s i n t h e f r e n c h c o u r t i l l u m i n a t i o n o f t h e 1 3 t h c e n t u r y
vivid, light and rapid, in some cases is superior to that of the colouring but several
deterioration of the pictorial layer and of pigments prevent us from making a definite
judgment about the execution of the miniatures by one or by two artists.
The colours and the pigments of the ms. T were studied essentially de visu, with a
magnifying glass and a microscope. A physical-chemical analysis was attempted in
a local laboratory but was not carried through to its end for several reasons having
nothing to do with scientific research. No radiographical or microspecrometrical
analysis was ever produced. Some physical-chemical results confirmed hypotheses
made during my study of pigments with a microscope.
In several cases the artist did not follow the rules of the utilisation of pigments set
in the known manuals of medieval illuminators, which is by itself not an important
exception in the work of the medieval illuminators who worked in the milieu domi-
nated by an oral tradition and where the individual experience of each artist who
transmitted it to his workshop, to his pupils and to his professional surrounding
played the primary role.
I don’t think that the deteriorations of pigments in several miniatures are due to a
bad knowledge of the technique; the manuscript was undoubtedly decorated by a
fine professional artist, but I am inclined rather to think that he had too short a time
for the execution of his order and that is why he could not respect the time needed
for the «rest» (or suspension) necessary for the preparation of pigments and their
mixtures. He may also have found himself in a particular situation, outside of a work-
shop, travelling, for instance, which obliged him to use the «moyens de bord».
Yellow: the frames, very simple, of miniatures are painted in a very pale yellow which
imitates probably, the golden frames. The presence of the infinitesimally small parti-
cles of gold (which can be observed through the microscope and in several cases can
be observed even with a magnifying glass) in this yellow pigment shows the use of
the orpiment, the auripigmentum album obtained from sulphur of arsenic and used
with parchment glue as a binder.
Blue: the chromatic palette is distinguished by the use of various tones of blue. First
of all, it is the deep blue sapphire colour of the backgrounds, in several cases strongly
dissolved and clear; in some other cases it becomes blackened because of the oxida-
tion of the ornamental motives painted on the surface of the backgrounds.
In many cases the dissolved blue pigment has transgressed the lines of the silhou-
ettes of animals and of personages, even if the artist seems to do everything to avoid
this extension of the blue This blue pigment, cold and intense, has corroded the
parchment and produced visible traces on the reverse of the sheets (where it gave
clear green traces); thus, it included corrosive substances which have profoundly
penetrated the texture of the parchment. This type of deterioration of the parchment
shows the use of a rather active corrosive substance, the azurite, a mineral pigment
based on the acetate or a carbonate of copper.
The blue of garments and vestments is also intense, profound and a brilliant colour
but it has not the transparency of the blue of the backgrounds. It is not the same
pigment used in more concentrated proportions and in a more dense manner. This
fig.1 the unicorn and the vultur, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10v and 23r, respectively.
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 15 4
blue pigment has none of the corrosive proprieties of the blue of the backgrounds
and did not attack the parchment. This blue was obtained from indigo. Thus, the
palette of our artist has several blue pigments, rather close in their chromatic effect,
but of different origin.
In several cases one can observe the clearer, and more opaque blue due to the mix-
ture with the white lead in various proportions. In several cases of the utilisation of
this mixture one can observe small losses of the pictorial layer.
There is also the blue-grey, very clear, and, finally, a very rare blue grey, transpar-
ent, very clear and cold. This colour has a slightly corrosive action: from the other
side of the sheet it gives an effect of a dark yellow or a slightly orange colouring on
the vestment of the Allegory of the Memory (Figure 2). This corrosive effect shows
equally the use of a pigment containing the copper oxide, prepared probably on a
base of the fusion of various substances and based on copper sulphate.
One should note that this pale blue colour, transparent and cold, very rare and
particular, has analogies with the pale blue which can be found in the Saint Louis
Psalter (Figure 3) but in this manuscript a different or better cleaned pigment was
used and it had no corrosive action on the parchment. A similar tone of the pale and
transparent blue is used also in the Cambridge Isabella Psalter (Figure 4).
A unique case where the blue colour which has a blue celestial tone, is that of the
lapis-lazuli with which were painted the vestment and the banner of the King Louis
IX in the miniature of the Vultur: in is interesting to note that in the same miniature
the painter used an extremely mordant pigment to paint in blue the back legs of the
horse of Thibaud, King of Navarra.
Small touches of blue grey (in the neighbourhood with the touches of clear brown
colour) were used for modelling the silhouettes of animals painted in beige or in
clear yellow. This perfect knowledge of the use of the complementary colours and
the taste for the modelling and the plastic quality in the treatment of forms can
unfortunately be appreciated very rarely: this extremely delicate finish and its nu-
ances were effaced because of the extensive use of the manuscript and the fragility
of the technique and can be only guessed at in certain miniatures.
The variety of the blue tones shows a rather refined taste but only more profound
scientific analysis could help to conclude which were exactly the resources of the
painter in the matter of pigments. In any case, the use of these resources was ex-
tremely masterly: already in the unique initial of the manuscript representing the
Allegory of the Memory (Figure 2) one can find four tones of blue and five tones of
pink-beige colours, some of them were produced thanks to the mixture with white
lead and with other pigments.
Green: as to the green, the dominant tone is that of a vivid and almost emerald
brilliant green, very widespread in the medieval miniature and produced from the
basic copper acetate, called in the Middle Ages Iarim or Iarin and a common name
of which was a verdigris. It is used for the painting of silhouettes of animals, for
vestments, trees and grass. As is well-known, it is one of the most aggressive pig-
ments of the medieval painting which corrodes and penetrates the parchment and
fig.2 allegory of the memory, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 1r (ou 25v?).
fig.3 saint louis psalter, paris, bnf, ms.10525, fl. 9r.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 5 5
r e m a r k s o n c o l o u r s a n d p i g m e n t s i n t h e f r e n c h c o u r t i l l u m i n a t i o n o f t h e 1 3 t h c e n t u r y
becomes visible on the reverse of the sheet. Several silhouettes painted in green
preserve the rest of the modelling executed with the same colour, a little darker or
a little clearer. Thus, it was a rather refined and skillful painting where the painter
knew how to use the possibilities of each pigment which he worked with a great
refinement and savoir-faire.
However, one should note that normally this brilliant tone of green is not charac-
teristic of Parisian painting of the 13th century, where the artists, who always used
verdigris, preferred the tones of bottle green and of grass green and in general used
the green pigment rather rarely, knowing its destructive properties (Figure 5). In
fact, the use of green constitutes one of the sensitive points of the Paris illumina-
tion. On the contrary, in the English miniature, the green lavis (in fact the pigment
is generally dissolved with water) is one of the preferred means of chromatic expres-
sion. Its extensive utilisation in our manuscript is another testimony of the training
of the artist not in Paris but in the North of France, in any case, under the strong
influence of practices adopted in English illumination. A similar bright and brilliant
green is characteristic for the painting in both Royal Psalters.
Pink, beige, orange, brown: the manuscript T has a very particular pink orange
colour used for the backgrounds where it is put by means of a transparent brushwork
painting and in a very irregular and unequal manner which creates the darker and
clearer parts of the painted surface. It is not at all common for Parisian and North
French illumination where the pink colour, called often the «rose de Paris» and ob-
tained from a mixture with lead, covers the surface in a dense, opaque, equal and
regular manner. Here it is a saffron colour, intense and brilliant. This orange pink,
as well as the watercolour technique of its utilisation which gives an impression of
the irregularity of the pink orange tone can be found only in the Saint Louis Psalter
executed by the artists attached to the Cappella Regis, especially in the architectural
parts of miniatures.
Several other orange and beige colours, their tones and nuances were used for the
silhouettes of animals, attributes and vestments. One of these beige-pink pigments
has corrosive action on the parchment and is visible from the other side of the leaf
(Figure 5), testimony of the use of pigments rich in iron oxide and other metals. This
effect could be also produced through the use of the extract of fish gall.
A clear pink colour of this manuscript is extremely fragile and inclined to deteriora-
tion: its surface is often covered with small spots. This deterioration is due to the
fermentation of the clarea – egg white – probably heated too rapidly. In fact, the
painter illuminating a vernacular manuscript, even if he knew the old traditions and
rules, was no longer strictly attached to them; the work on the order obliged him
to neglect several old rules and led sometimes to a too rapid and hurried prepara-
tion of colours.
White is used to paint the silhouettes and vestments: it is an extremely white,
limpid, brilliant and transparent colour obtained by the use of chalk. The drawing
is perfectly visible through the its surface. The traditional lead white is, of course,
also used rather widely.
fig.5 the tiger, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10r.
fig.4 isabella psalter, cambridge, fitzwilliam museum, ms.300, fl. 1v
c o l o u r a n d m e a n i n g
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 15 6
Black ink was employed for the drawing of the contours and parts of silhouettes.
Grey is dissolved black ink. Very light grey, mixed with white lead was used for the
modelling of faces and silhouettes. Faces are painted with touches of light grey and
pink. Several silhouettes are of a dark grey colour. In several miniatures one can ob-
serve the degradation of the grey colour because of the use of an unadapted binder
(or too hurried heating of the clarea which «turned» during the heating).
Red is used only for the rubrics: it is a vivid and brilliant red obtained from natural
cinnabar, red sulphate of mercury.
Gold, silver and other metallic pigments are absent at a first glance. The gold
particles, which can be observed in the yellow of frames and in some attributes, is
due to the effect of the orpiment.
It is probable however that the gold or its substitute was used for the decoration of
ornamental scrolls on backgrounds of several miniatures. A small portion of such a
scroll is visible in the lower part of the miniature of the Wild Ass. The disappearance
and the oxidation of the scrolls (Figure 6) painted with metallic pigments or their
substitutes shows that the essential rules of the work with these pigments were not
followed by the artist.
At the same time, these scrolls are so blackened and oxidized that their traces ap-
pear on the reverse of the folios. It is not an effect which could be produced in the
case of the use of white lead for the painting of the scrolls. Besides that, white lead
doesn’t show through the parchment.
The black traces left by the pigment used for the painting of the decorative scrolls re-
veal the use of a substitutive pigment for the gold, may be of silver which often attacks
the parchment, shows through it and leave the black traces on the reverse of the folios.
The almost total disappearance of this part of the decoration of our manuscript
changed considerably the initial aspect of the manuscript. There is no doubt that in
the beginning it produced an impression of a much more sumptuous object.
It is difficult to make a definitive conclusion as to the pigments used in the ms. T
without a new verification of chemical results and microspectoscopic analysis. How-
ever, observations concerning the colours and the chromatic palette permit one to
make several observations and to propose a number of hypotheses.
The choice itself of the chromatic palette, based on the tones of blue, green, grey,
pale yellow, beige and pink orange is very particular. It is a choice which is not due
to the limited means which were at the disposal of the artist. This choice is due to
his training and to his personal inclination. Even if numerous elements of the deco-
ration have disappeared or were modified with time, the analysis of pigments and
the choice of the chromatic palette show a refined artistic taste.
At the same time, it is not a palette characteristic of the Parisian workshops of the
middle of the 13th century and of its third quarter. These workshops attached a great
importance to a perfect balance of blue and pink colours retouched with a parcimo-
nious and skillful use of red and green.
In the production of the illuminated manuscripts in vulgar languages during the third
quarter of the 13th century, this kind of approach characterizes especially the deco-
fig.6 the panther, bestiaire d’amours of richard de fournival, switzerland, private collection, ms. t, fl. 10v.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 5 7
r e m a r k s o n c o l o u r s a n d p i g m e n t s i n t h e f r e n c h c o u r t i l l u m i n a t i o n o f t h e 1 3 t h c e n t u r y
ration of books executed by artists working North of the capital, and independent
in their chromatic tastes from Parisian norms.
Thus, on one hand, the use of pigments and colours in this manuscript shows a rather
free approach to the colour; on the other hand it demonstrates the knowledge of
English illumination and of its chromatic devices. The chromatic palette of the ms.
T, in its present state, in any case, reminds one of the favourite palette of English
artists of the second and third quarters of the 13th century.
At the same time, in relation with the majority of illuminated manuscripts of this pe-
riod coming from workshops of the North and East from Paris, with their variegated
colours, thick linear drawing and absence of modelling, the ms. T impresses one by
the grace and vivacity of its linear drawing, freshness of the narration, refinement
of modelling in painting and its remarkable choice of he chromatic palette.
The disregard of traditional rules, indicated in the medieval manuals of painting, in
the use of mixtures of pigments, is a feature which seems rather becoming to the
work of artists who were not bound by the secular traditions of the professional
production of Latin manuscripts. These artists began to specialize independently in
the decoration of manuscripts written in vulgar languages.
It is particularly interesting to note that in this case the artist based his work partly
on the experience of artists who did not belonged to big Parisian workshops but who
constituted a group of artists attached to the Capella Regis and working together on
the decoration of Royal Psalters obviously intended for the French court. •
Biography
Xenia Muratova is a Professor Emeritus of French Universities. She studied History of
Art in Russia, in France and in Germany. Her work is dedicated to various problems of
medieval art, especially to the study of the 12th and 13th centuries, of methods of work
of the medieval artist, of the medieval illumination and of medieval bestiaries. She is
the author of several books and numerous articles and essays on these topics, the most
important of these publications are monographs: Masters of the French Gothic, 1988;
The Medieval Bestiary, 1984; Le Bestiaire medieval, 1988; Storia universale dell’arte. Arte
del secolo XI, 2003; Storia universale dell’arte. Arte del secolo XII, 2005. Xenia Muratova
works also as art critic and writes on Modern and Contemporary painting as well as on
the History of the history of Art. She is member of numerous associations and scientific
societies in Europe and in America.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 5 9
byzantine rec ipes and book illumination
Resumo
Conhecem-se centenas de receitas medievais para a produção de cores, iluminuras e
tintas, no Ocidente latino. Pelo contrário quase nada parece ter sobrevivido do mun-
do bizantino que lhe foi contemporâneo. Há uma enorme lacuna entre os papiros de
Estocolmo e Leiden, datados aproximadamente da terceira centúria (c.), e os tratados
pós-bizantinos como o Anónimo 1566 de Jerusalém e, o mais conhecido, Herme-
neia do séc. XVIII, escrito por Dionísio de Phourna. Tem sido muitas vezes assumido
que os textos pós-bizantinos reflectem mais fielmente as tradições bizantinas, mas
uma análise rigorosa desses tratados tardios revela, afinal, em parte, influências das
técnicas ocidentais pós-medievais. Portanto, não podem ser tomados sem alguma
cautela como substitutos dos textos bizantinos perdidos. Além disso, durante os
1000 anos que durou o Império bizantino, a arte bizantina não foi uniforme – nem
em estilo, nem textualmente. A técnica da pintura varia entre scriptoria de diferen-
tes regiões e cronologias, novos pigmentos foram inventados (amarelo de estanho e
chumbo, azul de esmalte) – mudanças que os textos pós-bizantinos não referem. Do
tempo bizantino, encontram-se publicadas apenas umas poucas receitas, sobretudo
de tintas. Num projecto coordenado por Peter Schreiner (Universidade de Colónia)
e Doris Oltrogge (Fachlochshule Koln), a pesquisa sistemática em manuscritos ca-
talogados poderá ampliar este número para cerca de 80 receitas relacionadas com
a produção de manuscritos. Os principais tópicos são tintas, crisografia, douradura,
a produção de vermelhão e de laca vermelha. Os primeiros textos datam do séc. XII,
tendo muitos deles sido escritos nos sécs. XIV e XV.
Até agora não sobreviveram tratados sobre técnicas artísticas comparáveis a Theo-
philus ou Cennino. Há igualmente poucos vestígios de papiros da Antiguidade Tardia.
Sendo a maioria das receitas «novas» e únicas, algumas técnicas são comparáveis às
que são descritas nos textos do Ocidente, mas é apenas possível referir uma influên-
cia directa nos manuscritos escritos por gregos exilados na Itália do séc. XV. Algumas
das técnicas descritas podem ser observadas nos manuscritos bizantinos. Por outro
lado, há ainda muito poucas receitas para a produção de pigmentos sintéticos, mesmo
quando as análises científicas mostram que alguns pigmentos sintéticos importantes,
tais como, o amarelo de estanho e chumbo foram usados na iluminura bizantina mais
cedo que no Ocidente – podendo ter sido inventados em Bizâncio. •
palavras-chave
bizâncioreceitasiluminurascrisografiapigmentos
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Abstract
Hundreds of mediaeval recipes on colour production, book illumination and inks are
known from the Latin West. On the contrary nearly nothing seems to have survived
from contemporary Byzantium. There is an enormous gap between the late antique
papyri in Stockholm and Leiden, dating from about the 3rd century, and the post-
byzantine treatises like the 1566 Anonymous in Jerusalem and the better known
18th-century Hermeneia, written by Dionysios of Phourna. It has often been assumed
that the post-byzantine texts reflect rather faithfully byzantine traditions, but a close
analysis of these later treatises reveals at least partly influences of postmediaeval
Western techniques. Therefore, they cannot be taken without reservations as substi-
tute for lost Byzantine texts. Furthermore, Byzantine art is not uniform – neither in
style nor in text – during the 1000-year-period of the Byzantine Empire. The painting
technique varies between scriptoria of different times and locations, new pigments
were invented (lead-tin yellow, smalt) – changes on which the post-byzantine texts
give no information. From the Byzantine time, only some few recipes, mainly on
inks, are published up to now. In a common project of Peter Schreiner (University of
Cologne) and Doris Oltrogge (Fachhochschule Köln) a systematic survey on cata-
logued manuscripts could enlarge this number to about 80 recipes dealing with the
techniques of manuscript production. The main topics are inks, chrysography, gild-
ing, and the production of vermilion and of red lakes. The earliest texts date from
the 12th century, most of them were written in the 14th and 15th centuries. So far no
treatise on art technology – comparable to Theophilus or Cennino – has survived.
There are also only few traces of the late antique papyri. Most of the recipes are
«new» and unique. Some techniques are comparable to those described in Western
texts but a direct influence can only be stated in manuscripts which were written by
Greek exiles in 15th century Italy. Some of the techniques described can be observed
in Byzantine manuscripts. On the other hand, there are still extremely few recipes for
the production of artificial pigments, even if analysis can show that some important
artificial pigments like lead tin yellow were used in Byzantine illumination earlier
than in the West – and were perhaps invented in Byzantium. •
key-words
byzantium,recipes,book illumination, chrysography,pigments
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 6 1
byzantine recipesand book illumination
More than 400 mediaeval manuscripts dealing with the production of pigments and
inks, with binding media, and with the techniques of painting and book illumina-
tion have survived from the Latin West.1 On the contrary nearly nothing seems to
have come down to us from contemporary Byzantium. This is more than strange if
we consider that the earliest known Latin source – the Carolingian Lucca manu-
script – is clearly a translation from the Greek (Clarke 2001, 8). There are, however,
Greek texts on art technology from Antiquity: information on pigments are found
in the Book on stones written in the 4th century BC by Theophrast or in the medical
treatise of Dioskurides, dating from the 1st century AD. Probably in the 3rd century
AD the Leyden and Stockholm papyri were written, which transmit the most com-
prehensive collection of recipes for metallurgy, dyeing and alchemy (Halleux 1981).
The art of writing is considered in 16 recipes for true and false chrysography (Trost
1991, 58-102).
On the contrary, texts on art technology seem to be nearly non-existent in Byzantine
times, that is in the period between ca. 500 and 1453 AD.2
The Postbyzantine tradition
Due to this lack of original sources from mediaeval Byzantium studies on Byzantine
painting technique usually refer to the Hermeneia tis zographikis (the Treatise of
Painters) written in 1730-1733 on Mount Athos by the painter-monk Dionysios
of Phourna (Papadopoulos-Kèrameus 1909; Hetherington 1974; Bentchev 2004).
This treatise is generally assumed to transmit rather faithfully the earlier Byzantine
tradition. This is certainly true for large parts of the iconographical section: post-
byzantine wall and icon painting depends largely on mediaeval models and so do
Dionysios’ descriptions of the major scenes from the New Testament. However it has
been stated that in some cases the iconography follows the more modern types of
the Cretan school which was clearly influenced by Italian, namely Venetian paintings
from the middle of the 16th century onwards (Bentchev 2004, 67). And also some of
doris oltrogge Cologne Institute for Conservation Sciences
Cologne University of Applied Sciences
D-50678 Köln (Germany)
1. For the most comprehensive overview see:
Clarke 2001.
2. In this article «Byzantine» is strictly defined
as a period term, i.e. the time before the fall of
Constantinople in 1453. Texts written by Greek
scribes before the middle of the 15th century in
places outside the Byzantine Empire – especially
since the later 14th century in areas already un-
der Turkish dominion or by exiles in Italy or else-
where – are considered as Byzantine. The major
Greek texts on painting technique dating from
the 16th century onwards belong to the post-
byzantine period.
c o l o u r i n w r i t t e n m e d i e v a l s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 16 2
3. Dionysios of Phourna, §34 (BENTCHEV 2004,
92).
4. Anonymous § 35 (BENTCHEV 2004, 57);
Dionysios § 42 (BENTCHEV 2004, 95).
5. Anonymous § 39 (BENTCHEV 2004, 58);
Dionysios § 45 (BENTCHEV 2004, 97).
the technical recipes reflect the techniques of Italo-Cretan and Italian oil painting
(Bentchev 2004, 40; 67).
The technical section of Dionysios’ Hermeneia can be traced back to about 1566,
the date proposed for two anonymous treatises which were copied in a 17th century
manuscript in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate in Jerusalem (Bentchev 2004,
39). Anonymous I quotes as references the painters Panselinos, who most probably
lived in the 14th century, and Theophanis the Crete, who worked in the second half
of the 16th century on Mount Athos. Dionysios also mentions Panselinos, but not
the name of the more recent painter, whose recipes he however copied (Bentchev
2004, 41).
Besides, two other postbyzantine Greek treatises on painting technique are
known.
In 1720, the Ionian painter Panagiotes Doxaras (1662-1729) translated Leonardo’s
Trattato della pittura into Greek, and in 1726 he wrote himself a treatise on painting
Peri zographias (Bentchev 2004, 130). This treatise as well as Doxaras’ translation of
Leonardo’s Trattato were used as references by the icon painter and engraver Christo-
for Žefarovič in his Instructions for young people desiring to learn the art of painting
(Koinēnou thesia ētē Hermeneia eis tous neous…), a work written most probably in
Church Slavonic but translated also into Greek (Bentchev 2004, 154s).
Žefarovič is the most Western of these authors, besides Leonardo’s Trattato he used
the German Kunst- und Werck-Schul of 1705 and Pictorius’ Lackir-Kunst of 1708.
However, he also knew the Greek tradition of the Jerusalem treatises which was the
major source for the Hermeneia of Dionysios of Phourna (Bentchev 2004, 156).
But how Byzantine is this later Greek tradition? The translators of the Hermeneia
have remarked that the text of Dionysios as well as that of the Jerusalem manuscript
is full of unusual terms, words of Italian, Turkish and even German origin. So the
German term γόλι φάρπε (Goldfarbe – gold colour) is used explicitly to explain a
Venetian gilding technique considered as unusual to Greek traditions.3 Turzisms are
not unusual in the late Byzantine period, especially in the parts of the Byzantine
Empire which were already occupied by the Turks before 1453.
Even more interesting are some of the Italianisms. In a recipe for the making of ver-
digris 4 the product is not called ios or ios chalkou as it should be in classical Greek
but vardáramon which clearly derives from the Italian verderame. Another recipe
of the Jerusalem manuscript and the Hermeneia describes the production of a blue
or red colour: 5 First a lye is made from quicklime and potash. Then wool shearings
are put into the lye and cooked until the colour is extracted. Afterwards alum and a
little glair are added to the filtered colour extract. Depending on the colour of the
shearings the pigment obtained will be blue or red.
The recipe describes thus the making of an indigo pigment from blue shearings
and of red lakes from the shearings of scarlet cloth. Similar recipes have often been
copied in Western manuscripts from the 14th century onward (Wallert 1991). Is this
a Byzantine technique taken over by the Latins? Or was a Western recipe adopted
in late or postbyzantine time by the Greek? The terminology used by the Jerusalem
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 6 3
byzantine rec ipes and book illumination
6. The edition is planned for 2010 (Wien: Öster-
reichische Akademie der Wissenschaften).
Anonymous and Dionysios points to the latter: the shearings are called tzimarísmata,
a word so uncommon in Greek that it has lead to some confusion in the various
translations of the Hermeneia. Even Bentchev who recognised the meaning of the
recipe translates it inexactly as Stofflumpen (rags). The word clearly derives from
the Italian cimatura (shearing), therefore most probably the recipe is a translation
from the Italian. Whether this was done already in the Byzantine period or only by
the Anonymous of the 16th century cannot be decided.
Byzantine texts on manuscript production
These few examples show that the Hermeneia of Dionysios of Phourna and the
earlier Jerusalem Anonymous should not be taken without restrictions as sources
for painting techniques of the Byzantine period. The immense gap between the 3rd
century papyri and the postbyzantine treatises still remains open.
But at least a small number of recipes have survived which give us some isolated
information on art technology in mediaeval Byzantium. A few instructions for making
vermilion are transcribed in alchemical manuscripts (Berthelot 1887). Some ink reci-
pes have been published by Zerdoun Bat-Yehouda in 1983. A major finding was done
by Peter Schreiner, former chair of Byzantine Studies at the University of Cologne,
when he discovered the first known small treatise on manuscript production from
the Byzantine Period, written in the early 15th century by Isidor of Kiev (Schreiner
1988, 116-125). The problem to understand the techniques described, often with
ambiguous or unusual terms, led to an interdisciplinary project with Professor Schrei-
ner as Byzantine philologist and myself as an expert for art technology. The aim of
this project is not only the publication of the small text compiled by Isidor of Kiev,
but a commentated edition of all available Byzantine recipes on the techniques re-
lated to writing and book illumination. 6 Purely alchemical treatises are not part of
the project. For practical reasons, the search had to concentrate on catalogues so
that libraries without or with very old catalogisation are not considered. Therefore
new findings will be possible when more libraries are made accessible by useful
catalogues.
Nevertheless the number of recipes concerned with the art of manuscript production
could already be increased to about 80, and furthermore, with Isidor’s of Kiev text
there is a first indication for the existence of more or less systematic art technological
recipe collections in Byzantium. The earliest texts date from the 12th century, most
of them were written in the 14th and 15th century.
Compared with the abundant Western tradition the number is still very meagre. It
seems that art technology plays an extremely smaller role in the surviving Byzan-
tine manuscripts than in their Western counterparts. It is difficult to decide what
the reasons are. Was there less interest in the practical arts by the literate people in
Byzantium? Or got the manuscripts simply lost after the fall of Byzantium because
the Western collectors were more interested in luxurious codices or in literary and
c o l o u r i n w r i t t e n m e d i e v a l s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 16 4
scholarly pretensious texts than in recipe collections of doubtful literary quality and
perhaps even «bad» Greek?
At least, there are some arguments for the latter hypothesis: First, there was a tra-
dition of technical texts in Greek Antiquity – as documented in the papyri – which
must have been still well known at least in the early Byzantine period, when the
group of recipe texts known as Mappae Clavicula was translated into Latin (Oltrogge
2006, 555). The two translations of this text – the version of the late 8th century
Lucca manuscript with its numerous graecisms and the philologically more correct
Mappae Clavicula version which became the standard for later Latin copies – docu-
ment the great interest of the Carolingian West in Greek technological literature
which would be difficult to understand if this tradition would have been already
interrupted in contemporary Byzantium. A second argument for the assumption that
the scarce number of texts is mainly a question of survival are the few documents
which have come down to us, especially the treatise of Isidor of Kiev.
Topics
The main interest of the scribes was their writing material, first of all iron gall inks.
Another large group of recipes deals with chrysography, that is gold script; the reci-
pes describe the production of gold ink, but also the application of gold leaf. Both
techniques are also appropriate for illumination. Remarkably smaller is the group of
colour recipes. The production of vermilion is either described in alchemical manu-
scripts or related to its use for writing. A number of recipes deals with the red lakes
lachas and barzion. Instructions for other pigments are extremely rare, one for the
refining of lapis lazuli, one for a green ink, another for dyeing bones with copper
green. Information can also be found on glues for sizing paper, but also on casein
glues for other purposes. Very few recipes do not belong to the art of manuscript
production: oil varnishes, a recipe for an artificial steatite and a unique description
of a pseudo-sgraffito.
The recipes are found in rather different types of manuscripts. The most compre-
hensive recipe collection is that of Isidor of Kiev with 14 recipes (an extremely small
number compared to Western manuscripts). Isidor begins with chrysography, gold
inks and grounds for gold ink and gold leaf, he continues with iron gall inks, ver-
milion for the rubrication and starch glue for sizing the paper. At the end he returns
to chrysography with three recipes for a gold ground made from brazil wood. The
compilation was not written continuously, at a later date, Isidor added two reci-
pes for chrysography on a blank space on fol. 2r, just after the iron gall inks. The
interest of Isidor is clearly the interest of a scribe. Isidor, born about 1380/90 in
Monembasia (Peloponnes) was highly esteemed for his erudition, his political and
rhetorical qualities; he became monk, greek ambassador at the Conciles of Bale and
Ferrara, Roman Cardinal and finally Unionist Patriarch of Constantinople. After the
fall of Constantinople he had to exile to Rome where he died in 1463. Despite his
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 6 5
byzantine rec ipes and book illumination
7. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Canon. gr. 39. brillant career he was an industrious copyist and compilator whose scholarly interests
included theology, philosophy, rhetorics, natural sciences and – as we see – also
the technological aspects of writing materials. (Schreiner 1996) The Codex Vatica-
nus graecus 914, which contains our small treatise, is a good example of Isidor’s
occupations, the contemporary binding unites the recipe collection with rhetorical
texts, medical excerpts, geometrical and metrological treatises and some alchemi-
cal notes by Hermes Trismegistos. Isidor must have collected recipes over a certain
period, because he copied one of the recipes on iron gall ink and the instruction for
making vermilion also on the last, blank leaf of an older manuscript with the works
of Xenophon. 7 To these notes he added also another recipe for iron gall ink and for
paper size which are not found in the Vatican codex.
In other cases we are not so well informed on the compilators. Moreover are the reci-
pes usually more isolated. Instructions for iron gall ink often stand on fly leafs or are
added on blank spaces of pages with completely different content: patristic, rhetoric,
law, literature. The recipes for pigments and chrysography are more often found in
miscellanous manuscripts on nature sciences: medicine, astronomy, astrology and
alchemy. Sometimes but not necessarily they are embedded in alchemical texts. But
even in this context we find seldom more than five recipes in a sequence.
Recipes and workshop practice
InksAs said before, one of the main topics are writing inks. There is one recipe for a
gall nut ink, the other 22 instructions deal with iron gall ink. Most of them are very
common: a mixture of gall nuts, vitriol and gum together with a liquid, which can
be water, vinegar or wine. Variations are given by the quantities of the ingredients
and the heating or not heating of the ink. Additions like nutshells or the fruits of
cypresses occur in two recipes. On the whole, the group of iron gall ink recipes
seems not to be very different from their Western counterparts, even if up to now
no exact parallel could be found. But it is striking, that the Greek scribes were more
interested in different colours of their inks. A number of recipes explicitly state that
the ink should become black or light, and sometimes recipes of both types stand
in a sequence. The black inks are always genuine iron gall inks without any addi-
tions of carbon black. Nevertheless carbon black inks or mixtures from iron gall inks
and carbon black were used in some Byzantine scriptoria, especially in the Greek
monasteries in the Arabian countries or in the border areas to the Muslim world. An
interesting example is a New Testament, written in Syria in 1273 (Rome, Vatican Li-
brary, Cod. Borg. gr. 18). The iron gall ink which had first been used did not adhere
well and was obviously too pale on some places. Therefore the scribe overwrote his
text partly with another iron gall ink mixed with carbon ink. With the same ink he
added the initial which was embellished with gold powder sprinkled upon the wet
ink. This sprinkling technique as well as the carbon ink are characteristic for Arabian
c o l o u r i n w r i t t e n m e d i e v a l s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 16 6
scriptoria. From the Arabian countries also a number of recipes for carbon inks are
known (Schopen 2004). Comparable recipes have also survived from Armenia, where
carbon inks and mixtures with iron gall inks were common writing materials (Eliazane
& Engel 2006). It is amazing that in the Liber Illuministarum and some other German
manuscripts of the 15th century the production of a carbon ink is explicitly called
incaustum graecum, «Greek ink». (Bartl et al. 2005, 92). But up to now no written
Greek source is known. And the practice to use a carbon ink for writing was restricted
to very few scriptoria, the common writing ink of Byzantine scribes was the iron gall
ink which is rather good documented in the recipes.
Chrysography and gildingThe next large group of Byzantine recipes concerns the gold writing, chrysography.
This technique was highly esteemed in the Byzantine culture, golden – and silver –
script was usually written by specialists, the chrysographers. It is therefore not amaz-
ing, that more than 35 recipes are related to this topic. They describe the production
of gold inks, and the application of gold inks and gold leaf on grounds.
Three different methods for the preparation of gold powder can be distinguished.
The most simple is the mechanical grinding of gold leaf. Grainy additives like salt
pulverise the tender gold leaf and can afterwards easily be diluted in water. But also
viscous materials like honey, gum or glue are suited to disperse the gold powder.
These methods are already described in the late antique Greek papyri. It is amazing
that none of the Byzantine recipes is copied from these older texts, the method is
comparable but the text of the recipes is new!
In practice the grinding with salt must have been rather common because in a
number of manuscripts with silver ink the presence of silver chloride could be proved.
When silver is ground with salt it reacts easily with the natrium chloride to silver
chloride. Gold on the other hand is inert so that the use of salt is more difficult to
prove. In the Greek Psalter in Zürich, written in the 7th century, on some places pure
natrium chloride could be analysed in the gold ink – obviously the gold powder had
not been washed carefully after grinding (Fuchs & Oltrogge 2007, 84).
Another, more sophisticated method is the preparation of gold powder with the
help of an amalgam. Gold leaf or gold filings are ground together with mercury, the
amalgam is heated, the mercury evaporates and a very fine gold powder remains.
Also this method was already described in the 3rd century papyri but again none
of the Byzantine recipes is a direct copy from these ancient models. There is no
information on the diffusion of this method in practice, to my knowledge residues
of mercury have so far not been detected in any gold ink. But this may be also a
question of analysis.
Six recipes describe a third method to prepare gold powder: gold is mixed with sul-
fur and mercury, then heated at a rather low temperature. At first sight this recipe
looks like a confusion of the amalgam method with the production of vermilion. The
alchemical terminology of some of the recipes makes it even more conspicious. But a
more detailed analysis gives sense to the instruction. The addition of sulfur to gold
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byzantine rec ipes and book illumination
8. The analysis was done with spectrophotometry
with which it is not possible to distinguish be-
tween the lakes of the different scale insects, lac
lake, Kermes, Polish or Armenian cochineals.
9. Fuchs, Oltrogge (forthcoming).
and the heating at low temperature is one possible process of cementation, a proc-
ess to remove impurities from gold. Silver and copper – which are often present as
impurities in gold – react at low temperatures with sulfur to silver respectively copper
sulfide, gold does not react. The best results are obtained when the gold is already
pulverised. This seems to be the reason for the addition of mercury, even if the de-
scription in the recipes is not always very clear. It seems that first a gold powder is
produced with help of the amalgam and after the mercury has evaporated the gold
powder is cementated with sulfur. Craddock (2000, 67) supposed that the cementa-
tion with sulfur was already known in Antiquity even if the first precise description
is found in Agricola. Our six Byzantine recipes, all in 14th century manuscripts, add
precious information on the diffusion of this technical knowledge.
Red lakesAbout 20 recipes deal with the application of gold on a ground or with the prepara-
tion of this ground. Most often it is made from a red lake (lachas and barzion). The
lachas can be produced from a material called lachas or from brazil wood (barzion).
Some recipes mention, that both materials should give a red colour. The preparation
of lachas from lachas is always described in a similar manner: the lachas is crushed,
then heated with soda, alum and water. Afterwards the red liquid is filtered and dried.
It can be cut to pieces and warmed with a little water for painting.
The term lachas is derived from the hindi lakka, the name of the Indian lac insect.
The red dye is embedded in a resinous matrix and cannot be extracted in pure water.
On the other hand it can be easily extracted in alkaline solutions. A soda solution
gives a deep red purple extract, from which a purple red lake can be precipitated
with alum. This is the process described in the Byzantine recipes. We can therefore
conclude, that the lachas material is the crude lac. The red lake produced with this
method still contains some resins, so that the powder can be dispergated in water
and painted without another binding medium.
Crude lac was also known in the Latin West where it is documented as very expensive
raw material for dyeing textiles and leather and for the preparation of red lakes for
painting. It is possible that lachas was also a rather precious pigment in Byzantium.
At least it is striking that the term lachas which originally meant a material could also
be used to designate a red lake in general. The earliest example for the use of lachas
in the sense of red lake is found in a 13th century recipe for a brazil lake.
Brazil wood is the second base material for red lakes mentioned in Byzantine manu-
scripts. The colorant is extracted with glair, vinegar or red wine, and stabilized with
alum. Interestingly both, the recipes for the lac lake and for the red lakes from brazil
wood are never intended for illumination or other painting but always for gilding and
writing. The red lake should be written as underlayer for chrysography or painted
as ground for gold leaf. A red underlayer for chrysography can often be observed
in Byzantine manuscripts (Mokretsova 2003, 217). It could be identified as a scale
insect lake 8 for example in a patristic manuscript from the 11th century in Weimar
(Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek, ms. Q 741; fig. 1). 9
c o l o u r i n w r i t t e n m e d i e v a l s o u r c e s
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10. Fuchs, Oltrogge (forthcoming).Grounds for gold leaf made from red lakes can be observed in initials or in the
kephalia – the ornamental head pieces – in a number of Byzantine codices (Mokret-
sova 2003, 224). Certainly these red lakes could also be used in illumination, even
if the recipes do not mention this. In an 11th century Gospel Book in Weimar a lake
insect dye was used as rose colour in the decoration (Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibli-
othek, ms. Q 743; fig. 2). 10
In few cases it is not explicitly stated that gold should be laid on top of the red
lake script and it is possible that the rubrication is meant. Rubrics in Byzantine ma-
nucripts are often written with vermilion but also with red lakes. There are still too
few analysis to know if the one or the other material was prefered in certain periods
or scriptoria. But at least in the 15th century there were scribes who used both, lakes
and vermilion, for example, Isidor of Kiev in the Vatican codex gr. 914.
Gold groundsRed lakes were not the only gold grounds mentioned in the recipes. There are also
some other pigments, mainly red: vermilion, armenian bole, red ochre, but also yellow
ochre. Again, they were thought both as underlayer for gold inks and for gold leaf.
This is different from most of the Western recipes where usually coloured grounds
fig.1 weimar, haab, q 741, fol. 1r (11th century): the red lake used as underlayer for the gold ink in script and kephalion is made from scale insects. the yellow is lead tin yellow. (robert fuchs, cics, 2009)
fig.2 weimar, haab, q 743, fol. 39 (11th century): a red lake from scale insects is used as underlayer for gold leaf and to paint the red decorations. (robert fuchs, cics, 2009)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 6 9
byzantine rec ipes and book illumination
are only described for gold or silver leaf and not for metal inks. An exception is The-
ophilus (I, 29) who mentions a mixture of red lead and vermilion as underlayer for
gold inks. This mixture on the other hand is not described in our Byzantine texts. In
the Byzantine recipes only the gesso grounds – for which two examples are known –
are restricted to gold leaf. They are coloured red-rose with either vermilion or ar-
menian bold. Coloured grounds seem to have been typical for gilding in Byzantine
manuscripts (Mokretsova 2003, 224).
In the already mentioned Gospel Book in Weimar, yellow ochre is used as an under-
layer for the gold leaf in the miniatures, whereas in the kephalia the gold leaf is put
on top of a red scale insect lake, the same red lake is the underlayer for the gold ink
of the script. Because of these differences in materials and techniques between the
miniatures and the decoration of the script it is most likely that both were executed
by different painters.
PigmentsBesides iron gall ink and gilding there are few recipes on proper colours, most of
them dealing with the making and tempering of vermilion and with its use either
as gold ground or as rubrication. As mentioned vermilion was used as one of the
rubrication materials by Isidor of Kiev who also copied a recipe for grinding and
tempering the pigment.
Only one recipe describes the refining of lapislazuli. The pigment powder is mixed
with resin, colophonium and linseed oil and than thrown into hot water. The process
is repeated twice so that at the end three fractions are produced. This 14th century
instruction is comparable to many Western texts even if up to now no exact parallel
could be found. Lapislazuli has been proven in Byzantine illumination (Mokretsova
2003, 213), but also scribes like Isidor of Kiev wrote sometimes initials or did some
decoration with it. Isidor does not transcribe a recipe for the refining.
It is amazing that up to now no recipe for the making of verdigris could be found,
a process already described in Greek in the 1st century by Dioskurides. Sure, there
exist Byzantine copies of Dioskurides but these copies were probably done only for
literary purposes. There is one recipe using verdigris, it is a translation from an Italian
text, using also Italian terms like verderami, but in this case verdigris is not produced
but put into vinegar to dye bones. The only Byzantine recipe to produce a green
colour describes a mixture made from indigo and a yellow colorant.
Besides the production of vermilion, no Byzantine recipe for any artificial pigment
is known up to now. But certainly other artificial pigments were well known to
Byzantine painters. In the already mentioned patristic manuscript in Weimar most
of the pigments analysed are artificial: red lead, lead white, a copper green – which
presumably is an artificial pigment but amorphous and thus not identifiable in the
X-Ray-diffraction – and even lead tin yellow. This proves that in Byzantium the
technique for the production of lead tin yellow was already well known in the 11th
century – about 150-200 years before the earliest occurences in the West. But no
Byzantine recipe for this process is known.
c o l o u r i n w r i t t e n m e d i e v a l s o u r c e s
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Resume
It is possible to fill the gap between the late antique papyri and the postbyzantine
Hermeneia at least with a small number of recipes. They concern mostly the art of
writing: inks, chrysography, pigments for rubrication. The recipe are also useful to
illuminators even if this is not explicitly stated. But they do not give the whole pal-
ette for illuminators and scribes. Other arts are occasionally touched. The information
dates mostly in the Palaeologan period, that is the 14th and 15th century, no recipe
was written before the 12th century.
To the contrary to what one would expect direct copies from the papyri are extremely
rare. The relationship to the Western recipes is very loose in the beginning, but in
the 15th century we find translations and adaptations of Latin and Italian recipes
easily to recognise because of their terminology. In some cases we can prove that
the scribes were sitting in Italy as exiles from the already Turkish parts of Byzantium.
Up to now no Byzantine recipe was found which could have served as a model for a
translation into a Western language. •
Bibliography
Bartl, Anna et al. 2005. Der «Liber illuministarum» aus Kloster Tegernsee. Stuttgart: Franz
Steiner Verlag.
Bentchev, Ivan. 2004. Griechische und bulgarische Malerbücher. Recklinghausen: Museen
der Stadt Recklinghausen.
Berthelot, M. 1887. Collection des Anciens Alchimistes Grecs. Paris: Georges Steinheil.
Clarke, Mark. 2001. The Art of All Colours. Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and
Illuminators. London: Archetype.
Craddock, P.T. 2000. Historical Survey of Gold Refining. Ramage, Andrew, Craddock, P.
(Ed.): King Croesus’ Gold. London: British Museum, 54-71.
Eliazane, Gayane & Engel, Patricia. 2006. Ink Manufacturing Methods Used in Ancient
Armenia. Buletyn Informacyjn Konserwatorów Dziel Sztuki. 17, 94-112.
Fuchs, Robert & Oltrogge, Doris. 2007. Il salterio purpureo Zentralbibliothek Zürich, RP
1. Segno e testo 5, 31-98.
Halleux, Robert. 1981. Les alchimistes grecs.Paris: Les Belles Lettres.
Hetherington, Paul (Ed.). 1974. The «Painter’s Manual» of Dionysius of Fourna. An English
Translation. Isleworth: Saggitarius Press.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 7 1
byzantine rec ipes and book illumination
Mokretsova, Inna et al.2003. Materials and Techniques of Byzantine Manuscripts. Moscou:
Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation.
Oltrogge, Doris. 2006. Rezeptsammlungen und Traktate. Die Vermittlung kunsttechnischen
Wissens im Früh- und Hochmittelalter. Stiegemann, Christoph and Wemhoff, Matthias
(Ed.). Canossa. München: Hirmer, I, 555-562.
Papadopoulos-Kèrameus, A. 1909. Denys de Fourna. Manuel d’iconographie chrétienne.
St. Petersburg. Reprint Athen: Spanos.
Schopen, Armin. 2004. Tinten und Tuschen des arabischen Mittelalters. Göttingen:
Vandenhoek & Ruprecht.
Schreiner, Peter (Ed.). 1988. Codices Vaticani Graeci. Cod. 867-932. Città del Vaticano:
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Schreiner, Peter. 1996. Literarische Interessen in der Palaiologenzeit anhand von
Gelehrtencodices: Das Beispiel des Vaticanus gr. 914. Seibt, Werner (Ed.). Geschichte
und Kultur der Palaiologenzeit. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften,
205-219.
Trost, Vera. 1991. Gold- und Silbertinten. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Wallert, Arie. 1991. «Cimature di grana»: Identification of Natural Organic Colorants and
Binding Media in Medieval Manuscript Illumination. Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und
Konservierung 5, 74-83.
Zerdoun Bat-Yehouda, Monique. 1983. Les Encres Noires au Moyen Âge. Paris: Éditions
du CNRS.
Biography
Study of art history and archaeology in Göttingen and Bonn (PhD 1987 «Die
Illustrationszyklen der Histoire ancienne, 1250-1400»). Since 1987 researcher for art
technology and book illumination (University of Göttingen, since 1996 Cologne Institute
of Conservation Science). She published widely on the painting technique and materials
of medieval book illumination as well as on sources for art technology. She curates
an online-database of art-technological sources of the Middle Ages and Renaissance
<www.re.fh-koeln.de>. Among her recent publications are, together with Anna Bartl,
Christoph Krekel and Manfred Lautenschlager Der Liber Illuministarum aus Kloster
Tegernsee (2005); with Robert Fuchs Ein Meisterwerk im Wandel: Untersuchungen zur
Maltechnik des Codex Aureus Epternacensis (2009). Forthcoming: Byzantinische Tinten-
Tuschen- und Farbrezepte. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien 2011
(together with Peter Schreiner).
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the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival
Resumo
Durante muito tempo, os Manuscritos de Estrasburgo foram considerados as fontes
mais antigas, em língua germânica, para o estudo das técnicas de iluminura no Norte
da Europa. Perdidos em 1870, no fogo da biblioteca de Estrasburgo, o seu conte-
údo técnico só sobreviveu graças a uma transcrição feita por Sir Charles Eastlake,
no séc. XIX. Vários estudos como os de Ploss e, mais recentemente, os de Oltrogge
têm destacado a existência de textos com conteúdos semelhantes, agrupando-os
sobre o nome de «Família de Estrasburgo». A partir destes estudos, foi possível de-
finir claramente um corpo de manuscritos como pertencendo a esta família e nova
evidência textual tem vindo a ser descoberta. Os procedimentos e receitas artísticas
descritas nestes manuscritos são, na sua maioria, dedicadas à pintura e iluminura e,
em especial, à preparação de cores. Existe ainda um grande número de receitas que
descrevem quais as combinações mais adequadas de pigmentos e quais os ligantes
a usar na iluminura. Graças a uma análise filológica e codicológica, podemos propor,
para esta família de manuscritos, não só uma área geográfica mas também uma data
para a sua produção, entre 1400 e 1560. Através destes textos, temos assim, dentro
de um quadro preciso, os dados para uma história dos materiais e técnicas.
A descoberta de novos manuscritos e o seu tratamento, levou à criação de uma base
de dados. Inicialmente, esta centrou-se nos manuscritos escritos durante o período
medieval, especialmente na Alemanha e nos países limítrofes. Até agora, mais de
uma centena de manuscritos foram tratados e quatro mil receitas foram transcritas.
Cada instrução foi codificada numa combinação especifica de ingredientes, reunidos
de acordo com a ordem em que aparecem na receita. Graças a esta base de dados
é possível analisar para cada ingrediente, a sua frequência global ou a sua repetição
no corpus de textos. Além disso, podemos também observar para certas combinações
de ingredientes, i.e., nas receitas, qual a estrutura básica, qual a sua frequência no
corpus e evolução, de forma a perceber de que maneira uma receita foi sendo mo-
dificada ao longo do tempo ou por acção de certos factores externos.
Uma comparação com um corpus maior de textos artísticos medievais provenientes
de países de língua germânica permitir-nos-ia destacar a originalidade e a novidade
de certos processos para a produção de cores descritos nos textos da «família de
Estrasburgo». Além disso, também é possível relacionar a história de um número de
prescrições e correlacioná-las com técnicas de mais ampla difusão. •
palavras-chave
técnicas de iluminuramanuscritosreceitas artísticasmateriaisbase de dados
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Abstract
For a long time, the Strasbourg Manuscript has been seen as one of the oldest
German-language sources containing instructions on North European illuminating
techniques. Lost in the 1870 Strasbourg Library fire, its technical content only sur-
vives in a nineteenth-century transcription made for Sir Charles Eastlake. Several
studies like those of Ploss and, more recently, those of Oltrogge have highlighted
the existence of texts with very similar contents, grouping them under the name of
the ‘Strasbourg Family’. Since the appearance of these studies, a clearly defined
corpus of manuscripts has been established as belonging to this family and new
textual evidence has been discovered. The artistic instructions of these manuscripts
are mostly dedicated to painting and illuminating and, especially, to the preparation
of colours. A great number of recipes are also concerned with suitable combinations
of pigments and specific binding agents used in illumination. Thanks to a philologi-
cal and codicological analysis, we can propose both a geographical area in which
the manuscripts of the so-called Strasbourg tradition were produced as well as a
chronological range from 1400 to 1560. Through these texts, we thus have a survey
of artistic materials and techniques within a precise framework.
The discovery of new witness manuscripts and their treatment has necessitated the
creation of a database. Initially, this database concentrated on manuscripts written
during the medieval period, especially on those from Germany as well as from some
border countries. Up until now, more than one hundred manuscripts have been treat-
ed and four thousand recipes have been transcribed. Each instruction has been coded
in a specific association of ingredients, assembled according to the order in which
they appear in the recipe process. Thanks to this database it is possible to examine
for each ingredient its global frequency or repetition in the corpus of texts. Moreover,
we can also observe in the associations of ingredients, i.e. recipes, the basic structure,
their frequency in the corpus and their evolution, in order to perceive in which way
a recipe has been modified over time or by other external phenomenon.
Comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts emanating from German-
speaking countries would allow us to highlight the originality and the newness of
certain processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family
texts. In addition, it is also possible to relate the history of a number of prescriptions
to, and to correlate them with, more widely diffused techniques. •
key-words
illuminating techniques manuscriptartistic recipesmaterialsdatabase
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the strasbourg family texts: originality and survivala survey of illuminating techniques in medieval south germany
The Strasbourg Manuscript and its technical tradition
The evidence provided by, and the usefulness of, artistic recipe books for a better
knowledge of artistic practices and materials has been debated by several authors
for some decades (Ploss, 1962; Clarke, 2001; Oltrogge, 2005). This paper does not
intend to present a summary of their characteristics and history, or even discuss their
relevance when using them as a source for the historical study of artistic practices
and materials. Instead, it will focus on a specific textual tradition of this kind of
literature. For a long time, the Strasbourg Manuscript has been seen as one of the
oldest German-language sources containing instructions on North European painting
techniques. Its text was generally dated to the fifteenth century. However, for some
specialists, such Sir Charles Eastlake, first director of the London National Gallery, the
practices described may perhaps date from an earlier period (Eastlake, 1847, 126).
Taking into account these characteristics, this manuscript was especially famous for
containing recipes for the manufacture of oil media at a very early period. But, apart
from these instructions, the manuscript is mostly dedicated to painting and illumi-
nating and, especially, to the preparation of colours. A great number of recipes are
also concerned with suitable combinations of pigments and specific binding agents
used in illumination. This text is thus, at different levels, a precious witness for the
sylv ie neven Université de Liège, Liège (Belgium)
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
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1. This project forms part of my doctoral thesis,
some results of which are presented in this paper.
2. For example, in the ‘Amberger Malerbuch’, we
can observe an automatical «diphthongization»
of alemannic monophthongs (sey instead of si(e)
‘her’) (ff. 219-220, recipe 15) or misunderstand-
ing of south-western stat ‘stands’ (south-east:
stet) (f. 220, recipe 16).
3. Other arts have also been entered, such as
metalwork, and the dyeing of textiles, leather,
wood or bone.
illuminating practices in medieval times. Unfortunately, the manuscript was lost in
the 1870 Strasbourg Library fire. However, the artistic recipes have survived in a
nineteenth-century transcription made for Charles Eastlake. Since this date, several
editions of the text have been published, firstly those of Eastlake, with the Material
for a History of Oil Painting (Eastlake, 1847), those of Berger (Berger, 1897) and
those of Borradaile (Borradaile, 1966).
Like most medieval recipe books, the Strasbourg Manuscript results from compila-
tion of older or contemporary texts. It thus shares some of its content with other
books. Relevant studies like those of Emil Ploss (Ploss, 1962, 1964, 1971) and more
recently those of Doris Oltrogge (Oltrogge, 2005) have highlighted the existence
of texts with very similar contents, grouping them under the name of the ‘Stras-
bourg Family’. Since the appearance of these studies, a project has been initiated at
Liège University in order to define a clearer corpus of manuscripts belonging to this
family 1. For two years, new textual evidence has been discovered and the Strasbourg
family currently corresponds to a corpus of sixteen manuscripts.
Thanks to a philological and codicological analysis, it is now possible to propose
not only a geographical area in which the manuscripts of the so-called Strasbourg
tradition were produced, but also a chronological range from 1400 to 1560. The
manuscripts of the Strasbourg family mainly originate from the south of Germany
(Upper German). The three main dialects of this region (Franconian, Alemannic and
Bavarian) can be identified in the different versions. Some of them present consist-
ent feature errors suggesting transpositions of an Alemannic original 2.
In the first instance, the opportunity of such a group would offer us not only a
chance to reconstruct the text of the lost manuscript but also to compare different
versions of a nearly identical text in order to visualize a structural basis, to study its
recurrence and its evolution through time and the different members of the family,
at each stage of the copying process.
The «Strasbourg family database»
The discovery of new witness manuscripts and their treatment has necessitated the
creating of a database. Initially, it focussed on manuscripts written during the medi-
eval period and especially on those from Germany and some border countries. More
than 250 examples have been systematically recorded in a specific setting within the
database, containing information about the title, the current location, place and date
of origin, scribes or authors when possible, description of the other contents and
additional information. As a second step, their content has been divided according to
each of the recipes that they contain. Up until now, over 100 manuscripts have been
treated and 4,000 recipes have been transcribed. The greatest part of these instruc-
tions relate to colours used in painting and illuminating 3. They have been recorded
in a second dedicated file which is accessible from the first interface, dedicated to
descriptions of the manuscripts.
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the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival
Key manuscriptRecipe indexAssociation
ManuscriptKey manuscriptRecipe indexRecipe numberTitleSubjectPaginationTranscriptionEditionAdaptationTechniqueIngredientQuantityMaterialAssociationRemarks
DB_Recipes
Link to DB_RecipesLink to DB_Glossary
Link to DB_RecipesLink to DB_GlossaryTranscription
DB_Transition
Key manuscriptKey edition1
Key manuscriptTitleAuthorConservationStarting dateEnding dateOriginal dateOriginal placeStateLanguagePaginationArtistic contentTechniqueOther contentsDescriptionRemarksEdition
DB_Manuscripts
clé_ms
Ms_TitleCurrent siglumOld siglumContentFormatPaleographyBindingFoliationQuiringsWatermarksSupport qualityPrevious ownerPrevious locationDecoration styleHandsMarginal notesExamination dateExamined by
DB_Codicology
Key edition
AuthorTitleEdition placeEditorRevueVolumePagesDateTopicKeywordsStateLibraryRemarks
DB_Bibliography
Index_association
Index_associationGlobal2CountNumber_association
DB_Association
Key ingredient
IngredientOriginal languageFrenchLatinEnglishGermanDutchSynonymDefinitionUsingRemarks
DB_Glossary
From these instructions, a complete index of ingredients has been set-up. This glos-
sary file lists each ingredient and includes their original formulation, the actual
appellation (in German, English and French) and a short description. For most of
them, the glossary also mentions their scientific name. Futhermore each ingredient
has been coded using an abbreviation corresponding to the first letter of its name
and a consecutive number. The glossary file is linked to a list from which it is pos-
sible to select an ingredient according to its abbreviation. This technique allows to
encode each recipe as a succession of abbreviations, which reflects the specific as-
sociation and chronological intervention of ingredients in a given recipe. Thanks to
this abbreviation technique, it is possible to retrieve the recipes linked to a specific
ingredient or a specific preparation process.When creating these associations, we
have borne in mind that some ingredients were not explicitly cited. This is frequently
the case when the scribe makes an allusion to an ingredient prepared in a previous
recipe. Next, each association has been recorded in another file of the database
fig.1 schema of the structure of the database
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
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which cross-references the number of recurrences and indicates the manuscripts
where this specific association appears.
The database has been cross-checked for integrity and consistency using random que-
ries techniques. Thanks to subject classifications, queries can also be done by keywords
for specific recipes, methods or materials. The global frequency and recurrence for
each ingredient can be derived from the corpus of texts. Moreover, it is possible to ob-
serve, through factors such as frequency in the corpus, basic structure, and evolution,
the way in which recipes were modified over time or by other external phenomenon.
Functions of the database
A survey of the materialsIn parallel to scientific research and material analysis, information about the possible
use of certain materials, ingredients and techniques can be obtained from the re-
search of historical written sources. Our database enables access to this kind of infor-
mation by allowing the researcher to find quickly and easily the technical instructions
he needs. Searching with the database is carried out using keywords arranged in dif-
ferent thesauri that allow us to fine tune the result. We can thus combine the search
of an ingredient, mentioned in a specific group of texts (Strasbourg Family, Heraclius,
Mappae Clavicula, Theophilus,…) with a specific technique (illuminating, painting,
dyeing,…). The database will count the number of recipes dedicated to this ingredi-
ent or involving it in a procedure. As an example, graph 1 presents pigments used in
the Strasbourg family recipes that produce a red coulour. We note the frequent recur-
rence of cinnabar and Brazil wood mentioned in recipes dedicated to illumination and,
less frequently, the use of gum lake but also Papaver Rhoeas L. species (poppies).
graph 1 red colouring pigment found in the strasbourg family texts
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
Red Brazil wood Red paris Cinnabar Lake Poppies
Pigments
Nu
mb
er o
f recip
es
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the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival
The associationsConcerning associations, initial research was solely concentrated on the associa-
tions or recipes which are similar to those found in the Strasbourg Manuscript. This
helped us not only to recognize the witnesses belonging to the Strasbourg family
but also to demonstrate their membership. So far, 200 recipes have been found
to be common to at least two manuscripts of the Strasbourg family. These similar
recipes have been put in parallel as a means of comparing them.This comparative
approach allows us to highlight the basic structure of certain recipes. Quite often,
it corresponds to a small number of frequent ingredients associated together in a
great number of recipes.
As an example, one of the most repeated associations is a recipe employing cop-
per and acetic acid contained in vinegar. This instruction usually serves to obtain
a green copper pigment. This was a very well known procedure in the Middle Ages
and has been detected in a great number of cases in the Strasbourg family texts.
Moreover, it has been identified in a very consistent formulation,which involves an
identical text. We also noted that more complex procedures, involving a certain
number of ingredients, are repeated less frequently in the same form throughout
the different manuscripts. Of the 254 recipes dedicated to the preparation of green
copper pigment using copper and vinegar, 66 include tartar, 53 add honey and 30
involve salt.
Moreover, amongst the 200 recipes common to at least two manuscripts of this
tradition, many of the instructions are not isolated recipes but they are contained
in different sequences. These sequences are often characterised by a more or less
similar order and a specific artistic technique. These common sequences may be
interpreted as the reflection of older – and probably lost – artistic manuals which
perhaps served as a (partial) basis for the compilation of the manuscripts of the
fig. 2. diagram of the partial compilation process of manuscripts of the strasbourg family
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 18 0
Strasbourg group. When we concentrated solely on the Strasbourg Manuscript, we
observed that it seems to derive partly from two distinct sequences. The first one
appears to correspond to a treatise on illumination, which has been frequently copied
over time and place and from which at least a small part is found in each manuscript
of the family.
The oldest manuscripts partly originated from this treatise on illumination and their
recipes seem to respect more or less the same order. In the later manuscripts, the
content has been reorganised, perhaps with a view to improving the manuscripts’
practical use by ordering their material by subject, media and so on but also by in-
cluding new procedures dedicated to other artistic techniques.
The second sequence from which the Strasbourg Manuscript may derive appears to be
a more local treatise – which is only otherwise found in the so-called Colmarer Kunst-Colmarer Kunst-Colmarer Kunst
buch and the Bamberger Malerbuch – and mostly dedicated to the mixing of colours
and the preparation of media. Therefore, the Strasbourg Manuscript is largely the re-
sult of a text that was widely diffused and modified, as well as another more local one.
These observations may be put in parallel with an examination of the recurrence or
diffusion of recipe procedures within the Strasbourg family. For example, a great
number of recipes are related to Brazil wood: most of them are dedicated to the
preparation of this pigment; a great number are also dedicated to its application
with a suitable media; others are concerned with the mixture of several pigments
including Brazil wood.
Graph 2 presents the relative percentage of recipes dedicated to the preparation of
Brazil wood in the different texts of the Strasbourg family, arranged according to
their date. We observe that the older ones contain a great number of recipes dedi-
cated to the preparation of Brazil wood but that this number decreases more or less
linearly, especially in the earliest manuscripts, except for the Colmarer Kunstbuch
graph 2 frequency of recipes dedicated to brazil wood in the strasbourg family texts
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
S (ca
140
0)
P (1
450-
60)
M1(
1464
-82)
T (1
465-
1475
)
B1 (1
475-
77)
B2 (1
478-
79)
L (ca 14
90)
A (ca
149
0)
M3 (1
500-
12)
B3 (1
503-
09)
M4 (1
532-
35)
N1 po
st 153
5
H (15
63)
N2 (e
nd X
VIth)
Strasbourg Family Texts
Rela
tive p
ercen
tag
e o
f recip
es
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 8 1
the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival
(B2). However, we have already noted that this manuscript is specifically dedicated
to the mixing of colours and is less focussed on preparation.
We have observed that the older examples are those which are closest to the Stras-
bourg manuscript’s first sequence (fig.2). This sequence is thought to correspond to
a lost treatise on illumination. It would thus seem plausible to find a greater number
of recipes dedicated to preparation of Brazil wood. In the earliest examples, we have
also seen that this sequence has been modified, there are fewer recipes in common
and these manuscripts are also characterised by new additions to their content in
the form of treatises on metalwork for example (with the exception of the Codex
Palatinus Germanicus 489 – H1 – and the manuscript N2 which is a manuscript copy
of the Illuminier Buch of Valentin Boltz von Ruffach).
Evaluating the modification of recipe processNot all manuscripts belonging to the Strasbourg family have their entire contents
in common with each other. Moreover, the degree of similarity is quite sometimes
different between the examples. Thanks to the database, we can examine not only
the recurrence and the diffusion of a recipe or a type of recipe within the family but
also its modification through time or through the different examples of the family.
When looking at the relation between the recipes of the Strasbourg texts, we can
observe, on the one hand, a certain number of instructions which are exactly the
same (or which perhaps differ only in the dialect or the use of some words). This
implies both a similar procedure but also an identical text. On the other hand, some
recipes are slightly different in terms of the modification of vocabulary, additions or
suppression of information.
Quite often, we observe that the change of recipe process is often due to the ad-
dition or suppression of an ingredient. So, as the recipe books evolved and were
modified by adding new texts and procedures, the recipes themselves could be modi-
fied in their technical formulations during their transmission from one manuscript
to another. Frequently, the copyist was free to add, to remove or to modify some
ingredients and/or procedures. It is often stated that the main reason for this change
is the role the text played as a technical and instructive text. It therefore seems likely
that an author may, voluntarily, have corrected the text, or added information to it.
However, a great deal of evidence suggests that these recipes were also assembled
in book form to serve a more literary, non-practical purpose.
This phenomenon could indeed be explained in several ways: it could be due to an at-
tempt to improve or to diversify a previous formula; it could correspond to a «quid pro
quo», in which an unknown or expensive ingredient was replaced by a more well known
one or a less expensive one; it may have been a voluntary reduction of the recipe text.
In the later case, the most obvious parts of the recipe are not recorded, the copyist
conserving only the essential part of the recipe (as in the case of an «aide-mémoire»).
Furthermore, changes to the recipe may occur with a misunderstanding of the pro-
cedure. This could happen when the copyist was not a practitioner or when he was
not able to translate and/or to transcribe an unreadable formula (Halleux, R., 1989).
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 18 2
Looking at the first sequence from which the Strasbourg Manuscript originated, the
procedures are almost the same to the ones occuring in the older examples of the
family. They seem to respect more or less the same order of recipes. In the later ones,
the content has been reorganised and the recipes are more complex.
If we focus more specifically on the procedure in itself within the texts of the Stras-
bourg family, and looking at instructions dedicated to the preparation of the Brazil
wood, the database counts up to sixty five entries.
graph 3 typical procedures for the preparation of the brazil wood and their frequency in the strasbourg texts
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
B32+L9+A12+A6
B32+W1+A6
B32+L9+A6
B32+ W
1
B32+W1+E2+A6
B32+V4+A6
B32+V4+A6+C7
B32+L9+C7
B32+L9+C7+A6
B32+U1+A6
B32+U1+C7
B32+U1+C7+A6
B32+E2+C7
Basic recipes
Recip
e f
req
uen
cy
Graph 3 summarizes the basic procedures and their frequency in the family texts.
The most repeated recipe dedicated to this procedure corresponds to an association
of Brazil wood with potash lye made of ashes from different trees and alum (B32
+ A12 + L9 + A6). Another frequently repeated recipe consists of the extraction of
the colorant agent in Brazil wood through water and the addition of alum (B32 +
W1 + A6). We find a fewer number of preparations that specify Brazil wood plus an
undetermined lye (B32+L9+ A6) and, even less frequently, the use of Brazil wood
and water (B32 + W1).
In the Strasbourg family texts, we noted in particular two different ways in which
the recipe is modified:
Modification 1 (addition)
Comparing the characteristic associations, we see that some basic recipes are still
present as a sort of nucleus to which other ingredients may have been added. One
of the simplest only consists of Brazil wood whose colorant is extracted by putting
it in a lye (B32 + L9). The colour can next be fixed on alumine or alum. The addition
of alum allows a beautiful red colour to be obtained (B32 + L9 + A6). Some other
chemical agents can also be added in order to modify the pigment’s hue or charac-
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 8 3
the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival
teristics. As an example, the addition of white lead serves to obtain a more opaque
colour (B32+L9+A6+W5).
Example 2 (substitution)
In some other cases, ingredients have been replaced by other ones.
As an example, in the later manuscripts of the family we find the typical association
of Brazil wood extracted with water and fixed with alum (B32 + W1 + A6), or Brazil
wood extracted in a lye and fixed with alum (B32 + L9 + A6); in the oldest ones, the
lye may be replaced by urine ( B32 + U1 + A6) or vinegar (B32 + V4 + A6). Chalk
can be added in order to modify the characteristics of the colour. Quite often, it is
obtained from crushed egg shell. In the earliest ones, we found recipes where vinegar
is mixed with beer or the lye is mixed with urine. Generally, these changes are due
to technical or aesthetic reasons but sometimes, when comparing a certain number
of recipes, we can conclude that the the name of an ingredient has probably been
misunderstood and replaced by another substance’s name whose presence cannot
be justified in the recipe process from a technical or aesthetic point of view.
Thanks to the database, it is possible to identify the basic structure of a great number
of recipes as well as study the differences and modifications appearing in the Stras-
bourg family texts. It is also possible to try to postulate in which ways the procedure
has been modified, and, by highlighting similar or parallel recipes, to trace back the
route of the artistic instructions, in a certain way, to reconstruct the life of a recipe.
Comparison with a larger group
This method makes sense in the current framework of my PhD thesis which seeks to
demonstrate and to study the place and the originality of the Strasbourg Manuscript
within the family. However, comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts
emanating from German-speaking countries would allow me to highlight the original-
ity and the newness of certain processes for the manufacture of colours described
in the Strasbourg family texts.
Example of anthocyanin recipesAs an example, we have seen that the Strasbourg family texts convey recipes dedi-
cated to the manufacture of red pigment or more exactly colorant obtained from
poppies (graph1). The typical red colour of this species is due to the presence of
anthocyanin colorant.
The use of anthocyans is very frequent in the Strasbourg family texts. If we compare
it to a larger group we see that more than sixty percent of the procedures including
anthocyans come from the Strasbourg family texts. Graph 4 presents the proportion
of recipes found in the database and employing several species of flowers or fruits
for their anthocyanin colorant agent. The Strasbourg family texts are marked in red
and the other encoded manuscripts are in blue. We observe the use of poppies and
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 18 4
cornflowers but also bilberry is also a lot more frequent in the Strasbourg familly
texts than in other texts. Eighty percent of recipes that include poppies can be found
in the Strasbourg family and more than seventy percent of recipes with cornflowers.
Oppositely, the use of berries such elderberry or other Sambucus species is more
frequent in the other texts.
Conclusion and perspectives
Up until now a comparative analysis has been performed for every recipe in common
between the Strasbourg Manuscript and the other witnesses of the textual tradition
in order to study the recurrence and evolution of the recipes.
One may think that, through these texts, we have a survey of illuminating practices
in a more or less clearly-defined framework. However, these manuscripts convey
texts that could be qualified as «living», since they have not always been the object
of a simple copy but have been adapted and modified in several manuscripts. So, if
their «textual architecture» is more or less stable over nearly one and a half centuries,
the ingredients used in the recipes have been modified, and some procedures have
been expanded with other ingredients. Several explanations may be suggesting for
explaining these modifications. Moreover, the nature of certain variations or errors
across the text can often tell us something about the author and the context of
compilation. Let us take the example of substitution, which is a change in ingredi-
ents used in a recipe. On the one hand, substitution may be due to palaeographi-
cal problems that resulted in a word being misunderstood and thus being replaced
by another well-known one; on the other hand, it may correspond to a deliberate
technical improvement by the scribe of the recipe.
graph 4 number of recipes using anthocyanin colorant in the strasbourg family texts and in the other manuscripts contained in the database
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Papaver Rhoeas L. Centaurea Cyanus L. Vaccinium Myrtillus L. Sambucus Ebulus Sambucus Nigra
Anthocyanin species
Nu
mb
er o
f recip
es
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 8 5
the strasbourg family texts: or ig inal ity and survival
Finally, as illustrated through these few examples from a well known family texts, we
would insist on the fact that a recipe or a manuscript should not be studied in isola-
tion. Comparison with a larger corpus of medieval artistic texts coming from german
language countries allows us to underline the originality and the newness of certain
processes for the manufacture of colours described in the Strasbourg family texts.
On another way, it is also possible to relate the history of number of prescriptions
and to correlate them with more widely diffused techniques.•
Bibliography
Berger, Ernst. 1897. Quellen und Technik der Fresko-, Oel- und Tempera Malerei des
Mittelalters. Munich: Georg D.W. Callwey.
Borradaile, Rosamund and Viola. (eds). 1966. The Strasburg Manuscript: A Medieval
Painters’ Handbook Translated from the Old German. London: Tiranti.
Clarke, Mark. 2001. The Art of All Colours: Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and
Illuminators. London: Archetype Publications.
Eastlake, Charles.L. 1847. Materials for a History of Oil Painting. London: Longman,
Brown, Green and Longmans.
Halleux, Robert. 1989. Recettes d’artisan, recettes d’alchimistes. Artes Mechanicae.
numéro 34 : 25-49.
Oltrogge, Doris. 2005. The Cologne database for painting materials and reconstructions. M.
Clarke, J.H. Townsend and A. Stijnman (eds), Art of the Past: Sources and Reconstructions,
9-15. London: Archetype Publications.
Ploss, Emil. 1962. Ein buch von alten Farben.Technologie der Textilfarben im Mittelalter
mit einem Ausblick auf die festen Farben. Heidelberg: Verlag Heinz Moos.
Ploss, Emil. 1964. Ein Malerbüchlein aus dem Bamberger Karmelitenkloster. 100. Bericht des
Historischen Vereins für die Pflege der Geschichte des ehemal. Fürstbistums Bamberg: 331-346.
Ploss, Emil. 1971. Das Amberger Malerbüchlein. Zur Verwandtschaft spätmittelhoch-deutscher
Farbrezepte. Festschrift Hermann Heimpel, 693–703. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht.
Biography
After a Master’s degree in History of Art and Archaeology, I am now conducting research into
historical artistic practices with a specific focus on the medieval period and, more precisely,
the techniques of painting and illuminating. I am studying the written sources for art
technological research and, notably artist’s recipe books. As part of my PhD, I studied the
so-called Strasbourg Manuscript and the other witness manuscripts in relation to its texts.
Dr. Sylvie Neven, Université de Liège, PhD Student, Université de Liège, Département
des sciences historiques, Histoire de l’Art et Archéologie, Quai Roosevelt, 1B, B – 4000
Liège, Belgium, phone: +32 4 3665443, Sylvie.Neven@ulg.ac.be
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
As cores da iluminura: receitas de Michelino de Besozzo e Antoine de Compiègne.
O Liber colorum do humanista francês Jean Lebègue, datado de 1431, contem, entre
outros textos, receitas de cor recolhidas poucas décadas antes por Giovanni Alcherio
de Milão, algumas no Norte da Itália e outras em Paris. A receita para a produção
do azul de lápis-lazúli é fornecida pelo grande pintor Michelino de Besozzo, que
parece ter utilizado profusamente este pigmento, o mais caro da paleta medieval,
nos poucos e extraordinários livros que iluminou em Milão e Veneza. Um conjunto
de quatro receitas, com o título de De coloribus ad illuminandum libros, foi ditado
pelo iluminador francês Antoine de Compiègne. A primeira receita destina-se a um
processo de douramento, a segunda à produção de laca de pau brasil, e as últimas
de dois tipos de verde de cobre. O vermelho de sinópia, o amarelo açafrão e o
lazurium estão igualmente contemplados. Dados biográficos permitem-nos propor
que o iluminador seja o dito Mestre de Policraticus, activo em Paris no último quartel
do séc. XIV. •
Abstract
The Colours of miniature paintings: recipes from Michelino da Besozzo and Antoine
de Compiègne. The Liber colorum of French humanist Jean Lebègue, dated 1431,
contains among other texts colour recipes collected a few decades earlier by a Gio-
vanni Alcherio from Milan, some in Northern Italy and the others in Paris. One, for
the manufacturing of lapis-lazuli blue, came from the great painter Michelino da
Besozzo, who seems to have made extensive use of this most expensive pigment of
the mediaeval palette in the few exquisite books he illuminated in Milan and Venice.
A set of four recipes, with the title of De coloribus ad illuminandum libros, was dic-
tated by the French illuminator Antoine de Compiègne. The first recipe is a gilding
process, the second for brazil lake and the last ones for two kinds of copper-green,
but sinopis red, saffron yellow and lazurium are also quoted. Biographical datas sup-
port an identification of the illuminator with the so-called Master of the Policraticus,
active in Paris in the last third of the XIVth Century. •
palavras-chave
azullápis lazúliverde de cobreJean LebègueMestre de Policraticuses
key-words
bluelapis-lazulicopper greenJean LebègueMaster of the Policraticus
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 8 7
les couleurs de l’enluminure:recettes de michelino da besozzo et d’antoine de compiègne
Le Liber colorum ou «recueil de Jean Lebègue» (Paris, BnF, lat. 6741) est un recueil
de recettes techniques pour la préparation des couleurs compilé au début du XVe
siècle 1. Il inclut des textes plus anciens comme le traité de Théophile 2, mais aussi
des recettes des environs de 1400. Parmi ces dernières, nous examinerons ici celles
attribuées à l’enlumineur parisien Antoine de Compiègne, ainsi qu’une recette du
peintre lombard Michelino da Besozzo, qui fut également enlumineur. Certaines
séries de recettes du Liber colorum reproduisent en effet des carnets de peintres
et peuvent être qualifiées de recettes d’atelier 3. Quoique les modalités en soient
assez variables, il faut entendre par là les recettes transcrites sur un calepin, un pe-
tit aide-mémoire ou vademecum du peintre conservé dans le fonds de l’atelier, au
même titre sans doute que les esquisses et les carnets de modèle. De telles recettes
d’atelier, consignées, recueillies ou recopiées par le milanais Giovanni Alcherio dans
les années 1390, furent à la base de la constitution de son recueil, copié par la suite
par l’humaniste Jean Lebègue 4.
Le monde en bleu de Michelino da Besozzo
«La recette qui suit fut obtenue à Venise le mardi 4 mai 1410, de Michelino da Be-
sozzo, le meilleur peintre du monde» (Recueil de Jean Lebègue, fol. 39)... Du pein-
tre Michelino da Besozzo nous ne possédons qu’une seule recette (n.°117 dans le
recueil), et encore celle-ci n’est-elle pas très originale puisqu’il s’agit de l’une des
nombreuses recettes de purification du lapis-lazuli 5. C’est peu pour le plus excellent
Inès Villela-Pet it Bibliothéque Nationale de France, Paris
(France)
1. Une première version de ce texte avait été pré-
sentée le 9 novembre 2006 au Séminaire sur les
matériaux du livre médiéval de l’IRHT – Institut
de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes à Paris. Il
correspond à deux chapitres de ma thèse: I. Ville-
la-Petit, La Peinture médiévale vers 1400 autour
d’un manuscrit de Jean Lebègue, édition du Li-
ber colorum (Ecole nationale des Chartes, 1995),
«Le monde en bleu de Michelino da Besozzo»
et «Frère Denis, Thierry de Flandre, Antoine de
Compiègne et quelques autres».
2. I. Villela-Petit, «Imiter l’arc-en-ciel: la règle
des couleurs dans la Schedula diversarum artium
de Théophile», Histoire de l’Art, t. 39: La Cou-
leur, octobre 1997, p. 23-36, pl. IV et V; et I.
Villela-Petit, «Copies, Reworkings and Renewals
in Late Medieval Recipe Books», dans J. Nadolny
éd., Medieval Painting in Northern Europe: Tech-
niques, Analysis, Art History, Studies in comme-
moration of the 70th birthday of Unn Plahter,
Londres, 2006, p. 167-181. Sur les réceptaires,
voir aussi: M. Clarke, The Art of All Colours: Me-
diaeval Recipe Books for Painters and Illumina-
tors, Londres, 2001.
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 18 8
3. I. Villela-Petit, «Recettes de couleurs et ana-
lyses scientifiques, esquisse d’une confrontation
devant l’œuvre de Giovanni da Modena», Archives
internationales d’histoire des sciences, n.° 143,
vol. 49, 1999, p. 269-280. Voir aussi: I. Villela-Pe-
tit, «Alberto de Porcellis: une école de calligraphie
au Moyen Age», communication au Séminaire sur
les matériaux du livre médiéval, 16 juin 2005.
4. S.B. Tosatti, Trattati medievali di tecniche ar-
tistiche, Milan, 2007, chap. VII: «Giovanni Alche-
rio e Jean Lebègue, Imprenditori artistici tra Mi-
lano e Parigi intorno al 1400», p. 129-148; et G.
Ouy, «Jean Lebègue (1368-1457), auteur, copis-
te et bibliophile», dans G. Croenen et P. Ainswor-
th éd., Patrons, Authors and Workshops: Books
and Book Production in Paris around 1400, Lou-
vain, 2006, p. 143-171.
5. Texte latin et traduction sont donnés en annexe.
6. I. Villela-Petit, «Propositions pour Jean d’Ar-
bois», dans La création artistique en France
autour de 1400, actes des XIXes rencontres de
l’Ecole du Louvre (Paris – Dijon, 7 au 10 juillet
2004), Paris, 2006, p. 315-344.
7. R. Longhi, Arte lombarda dai Visconti agli Sfor-
za, Milan, 1958, préf. p. XXVIII; et R. Longhi, «Il
Tramonto della pittura medioevale nell’Italia del
Nord», dans Lavori in Valpadana dal Trecento al
primo Cinquecento, Florence, 1973, p. 137-138.
8. Et non 1430 comme écrit erronément dans le
Dictionnaire des peintres, sculpteurs et graveurs
de Bénézit, t.1, et l’Allgemeines Lexikon der bil-
denden Künstler de Thieme et Becker, t.24.
9. Sur les vitraux de Michelino da Besozzo, voir
le Corpus vitrearum Medii Aevi – Italia, t.IV: La
Lombardia, t.1: Le Vetrate del Duomo di Milano,
Milan, 1986, p. 97-118.
10. L’or est posé sur une assiette fortement en-
collée et moulée en relief.
11. L. Castelfranchi Vegas, «La formazione e
gli esordi di Michelino da Besozzo miniatore»,
Prospettiva, t. 83-84, 1996, p. 116-127; et G.
Algeri, «Un Boccacio pavese del 1401 e qualche
nota per Michelino da Besozzo», Arte Lombarda,
1996, p. 40-51.
des peintres (pictor excellentissimus inter omnes pictores mundi, selon Alcherio),
que les Annales du Dôme de Milan où il travailla aussi qualifient de pictor supre-
mus, qu’un chroniqueur de l’époque, l’humaniste Uberto Decembrio, voit comme
un nouvel Appelle 6 et que le grand historien de l’Art Roberto Longhi nommait «le
Watteau du gothique international» 7. Il faut d’ailleurs remarquer que l’estime dont
témoigne Alcherio envers lui – estime partagée par ses contemporains – est sans
doute la cause première qui le pousse à consigner cette recette, somme toute banale,
et à en souligner la source illustre. Même si la rencontre avec l’artiste fut brève et
peu enrichissante pour son projet de réceptaire, une indication de Michelino méritait
d’être fièrement signalée comme telle.
Michelino Molinari, dont la famille était originaire du village de Besozzo sur le lac
Majeur, est d’abord attesté à Pavie vers 1388, ce qui lui vaut le surnom de Michele da
Pavia dans les Annales de la Fabrique du Dôme de Milan où il est mentionné en 1404.
Giovanni Alcherio le rencontra le 4 mai 1410 à Venise 8 où Michelino aurait participé
à la décoration du Palais des Doges et où il semble avoir séjourné quelques années.
A partir de 1420, il est à nouveau cité dans les Annales de la cathédrale de Milan:
Michelinus de Molinari de Besuccio, pictor supremus et magister a vitreatis 9, et est
attesté sur le chantier du Dôme jusqu’en 1442. La mention d’Alcherio nous renseigne
donc sur une période à mi-parcours de sa longue carrière: il est alors en pleine pos-
session de ses moyens et sa renommée s’est propagée de Lombardie jusqu’en Véné-
tie. Sa seule œuvre signée serait un peu postérieure. Il s’agit d’un Mariage mystique
de sainte Catherine (Sienne, Pinacothèque), peint sur panneau vers 1415-1420. De-
vant un fond d’or où les auréoles et les noms des saints personnages sont inscrits en
relief a pastiglia 10, la Vierge drapée dans un manteau d’un bleu profond tient l’Enfant
Jésus sur ses genoux. Celui-ci se tourne vers la sainte au visage enfantin agenouillée
en manteau rose doublé de blanc. Derrière, un saint Jean-Baptiste en tunique bleu-
mauve fait pendant à un saint Antoine vêtu de noir à parements d’or... A côté de
cette palette séduisante, la recette de Michelino fait pauvre figure et les indications
du recueil Lebègue sur sa palette sont maigres: un bleu..., du bleu et rien de plus!?
Cependant, Michelino fut aussi un peintre d’enluminures très recherché 11. Son œu-
vre enluminé comprend notamment un livre d’heures de la Bibliothèque municipale
d’Avignon (ms. 111), le Sermo in exsequiis Johannis Galeatii ducis Mediolani de
Pietro da Castelleto (Paris, BnF, lat. 5888), des Epîtres de saint Jérôme exécutées à
Venise en 1414 (Londres, British Library, ms. Egerton 3266), ou encore un précieux
livre de prières dit à tort «heures» Bodmer 12 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library,
ms. 944), qui n’est pas comme on croit une commande vénitienne mais bien un
manuscrit des Visconti. Dans ce dernier, parmi les scènes de la vie du Christ et les
représentations des saints, un feuillet retient plus particulièrement l’attention. Il
s’agit de l’illustration d’une prière à saint Luc, que Michelino da Besozzo a choisi de
représenter non pas tant en évangéliste, bien que son symbole soit figuré à ses pieds,
mais en patron des peintres, ce qui en fait aussi une manière d’autoportrait du pein-
tre lui-même (fol. 75v). Le saint y apparaît en pied, vêtu d’un ample manteau diapré
de vert et bleu, tenant un petit pinceau et mettant la dernière main à un panneau
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 8 9
l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n to i n e d e c o m p i è g n e
12. C. Eisler, The Prayer Book of Michelino da
Besozzo, New York, 1981.
13. Cennino Cennini, Il libro dell’arte, éd. F. Frez-
zato, Vicence, 2004, chap. LXXVII à LXXX.
de dévotion, tandis que ses godets de couleurs sont posés à proximité. Le morceau
de bravoure que constitue la diaprure du manteau, qui passe insensiblement d’une
couleur à l’autre, correspond à ce qu’un autre recueil de recettes de son temps, le
Libro dell’Arte de Cennino Cennini nomme «cangianti» 13. La représentation de saint
Luc est donc pour Michelino l’occasion de déployer toute la virtuosité de son art.
Dans cette image emblématique, le bleu le plus saturé, pur lapis-lazuli à n’en pas
douter, est celui dont le peintre fait le manteau de la Vierge du petit panneau. La
couleur bleue et le pigment qui lui correspond y sont ainsi à l’honneur.
L’exemplaire officiel de l’éloge funèbre de Jean-Galéas Visconti, enluminé en 1403,
est un autre exemple éloquent de l’importance de ce bleu. La page d’ouverture
(fol. 1) présente une composition raffinée avec un tableau, une lettrine et une bor-
dure comprenant trente quadrilobes où alternent petits prophètes en buste tenant
des inscriptions à la gloire du défunt et écus à ses armes. Dans la scène principale, le
duc de Milan, agenouillé devant la Vierge, est couronné par l’Enfant Jésus. Au-des-
sous, la lettrine «Heu» montre l’auteur, l’augustin Pietro da Castelleto, prononçant
l’oraison lors des funérailles. Effectivement, on y trouve du bleu; mieux même, dans
les deux cas, le bleu domine. Il est omniprésent. Dans la scène céleste, la Vierge
porte sa traditionnelle robe bleue, les anges qui l’entourent sont en bleu et vert,
quelques Vertus aussi sont en bleu, et le fond tout bleu décoré à l’encre d’or. Il y a
ici autant de variations sur le bleu qu’on en peut souhaiter. Le rouge vif du manteau
ducal, d’un cimier et du cercle des séraphins tranche et forme comme un contrepoint
à la tonalité bleue générale, malheureusement écaillée par endroits. La lettrine, de
même, est toute en bleu et or. Ce bleu – ou du moins une partie des différents bleus
employés – est vraisemblablement du lapis-lazuli, comme le suggérait déjà la recette
de Michelino. Mais on peut distinguer au moins trois tons dans la scène céleste.
Le bleu de la Vierge qui trône au milieu attire l’attention par sa densité. Le bleu du
second cercle d’anges est moins soutenu, et celui qui habille les Vertus manifeste-
ment désaturé, ce qui lui donne une nuance plus terne et plus pâle qu’accentuent
les lignes blanches marquant le plissé.
Ces trois tons de bleu pourraient correspondre à ceux que laissent les trois eaux
successives de lavage du lapis broyé et malaxé avec une pâte qui en retient les im-
puretés, trois eaux de lavage que mentionnent d’ordinaire les recettes, même si celle
de Michelino évoque une gradation plus subtile, partant de la meilleure qualité de
lapis, celle obtenue lors du premier lavage de la pâte, puis un nombre indéterminé
de tons obtenus par lavages successifs en augmentant progressivement la tempéra-
ture de l’eau (gradatim) jusqu’à ce que la pâte ne dégorge plus de pigment du tout.
Le principe cependant est toujours le même et l’on se référera à d’autres recettes
du recueil Lebègue pour avoir les précisions voulues sur ces différentes variétés de
poudre de lapis. La première eau, et donc la portion de pigment recueillie la pre-
mière, fournit un excellent bleu, dit «bleu parfait» (recette n.° 114) ou encore «fleur
du bleu» (n.° 111). Excellent ou «parfait» doivent s’entendre comme le plus pur, le
plus riche en pigment, donc le plus saturé, ce qui correspond à la fois visuellement
et symboliquement au ton réservé à la Vierge. La seconde et la troisième eau don-
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 19 0
14. J. Plesters, «Ultramarine Blue, Natural», dans
A. Roy éd., Artists’ Pigments, A Handbook of
their History and Characteristics, vol. 2, Washing-
ton, 1997, p. 37-54.
15. M. Pastoureau, «Les couleurs médiévales:
systèmes de valeurs et modes de sensibilité»,
dans Figures et couleurs, Paris, 1986, p. 35-49,
à la p.38: «cela est caractéristique de la sensibi-
lité médiévale: une belle couleur est une couleur
franche, lumineuse et saturée»; et M. Pastoureau,
Bleu, histoire d’une couleur, Paris, 2000.
16. Cl. Coupry et M.-T. Gousset, «Les manuscrits
médiévaux vus par laser» La Recherche, t. 205,
1988, p. 1524-1526: «Les spectres Raman des
échantillons bleu clair [de manuscrits de Cor-
bie du XIIe siècle où le seul bleu rencontré est
le lapis] n’indiquent pas la présence de pigment
blanc (céruse, craie, gypse, kaolin). La technique
utilisée pour ces variations de teinte est donc la
dilution plus ou moins grande du bleu dans le
liant et non l’adjonction d’un autre pigment».
nent encore un pigment de qualité, mais moins pur et de plus en plus mêlé de ces
impuretés qui se rencontrent nécessairement dans la roche, des traces blanchâtres
de calcite notamment 14. Le bleu ainsi produit est alors moins vif et mêlé de blanc,
donc nécessairement moins bon pour une époque et une esthétique qui valorisent
pureté et richesse du matériau, densité, vivacité et saturation de la couleur 15.
En l’absence d’analyses physico-chimiques sur le manuscrit, on ne peut cependant
exclure l’emploi d’autres pigments bleus (indigo, azurite) pour obtenir les valeurs sou-
haitées, valeurs qui sont une façon de créer une hiérarchie dans l’image entre centre
et périphérie, et entre les personnages représentés formant cette pyramide céleste où
trône la Madone. D’autre part, la plus ou moins grande pureté du pigment, en l’occur-
rence du lapis-lazuli, n’est pas le seul facteur de modulation. Le choix et la proportion
du liant 16 (gomme arabique, blanc d’œuf, colle liquide ou huile de lin, comme l’indique
le n.° 118), d’éventuels ajouts (d’autres bleus ou de blanc), le nombre et la nature des
sous-couches (le lapis n’étant pas très couvrant), les glacis, voire la simple proximité
d’autres couleurs peuvent jouer et modifier notablement la résultante.
Il est toujours intéressant d’observer les rapports qu’entretiennent les couleurs entre
elles dans une image donnée. Ici bleu virginal et rouge de royauté se complètent
et se rehaussent l’un l’autre, tandis qu’on remarque une équivalence entre le bleu
délavé et le rose, le violacé tendre, le vert ou le mordoré des robes des Vertus qui
forment la cour céleste, comme des demoiselles d’honneur de la Vierge. Ces tons
doux marquent dans la hiérarchie un degré en dessous du couple bleu-rouge saturé
(lapis et vermillon?). Mais encore, bleu et vert sont associés, soit que le bleu – la
robe de Marie – se double de vert avec un liseré d’or, soit qu’il ait été ombré de
glacis verts comme les armures bleues des anges placés de profil ou de trois-quart,
dans leur côté perdu, caché aux yeux du spectateur supposé se trouver en face et en
contrebas de ce monde divin. Le vert (un vert de cuivre sans doute) fait donc office
de bleu désaturé ou de seconde catégorie, réservé aux doublures des vêtements,
mais aussi d’ombre du bleu, et en complète l’usage.
Dans la lettrine cependant, la nuance dominante n’est pas la même. Le bleu en est
très sombre et quelque peu usé aussi, rendant sa lecture plus difficile. Hormis les
visages et les mains des personnages, ce bleu-noir est la seule couleur de la scène
funèbre, tandis que l’encadrement est d’un bleu plus clair avec épigraphie, lui-même
entouré d’or bruni. Les figures sont vêtues du ton le plus sombre, peut-être un vé-
ritable noir, couleur de deuil. Le rideau du fond est un ton en dessous, bleu nuit. Et
dans le toit en bâtière résonne un simple bleu pur. On discerne donc une opposition
colorée entre monde terrestre où prend place la scène du deuil et monde céleste
au bleu vif où le défunt est accueilli. Deux valeurs symboliques sont donc possibles
pour la couleur: bleu-noir de la souffrance terrestre – lapis, indigo, ou quelqu’autre
pigment mêlé de noir de charbon?, – et bleu saturé de la joie céleste – pur lapis-
lazuli? C’est-à-dire, un couple bleu-nuit, bleu-jour; bleu triste, bleu joyeux; bleu
éteint, bleu éclatant, qui lie les deux scènes: mort et résurrection bleues.
En sus d’une préférence du peintre et du goût général du gothique international
pour l’emploi du lapis-lazuli, le choix si manifeste de cette couleur dans le Sermo in
michelino da besozzo, mariage mystique de sainte catherine (vers 1420), pinacothèque de sienne
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 9 1
l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n to i n e d e c o m p i è g n e
17. Sans doute après le conclave qui vit l’élec-
tion de l’antipape Jean XXIII (17 mai 1410 – 29
mai 1415).
exsequiis a bien sûr des raisons symboliques. C’est d’abord la couleur de la Vierge
à qui l’image est en quelque sorte dédiée et sous la protection de laquelle vient se
placer le duc. C’est aussi la couleur du ciel et, assimilée au noir, de la mort, qui sont
les sujets mêmes de l’enluminure. Le bleu est encore une des couleurs héraldiques
des Visconti de Milan, dont le blason (d’argent à la guivre d’azur hissant de gueules)
et les pennons, alternés avec ceux d’autres possessions de Jean-Galéas (duchés de
Pavie, Vertus, comtés de Bologne, Pise, Sienne et Pérouse), parsèment le champ
de l’image. Le bleu de la guivre se sera, pour ainsi dire, propagé emphatiquement
jusqu’à constituer le ton dominant de l’image. Enfin, le faste déployé dans ce luxueux
manuscrit à la gloire du duc et de son lignage justifiait l’emploi des matériaux les
plus précieux, parmi lesquels le lapis. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli répondait donc au mieux
à toutes ces modalités.
S’il peut paraître hasardeux d’identifier un pigment à l’œil nu, la réalisation d’un
manuscrit de cette qualité, confiée à l’un des meilleurs peintres de son temps, requé-
rait en tout cas des pigments de prix. Le lapis-lazuli purifié par le procédé des trois
lavages en fait partie: «le premier vaut son pesant d’or, le second son poids d’argent
et le troisième est bon pour les sous-couches», dit encore une recette (n.° 349). La
question serait plutôt de savoir s’il est le seul bleu employé. Nous avons relevé plu-
sieurs tons. Sont-ils obtenus avec des poudres de différentes qualités? en variant les
proportions de liant et de poudre? en mêlant le lapis et d’autres pigments, blancs ou
noirs? en employant le lapis-lazuli pour les parties principales (la Vierge) concurrem-
ment avec d’autres pigments bleus (Vertus, fond)? On ne saurait extrapoler à partir
d’une seule recette que c’était-là le seul bleu de Michelino, même si la vogue de la
couleur au gothique international et le renom du peintre pouvaient amener celui-ci
à l’employer plus qu’un autre. Nous avons simplement, recueillie par Alcherio, du
meilleur des peintres la plus prisée de ses couleurs.
Antoine de Compiègne, enlumineur à Paris
«Le jeudi 8 août de l’an de la Circoncision de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ 1398,
Giovanni Alcherio a écrit et recopié à Paris, chez l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiè-
gne, homme d’un grand âge, d’après les paroles de celui-ci qui toute sa vie durant,
comme il a dit, avait éprouvé l’ensemble des recettes qui suivent, à savoir les recet-
tes pour l’enluminure. Et par la suite, en décembre 1411, le même Giovanni revenu
de Lombardie – c’est-à-dire de Bologne où la Curie Apostolique était nouvellement
assemblée 17 – à Paris depuis plus d’un an déjà, les corrigea en plusieurs endroits
suivant plusieurs informations qu’il avait reçues depuis de plusieurs livres authenti-
ques portant sur le sujet et par d’autres moyens, et mit au net ce qui suit.» (Recueil
de Jean Lebègue, fol. 87)
Le jeudi 8 août 1398, quelque dix ans avant sa rencontre avec Michelino à Venise,
Giovanni Alcherio, séjournant alors à Paris, avait rendu visite à l’enlumineur Antoine
de Compiègne in domo suo. Déjà âgé, antiquus homo, celui-ci résidait au quartier
michelino da besozzo, livre de prières bodmer, new york, pierpont morgan library, ms. 944, fol. 75v : saint luc
michelino da besozzo, frontispice de l’eloge funèbre de jean galéas visconti par pietro da castelleto (1403), paris, bnf, lat. 5888, fol. 1
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 19 2
18. D’après A. Boinet, Les édifices religieux mé-
diévaux et Renaissance, Paris, 1910 (collec. Les
richesses d’art de la ville de Paris).
19. Abbé Lebeuf, Histoire de la ville de Paris, t.1,
1883, p. 102, cité par H. Martin, Les miniatu-
ristes français, Paris, 1906, p. 212. Je remercie
Monsieur François Avril de m’avoir signalé cette
référence.
20. P. De Winter, «The Grandes Heures of Philip
the Bold, Duke of Burgundy: The Copyist Jean
L’Avenant and his Patrons at the French Court»,
Speculum, 1982, t. 57, n.° 4, p. 786-842.
21. Ph. Lorentz, «Les carnets de dessins, labora-
toires de la création artistique», dans Paris 1400
– Les arts sous Charles VI (1380-1422), Paris,
Musée du Louvre, 2004, p. 304-306.
22. I. Villela-Petit, «Brésil et autres rouges: dix
recettes de laque médiévales», Technè – Revue
du Laboratoire de Recherche des Musées de
France, n.° 4: La couleur et ses pigments, 1996,
p.68-73; P. Roger, S. Vandroy et I. Villela-Petit,
«Les laques de brésil dans l’enluminure médié-
vale: reconstitution à partir de recettes ancien-
nes», Studies in Conservation, t. 48, n.° 3, 2003,
p. 155-170.
Saint-Séverin, quartier de nombreux peintres où il devait avoir aussi son atelier, et
peut-être maison et atelier ne faisaient-ils qu’un. Une inscription lapidaire autrefois
en l’église Saint-Séverin confirme la réalité historique du personnage, autrement
connu essentiellement à travers le recueil Lebègue. L’église de cette vaste paroisse
de la rive gauche était en chantier depuis le milieu du XIIIe siècle. En 1347, le pape
Clément VI avait d’ailleurs accordé des indulgences aux généreux donateurs qui
aideraient à sa reconstruction. Or, le second pilier du premier bas côté sud de la nef
portait encore avant la Révolution une inscription en cuivre indiquant qu’il avait été
élevé en 1414 aux frais de la succession d’Antoine «de Compaigne», enlumineur, et
de sa femme Odette 18. Le texte en était le suivant: «Les exécuteurs de feux Antoine
de Compiègne [ou Compaigne], enlumineur de pincel, et de Oudette sa femme ont
fait faire ce pilier du résidu des biens desdits défunts l’an M. CCCC. XIIII» 19. L’enlu-
mineur devait donc jouir d’une certaine aisance matérielle à la fin de sa vie. Il décéda
une dizaine d’années après la visite d’Alcherio qui remarquait déjà son âge avancé
(1414, terminus ante quo), et fut probablement enterré dans l’ancien cimetière de
l’église, actuel jardin du presbytère. Les débuts de sa carrière remontent en effet au
milieu du XIVe siècle et il est déjà attesté trente ans avant cette rencontre, puisqu’il fi-
gure, mais comme libraire, au nombre des artisans du métier du livre qui, en tant que
jurés de l’Université de Paris, furent exemptés du guet par un privilège du roi Charles
V en date du 5 novembre 1368 20. Antoine s’était ensuite spécialisé dans l’enlumi-
nure: illuminator librorum, nous dit la notice du recueil Lebègue (n.° 297). N’ayant
pas de carnet de recettes, c’est par oral qu’il transmit son savoir-faire au visiteur.
Il s’agit de quatre recettes prises sous la dictée et complétées par la suite par Alcherio
qui les intitule De coloribus ad illuminandum libros: or bruni, rose de bois brésil et
deux verts de cuivre, constituant une palette des plus réduites mais d’autant plus
intéressante pour nous que les circonstances dans lesquelles ces recettes furent re-
cueillies attestent que ces pigments-là étaient encore fabriqués dans l’atelier alors
que d’autres, la céruse par exemple, s’achetaient chez l’apothicaire. Dans la première
(n.° 298), outre le parchemin et le papier, supports habituels de l’enluminure, sont
aussi mentionnés les panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, car le procédé (ici la pose
de la feuille d’or) est le même. De telles planchettes apprêtées, réunies en carnet par
des lanières, servaient souvent de carnet à dessin. Quelques-uns se sont conservés
tel le carnet de buis de Jacquemart de Hesdin 21 (New York, Pierpont Morgan Li-
brary, M.346), daté vers 1385-1400. Une assiette rigide composée de craie, d’ocre
et de blanc d’œuf, suivant la méthode traditionnelle, permet à la feuille d’or qu’on
y pose de supporter le brunissage. La recette de rose 22 (n.° 299) indique les mêmes
supports (parchemin, papier, panneaux de bois apprêtés). La laque de brésil fixée
sur une base de craie et d’alun est employée avec de la gomme arabique. Elle peut
servir en peinture et pour dessiner, mais aussi comme encre rose.
Suivent deux verts tous deux faits à base de vert de gris, bien qu’aux propriétés
inverses. L’un (n.° 300) est transparent, a peu de substance, sans corps dit le texte,
et ne doit servir qu’en une sorte de glacis. Il reste terne, obfuscatus, et les couleurs
sur lesquelles il serait posé transparaîtraient. Mais le principal défaut de ce vert est
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 9 3
l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n to i n e d e c o m p i è g n e
23. G. Banik, «Green copper pigments and their
alteration in manuscripts or works of graphic
art», dans B. Guineau éd., Pigments et colorants
de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age, Paris, 1990,
p.89-102; H. Kühn, «Verdigris», dans A. Roy éd.,
Artists’ Pigments..., p. 131-147.
24. I. Villela-Petit, «Historié de blanc et de noir:
la tradition du ‘portrait d’encre’ dans l’enluminu-
re parisienne des XIVe-XVe siècle», à paraître dans
Les rapports des arts monochromes à la couleur,
actes du colloque de juin 2009 au Centre d’Etu-
des Supérieures de la Renaissance de Tours.
25. I. Villela-Petit, «Palettes comparées: quelques
réflexions sur les pigments employés par les en-
lumineurs parisiens au début du XVe siècle», dans
M. Hofmann et C. Zöhl dir., Quand la peinture
était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de
François Avril, Berlin, 2007, p. 382-391.
d’être très corrosif 23 et de gâter les autres pigments. Les superpositions sont donc
à éviter, y compris l’habituelle préparation blanche. Ce vert particulier sans autre
liant que le vinaigre s’employait à même le parchemin ou le papier pour colorier des
formes préalablement tracées à l’encre noire. La recette concerne donc uniquement
l’enluminure et relève d’une technique moins coûteuse et moins précieuse que la
peinture «en pleines couleurs», celle du dessin colorié. Dite «dessin d’encre», cette
technique fut couramment employée par les enlumineurs parisiens de la fin du XIVe
siècle 24, ainsi dans l’exemplaire de dédicace de L’Apparition de Jean de Meun d’Ho-
noré Bovet destiné vers 1398 à la duchesse d’Orléans, Valentine Visconti (Paris, BnF,
fr. 811). Les couleurs y sont en nombre très réduit: un lavis d’encre pour les drapés,
quelques rehauts de rose pour les carnations, d’or pour les couronnes et, pour le
sol, un vert ou un jaune quasi sans substance, sans densité, comme ce vert n.° 300.
Rose, vert et or, ce sont là les couleurs du De coloribus placé sous le nom d’Antoine
de Compiègne. L’autre vert, tout au contraire, est dulcis et corpulentus (n.° 301).
Il peut donc servir aussi bien sur papier et parchemin que sur toile ou panneau de bois
blanchi, car il ne contient pas de vinaigre, et le vert de gris est censé être tempéré
par les sucs d’herbes ou de fleurs qui entrent dans sa composition. Lié avec une eau
de gomme arabique soigneusement purifiée, il sert d’encre ou de peinture, s’emploie
aussi bien en glacis qu’en sous-couche, et l’on peut également poser l’or par dessus.
Ainsi passe-t-on ce vert en rehauts sur une couche de vermillon, de lapis-lazuli, de
rose brésil ou toute autre, ce qui n’est d’ailleurs pas sans rappeler la technique des
«cangianti» qu’affectionnait Michelino da Besozzo.
Toutes ces recettes sont assez précises dans l’indication des proportions à respecter,
de la durée, de la consistance (par exemple, au n.° 298, la consistance à recher-
cher pour l’assiette de l’or ou putrefactio), de l’effet visuel (transparence, opacité)
et des incompatibilités entre pigments (n.° 300). Les deux dernières en particulier
contiennent un préambule relatif à la nature, aux propriétés, à l’usage, aux défauts
et aux qualités respectives des verts de cuivre. S’agit-il d’un topos, d’ajouts dus au
compilateur Giovanni Alcherio d’après des ouvrages de référence (libri autentiqui),
ou du reflet de l’expérience authentique du peintre? Les trois à la fois peut-être.
La «palette» d’Antoine de Compiègne peut s’étendre aux autres couleurs citées: or
bruni, rouge vermillon (ici sous le nom de sinopis), rose de brésil, bleu de lapis-lazuli
(lazurium), vert-de-gris inconsistant, vert-de-gris consistant et jaune safran, soit sept
couleurs auxquelles il faut encore ajouter le blanc de céruse 25. Et, bien qu’incomplet,
ce De coloribus rédigé sur les indications de l’enlumineur est moins pauvre qu’il y
paraît puisqu’il fait allusion aux superpositions de teintes, technique courante mais
rarement citée dans les recettes puisqu’elle relève déjà de la phase de mise en œuvre
du pigment. Une couche de vert viendra se superposer à une couche de vermillon,
modulera une sous-couche bleue, ombrera un rose... Autant de nouvelles nuances
dont il faut créditer l’expérience du maître et qui enrichissent sa palette.
Jusqu’à il y a peu, on ne pouvait guère en dire davantage sur la manière d’Antoine
de Compiègne, aucun manuscrit ne lui étant attribué. Tout au plus pouvait-on le
compter au nombre des enlumineurs parisiens de la seconde moitié du XIVe siècle (je
maître du policratique de charles v, chronique de bernard gui (après 1384), besançon, bm, ms. 677, fol. 13 : le songe de nabuchodonosor
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 19 4
26. I. Villela-Petit, «Maîtres peintres et enlumi-
neurs: identités incertaines», dans Paris 1400...,
p. 203.
27. Fr. Avril, «Le parcours exemplaire d’un enlu-
mineur parisien à la fin du 14e siècle: la carrière et
l’œuvre du maître du Policratique de Charles V»,
dans B. Fleith et F. Morenzoni éd., De la sainteté
à l’hagiographie. Genèse et usage de la Légende
Dorée, Genève, 2001, p. 265-282.
le rapprochais en 1995 du groupe aux Boqueteaux). J’ai cependant proposé en 2004,
sans avoir alors le loisir d’étayer mon propos 26, de reconnaître en lui un enlumineur
de ce cercle baptisé «Maître du Policratique de Charles V» d’après le manuscrit BnF,
fr. 24287. La carrière de l’artiste, reconstituée par François Avril 27, présente en effet
des coïncidences troublantes avec la biographie d’Antoine de Compiègne. On peut
mettre l’une et l’autre en parallèle (voir le tableau ci-après).
Bien que fragmentaires, les données disponibles concordent et permettent à mon
sens d’identifier notre artiste avec le Maître du Policratique. Les nombreux manus-
crits enluminés par celui-ci illustrent au mieux la mise en œuvre des recettes du pe-
tit De coloribus ad illuminandum libros inclus dans le Recueil Lebègue, notamment
cette technique du dessin d’encre à rehauts de lavis qui semble être la destination
ordinaire du vert translucide d’Antoine de Compiègne. •
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l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n to i n e d e c o m p i è g n e
Antoine de Compiègne Maître du Policratique
Attesté à partir de 1368 – † entre 1398 et 1414 En activité de 1366 à 1403
Libraire-juré de l’Université de Paris (1368) Enlumine un Décret pour l’Université de Paris
Demeure au quartier Saint-Séverin, comme l’enlumineur Perrin Rémiet (et le libraire Regnault du Montet)
Reçoit commande des abbayes voisines, Sainte-Geneviève (1380) et Saint-Victor (1392); collabore avec Perrin Rémiet
Un des enlumineurs parisiens les plus considérés à la fin de sa vie, rangé aux côtés des plus grands artistes dans le recueil Lebègue
Travaux d’enluminure pour Charles V, Louis d’Anjou, Philippe le Hardi, Jean de Berry et Louis d’Orléans
Reçoit la visite du milanais Giovanni Alcherio en 1398 Travaux pour Pasquino Capelli, conseiller du duc de Milan (vers 1390-1395) et pour Valentine Visconti (1398)
Encore actif à la fin du XIVe siècle et fait alors référence Un des rares enlumineurs importants actifs à Paris à cette époque où les maîtres pucelliens ne sont plus et ceux de la génération suivante débutent à peine
Assez fortuné pour offrir un pilier à l’église Saint-Séverin sur sa succession
Un atelier très productif, dont on peut supposer qu’il était rentable
Antiquus homo en 1398 Signes de sénescence de son style vers 1400
Palette: vert pour le dessin d’encre, safran, azur, encre rose, or, céruse, ocre, vermillon; assiettes, superpositions
Dessin d’encre, enluminures en pleines couleurs, bordures; verts, jaune diaphane (safran?), lapis-lazuli, rose brésil, or, vermillon, bleu-gris, etc.
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 19 6
Recette de Michelino da Besozzo
Item in eodem exemplari sic erat scriptum: Hoc sequens experimentum hujusmodi, in Veneciis,
die martis IIII maii, anni 1410, a Michelino de Vesucio, pictore excellentissimo inter omnes
pictores mundi.
De même se trouvait dans le modèle la mention suivante: «La recette qui suit fut obtenue à
Venise le mardi 4 mai 1410, de Michelino da Besozzo, le meilleur peintre du monde».
n.° 117 – Azurium sic fit: Recipe libram unam lapidis lazuli et tere bene in lapide porfirico.
Postea ablue ipsum cum aqua clara, deinde desica et reduce ipsum in pulverem.
Pastillum sic fit: ad libram unam pulveris lapidis, pone libram unam picis Grece, oncias II vernicis
liquide, onciam I masticis; ponantur in olla rudi oncias III olei communis, idest lini vel olive, et
boni, et fac bullire, et tunc masticem et vernicem pulverizatam pone in oleo et bene moveas
cum ligno. Et cum videas resoluta, pone piscem pulverizatam et permitte parum bullire donec
omnia fuerint bene incorporata. Postea cola per pannum in aqua frigida et mancetur manibus
unctis oleo communi, et postea pulver lazulli incorporetur super lapidem cum dicto pastillo et
optime, et dimittatur per tres dies in dicto pastillo.
Postea extrahatur azurrum de pastillo hoc modo: misceatur cum baculo in aqua calida parum
plusquam tepida, et taliter teneatur quousque aliquid exiverit. Si vero non exiret, ponatur aqua
magis calida, et sic gradatim, mittendo aquam calidiorem et miscendo donec aliquid exiverit.
Ultimo ponatur aqua quando magis fervet, et extracto toto azurro et separato ab aqua et
sicato, fiat lexivium fortissimum et ponatur azurrum in planis vasis et superius ponatur lexivium,
sicut nosti, ut exeant immondicii pastilli, quo purgato, dulcifica cum aqua clara, etc.
117 – Le bleu se prépare ainsi: Prenez une livre de lapis-lazuli et broyez-le bien sur une meule
de porphyre. Puis lavez-le d’eau claire, faites sécher et réduisez en poudre.
La pâte se prépare ainsi: pour une livre de poudre de lapis, prenez une livre de poix grecque,
deux onces de vernis liquide, une once de mastic; mettez dans une marmite neuve trois onces
de bonne huile commune, c’est-à-dire de lin ou d’olive et faites bouillir, ajoutez alors dans
l’huile le mastic et le vernis en poudre et remuez bien avec un bout de bois. Lorsque vous le
verrez dissout, ajoutez la poix en poudre et laissez légèrement bouillir jusqu’à ce que tous les
ingrédients soient bien incorporés. Puis filtrez dans l’eau froide à travers un tissu et malaxez
avec les mains ointes d’huile commune, puis incorporez soigneusement sur la meule la poudre
de lapis-lazuli dans cette pâte et l’y laissez reposer trois jours.
Le bleu s’extrait ensuite de la pâte de la façon suivante: mélangez la pâte avec un bâton dans
de l’eau plus chaude que tiède et continuez ainsi tant que de la couleur en sortira. Mais s’il
n’en sort pas, mettez de l’eau un peu plus chaude et ainsi par degrés, ajoutant de l’eau tou-
jours plus chaude et mélangeant jusqu’à ce que la couleur sorte. En dernier lieu, ajoutez de
l’eau bouillante, puis une fois le bleu entièrement extrait, séparé de l’eau et séché, faites une
lessive bien forte, mettez le bleu dans des récipients à fond plat et versez dessus la lessive,
comme vous savez, pour que sortent les saletés de la pâte amollie par l’eau claire dont vous
l’aviez purgé, etc.
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Recettes d’Antoine de Compiègne
De diversis coloribus in sequenti tractatur, et primo, modus prohemii:
n.° 297 – Anno circoncisionis domini Jesu Christi 1398 die Jovis octavo augusti, Johannes
Alcerius scripsit et notavit in Parisius in domo Anthonii de Compendio illuminatoris librorum,
antiqui hominis, a verbis que ipse Anthonius sibi dixit, et qui omnia que secuntur tentaverat toto
tempore vite sue, ut dixit, de coloribus scilicet ad illuminandum libros, sequencia capitula. Et
postea anno 1411 de mense decembris, idem Johannes qui jam per plusquam annum reversus
fuerat a partibus Lombardie, videlicet a Bononia, ubi erat curia apostolica noviter unita, cor-
rexit in pluribus partibus ea, secundum plures informationes quas inde postea per plures libros
autentiquos de talibus narrantes, et aliter habuerat, et rescripsit ea ad nettum ut sequitur.
Traité de diverses couleurs, et d’abord, en guise d’introduction:
297 – Le jeudi 8 août de l’an de la Circoncision de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ 1398, Giovanni
Alcherio a écrit et recopié à Paris, chez l’enlumineur Antoine de Compiègne, homme d’un
grand âge, d’après les paroles de celui-ci qui, toute sa vie durant, comme il a dit, avait éprouvé
l’ensemble des recettes qui suivent, à savoir les recettes pour l’enluminure. Et par la suite, en
décembre 1411, le même Giovanni revenu de Lombardie – c’est-à-dire de Bologne où la Curie
Apostolique était nouvellement assemblée – à Paris depuis plus d’un an déjà, les corrigea en
plusieurs endroits suivant plusieurs informations qu’il avait reçues entre-temps de plusieurs
livres authentiques portant sur le sujet et par d’autres moyens, et mit au net ce qui suit.
n.° 298 – Ad ponendum aurum super diversis quod burniatur, et de diversis cautelis utendis
super hoc illuminando libros:
Ad ponendum aurum in papiro, in pergameno seu carta, et in tabulis ligneis creta alba deal-
batis quod aurum burniatur seu poliatur, accipe gersam seu cretam albam et modicum ocre de
ru, per tertiam partem quantitatis crete et totum simul subtilia, et tere cum aqua clara magis
spissum quam poteris, idest cum pauca aqua, super lapidem equalem durum cum molleta lapi-
dis similiter. Postea pone ipsum colorem, qui aliter tempera vel assisia auri dicitur, in conchilla
aut in scutella figuli vitriata aut in vase vitri.
Et cum operari vis, accipe de ipso in conchilla alia parviori quantum vis et modera ipsum cum
claro ovi spongiato ad rationabilem molliciem seu liquiditatem pro pingendo aut scribendo de
ipso. Et si habes tempus cum temperaveris, dimittas inveterari per plures dies vel septimanas
ipsam temperam, quia melior erit putrida quam recens. Postea de ipsa scribe, pinge et protrahe
que vis et ubi vis, et dimittas siccari.
Postea sis in loco recluso cum aurum vis ponere et elige tempus ydoneum ut supra dictum est.
Et habitis ydoneis loco et tempore et remediis, ponas aurum in locis carte vel papiri quibus
ipsum colorem vel assisiam posuisti, et super trahe et premendo primo leviter, postea fortius
burnissorem, scilicet dentem apri vel equi, et polias tantum dictum aurum quod adereat colori
et lucidum fiat ut supra jam dictum est.
Ideo cum aurum poni vult, color talis remansus de alia positione auri alias facta melior est,
dum ex interpollata visitatione deductione et ovi aut aque interpositione conservatus sit in
debita liquiditate, ita quod ad totalem siccitatem vel nimiam putrefactionem et alterationem
deductus non sit.
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
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298 – Pour poser de l’or à brunir sur diverses matières, et des nombreuses précautions à
prendre pour enluminer les livres:
Pour poser de l’or sur papier, parchemin et panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie, de manière que
l’or soit bruni ou poli: prenez de la craie blanche et un peu d’ocre de ru pour environ le tiers
de la quantité de craie, broyez le tout en poudre fine avec de l’eau claire le plus densément
que vous pourrez, c’est-à-dire avec peu d’eau, sur une meule de pierre dure et plane au moyen
d’un pilon également de pierre. Puis mettez cette couleur autrement appelée assiette de l’or
dans une coquille ou une écuelle d’argile vernissée, ou dans un récipient de verre.
Et quand vous voudrez vous en servir, versez-en à volonté dans une plus petite coquille et
délayez de blanc d’œuf battu jusqu’à la consistance ou la fluidité requises pour en peindre
ou en écrire. Et si vous avez le temps, lorsque vous l’aurez détrempée, laissez cette assiette
vieillir plusieurs jours ou semaines, parce qu’elle est meilleure gâtée que fraîche. Puis écrivez,
peignez et dessinez-en ce que vous voudrez et où vous voudrez, et laissez sécher.
Soyez en un endroit fermé lorsque vous voudrez poser l’or et choisissez un temps favorable,
comme il est dit plus haut. Et une fois réunis le lieu, le temps et les moyens adéquats, posez
l’or aux endroits du parchemin ou du papier où vous aurez mis de la couleur ou assiette, frot-
tez dessus en appuyant d’abord légèrement puis plus fort le brunissoir, c’est-à-dire la dent
de sanglier ou de cheval, et polissez suffisamment l’or pour qu’il adhère à l’assiette et qu’il
brille, comme il a déjà été dit.
C’est pourquoi, lorsque vous voulez poser l’or, l’assiette restant d’une précédente dorure est
meilleure, pourvu qu’elle ait été conservée à la fluidité voulue par une surveillance renouve-
lée pour la remuer et l’additionner d’œuf ou d’eau, de manière qu’elle ne soit amenée ni à se
dessécher complètement, ni à trop se gâter et s’altérer.
n.° 299 – Ad faciendum rosam:
Ad faciendum rosam pro operando in carta et in papiro et in ligneis tabulis creta dealbatis, acci-
pe brixillium rasum subtiliter cum cutello vel cum vitro et liga in subtili pecia lini non stricte, sed
late et fluctuanter. Et sic ligatum, pone in vase figuli vitriato novo ad temperandum in lixivio aut
in urina hominis ebriatoris potantis forte vinum, et si urina sit vetera tanto melius. Et si non possis
habere talem, accipe lessivium fortissimum et pone de creta alba in ipso lessivio, cum dicta pecia
in qua est braxillium et per quantitatem de tribus vel quatuor vicibus quantitatis brixilii ad pondus
et etiam sicut inspiciendo melius videbis convenire plus et minus secundum bonitatem brixillii.
Postea pone de alumine glacie crudo, pisto in pulverem, quod sit tantum quantum est quartum
dicte crete vel circa, et ante plus quam minus, et misceas hec omnia insimul dimittendo semper
ligatum in dicta pecia dictum brixillium et dimittant sic per horam unam vel circa. Postea ponas
vas ad ignem non lignorum sed carbonum et bulliant non nimis fortiter et per spacium quarte
partis hore vel minus, ita quod solum alumen fondatur.
Postea de ipso vase tollatur dicta pecia brixillii et exprimatur et extorqueatur fortiter ut color
de ipsa totaliter exeat in eodem vase. Postea tollatur ipse color ita calidius ab igne et ponatur
super lapidem crete concave vel super laterem de terra etc. ad hoc, quod urina seu lessivium
intret in lapidem subito et color ipse remaneat ibi inspissatus et semisiccus. Postea facias ex
toto siccari ad solem, deinde eleva ipsum colorem, que rosa est cum cutello a lapide vel latere,
et repone servando pro usu.
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Et cum de ipsa operari vis, accipe de ipsa quantum vis et subtilia, idest tere super lapidem
durum et planum cum aqua gummata que fit per duas partes gummi arabici fusi in tam pauca
aqua, quod pene coperiatur ipsa gumma cum in ipsa ponitur aqua, et colati postea per telam
lineam, et per tertiam partem sit aqua clara insimul cum dicto gummi fuso et colato. Et de ipsa
aqua gommata ipso modo facta distempera dictam rosam ad debitam molliciem et operaberis
de ipsa que volueris, tam scribendo quam pingendo ac protrahendo.
299 – Pour faire du rose:
Pour faire un rose à employer sur parchemin, papier et panneaux de bois blanchis à la craie,
prenez du brésil finement râpé avec un couteau ou avec du verre, et lier-le dans un morceau de
lin sans serrer, mais de manière lâche et flottante. Et ainsi attaché, mettez-le dans un récipient
neuf d’argile vernissée à tremper dans de la lessive ou de l’urine d’ivre amateur de vin fort,
et tant mieux si l’urine est vieille. Mais si vous ne pouvez en trouver de cette sorte, prenez
une lessive très forte et mettez-y de la craie blanche avec le tissu contenant le brésil, soit en
poids une quantité trois à quatre fois supérieure à celle de brésil ou plus ou moins selon ce
qui à vue d’œil semblera mieux convenir et suivant la qualité du brésil.
Puis ajoutez de l’alun de glace cru et réduit en poudre, qui fasse autant ou à peu près que le
quart de la craie, et plutôt plus que moins, mélangez tout cela ensemble en gardant toujours
le brésil attaché dans son tissu et qu’ils reposent ainsi environ une heure. Puis mettez le ré-
cipient au feu non de bois mais de charbons et qu’ils ne bouillent pas trop fort pendant un
quart d’heure ou moins de manière à ne faire fondre que l’alun.
Otez ensuite du récipient le tissu contenant le brésil, pressez-le et tordez-le avec force pour
en faire complètement sortir la couleur; puis retirez du feu le récipient avec la couleur ainsi
chauffée et versez-la sur un morceau de craie creux ou sur une brique de terre, etc. de sorte
que l’urine ou la lessive soit aussitôt absorbée par la pierre et que la couleur y reste compacte
et à demi sèche. Faites-la entièrement sécher au soleil, puis enlevez de la pierre ou de la brique
cette couleur rose à l’aide d’un couteau, et conservez pour l’usage.
Quand vous voudrez vous en servir, prenez-en à volonté et affinez, c’est-à-dire broyez-la sur
une meule de pierre dure et plane avec de l’eau de gomme faite pour deux tiers de gomme
arabique dissoute dans juste assez d’eau pour que la gomme en soit presque recouverte quand
vous y verserez l’eau, et filtrée ensuite au travers d’une toile de lin, et pour un tiers d’eau
claire ajoutée à cette gomme fondue et filtrée. Et de l’eau de gomme ainsi faite détrempez
le rose jusqu’à la consistance voulue et vous pourrez en faire ce que vous voudrez, tant pour
écrire que pour peindre ou dessiner.
n.° 300 – Ad faciendum viride corrosivum absque substancia seu corpore:
Ad faciendum viride in substancia clarum et non corpulentum, idest substanciam non haben-
tem, ut verbi gratia clarus atque sine substancia est color safrani, idest croci qui non cooperit
alios colores pro ejus subtilitate, claritate et raritate, qua alii colores apparent per medium
ipsum et ex hoc ipse pro raritate sua, ut et dictus color viridis remanet obfuscatus, et nil vel
minimum apparet, neque multum apparere potest super alios colores.
Sed ipse color viridis non est dulcis sicut est dictus color croci, ymo ex sua natura est acer et cor-
rosivus, et taliter quod destruit et rodit alios colores si ponatur super ipsos, vel ipsi super ipsum,
et hoc pro viride eris qui in ipso ponitur, et est talis conditionis. Et ponitur in carta et in papiro.
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
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Accipe viride eris et modicum de feve vini sicca et fina, que dicitur in latino ‘tartarus’ et in
gallico ‘gravella’, et subtilia et tere super lapidem durum et planum insimul que dicta sunt cum
aceto. Postea omnia que in carta et in papiro protrahere vis, protrahe, ac vacuum, videlicet
per lineas de colore scilicet nigro, postea de ipso colore viridi sic facto ut dictum est, colora ad
libitum ea que ut dictum est protraxeris.
Et nota quod super ipsum colorem viridem ut dictum est, nullus alter color debet poni neque
ipse super alios nisi solum super cartam albam vel papirum, et non super colorem aliquem
album artificiatum seu pictum, quia ipse color viridis illo modo factus est fortis seu acer et pro
sua acritudine destruit alios colores ut supra jam dictum est.
300 – Pour faire un vert corrosif sans corps ni substance:
Pour faire un vert transparent et sans corps par nature, c’est-à-dire dépourvu de substance,
comme, pour prendre un exemple, le jaune de safran, transparent et sans substance, qui n’a
aucun pouvoir couvrant du fait de sa ténuité, de sa transparence et de son peu de matière au
travers de laquelle les autres couleurs se voient; c’est pourquoi, en lui-même, comme le vert,
il reste éteint du fait de son peu de matière et ne se voit pas ou peu, et posé sur d’autres
couleurs il ne peut pas se voir beaucoup non plus.
Mais ce vert n’est pas inoffensif comme le safran, au contraire il est par nature acide et corrosif
de sorte qu’il détruit et ronge les autres couleurs s’il est posé dessus ou dessous, et ce à cause
du vert de gris qu’il contient: telle est sa nature, et on l’utilise sur parchemin et sur papier.
Prenez du vert de gris et un peu de lie de vin séchée en fine poudre qui se dit tartre en latin
et gravelle en français, broyez-les ensemble et réduisez-les en poudre sur une meule de pierre
dure et plane avec du vinaigre. Puis dessinez tout ce que vous voulez sur le parchemin et le
papier et laissez blanc l’espace entre les traits tracés au noir, puis de la couleur verte ainsi pré-
parée, remplissez à votre guise ce que vous aurez dessiné. Notez bien qu’on ne doit recouvrir
ce vert d’aucune autre couleur, comme on l’a dit, ni le poser lui-même par dessus d’autres, si
ce n’est seulement sur le blanc du parchemin ou du papier, mais non sur quelqu’autre couleur
blanche fabriquée ou peinte, parce que le vert ainsi fait est corrosif ou acide, et du fait de son
acidité il détruit les autres couleurs, comme indiqué précédemment.
n.° 301 – Ad faciendum colorem viridem cum corpore et non corrosivum:
Ad faciendum colorem viridem dulcem et corpulentum, pro operando in pergameno, in papiro,
in telis et in tabulis ligneis dealbatis, accipe viridem eris seu arani et succum herbe que dicitur
in gallico ‘flamma’ et ipsum succum herbe cola per telam lineam et cum ipso tere super lapi-
dem viridem suprascriptum, addendo aliquantulum de aqua gommata. Postea ipsum pone in
conchella vel in scutella figuli vitriata, et distempera cum dicta aqua gummata et cum dicto
succo ipsius herbe. Et dicta aqua gummata debet fieri de gummi arabico lucido et collata, ne
cum infusum sit gummi in ipsa, adsint in ipsa ulle pallee, terra vel alie turpitudines. Et postea
de ipso colore viridi scribe, protrahe et pinge que vis.
Et nota quod succus rute esset melior quam suprascripte herbe ad ponendum in dicta com-
positione dicti viridis coloris. Et alii sunt qui ponunt succos quarumdam aliarum herbarum. Et
color suprascriptus est talis qnod potest super ipso pingi cum aliis coloribus, et super ipso poni
aurum etc., sicuti posset fieri super sinopide vel super lazurio, vel super rosa et aliis similibus,
quia ibi non est acetum, et acritudo viridis eris mitigata est dicto succo herbe.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 0 1
l e s c o u l e u r s d e l’ e n l u m i n u r e : r e c e t t e s d e m i c h e l i n o d a b e s o z z o e t d ’ a n to i n e d e c o m p i è g n e
301 – Pour faire une couleur verte non corrosive et qui a du corps:
Pour faire une couleur verte inoffensive et consistante à employer sur parchemin, papier, toile
et panneaux de bois apprêtés, prenez du vert de gris et du suc de l’herbe dite clématite flam-
mule en français, filtrez celui-ci au travers d’une toile de lin et broyez avec sur une meule le vert
susdit en ajoutant un petit peu d’eau de gomme. Puis versez le vert dans une coquille ou une
écuelle d’argile vernissée, et détrempez de cette eau de gomme et du suc de cette herbe. Et
l’eau de gomme doit être faite de gomme arabique transparente et purifiée afin que, lorsque la
gomme s’y sera dissoute, ne se retrouvent dans l’eau aucune paillette, trace de terre ou autres
impuretés. Puis écrivez, dessinez et peignez ce que vous voulez de cette couleur verte.
Remarquez que le suc de rue serait meilleur que l’herbe susdite pour entrer dans la compo-
sition de ce vert. D’autres y mettent du suc de certaines autres herbes. Et la nature de cette
couleur est telle qu’on peut peindre dessus avec d’autres couleurs ou poser de l’or, etc. comme
on peut le faire sur le cinabre, l’azur, le rose et autres semblables, car elle ne contient pas de
vinaigre, et l’acidité du vert de gris est atténuée par le suc d’herbe.
Biography
Inès Villela-Petit is an Art Historian and, since 2003, a Curator at the Cabinet des médailles
et antiques in Paris – Bibliothèque national de France. She has published two books:
Le Bréviaire de Châteauroux (2003), and Le Gothique international – L’art en France
au temps de Charles VI (2004). Her research work concerns mainly three fields: Colour
recipes and painting technics, Illuminated manuscripts, and the Arts of the XIVth and XVth
Centuries. Personal website: www.i-villela-petit.fr
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 0 3
à p r o p o s d ’ u n e n o t i c e s u r l e v e r m i l l o n
Resumo
A Crónica Geral de Espanha, códice conservado na Academia das Ciências de Lisboa a
partir de 1879, é a cópia do «Quatrocentro» da Crónica de 1344 de D. Pedro Afonso,
conde de Barcelos. Abundantemente iluminado, mostra-nos uma cor e uma técnica
de aplicação devedora da tradição local propagada por tratados e formulários, se
bem que seja claro uma nova linguagem e um gosto internacional.
A notícia que se encontra sobre o «termho do Chão de Bellotas» remete-nos para as
diversas produções da região, entre as quais o azougue de que é extraído «muyto
vermelhon et muy bõo». Esta informação é importante do ponto de vista do estudo
da cor e, particularmente, da cor na iluminura. De facto, permite relacioná-la com a
abundância do vermelho na iluminura portuguesa, a partir dos primeiros exemplos,
como nós viemos a verificar desde 1986, com Luísa Alves, a quem eu presto aqui
a minha homenagem, e, ainda, revelar uma tradição corroborada por formulários
e tratados. O vermelho é, sem nenhuma dúvida, a cor mais abundante no fundo
de Alcobaça, como também, no de Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Lorvão; e o colorante
que, quase sempre, entra na sua composição é conhecido por vermelhão. N’ O livro
de como se fazem as cores, tal como no Mappae Clavicula, encontra-se a receita
do vermelhão que nós vemos utilizada na iluminura portuguesa e na rubricação.
A interessante coincidência entre os dois formulários mostra-nos uma tradição
desenvolvida em Santa Cruz de Coimbra, em que o Mappae Clavicula está registado
num inventário de livros emprestados, do primeiro quartel do séc. XIII (1218), ainda
que em Alcobaça não se encontre nenhuma menção de receituários de pintura,
assunto que não mereceu a atenção da sua Livraria, o que poderia significar a pouca
importância que se dava à cor mas, também, uma maneira de produzir e aplicar as
cores de acordo com uma tradição local. Esta tradição do vermelhão pode seguir-se,
mais tarde, no Breve Tratado de Illuminação, escrito por um monge da Ordem de
Cristo, em Tomar, e no seu contemporâneo, Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva,
de 1615, escrito pelo dominicano Filipe Nunes.
Mas, esta notícia sobre uma matéria prima tão abundante e boa pode ser uma das
justificações para que o vermelho seja a cor das imagens do rei representadas na
Crónica, sendo lícito pensar que ele continua a ser, nas Espanhas, a cor principal, não
acompanhando o triunfo do azul na Europa medieval, a partir de inícios do séc. XIII. •
palavras-chave
crónica geral de espanhavermelhãocor vermelhaimagem do rei
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumée
La Crónica Geral de Espanha, codex appartenant à l’Académie des Sciences de Lis-
bonne, depuis 1879, est une copie du «Quatrocento» de la Crónica de 1344 de D.
Pedro Afonso, comte de Barcelos. Abondamment illuminée, elle nous montre une
couleur et une technique de son application redevable de la tradition locale propa-
gée par des traités et des formulaires, bien que soit clair un nouveau langage et un
goût international.
La notice qu’on y trouve sur le «termho do Chão de Bellotas» rapporte les diverses
productions de la région, parmi lesquelles l’azougue dont est extrait «muyto ver-
melhon et muy bõo». Cette notice est importante du point de vue de l’étude de la
couleur et, notamment, de la couleur dans l’enluminure. Du fait, il permet de la rap-
porter avec l’abondance du rouge dans l’enluminure portugaise, depuis les premiers
exemples, comme nous sommes venus à vérifier depuis 1986, avec Luisa Maria Al-
ves, a qui je prêt mes homages, et, encore, révéler une tradition corroborée par des
formulaires et traités. Le rouge est, sans aucun doute, la couleur la plus abondante
aux fonds d’Alcobaça, comme, aussi, à ceux de Santa Cruz de Coimbra et Lorvão; et
le colorant que, presque toujours, entre dans sa composition est celui qui est connu
par vermillon. Dans O livro de como se fazem as cores, telle que dans le Mappae Cla-
vicula, on trouve la recette du vermillon que nous voyons utilisée dans l’enluminure
portugaise et dans la rubrication. L’intéressante coïncidence entre les deux formu-
laires nous montre une tradition développée à Santa Cruz de Coimbra, où le Mappae
Clavicula est rapporté dans un inventaire de livres prêtés, du premier quart du XIIIème
siècle (1218), bien que à Alcobaça on ne trouve aucune mention de formulaires de
peinture, sujet qui n’a pas mérité l’attention de sa Librairie, ce que pourrait signifier
la petite importance qu’on prêtait à la couleur mais, aussi, une façon de produire
et appliquer les couleurs conformément à une tradition locale. Cette tradition du
vermillon pour écrire peut se suivre, plus tard, au Breve Tratado de Illuminação, écrit
par un moine de l’Ordre de Christ, à Tomar, et au son contemporain, Arte da Pintura
Symmetria e Perspectiva, de 1615, écrit par le dominicain Filipe Nunes.
Mais cette notice sur une matière-première aussi abondante et aussi bonne, peut être
une des justification à ce que le rouge soit la couleur des images du roi représentées
dans la Crónica, étant licite de penser qu’il continue à être, dans les Espagnes, la
couleur principale, en n’accompagnant pas le triomphe du bleu en Europe médiévale,
à partir des débuts du XIIIème siècle. •
mots-clés
crónica geral de espanhavermilloncouleur rougeimage du roi
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 0 5
à propos d’une notice sur le vermillon
La «Crónica Geral de Espanha», manuscrit appartenant à l’Academia das Ciências
de Lisbonne depuis 1879, est une copie du XVème siècle de la Crónica de 1344 de
D. Pedro Afonso, Comte de Barcelos.
Le sujet de cette intervention est une brève notice, trouvée au folio 15r de ce ma-
nuscrit. Dans les premiers chapitres, l’Auteur fait une description des fastes légen-
daires des premiers temps d’Espagne; au chapitre XII commence la description de sa
géographie, de Cordoue à Éciga; et, au chapitre XXXIII, est, ainsi, décrit le territoire
de «Chão das Bellotas» et de Ariz.:
«Du territoire du Chão de Bellotas: Chão de Bellotas confine avec le territoire d’Ariz
et le Nord de Cordoue. Ariz est une ville habitée, jadis, par les barbares. On y trouve
une colline où est située une mine de mercure, exporté vers toutes les régions d’Es-
pagne. On y extrait, beaucoup de vermillon, de très bonne qualité, qui on ne connait
un autre aussi bon que celui ramené de la terre d’outre-mer. Sur ce territoire les seuls
arbres qui existent sont des chênes verts, raison pour laquelle cette terre s’appelle
«Chão de Bellotas» – terroir des glands. Ces glands sont les plus doux et savoureux
de toute l’Espagne. Là se trouve la ville, très ancienne, de Bued.» 1
Ce que cet auteur du XIVème siècle nous raconte était connu depuis l’Antiquité 2: la
richesse en mercure du centre-sud de la Péninsule Ibérique.
Les territoires d’Ariz et de Chão de Bellotas se situent au nord-ouest de Cordoue
et, d’après la «Crónica», confinent avec Feriz ou Constantina, non loin d’Almadém,
ou il y a beaucoup de gisements de mercure. La «terre d’outre-mer», que le texte
cite comme zone d’origine d’un vermillon de pareille qualité, était, d’après Pline, en
Méditerranée orientale, comprenant Éphèse (où on trouvait un cinabre très prisé par
sa couleur rouge vif et d’extrême pureté) et la Colquide, en Mer Noire 3.
Cette notice est très significative dans le contexte seigneurial de la «Crónica», car
l’auteur cherche à rehausser l’importance des Espagnes, vu son Histoire et ses ri-
chesses naturelles. 4 Au Prologue il indique l’objectif à atteindre avec son texte:
préserver la mémoire des exploits «des très nobles et sages barons», dont la lignée
descend du «grand Hercule de Grèce.» (fl 2r); ensuite il fait, aussi, l’éloge des terres,
pleines de toute sorte de richesses. «En Espagne existent plusieurs noblesses que ne
horácio pe ixe iro Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Tomar
(Portugal)
1. «Do termho do Chaão das Bellotas. O termho
do Chaão das Bellotas parte per o termho d’Aariz
e jaz antre ho ouriente. e jaz contra o ssepten-
trion de Cordoua. E Aariz he uylla em que mo-
raron os barboros. E en seu termho he o monte
em que há o uyeiro de que sacam o azougue e
dally o leuã pêra todallas partes d’Espanha. E
dally sacam muyto uermelhon e muy boõ que nõ
saben outro tã boõ se nõ aquelle que tragem da
terra d’ultra mar. E ēna demais desta terra nõ há
outras aruores senõ azinheiras. E por esta rrazon
o chamon o Chaão das Bellotas. E som tã doces
e tã saborosas que nõ as há tanto ē Espanha. E
em este chaão iaz a cidade de Bued que he muy
antiga cidade.» (fl. 15r.)
2. La production référée vient mentionnée en
divers auteurs anciens. Le cinabre – désigné par
cinnabar ou minium – était des pigments les plus
prisés dans l’Antiquité. En citant Théophraste,
Pline signale ses locaux d’origine en Espagne.
Vitruve, aussi, rapporte ce pigment pour rappe-
ler sa faible résistance à la lumière et aux agents
chimiques atmosphériques, à cause, selon lui, de
l’extraction du mercure – argentum vivum – en
lui provocant la perte de la vis vitalis. Voir Plínio
XXXIII, 119; Vitrúvio VII, 8-9; Luciana COLOM-
BO, I colori degli antichi. Fiesole, Nardini Editori,
1991, cap. IV.
3. Pl. XXXIII, 119.
4. La louange de l’Espagne, terre admirable, pré-
destinée par Dieu, où non seulement des mer-
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 0 6
veilles naturelles naîtraient, mais aussi des hom-
mes courageux, vient en Isidore de Séville (Laude
Spaniae) et continue dans l’historiographie his-
pano-arabe, étant insérée, a partir d’ici, dans
la Crónica do Mouro Rasis et dans la Cónica de
1344. Voir António REI, O Louvor da Hispânia
na Cultura Letrada Medieval Peninsular. Das
suas origens discursivas ao Apartado Geográfico
da Crónica de 1344. Dissertation doctorale en
Histoire Culturelle et des Mentalités Médiéva-
les, présentée à la Faculdade de Ciências Sociais
e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lis-
bonne, 2007, et aussi, sous le même titre, revue
Medievalista on line, année 5, n.º 6, 2009.
5. «Em Espanha há muytas nobrezas, as quaaes
nom podem seer comtadas; e porende os antigos
que a começaram a pobrar muito a preçaram por
as bondades que en ella vyron”. (fl 10)
6. Les images de la Crónica, surtout l’ornemen-
tation des marges, avec scènes champêtres, bu-
coliques, de chasse, de pêche, sont le réflexe de
l’abondance e de la douceur du lieu.
7. «metaees de chumbo, d’estanho, de cobre, d’ar-
gem vyvo, de ferro, de ouro e de prata. E esto por
grande multidom de vyeiros que há ē Espanha e
especialmente em as partes de Ocidente.» (fl. 11)
8. «qual seerya aquelle grande príncipe ou senhor
de grande poder ou muy forte baron que nõ fora
contento de seer senhor de tal terra?» (fl. 11)
9. Cette dissertation, ayant le titre: Missais ilumi-
nados dos séculos XIV e XV – Contribuição para
o estudo da iluminura em Portugal, je l’ai pré-
sentée en 1986, étant soutenue l’année suivante;
elle n’est publiée que partiellement.
10. Lire: BNL – Bibliothèques Nationale de Lisbon-
ne: BPMP – Bibliothèque Publique Municipale de
Porto ; ANTT – Archive Nationale Torre do Tombo.
11. Voir la dissertation que j’ai présentée comme
épreuves publiques au concours pour professeur
coordinateur, Um olhar sobre a iluminura do
Apocalipse de Lorvão. Tomar, 1998. Voir, aussi,
«Animalia et aliae bestiae: Representações do
peuvent être racontées; c’est pour cette raison que les anciens que sont vénus, en
premier lieu, les peupler, l’ont beaucoup prisée, vues les bontés qu’ils y ont trouvé.»
(fl. 10) 5 En Espagne on trouve beaucoup de rivières et de sources, bons airs, hautes
montagnes, larges vallées et plaines, ou ce trouve tout ce que l’homme peut désirer.
Ainsi certains ont dit que «l’Espagne est l’égale du paradis de Dieu» 6 (fl. 10). Elle
est riche en poisson, fruits, pain, lait, bétail, gibier et vins, et «riche aussi en plomb,
étain, cuivre, argent vif – mercure – fer, or et argent. Et cela grâce au grand nombre
de mines que s’y trouvent, particulièrement dans la partie occidentale.» 7 (fl. 11).
Par ça, «quel serait le grand prince ou puissant seigneur ou très fort gentilhomme
que n’aimerait pas posséder ces terres?» 8 (fl. 11). C’est dans ce contexte qu’ensuite
sont décrites les bontés et noblesses des différentes villes et ses territoires, dont
celui qui est l’objet de cette notice.
Mais, au delà des éloges sur la terre et ses lignées, on peut trouver d’autres indica-
tions dans cette intéressante information, nommément sur:
• L’abondance de vermillon, ce que suggère qu’il était fréquemment utilisé en
peinture et en enluminures;
• Une justification pour le fait que le rouge continue á être la couleur princi-
pale, même quand ce n’était plus le cas dans les régions d’Europe.
1. L’usage du vermillon en enluminure
Depuis quelque temps déjà, nous avons vérifié, à propos des enluminures du fond
d’Alcobaça de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Lisbonne, que la plus abondante et
simple initial colorie, ne présentant d’autres éléments distinctifs que la taille et la
couleur, apparaît, en plus de la moitié des manuscrits des XIVème et XVème siècles, avec
le rouge en alternance avec d’autres couleurs – vert, bleu et violette – et que, pour
un quart des manuscrits, le rouge est la seule couleur utilisée. Donc, est de signaler
la présence dominante du rouge.
Au moment ou l’étude de la couleur des enluminures connait un nouveau élan au
Portugal – ce que je salue avec beaucoup de plaisir et satisfaction, – permettez-moi
de, à ce propos, rappeler brièvement les premiers essais en laboratoire, faits parmi
nous et, en même temps, d’évoquer la mémoire de quelqu’un que nous a déjà quittée
et fut pionnière en ces domaines.
En 1984, dans le cadre d’assistance à l’élaboration d’une thèse de maîtrise à présen-
ter au Département de Histoire de l’Art de l’Université Nouvelle de Lisbonne, Luísa
Maria Alves, chef du laboratoire du – au temps – Institut José de Figueiredo, utilisant
les méthodes pour l’analyse des peintures, initia un travail que, malheureusement,
n’a pu avoir une dimension plus significative. Les critères d’échantillonnage étaient
peu sélectifs. On cherchait une vision générale sur les matériaux des couleurs des
enluminures et les techniques d’application, pour un ensemble de manuscrits du
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 0 7
à p r o p o s d ’ u n e n o t i c e s u r l e v e r m i l l o n
bestiário no Apocalipse de Lorvão”. In Animalia
Presença e Representações. Lisbonne, Ed. Coli-
bri, 2002, p. 79-99.
12. Luisa Maria P. A. ALVES, «Alguns aspectos
relativos ao estudo dos materiais que entram na
composição de alguns códices iluminados dos
séculos XIV e XV» in 2.º Congresso Nacional de
Bibliotecários, Arquivistas e Documentalistas.
Coimbra, Liv. Minerva, 1987, p.439-465.
13. Les anciens appelaient minium secundarium
ou cerusa usta à l’oxyde salin de plomb que,
autant le moine Théophile que l’auteur anonyme
du «De arte illuminandi», de même que Cennino
Cennini et la plus part des auteurs de traités, pré-
fèrent considérer comme minium à proprement
dire. Cf. Franco BRUNELLO, De arte illuminandi
e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura me-
dievale. Vicenza, Neri Pozza Editore, 1992, pp.
211-212 e 234-235. Aussi l’abbé Frère João de
Jesus Maria, du monastère bénédictin de Santo
Tirso et professeur de pharmacie et directeur du
Laboratoire Pharmacien du Jardin Botanique, à
propos de la description du sang de dragon, dans
un traité pharmacien inédit du XVIII siècle, His-
tória Pharmaceutica das Plantas Exóticas (…) –
1777 –, p. 209 e s., dit que celui ci ne se doive
pas confondre avec le cinabre minéral, «chamado
dos gregos minio; nome que hoje em dia uni-
camente se confere àquella operação feita de
chumbo de que se dá notícia na Pharmacopeia
Dogmática.» («appelé chez les grecs minium;
nom donné aujourd’hui uniquement à l’opération
faite de plomb de qu’on donne notice dans la
Pharmacopeia Dogmática.») Cette œuvre corres-
pond aux deux premiers tomes, déjà édités, étant
la part inédite, le tome III, une adjonction.
14. Voir, Adelaide MIRANDA, et alii, «A cor na
iluminura portuguesa – Uma abordagem inter-
disciplinar», in Revista de História da Arte, nº.5,
Instituto de História da Arte, 2008, p. 228-245.
L’ampleur de cet étude, comprenant centaines
d’observations, ne peut pas être comparé avec
la limitation de l’essai de caractérisation de la
couleur que j’ai entrepris dans l’étude référé sur
l‘enluminure de l’Apocalipse de Lorvão. Malgré
tout, je registre, avec satisfaction, la coïncidence
XIVème et XVème siècles, tout en partant de livres de recettes, parmi lesquelles O Livro
de que como se fazem as cores das tintas todas para aluminar os livros.
Une sélection fut faite, de vingt trois manuscrits, la majeure partie datant des XIVème
et XVème siècles, appartenant au fond d’Alcobaça de la BNL, au fond de Stª Cruz de
la BPMP, au ANTT 10, à la Bibliothèque et au Musée de la Cathédrale de Viseu et à la
Biblioteca Pública e Arquivo Distrital de Évora; au total on a couvert les différentes
couleurs utilisées pour l’enluminure et l’écriture en 112 essais. Quelques années
plus tard, en 1997-98, semblable recherche, plus limitée, fut faite ayant pour base
le Livre de l’Apocalypse de Lorvão 11. Les résultats furent publiés pour la première
fois dans le Deuxième Congrès National de Bibliothécaires, Archivistes et Documen-
talistes, en 1987. 12
Plusieurs pigments sont utilisés pour obtenir le rouge, mais cette recherche a révélé
que le pigment qui est presque toujours présent c’est le vermillon, «minium» pour
les anciens, qui donnaient ce nom au cinabre, ou «vermiculum» (vermillon – sulfure
rouge de mercure) 13. En regardant les résultats provisoires présentés dans l’étude
«A cor na iluminura portuguesa», du groupe pluridisciplinaire de l’UNL (que heureu-
sement organisa cette conférence), on peut aussi vérifier l’utilisation de ce pigment
dans les deux manuscrits référés (l’Apocalipse de Lorvão et le Livro das Aves) et la
présence du rouge dans presque touts les autres sept documents 14. L’ampleur de
cette étude, avec centaines d’observations, comme nous avons vu dans ces deux
jours, se situe dans une échelle complètement différente de mes modestes et pres-
que solitaires recherches. Je registre, quand même, quelque coïncidence d’analyse,
comme celle la.
Dans «O Livro de que como se fazem as cores», ainsi que sur le «Mappae Clavícula»
on trouve cette recette de vermillon utilisé dans l’enluminure portugaise et dans la
rubrication, au moins depuis l’Apocalypse de Lorvão, du final du XIIème siècle, aux
manuscrits d’Alcobaça des XIVème et XVème siècles 15. La procédure est la même pour
les deux livres de recettes, bien que les proportions de soufre et de mercure soient
différentes: Un de souffre pour cinq de mercure, dans O livro de como se fazem as
cores; deux pour un, dans le Mappae Clavicula (un par deux dans le Theophile).
Cette coïncidence, fort intéressante – pour d’autres recettes aussi – nous révèle une
tradition, développée, peut-être, à Santa Cruz, de Coimbra, ou le «Mappae Clavicula»
est cité dans une liste de livres prêtés, du premier quartier du XIIIème siècle (1218),
transcrit au manuscrit St.ª Cruz 34/43 16. La même tradition ce trouve aussi dans
les autres «scriptoria», bien que, on ne trouve plus aucune mention de recettes de
peinture. À Alcobaça, la seule recette technique que j’ai trouvée dans le fond de
manuscrits décrit la façon de coller (solfar) le parchemin 17. Ici, dans ce période, la
couleur n’avait pas l’importance du siècle précédent, regardant le soin technique et
la diversité de la production, comme Adelaïde Miranda a démontré ce matin. Cette
tradition de l’usage du vermillon pour écrire, se retrouve plus tard dans le «Breve
Tratado de Illuminação», écrit par un frère de l’Ordre du Christ, de Thomar, et dans
son contemporain «Arte da Pintura Symmetria e Perspectiva» de Filipe Nunes, Do-
minicain, texte de 1615. 18
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 0 8
d’analyse relativement a ce manuscrit.
15. Voir O livro de como se fazem as cores, cap.
XV: «Para fazeres vermelhon, toma cinco libras
de fujativo . ides. azogue e põe-no en ũa arre-
doma o tigela grande vidrada e toma ũa libra de
pedra de enxofre been miuda e deita-lhe o poo
do enxofre poco e poco sobre o arjen vivo ata
que seja been encorporado, e toda via mecen-
doo con pee de cão con sua pele e sa laa ata
que se torne o fogo como cinza e depoes que
asi for mortificado deitao en duas olhas novas
que sejam feitas como aredomas enjas de joso e
estreitas encima e não fique por encerar de elas
senão un furaco pequeno por o saya o umor e
porás as olhas sobre o fogo en suas fornalhas e
baras ben con o baro e poen ũa tijela en cima
dos purados e quando o fumo vires que sal ver-
melho e não feder mete dentro no furaco un es-
peto delgado e si algua cosa se apegar ao espeto
tira as olhas do fogo e leixão esfiar e depoes que
for frio quebranta as panelas e ajaraa o berme-
lhõo feito .e por este peso faras quanto vermel-
hon quisieres fazer e a ũa terça doazogue poye 5
libras do enxofre e a 5 libras da azogue ũa libra
de enxofre equilheres ental guisa o fogo que não
se queme edalhe fuego temperado nen bivo nen
manso e te se per ventura sese quemar o verme-
lhão quebranta as olhas e moiyo e encorporao e
misturao con otro peso dazogue e de enxofre e
poeno en otras olhas e faze como dito e: e para
been mentes nos fumos como saen asi e nunca
eraras.» (Revista da Faculdade de Letras. Lisboa,
S. 3 (4), 1960,(transcription provisoire de José
Ramos); voir aussi le Mappae Clavicula, la pre-
mière recette: «De vermiculo. Si vis facere Vermi-
culum, accipe ampullam vitream et lini deforis de
luto, et sic accipe unum pondus vivi argenti, et
duo pondera sulfuris albi aut crocei coloris, et
mitte ipsam ampullam super iij. aut iiij. petras, et
adhibe ignem in circuitu ampulle ex carbonibus,
ignem tamen lentissimum, et sic cooperies am-
pullam ex parvissima tegula: et, quando videris
fumum exire ex ore ampullae blavum, cooperi: et
quando exierit fumus crocei coloris, iterum coo-
peri: et quando videris exire fumum rubeum quasi
vermiculum, sic tolle ignem, et habeas vermicul-
lum optimum in ampulla». Au chap. CV on voit
un autre recette très pareille à celle du Composi-
2. La signification de l’usage du vermillon
Brièvement, dans l’étude effectuée, on a vérifié que, pour la période du XIVème et
XVème siècles, 19 dans les différents fonds, il y a une pauvreté de la palette, la coïn-
cidence des formules et procédures utilisés avec des livres de recettes, l’utilisation
systématique de certains pigments, faciles à obtenir, et des procédures peux élabo-
rées, comme par exemple la dorure. 20
Le rouge, centre de l’ancien système ternaire des couleurs, qui a pour pôles le blanc
et le noir 21, est tenu, dans tout l’Occident, depuis les temps Protohistoriques, comme
la première de toutes les couleurs, la couleur par excellence, avant «l’éclatement»
de ce vieux schéma au XIIIème siècle 22. L’importance donnée à cette couleur, dans
les «scriptoria» portugais (et aussi dans les ateliers de peinture), pourra signifier la
permanence de vestiges de l’ancien système de couleurs que, d’après Michel Pas-
toureau, commence à se décomposer entre les siècles XI et XIII, pour donner place
au système plus linéaire qu’on utilise encore aujourd’hui. 23
Mais, au de la de la facilité d’obtention, il faut aussi tenir compte le coût, relative-
ment bas.
Au livre des dépenses du Couvent du Christ à Thomar 24, de la première moitié du
XVIème siècle, on trouve une série de prix des pigments pour les enlumineurs et pour
les peintres, ce que peut-être utilisé pour faire une comparaison de coûts relatifs.
On peut admettre que ce rapport se maintient, «grosso modo», dans des périodes
antérieurs. Ainsi, le vermillon coûtait entre 120 et 53 Réis la livre (arrátel), selon la
qualité du produit, alors que pour le bleu, la valeur va de 400 Réis la livre (arrátel)
à 1050 l’once (28, 69 grammes) 25, prix du «bleu fin». Le prix du mercure (azougue)
était de 100 Réis la livre (arrátel). Selon le même registre de dépenses, l’enlumineur
António de Hollanda était payé de 6000 Réis pour chaque frontispice, 500 Réis pour
chaque «lettre à vignette», 80 Réis pour lettre simple en indigo (anil), bleu et or, et
40 Réis pour lettre en noir.
On voit, donc, que le prix du bleu courant 26 était, plus ou moins, trois fois et demie plus
cher que celui du vermillon, alors que le «bleu fin» (peut-être du lapis-lazuli) était 140
fois plus cher. Le bleu était le plus cher des pigments indiqués. Il suffisait à António
de Hollanda d’enluminer une «lettre à vignette» pour pouvoir acheter quatre livres de
vermillon, mais seulement un peu plus d’une livre de bleu courant; et il lui faudrait un
frontispice pour s’offrir une once de bleu fin. L’abondance de vermillon explique, pro-
bablement, non seulement son coût relativement bas, mais aussi son usage fréquent.
Revenons à la Crónica Geral de Espanha. On ne pourra y parler ni de pauvreté de
palette, ni de contentions, tel que dans d’autres manuscrits du XVème siècle 27. Le
recours aux commandes royales, de que ce manuscrit est exemple, pendant le XVème
et le XVIème siècle, introduit une certaine opulence et une mise au goût international
dans la production de manuscrit. Bien que pour la «Crónica» on ne dispose d’aucune
étude en laboratoire pour les pigments et agglutinants, on peut essayer, avec toute
prudence, pour ce que j’ai dénommé de deuxième style d’ornementation 28, un certain
rapport avec des manuscrits de la même époque, où on trouve l’emploi d’identiques
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 0 9
à p r o p o s d ’ u n e n o t i c e s u r l e v e r m i l l o n
tiones ad tingenda – «De compositione cinnaba-
rin – Tolles ydroargiris (mercure) mundi partes
ii et sulfuris vivi partem i et mitte in ampullam,
sine fumo, et lento igni, decoquens, facies cinna-
barin, et lava utiliter.» (Thomas Phillips, Mappae
Clavicula; manuscript traetise on the preparation
of pigments, and on various processes of the de-
corative arts practised during the Middle Ages.
London, 1847, p. 7). Dans un autre traité, le Ma-
nuscrit de Bologne – Libro dei colori (moitié du
XVème s.), écrit en l’Italie, où, tel qu’en Espagne,
abondait le mercure, on peut voir deux recettes
dont les coïncidences avec le Mappae Clavícula
sont évidentes: «Ad faciendum cinabrium – Tolli
una parte de argento vivo et doi parte de sol-
fo giallo e necto e bem macinato poi pone omne
cose in una bocia et incoprila legiermente cum
luto de sapientia poi la pone in lo fornello et dalli
da prima lo foco ligireo et copre la boca della bo-
cia cum una tegola, e quando tu vederai lo fumi
giallo continua lo foco per in fino che vedrai usci-
re el fumo rosso o vermeglio alora tolj via lo foco
et quando será freddo troverai bello cinapro.»
«– Ad idem alio modo. – Habeas unam ampol-
lam vitream lutata de luto sapientie usque ad
summum collj deinde recipe partes duas sulfo-
ris albi et bene triti et partem unam argenti
vivi postea pone in ampulla sopradicta et fac de
carbonibus ignem lepidissimum et circa eam cum
quatuor lapidibus et ponem ampullam desuper
et coperi eum cum tegula et sepe discoperias et
quando videbis fumum lividum coperi dummodo
videbis exire fumum rubeum tunc tolle ab igne
quod factum erit.» (M Merrifield, p. 326. Cap.
VII, n. 182 e 183 – Secreti Per Colori.)
16. Voir António CRUZ, Santa Cruz de Coimbra
na cultura portuguesa da Idade Média. Porto,
1964, p. 203.
17. Voir l’Ordinário do Ofício Divino, BNL, Alc.
63, fl. 147v.
18. Breve Tratado de Ilvminação composto por
hum religioso da ordem de Xp.º (...). Bibliothè-
que Générale de l’Université de Coimbra, Col.
Jardim Histórico, vol XXXVII, ms. n.º 344. Voir
au chap. IX,, part 1.ère, une recette pour faire
motifs et de procédures d’usage de la couleur: lettres phytomorphiques, ramures avec
feuilles d’acanthe e lancéolées que se prolongent, en tige, vers les zones périphéri-
ques, mais aussi une évolution de la palette depuis la période antérieure et, princi-
palement, le perfectionnement des procédures, créant un plus large chromatisme. 29
Les images de la «Crónica», dessinés et colorées, comme on l’a déjà dit, au XVème
siècle, nous fournissent une donné intéressante, sur les couleurs utilisées pour les
représentations du roi, la figuration la plus importante. Tout d’abord on trouve l’or
comme fond en toutes les pages, lettres ornées et miniatures, ce qui est rare dans
l’enluminure portugaise de cette époque ; cela la transforme en ouvrage d’apparat,
où la filigrane, l’ornement le plus courant, disparaît complètement. D’autre part,
à l’envers du reste de l’Europe, la couleur principale pour les vêtements royaux
est le rouge, à deux exceptions prés, ou le bleu domine: le roi décédé Alphonse VI
(fl. 289r.) et le roi enfant Henri I de Castille (fl. 285r.), le voyant, dans la scène de
l’acclamation, sur une estrade recouvert dans drap rouge. 30
Ce langage des images, incorporées dans la «Crónica» à un moment différent de
celui de l’écriture, 31 introduit un nouveau discours, ou le roi est présent et domine,
jouant le rôle principal. C’est en lui qui se fonde la légitimité, renversant, ainsi, le
ton seigneurial sous-jacent au texte de la «Crónica». Ça veut dire que la façon de
représenter le roi, n’est pas dépendent d’une raison graphique ou d’une combinaison
chromatique, par exemple, la loi de l’alternance: mais son image est construite avec
une intentionnalité, montrant clairement ses attributs.
Nous allons vous présenter l’exemple le plus significatif.
L’image du folio 185v, représente le roi Jacques II d’Aragon (1291-1329), frère de
la reine Sainte Isabelle, épouse de D. Dinis. La figure, un buste, est inscrite dans
l’initial D, construite avec des motifs architecturaux, en fond d’or piqué. Le roi est
représenté de front, avec des cheveux coupés court, mode la plus répandue dans la
«Crónica» 32, avec une longue barbe en boucles et peigné en deux; coiffé d’une riche
couronne, il est habillé en rouge. Cette image du roi, avec la force du portrait, est la
plus élaborée de toute la «Crónica», ce que relève l’importance, dans ce manuscrit,
de l’iconographie des rois d’Aragon. Avec de belles proportions et un aspect solen-
nel, nous sommes tentés de y voir l’allégorie de la «Cour Impériale» (Corte imperial
– XIVème siècle), ouvrage existant à la bibliothèque du roi D. Duarte, ou se décrit la
figure de l’Empereur – le Christ – « visage vénérable, inspirant l’amour et la crainte,
une barbe abondante, divisée en deux au menton, des yeux beaux, simples et clairs,
avec une couronne de pierres précieuses sur la tête. C’était, on le voyait, le plus
parfait des hommes.» 33 Le traitement spécial de la tête du roi, la partie la plus noble
du corps, montre que le roi est la tête du royaume, tout comme le Christ l’est par
rapport à l’Église. Cette image peut, donc, évoquer la grâce spéciale du roi – une
sorte de dualité, comme le Christ, que vient de la grâce divine 34 – mise en évidence
par l’or, la couleur de la divinité, et par le rouge, la couleur de l’humanité.
D’autres exemples de l’iconographie royale pourraient être indiqués, démontrant
la préférence pour le rouge, comme c’est le cas du célèbre portrait de D. João I, au
Musée National de L’Art Ancien de Lisbonne, dont la datation du XVème siècle fut,
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 1 0
(«aparelhar») le vermillon à écrire. Filipe NUNES,
Arte da Pintura Symetria e Perspectiva. Com-
posto por Philippe Nunes natural de Vila Real.
Ed. Fac-similé a partir de l’éd. de 1615, avec in-
troduction de Leontina Ventura. Porto, Ed. Pai-
sagem, 1982. Voir ici les fls. 65 e 66: «Tomase
hum pucaro nouo, e nelle se bota o enxofre. E
o azougue partes iguais, e depois se barra muito
bem que não saya o bafo fora, e posto ao fogo
até que se encorpore hũa cousa com outra por
espaço de sinco ou seis horas.»
19. Voir la dissertation citée (note 9), Missais ilu-
minados dos séculos XIV e XV […]. On a utilisée
les études réalisées au Laboratoire Centrale de
l’Institut José de Figueiredo, publiées, aussi, par
Luísa Maria P. A. ALVES, O.c., note 1.ère.
20. En Alcobaça, la dorure est très imparfaite
quant à la préparation et quant aux résultats ob-
tenus. Alors on peut penser que dans ce scrip-
torium on prêtait peu d’attention a cette procé-
dure, dispensable dans la notation du texte, au
contraire des traités de recettes, tel que le Map-
pae Clavícula ou le O Livro de como se fazem as
cores, où on peut trouver une large quantité de
recettes dédiées à cette procédure.
21. Thomas de Verceil, dans sa théorie mysti-
que de la couleur, définit Dieu comme blanc et
rouge, lumière e chaleur: «Indicibiliter se candi-
dum et rubicundum ostendit (Deus) [...] ita ut
nihil aliud sit sua luciditas quam sua igneitas,
nec minus igneitas quam luciditas» Cit. em E. de
BRUYNE, La estética en la Edad Media. Madrid,
Visor, 1994, p. 130. Au Portugais on continue a
utilisé les mots «corar» et «corado» (coloratus)
pour indiquer l’action de donner une teinte ou
de rougir ou quelque chose coloré de rouge, ves-
tiges de l’importance du rouge comme couleur
par excellence.
22. Michel PASTOUREAU, Figures et couleurs –
Études sur la symbolique et la sensibilité médié-
vales. Paris, Le Léopard d’Or, 1986, p. 37.
23. Cf. M. PASTOUREAU, Couleurs, images et
symboles – Études d`histoire et anthropologie.
Paris, Le Léopard D’Or (1988), p. 23.
récemment, mise en cause 35, ou l’image de D. Manuel, comme roi David, du «Missal
Rico» de S. Cruz de Coimbra 36. Or et rouge paraissent être attributs royaux, couleurs
présentes aussi dans les armoiries des rois portugais.
De la simple notice, du XIVème siècle, qu’on a lu dans un manuscrit écrit et enluminé
au XVème siècle, on peut déduire, grâce à quelques donnés et une certaine fantaisie,
que le vermillon, abondant dans la Péninsule Ibérique, continue d’être une source
privilégié et plus bon marché pour obtenir ce rouge lumineux qu’on trouve dans
notre enluminure et que va garder ici, pendant tout le Moyen Age, le statut de color
principalis. 37 •
Biographie
Email: hpeixeiro@ipt.pt / hpeixeiro@gmail.com
Né en 1945, a fait la licence en Histoire (Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa,
1976) et la maitrise en Histoire de l’Art (Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da
Universidade Nova de Lisboa 1986). Professeur Coordinateur au Instituto Politécnico
de Tomar les dernières 22 années de ça carrières, actuellement est en retraite. Dans les
prochaines années est proviseur de l’étudiant au même Institut.
Ses études sur le livre manuscrit sont centrés sur l’enluminure portugaise aux XIVème et
XVème siècles.
le roi jacques ii d’aragon – crónica geral de espanha – academia das ciências – lisbonne, ms. 1 azul, fl. 185v.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 1 1
à p r o p o s d ’ u n e n o t i c e s u r l e v e r m i l l o n
24. ANTT, Livro 23, Despesa das obras do
convento de Tomar, feita por Fr.Gaspar, fora
da empreitada de João de Castilho, Tomar,
1533-1539. Inédites. Fl. 137-185. Cf. Sylvie
DESWARTE, Les Enluminures da la Leitura Nova.
1504-1552 – Études sur la culture artistique au
Portugal au temps de l’Humanisme. Paris, F.C.
Gulbenkian, 1977, p. 211. L’auteur transcrit les
payements faits à António de Holanda. Voir,
aussi, Maria Amélia P. S. CASANOVA, A pintura
de Gregório Lopes em Tomar sob o mecenato de
Frei António Lisboa. Lisbonne, 2002, thèse de
maitrise, sous presse. Ici l’auteur collige la do-
cumentation complète relative aux contrats avec
les enlumineurs et les dépenses faites dans les
achats des matériaux.
25. L’ «arrátel» fait 0,459 kilo et seize onces et
l’once fait 28,69 grammes.
26. L’atelier du peintre Gregório Lopes (c. 1485-
c.1550) utilisa, pour le bleu, l’azurite, et pour
le rouge on employait toujours le vermillon et
fréquemment l’ocre rouge, la garance et le ker-
mès. Voir Luísa Maria ALVES et Vitor SERRÃO
(Coord.), Estudo da Pintura Portuguesa – Oficina
de Gregório Lopes. Lisbonne, Instituto José de
Figueiredo, 1999, pp. 179-232.
27. Voir les manuscrits produits dans l’entourage
de la cours d’Avis: Leal Conselheiro e o Livro da
Ensinança de Bem Cavalgar – B. Nacional de Pa-
ris, Fonds portugais, n.º 5 (1433-38); Vida e Fei-
tos de Júlio César – Escorial, Monasreio de San
Lorenzo, Q-I-37, (1446-85); Ordinários do Ofício
divino – Alc. 62 (1475) et Alc. 63 (1483); Mis-
sal Cisterciense – Alc. 459 (2.ª moitié do XVème
s.); Livro da Virtuosa Benfeitoria – cód. 9, Real
Ac. de Hist. de Madrid – il a appartenu au fils
de D. Pedro, le connétable – (ca. 1430), et un
autre exemplaire de la Biblioteca Municipal de
Viseu, cofre n.º 14 (ca. 1430); Vida de Cristo de
Ludolfo de Saxónia – Alc. 451-453 (1440-50).
Dans l’Alc. 451 on voit, au fl. 56v. «Ata aqui fez o
scripvam del Rey» (Jusqu’ici il était fait par l’écri-
vain du Roi) et au fl. 57r l‘indication de qu’il en
a achevé d’écrire et relier Fr. Bernardo de Alco-
baça, 1445-1446.
28. Le deuxième style on peut le caractériser par
les feuillages et les ramures. Plus simple et re-
tenu, ce programme privilégie la lettre initiale,
quelques fois se prolongeant sur les marges,
en excluant toute sorte de figuration. C’est ce
modèle qui on voit aussi dans d’autres manus-
crits sortis du même atelier royal, tel que le Leal
Conselheiro et ceux qui sont désignés dans la
note précédente, où c’est possible voir l’identité
de motifs et procédés.
29. Les nuances appliquées sur le tom de base
ont l’objectif d’obtenir non seulement les lumiè-
res (lumina) et l’ombre (tractus), comme il vient
décrits dans le De diversis Artibus du moine
Théophile, mais, surtout, le modelé, avec éviden-
tes influences de la technique de la peinture. On
assiste, nommément, au retour du jaune (étain et
plomb) et à l’élimination du contour en noir.
30. Les autres représentations du roi, trouvées à
la Crónica, son les suivantes: fl.155r. – Le roi avec
manteau rouge, assis, dans la scène du taureau;
fl. 160r – Le roi maure de Tolède avec son man-
teau rouge prenant sa femme chrétienne; fl. 182 r
– Le roi Pierre III d’Aragon avec manteau écarlate
et vert; fl.185v. Le roi Alphonse III d’Aragon s’ha-
bille en rouge et bleu; Jacques II d’Aragon s’ha-
bille en rouge; fl. 205 r – Rencontre amoureux
de D. Urraca et El Cid; fl. 266r – La reine Urraca
s’habille en rouge et son amant le comte de Lara,
en écarlate; fl. 287 v – Tête de roi dans un fond
rouge; fl.318r. – Le roi Alphonse X, le sage, s’ha-
bille en rouge écarlate.
31. Sur ce sujet j’ai écrit un petit texte, en train
d’être publié à la Revista de História da Arte, de
l’Institut d’Histoire de l’Art, Faculté de Sciences
Sociales et Humaines de L’Université Nouvelle
de Lisbonne, inséré au Project Imago, développé
dans le même Institut: Imagem e tempo – Repre-
sentações do poder na Crónica Geral de Espanha.
Là je pose l’hypothèse de la «Crónica» pouvoir
être enluminée pendant le règne de D. Duarte
ou, même, dans la période de la régence do son
frère, l’Infant D. Pedro.
32. La mode des cheveux coupés courts, rasés
dans la nuque et sur les oreilles, tombant en
frange sur le front, semble être initié en France
vers 1420. Voir QUICHERAT, J., Histoire du cos-
tume en France depuis les temps les plus reculés
jusqu’a la fin du XVIIIe siècle. 1875-77, p. 256. On
peut voir que les figures représentées dans le po-
lyptiques de La Vénération de S. Vincent, du Mu-
sée National de L’Art Ancien de Lisbonne, œuvre
contemporaine ou presque de les images de la
«Crónica», ont les cheveux coupés de la mêmes
façon, nommément le personnage que la tradi-
tion a identifié comme l’Infant D. Henrique, mais
que probablement sera son frère, le roi D. Duar-
te. Le costume a, aussi, des éléments communs.
33. Voir Mário MARTINS, «A Corte Imperial».
Alegorias e símbolos e exemplos morais da lite-
ratura medieval portuguesa. Lisbonne, Ed. Bro-
téria, 1980, p. 208.
34. WIRTH, Jean, L’image médiévale. Naissance
et développements (VIe- XVe siècle). Paris, Méri-
diens Klincksieck, 1989, p. 211.
35. Voir José Alberto Seabra CARVALHO, «O re-
trato de D. João I – Revisão crítica». Revista de
História da Arte, nº. 5, 2008, p. 67-75.
36. Voir Horácio A. PEIXEIRO, «Um missal ilu-
minado de Santa Cruz», in A Luz do mundo –
Oceanos, 26, Avril-Juin, 1996, pp. 60-69.
37. Je remerci Manuel Guedes Vieira de la tra-
duction en français de ce texte.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A escolha do ligante para as tintas da iluminura foi um dos aspectos técnicos mais
importantes a ter em conta no passado, uma vez que este pode interagir de forma
diferente com os pigmentos e contribuir de forma decisiva para o efeito visual.
O temperar dos pigmentos para a iluminura ocupa uma parte significativa da maioria
dos tratados medievais sobre técnicas artísticas, sendo descrito com detalhe tanto
a sua preparação como as misturas e aplicações. Este artigo estuda e organiza a
informação relativa aos ligantes referidos em importantes fontes históricas e textuais,
com o objectivo de esclarecer se a escolha de um certo ligante estava associada ao
tipo de pigmento ou ao efeito visual final; e também, de fornecer um instrumento
útil de apoio à documentação necessária às análises em laboratório e à própria
interpretação dos dados analíticos. •
Abstract
The choice of the binding media in manuscript illumination was one of the most
important technical aspects as each medium interacts differently with pigments and
optical results can be quite different. Most medieval treatises on art technology dedi-
cate extensive parts on tempering pigments for illumination, explaining with details
their preparation, mixtures and use. The paper will study and organize the informa-
tion regarding binding media quoted in these important historic textual sources,
with the aim to clarify several technical issues concerning the choice of a binder in
relation to the pigment to be used or the wanted final appearance of colours; and
second, to provide a useful tool for the documentary support of laboratory analysis
and for the correct interpretation of analytical results. •
palavras-chave
liganteiluminuratratados medievaisinvestigação das fontes
key-words
binding mediamanuscript illuminationmedieval treatisessource research
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binding media in medieval manuscript illumination: a source research
Introduction
Manuscript illumination is an aqueous painting technique and therefore needs a
binder to keep the pigment particles together, facilitate its application with a reed,
quill or brush, and also improve its adherence to the surface of parchment, the writ-
ing material par excellence in European Middle Ages.
The choice of the binding medium was very important because each medium inter-
acts differently with pigments and can change its optical properties. Thus, medium
preparation and mixture with pigment was one of the essential parts of the whole
process of manuscript illumination. A good example is the scheme of painting ma-
terials and techniques in medieval treatises on art technology, where tempering is
as important as pigment identification, preparation and mixtures. What is more,
the anonymous author of the late eleventh century treatise De clarea warns that to
make something beautiful it is necessary to prepare materials properly, in his case
the different ways to prepare glair (Thompson 1932: 15).
Medieval treatises on art technology are one of the most important sources for the
study of binding media in manuscript illumination (Clarke 2001). Illumination was
a major sumptuary art, as illuminated manuscripts were gifts of high esteem due to
the wealth of materials and the symbolic value of images. For this reason, it is not
surprising that illumination is one of the techniques that constantly appear in these
treatises, either as specific technical process or as part of pictorial arts. The study and
organization of this information can, first, clarify several technical issues concern-
ing the choice of a binder in relation to the pigment to be used or the wanted final
appearance of colours; and second, can provide a useful tool for the documentary
support of laboratory analysis.
stefanos kroustall is stefanos.kroustallis@gmail.com
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1. At the De clarea treatise we have a very good
description and even a drawing of this wooden
whisk (f. 2r). At the De arte illuminandi a brush
(pinzellum situlare) was also used to whip egg
(Brunello 1992: 89). An anecdotic case is de-
scribed in an Italian recipe from the XIII century
where glair was the binding media for vermilion
applied with quill «bene rocta con la spongna o
con la scopa et con l´artifiggio delfico» (Tossati
Soldano 1978: 142).
2. Current research considers that the treatise is
a composite text and the author (or authors) was
a compilation; see Clarke, M. (2011) «Rework-
ing Theophilus: adaptation and use in workshop
texts», in: A. Speer et al.(eds.) Die «Schedula di-
versarum artium» – ein Handbuch mittelalterli-
cher Kunst? (in series Miscellanea Mediaevalia).
Berlin–New York: W. de Gruyter.
3. For example, Experimenta de coloribus (Merri-
field 1967: 56); De coloribus diversis modis (Mer-
rifield 1967: 265); Liber diversarum arcium (Libri
1849: 765; Clarke 2011 §1.22.1); Libro secondo
de diversi colori where the author recommends to
use four sponges bound together (Wallert 1995:
40, 42); or the fifteenth century Bolognese man-
uscript (Merrifield 1967: 466).
Binding media
The principal binding media used in manuscript illumination were clarified egg white
or glair (clare, albumen, glarea, albugine ovi); gums, such as gum arabic (gumma):
and glues, such as fish glue (ichtyocollon), casein glue (glutine casei) or parchment
size (cola pergamena). In most cases binders were applied alone, but depending on
the technique or pigment, mixtures were also prepared in different proportions.
GlairGlair (from the late Latin clarea, from Latin clarus, clear) is the settled liquid of the
egg white froth. There are three ways to prepare glair that, ultimately, are the three
ways to make the egg white in to foam. First, by whipping egg whites (verberata,
fracta, percutita) with a wooden whisk 1 or spoon; second, by pressing and squeez-
ing them with a sponge (cassata, spongiata); and, third, by passing them through a
wool or linen cloth. A survey of medieval treatises points out that until the twelfth
century whipping was the only method used. The reason is given by the anonymous
author of De clarea treatise who states that the use of a sponge or a filter could con-
taminate glair either with grease and dirt of hands or with impurities of the sponge
or cloth and the result would be a weak and brittle binding media (Thompson 1956:
15). When Theophilus in his Schedula diversum artium 2 refers to glair it is always
the one prepared by whipping (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 31-38). However, it
seems that since the thirteenth century the sponge method gained currency and
the references to clara ovi spongiata become more common 3. In very few cases it is
recommended the use of a funnel-shaped wet linen filter to prepare glair (Heraclius
treatise, Merrifield, 1967: 233).
Glair beating was a laborious and complicated process, mostly because any failure
would mean the loss of its adhesive power. De clarea text is quite explicit: contain-
ers should be very clean without grease and brass vessels shouldn´t be used, as glair
can turn greenish (Thompson 1932: 17). The last comment is interesting because it
shows also how everyday experience interferes with artistic praxis: copper containers
stabilize egg white foam and does not settle, something desired for culinary purposes
but not for artistic ones (McGee 2004: 102-103; Perego 2005: 511). Moreover, if
egg white is not well beaten pigments could not be tempered easily, states again our
anonymous author (Thompson 1932: 19). Glair consists mainly of water (circa 88%;
Colombini and Modugno 2009: 167) and proteins (with hydrophilic and hydrophobic
amino acids) and a strong beating that creates foam means that proteins become
completely denaturized and, once settled, glair can be mixed with water and become
a binding medium for manuscript illumination. Again the author of the De clarea
treatise draw special attention to the fact that if glair was not well beaten it would
behave as if it was glue, so pigments would not run well from the pen of the scribe
and the colour would appear unsightly on parchment (Thompson 1956: 19). The
proof that glair was well whipped was that foam could remain adhered to the contain-
er without running. Then glair was left to rest with the container tilted, so when the
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4. Old glair was a very common varnish in manu-
script illumination and bookbinding as it forms
resistant and elastic films, although its perme-
ability and solubility decreases with ageing (Co-
lombini and Modugno 2009: 238). For example,
Theophilus recommends old glair to varnish gild-
ed areas (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 37).
foam would become liquid it could be easily collected. In that moment it was really
important to control environmental conditions as low temperatures could freeze glair
and high ones could dry it. Finally, glair was kept in a glazed clay pot or even in the
shell of the egg because according to a widespread medieval belief, the natural con-
tainer of substances was the best to conserve them. It seems that old glair was more
appreciated than the new one. The author of De coloribus faciendis recommends to
use a three or four days old glair as a binder for the mixture of red lead and vermil-
ion, because colour would look shine with a short of varnish brilliancy (Merrifield
1967: 142) and the author of De coloribus naturalia used old putrefied glair to give
shine and strength to blue pigments (Thompson, 1935: 139). Glair could be modified
with water to improve pigment’s fluidity, once tempered. Theophilus in his treatise
recommends beating egg white with water in summer and without it in winter, so
it would never become too dry or too aqueous (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 36).
Glair was an optimal medium for miniature painting, free flowing and easily appli-
cable, but there were also some inconveniences in its use as a binding media, be-
sides the above-mentioned difficulties. The main disadvantage was the formation
of bubbles while pigments were tempered (spumositates de coloribus), which was
really annoying to illuminators. The recommendation of almost all authors to avoid
this problem was to add earwax (ceroti auricule) in the mixture, especially if it was
going to be used with azurite blue and vermillion (Liber diversarum arcium, Libri
1849: 747; Clarke 2011 §1.3.19). Another problem was the fact that if glair stayed
too long mixed with pigments it could damage them. It seems that, again, blue pig-
ments were the problem, as many authors warn not to work more than a day with
the pigment tempered with glair, because becomes darker and its beauty gets spoiled
(Livro de como se fazen as cores, Blondheim 1930-1: 82; De coloribus faciendis,
Merrifield 1967: 134; Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410). As glair reduces
the natural saturation of colours, sometimes pigments had to be varnished after
drying 4. Another inconvenience is that, unlike egg yolk and gums that can be used
more or less immediately, glair needs to be prepared a few hours before it can be
used, as it has to sit and the older it is, the better it gets. Many of these difficulties
were resolved with the mixture of adhesives. For example, as glair dries fast, yolk
was added and, at the same time, the intensity and brilliancy of yolk was combined
with the durability of glair (Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410).
Egg yolkEgg yolk (vitello ovi) was the foremost medium for panel painting in late medieval
and early Renaissance Europe. But, according medieval treatises on art technology,
it was rarely used alone as a binder in manuscript illumination. As the author of De
clarea stated, the reasons was that it had not a good adhesive power, as it is more
greasy than glair, pigment surface cracked and made spots (Thompson 1932: 73).
But as egg yolk left pigments brighter, he also recommended mixing it with glair and
taking advantage of the characteristics of both media. The use of this mixture is also
found in the Marciana manuscript, where putrefied glair and yolk is specially recom-
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5. The term albam here is not used in the sense
of something opaque white, but in the sense of
something bright and transparent; for example,
a common adjective for water is also albam. That
is why the author of De Arte Illuminandi recom-
mends to chose always a gum that is lucidisima
or albam et claram (Brunello 1992: 99).
6. It seems that Theophilus´ recommendation to
use local products, equally good and less expen-
sive, rather than imported ones is quite applica-
ble in this case (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 12).
mended for «colours which have no body» (Merrifield 1967: 610). The anonymous
author of the twelfth century Hi sunt omnes colores also quotes the use of yolk as a
binding media for illumination, together with glair and cherry gum (Novák 1996: 77).
Finally, pigments tempered only with yolk clot on the brush, so only a small amount
could be applied each time. Therefore, the amount of water in the tempering process
would be really important, as it could influence the transparency of the colour. The
preparation process was really easy: egg yolk was removed from its sac by making
a hole very carefully with a thorn or a needle and it was mixed with a drop of water
(De coloribus et artibus romanorum, Merrifield 1967: 235).
GumsGum arabic was one of the most common binding media for pigments in manuscript
illumination and the exclusive medum in writing inks. As the author of the Liber
diversarum arcium states (Libri 1849: 766; Clarke 2011 §1.23.1), this gum was
imported from Arabia and there were commercially available three kinds, according
colour: the best quality was the white one (albam 5) and of a lower quality was the
yellow (citrinum) and the pink (subrussum). The gum was very easy to prepare and
use: it was commercialized in solid lumps, which were powdered or soaked in water,
until they were completely dissolved. Then it was tested with fingers: if they stuck
together tightly, then it was well done, if not, more gum should be added. Finally,
it was filtered with a linen cloth and mixed with pigments. The main advantages of
gum arabic are its high solubility in water, its good adhesive power, and the fact that
gives intensity to colours, as it saturates pigments. The disadvantage is its brittleness,
and normally it had to be emulsified with natural plasticizers like honey.
However, we must take into account that during Middle Ages «gum arabic» was also
a generic term to refer to any kind of gum used as a binding medium in painting
techniques. In the case of manuscript illumination cherry and plum gums (the «local»
ones 6) were frequently used. It is obvious that access to true gum arabic depended
on commercial routes to and from Northeast Africa (Senegal still is the main gum
Arabic producing country), something that not always was possible. Yet in the six-
teenth century the famous Spanish physician Andrés Laguna, stated that in his time
«the ordinary gum arabic in drugstores unworthily have such a name [...] as it was
born here, among us, from plums, pear, cherry and almond trees» (Laguna 1556: 87).
That is why, in this case, the commercial aspect was very important as, according
Prosperus Alpini, the fact that the gum came directly «from Egypt or Arabia then was
the original, as they don´t have plum, cherry or other gum trees» (Alpini 1592: f. 5r).
But the fact that it was very common to commercialize local fruit trees gums under
the name of gum arabic does not mean necessarily that artists were tricked into us-
ing a gum of lower quality. It is well known that in Middle Ages the appearance of
a substance prevailed over any other property and a gum that was a good binder in
manuscript illumination could be perfectly considered as «gum arabic». For example,
in the text Hi sunt omnes colores we read that pigments for books were tempered with
cherry gum, because it could be used either with water or wine and it could maintain
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its strength even for a year (Novák 1996: 77). A century later, the author of the trea-
tise De coloribus naturalia exscripta et collecta, gives a recipe to prepare an artificial
gum arabic, using also cherry gum (Thompson 1935: 143). In the Liber de coloribus
illuminatorum sive pictorum the author tells us that the gum from plum tree was also a
good binder (Thompson 1926: 287). Cherry gum gives great transparency and bright-
ness to colours, but it is only partially soluble in water (60% soluble fraction and 40%
insoluble one; Perego 2005: 338). In the above mentioned text Hi sunt omnes colores
cherry gum was prepared either by softened in water a whole night or by boiling it
with water or with wine (Novák 1996: 77). Also Theophilus recommendation that cher-
ry and plum gums should be left in sun, during summer, or close to fire, during winter,
is probably due to this low solubility of both gums (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 33).
A prolonged boiling can transform them into a substance similar to gum arabic (Perego
2005: 340). The advantage of using cherry gum in tempering pigments for illumination
is that it is less viscous than gum arabic, although cherry gum films chips easily if used
alone and for that reason it has to be emulsified also with honey or fig tree sap.
It seems that also almond tree gum was used a binder, but less frequent than cherry
or plum tree gums. For example, in the text Tractatus qualiter quilibet artificialis color
fieri possit almond gum was mixed with glair in a gilding process with gold leaves
(Thompson 1934-5: 467-8).
Gum tragacanth (adragante, draganto) appears in De arte illuminandi as a binder in
manuscript illumination but its use is anecdotic (its adhesive power is less than other
gums) and only as an additive to other gums or glair (probably as an emulsifier) for
the tempering of blue pigments (Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 410) or in
parchment gilding (De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 45). The use of tragacanth
gum is problematic due to, first, the fact that it is only partially soluble in water and
it is one of the most viscous vegetables gums; and, second, it gives mat pictorial
films (Perego 2005: 334-335).
GluesGlues of animal origin were used since Antiquity in art techniques (Pliny, Historia Nat-
uralis: 28.236), particularly in woodworks, sculpture, panel or wall painting, textiles.
Animal glues derive from collagen, a protein present in skins, bones, and connective
tissue. Various types of animal glues are available, according to animal or the part
used. In illumination techniques parchment size (cola pergamena) and fish glue (cola
piscium, ichtyocola) are the ones that most often appear in medieval treatises on art
technology, mainly in gilding, chrysography, tempering certain colours or as addi-
tives to glair or gum arabic. Recipes for its preparations are very common in medieval
treatises like De arte illuminandi (Brunello 1992: 93), Livro de como se fazen as cores
(Blondheim 1930-1: 82) or De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 190). Parchment
size was considered as the highest quality of all animal glues and it was prepared by
boiling parchment clippings, until broth got concentrated (Heraclius treatise, Mer-
rifield 1967: 230); then it was strained through a piece of cloth and allowed to cool.
Parchment size was used mostly in gilding on parchment. Parchment size does not
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7. See for example the recipe for cheese glue in
De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 180) or
in Il libro dell’ arte de Cennino Cennini (Brunello
2002: 151-2).
8. Francisco Pacheco and Antonio Palomino, the
well known Spanish painter and writer, quotes
that by adding branches and leaves of fig tree
to parchment size, the glue remained liquid and
did not need heating (Pacheco 2001: 451-2;
Palomino 1724: 80). However, still it is not very
clear the purpose of the use of fig tree sap and
alternative explanations can be found like fun-
gicide replacing the use of vinegar or because it
clots and holds together egg temple (Villarquide
Jevenois 2004: 392).
spread so easily as gums or glair, so they are easier to use when precision is needed
but shrinkage is considerable and plasticizers should be used (Horie 2005: 143).
Fish glue (or «isinglass» when it was prepared from swim bladders) was prepared in a
similar way, by boiling skins or bones in water, although for the purest form the swim
bladders were used. The most famous fish glue was the one made from the sturgeon
fish (Heraclius treatise, Merrifield 1967: 192), but other fishes were also used, like
pike or eels (Il libro del arte, Brunello 2002: 148-9; Schedula of Theophilus, Dodwell
1961: 29). It seems that fish glue was a common binder in manuscript illumination
on parchment, as the eighth century manuscript Compositiones ad tingenda quotes
(Hedfors 1932: 33), although in latter treatises fish glue was used normally in gilding
techniques, chrysography and argyrography (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield
1967: 56). Fish glue is transparent, with good adhesive power and it does not darken
as do other animal glues (Colombini and Modugno 2009: 168) and its solutions
resist gelling in room temperature (it can melt even at 6º C while parchment size
has to be kept warm during use, as it needs 30-50º C; Horie 2005: 143). Fish glue
is too sensible in the presence of salt (Perego 2005: 220), so it is incompatible with
pigments like salt verdigris.
Cheese glue (or casein glue) was another animal protein glue based on casein and
obtained from milk or cheese, mixed with an alkali 7 (Horie 2005: 144). If the alkali
is lime the adhesive is highly water resistant (Gettens and Stout 1966: 8).
AdditivesAdditives to modify the properties of binding media and facilitate their preservation
were two very important aspects in medieval workshop praxis. That is why a series of
substances were added in the tempering mixture. Increase the flexibility of the adhe-
sive film once dried was a key point, as the turning of book pages could deteriorate
pigments. Honey and sugar was the most employed additives to prevent binders be-
coming brittle (Borradaile 1966: 59). According the author of De arte illuminandi an
illuminator should have always prepared a «water of honey» or a «water of sugar» as
an additive to glue or glair (Brunello 1992: 100-103). But the same author also warn
not to put too much honey otherwise pigments will get spoiled as they will not dry
easily (Brunello 1992: 81). Fig tree sap also provided flexibility and, moreover, due to
latex, could increase adhesive power and water-proof the painting film 8 (Blondheim
1930-1: 80; Libri 1849: 765; Clarke 2011 §1.22.1B; Pomaro 1991: 120, Merrifield
1967: 475). Only rarely fig tree sap was used alone as a binder, as in a case of yellow
colour made by orpiment and sulfur (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 96).
In animal glues wine and vinegar (alcohol) could prevent the formation of a gel at
room temperature. Vinegar was added to gum arabic (aceto gumato) when used with
colorants in order to control pH and consequently the tone of the colour (Pomaro
1991: 115). Small quantities of vinegar added to animal glues facilitate their solubility
as an agent against gelification (Perego 2005: 216-7). Finally to prevent from mould
and insects, arsenic, camphor, clove, myrrh or even orpiment (in glair) were added
(Brunello 1992: 97; Wallert 1995: 42; Borradaile 1966: 29; Merrifield 1967: 676).
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The tempering of pigments
The basic technical principle that always should be followed in the tempering of
pigments and colorants was that for illumination they should be prepared in order
to be applied more than one time, in order to create light and shadows effects.
Theophilus in his treatise De diveris artibus made it quite clear in stating that «in a
book all pigments should be applied twice, first very thinly, then more thickly; but
only once for letters» (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38). In this regard it is understand-
able the choice of gum Arabic as the only ink binder: an adhesive that technically is
stronger than glair (good covering) but weaker than animal glues (less crackling pos-
sibilities) and, moreover, saturates pigments increasing their intensity. On the contrary,
in the illumination of manuscripts technical aspects such as the necessary drying time
of the pigment or its opacity were more important. The same Theophilus argues that if
someone wanted to spread up his work, then he had to use cherry or plum tree gum,
as it dries faster than the others (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 33). And Heraclius in
his De coloribus et artibus romanorum recommends to use instead of oil yolk, other-
wise orpiment will never dry (Merrifield 1967: 235). Cherry or plum gums were added
to other binders to control fluidity, as we see in Mappae clavicula (Phillipps 1846:
223) or in De coloribus faciendis (Van Acker 1972: 195). The technique where both
glair and gum Arabic were used as binding medium allowed a slow and careful work,
as the pigment could run easily from the pen (Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849:
746; Clarke 2011 §1.3.17A) and tiny strokes could be employed for details, as colour
would be bright and opaque enough. Finally, the anonymous author of the Strasbourg
manuscript warns about the necessity to control the relationship between binding me-
dia (glue) and pigment (vermilion) for a satisfactory result (Borradaile 1966: 23-24).
Manuscript illumination was a sumptuary art, thus aesthetic criteria had also to be
taken into account. Probably the most important aesthetic aspect was the fact that in-
tense and brilliant colours were synonymous with richness and beauty. We can see this
in several medieval illuminated manuscripts where scenes were developed in intense
gold or blue backgrounds, with detailed representations of clothing, jewellery, furni-
ture, etc. Technically this means that the artist had to work with pigments and binders
that give intensity and lustre with opaque or semi-opaque pictorial layers. In this sense
it should be interpreted the reference in the small treatise on book illumination that
precedes the main text of Mappae clavicula (a later addition commonly referred to as
De coloribus et mixtionibus) that all colours on parchment should be «spissi et clari»
(Phillipps 1846: 188). Such a preoccupation is very common in treatises on art technol-
ogy. For example, the author of De clarea states that vermilion tempered with yolk will
be very bright and that it could be used to dye low quality parchments, so it looked like
purple has been employed (Thompson 1932: 71). Centuries later, painter Pierre Lebrun
and author of the so called Brussels manuscript (1635 AD) quotes that gum is used
in illumination because gives lustre and brilliancy to colours (Merrifield 1967: 784).
Some technically interesting results of a survey on medieval treatises on art technology
regarding pigments and their binders in manuscript illumination will now be detailed.
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9. But the fact is that the same author contra-
dicts himself as in the first recipe on salt verdigris
he recommends the use of wine or vinegar.
10. Copper salt-based pigments like verdigris can
react with proteinaceous material, as egg yolk
and animal glues (Easteaugh et al 2004: 135).
Casein glue was used traditionally for woodwork (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 26)
or as an additive to earth plasters or as binding media in the «a secco» wall painting
technique. In manuscript illumination its use in not so frequent and appears almost
exclusively in the preparation of the pigment folium on parchment (De coloribus
faciendis, Van Acker 1972: 180; Liber diversarum arcium, Libri 1849: 757; Clarke
2011 §1.13.3-4), probably because folium changed colour according to acidity or
alkalinity of its environment (rubeum, purpureum or saphireum) and casein does not
denature in strong alkaline solutions. Theophilus used folium purpureum without any
tempering, but he warned that once illumination was finished, the whole area had to
be varnished with old glair (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 40). Casein glue of a high
pH values is incompatible with pigments that contain aluminium (Perego 2005: 166)
so it could not be a binding media for any lake pigment.
Normally lead white and verdigris were used on parchment diluted with wine or
vinegar (Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum, Thompson 1926: 293; Map-
pae clavicula, Phillipps 1846: 189). But, as master Peter of St. Omer stated in his
De coloribus faciendis, this was right only for artificial greens and whites prepared
without salt 9 (Van Acker 1972: 177). Well known is Theophilus´ recommendation
not to use salt verdigris on books (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38) because it is too
reactive, and probably this is the reason of master Peter´s previous recommendation.
Nevertheless, it is also equally common to find recipes where lead white and verdigris
were tempered with glair or egg yolk (Liber de coloribus illuminatorum sive pictorum,
Thompson 1926: 289; De diveris artibus, Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 38; De arte
illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 105; Il libro del arte, Brunello 2002: 101) 10. The reason
of this could be the fact that yolk is a fat medium and glair, once dry, is impermeable
to air and humidity; therefore, they would be good binders for reactive or artificial
pigments like the above mentioned lead white and verdigris or orpiment and vermil-
ion (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 234; Liber diversarum arcium Libri
1849: 752; Clarke 2011 §1.7; Bolognese manuscript, Merrifield 1967: 502) that could
interact easily both with their environment or with nearby pigments. Gum arabic was
used as a binder for verdigris on parchment or paper mostly in the «not corrosive»
version, where the pigment was mixed with the juice of gladiolus (De coloribus di-
versis, Merrifield 1967: 286). It has already been mentioned that yolk gives intensity
to colours, that is why azurite and vermilion were also tempered like this. However
Vasari in his Introduzione alle tre arti (Pittura, cap. V) comments that earlier paint-
ers were tempering blues with animal glue because yolk turned colour to greenish
hues (Brunello 2002: 151). Another reason is given by the author of the Liber di-
versarum arcium who explains that colours tempered with a mixture of egg yolk and
glair would flow better from pen or quill (Libri 1849: 746; Clarke 2011 §1.3.17A).
It seems that there was also a tendency to temper some vegetable colorants, like
indigo or saffron, and lake pigments (like brazil) with glair (De coloribus faciendis,
Van Acker 1972: 181; Experimenta de coloribus of J. Le Begue, Merrifield 1967: 54;
De arte illuminandi, Brunello 1992: 113, 127). A possible reason could be the fact
that normally alum was used in their preparation. Technologically there is a certain af-
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 2 1
b i n d i n g m e d i a i n m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : a s o u r c e r e s e a r c h
11. Although we will only refer to binding media
for parchment gilding, the same materials were
also used to gild other surfaces (silver, tin, cop-
per, wood, leather) and in other techniques (sil-
ver writing, gold leaf imitations, etc.).
finity in the use of alum and glair, as both were the principal ingredients for alumine
zuccarino, a base for lake pigments and, moreover, alum was distempered always with
glair (Easteaugh et al 2004: 12). Alum can form a complex with egg white, presenting
a neutral pH and stabilizing it (Cunningham 1995: 298). Another reason could be the
fact that pH of glair close to neutral (around 7,4; Perego 2005: 511) and it could not
alter the tone in animal or vegetable colorants sensitive to pH changes.
Gilding media
Gilding was one of the most important techniques in manuscript illumination 11. Gold
was applied in fine gold leaf or in powder and, according to the desired results, the
surface was polished or not. In this case, workshop practises are more clear. For exam-
ple, Theophilus in Schedula, or the anonymous compiler of Compositiones ad tingen-
da, write that when gold leaves were applied directly on the parchment glair should be
used (Hawthorne and Smith 1979: 31; Hedfors 1932: 23, 31), as does the anonymous
author of the Bolognese manuscript, but in this case fig tree sap is added (Merrifield
1967: 462); whereas Alcherius in his treatise De coloribus diverisis modis not only
recommends parchment size, but also quotes that glair is more rigid and less flexible
and that gilding could fall off from parchment or paper (Merrifield 1967: 269). For
gesso mordants, gum or glue was used more frequently, because as the author of the
Bolognese manuscript writes, glair can crack it; but he also gives a recipe «according
to the German manner» where gesso and white clay were tempered with glair and fig
tree sap (Merrifield 1967: 446, 474). Cennini also tempers gesso mordant in gilding on
parchment or on paper with «well beaten glair» (Brunello 2002: 196-7). To apply gold
powder Theophilus recommends parchment size or fish glue for gold powder either
for writing (chrisographia) for use in gilding of illuminated manuscripts. But he warns,
firstly to pay special attention in fish glue preparation as if it is left too thick during
boiling gold will flake, and secondly to apply glue moderately otherwise gold leaf will
lose brilliance and it will be spoiled (Hawthorne and Smith, 1979: 36). On the contrary,
master Peter of St. Omer in his treatise De coloribus faciendis writes that gum arabic is
excellent for gilding on parchment (Van Acker 1972: 192). In this binding media selec-
tion process other technical criteria were also taking into account, such as the type of
parchment to be gilded: for parchment made of sheep´s skin several a mixture of glair
and plum tree gum or gum arabic was specially recommend, as this type of parchment
is too fat and a stronger binding media might be needed (De coloribus faciendis, Van
Acker 1972: 192). The anonymous author of the Liber illuminatorum sive pictorum
adds also that such gilding method should be carried out in a damp place, especially
in warm weather, otherwise burnished gold will get spoiled (Thompson 1926: 305).
Incompatibilities
The presence of tannins in the tempering process could be a great inconvenience.
As was mentioned earlier, most authors when referring to gum arabic advised to use
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 2 2
12. The fact that these texts were written by
practising artists indicates more a traditionalism
of workshop practices than a mere copy of old
contents.
the most transparent one. This was really an important aspect as the most coloured
gums contain tannins, due to long contact with bark (Perego 2005: 336) and tan-
nins can react with iron ions (iron based pigments or pigments where iron can be
present as impurity) and the result is a dark coloration that could easily spoil the final
colour. Moreover, parchment size and fish glue in the presence of tannins become
insoluble (Perego 2005: 217).
Gum Arabic is also incompatible with gelatin, mostly is presence of salt (Perego
2005: 336) and probably this is the reason why the mixture of parchment size with
gum Arabic is not so frequent in the tempering of pigments.
Conclusions
Glair and gum Arabic were the main binders for pigments in medieval illumination
techniques and they were used continuously throughout Middle Ages and it is im-
posible to establish any chronological criteria for their use. For example, there is a
very common assertion that until the fourteenth century the widely used binding
medium for illumination was glair and after was replaced with gum Arabic, due to
aesthetic criteria, like the preference for bright and vivid colours since that century.
However, medieval treatises on art technology do not corroborate such a hypothesis,
as parchment size, glair and gum Arabic are mentioned constantly in texts from XV,
XVI and even XVII century 12 (Bolognese, Marciana, Paduan or Brussels manuscripts,
Merrifield 1967: 408, 610, 664, 786).
In short, the use of glair or gum in the tempering process is a technical aspect that,
together with the nature of pigments, determines the election of the two possible
– grosso modo – illumination techniques as described by the Spanish painter and
writer Pacheco in his Arte de la Pintura (1649). The author states that in his days in
manuscript illumination the colour of parchment was used as «light» with transparent
pigments and subtle tones (so gum arabic or one of its mixtures should be used),
unlike what happened with what he calls «the old temple» where opaque and intense
colours were used, «closer to oil painting» (so glair or one of its mixture were more
suitable) (Pacheco 2001: 454-5).
This optical behaviour of binders once tempered with pigments was well known and
much employed by medieval illuminators as a technique to achieve different tones
and hues in the same work. We have several examples of this use. The anonymous au-
thor of De clarea quotes that to control glair and water in the tempering process was
very important as the artists could do things as he wished, glossy or mat (Thompson
1932: 75). In the Bolognese manuscript we read that for body colours blue should be
tempered with animal glue or parchment size and vermilion with glair and fig tree sap;
but if they supposed to be used in capital letters or decorative motives, for blue gum
arabic or glair was more appropriate and for vermilion glair and yolk (Merrifield 1967:
408, 500). In the same way, the author of the Livro de como se fazen as cores advises
to use gum for a dark tone in blue, or glair for lighter one (Blondheim 1930-1: 75).
In this sense we have to interpret also the fact that there is no clear criterion on the
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 2 3
b i n d i n g m e d i a i n m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : a s o u r c e r e s e a r c h
use of a specific binder with each pigment, as most of them were tempered one way
or another depending on the necessities of the illuminator or even on workshop (or
school) traditions: Egg yolk increase intensity and gives depth; glair without varnish
gives a flat mat finish; gum Arabic gives a glossy appearance; cherry gum makes
colours brighter. That is why the binder should be the last ingredient to add in order
to control the development of the tone, and when a gum or glue was used in the
grinding process normally the pigment was washed to remove the excess of adhesive,
and then it was tempered. Cennino Cennini makes a very interesting comment when
he writes that for illumination on paper only gum arabic should be used (Brunello
2002: 198). Such an observation shows that technical limitations were equally (or
even more) important in artistic praxis: paper is more flexible and absorbent than
parchment, thus washing techniques and gum arabic as binder are more appropriate.
The progressive use of paper as support for writing and illumination meant that, since
the sixteenth century onwards, gum arabic appeared almost exclusively in printed
treatises of painting techniques 13. And consequently it was felt that the gum arabic
was the binding media par excellence even in medieval illumination.
Probably the only valid conclusion we can draw is that artistic praxis was strongly
influenced by traditions (local or international) and workshop experience. Distemper-
ing of pigments is a good example, as it is very common to find in medieval treatises
expression like «do what from your experience seems better to you» (De arte illumi-
nandi, Brunello, 1992: 105) or «according to the choice of the artist and the nature
of the work which is to be done» (Experimenta de coloribus, Merrifield 1967: 110).
A representative case is the use of fish glue as a binder for all pigments, recommended
in the oldest treatises on art technology in the Occident such as the Compositiones ad
tingenda (Hedfors, 1932: 33) and Mappae clavicula (Phillipps 1846: 218). Both works
show a strong Byzantine influence and it seems that the use of fish glue can also
relate to this tradition, as animal glues were very common in icon painting. Two cen-
turies later things changed as in the small treatise on book illumination that precedes
the main text of Mappae clavicula (the De coloribus et mixtionibus) where we read
that all colours on parchment should be tempered with glair (Phillipps 1846: 188).
As we have seen, medieval illuminators used binding media and pigments according
to their specific characteristics and properties and according the illumination tech-
nique they thought appropriate in order to carry out their work. Moreover, illumina-
tor’s guild rules obliged the use of specific pigments in different parts of illumination
as, for example, azurite in pictures and only lapis lazuli in capital letters. This techni-
cal and historic aspects should be always taken into account, first, because many aes-
thetic studies and laboratory analysis dedicated to medieval illumination, are based
on exceptional pieces, luxury books for wealthy patrons, that by no means could
be representative of the common practise in manuscript illumination; and second,
because the place where a sample was taken for analysis becomes really important
as results can vary (different binders and pigments in capital letters, backgrounds,
foliage, etc.) and conclusions might be wrong or over generalized. •
13. Francisco Pacheco (1649) and Vicente Car-
ducho (1633) describe the «aguadas de colores»
as the appropriate type of painting executed on
paper (Pacheco 2001: 452; Carducho 1633: 132).
The almost exclusive use of gum arabic is also
found in Salmon´s Polygraphice (1685: 95, 447);
Jenner`s A Book of Drawing, Limning, Washing
or Colouring of Maps and Prints (1652: 20-1);
and Félibien´s Des principes de l’architecture, de
la sculpture, de la peinture. (1690: 621).
c o l o u r i n m e d i e v a l w r i t t e n s o u r c e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 2 4
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O.J. (eds.), Egg science and technology. New York: Food Products Press: 289-315.
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and Optical Microscopy of Historic Pigments. Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann.
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La Veuve and fils Jean Baptiste Coignard (impr.).
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los venenos mortiferos traduzido de lengua griega en la vulgar castellana e illustrado con
claras y substanciales Annotaciones y con las figures de numerosas plantas exquisitas y
raras. Salamanca: Mathias Gast (impr.).
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York: Scribner.
Merrifield, M. (1967): Original treatises on the arts of painting, v. I. New York: Dover
Publications.
Novák, A. (1996): «Hi sunt omnes colores. Text from the 12th century from the Library
of St Peter´s Monastery in Salzburg a XI 4, fol. 241», Technologia Artis, 4: 77-9.
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b i n d i n g m e d i a i n m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : a s o u r c e r e s e a r c h
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de Bonaventura Bassegoda i Hugas).
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Viuda de Juan García Infanzón (impr.)
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Milan: Editrice Bibliográfica.
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painting. London.
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No. 1754», Speculum, I: 280-307.
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AcknowledgmentsI would like to thank Mark Clarke for his comments and his open-handed exchange of
knowledge.
BiographyDr. Stefanos Kroustallis is a researcher into historic art materials and techniques, especially
in medieval sumptuary arts. He is a graduate in history (University of Athens, Greece), in
conservation and restoration (Escuela Superior de Conservación y Restauración de Bienes
Culturales of Madrid, Spain) and he received his doctoral degree (Complutense University,
Madrid) on medieval art technological source research. Currently he is working on
developing a Thesaurus data base on art materials and techniques for museum cataloguing.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
Em trabalhos anteriores, estudaram-se os pigmentos azuis e verdes, de manuscritos
franceses, por microscopia Raman. Este artigo, para além de incluir os resultados mais
relevantes que entretanto foram publicados, propõe uma cronologia para o uso dos
pigmentos azuis, índigo, lápis lazúli e azurite. Não foi possível a identificação dos
pigmentos verdes em manuscritos dos sécs. X-XI, por microscopia Raman, devido à
forte emissão de fluorescência que domina os espectros. São ainda discutidos outros
pigmentos verdes, analisados noutros manuscritos, sugerindo-se a possibilidade de
se tratar de verdigris, dado o seu teor em cobre. •
Abstract
Blue and green pigments in French manuscripts have been investigated in previous
works by Raman microspectrometry. Including the most significant published results,
this report reveals a chronological use for the blue pigments, indigo, lapis-lazuli and
azurite. Raman microscopy was unable to identify green pigments in X-XI manu-
scripts, as spectra are dominated by a strong fluorescence. Different green pigments,
identified in other manuscripts, are considered. Because of their copper-content, the
hypothesis of verdigris is suggested. •
palavras-chave
identificaçãoanálise físico-químicapigmentos azuispigmentos verdes
key-words
identificationanalyse physico-chimiquepigments bleuspigments verts
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 2 7
a la recherche des pigments
A la fois matière et beauté, les pigments illuminent de leurs couleurs les manuscrits.
Pour le copiste, le peintre, l’artiste, comptent, avant tout, leur teinte, leur éclat,
leur stabilité, souvent leur prix, parfois leur symbolique, rarement leur nature. Au
contraire, l’historien va s’intéresser particulièrement à cette dernière caractéristique.
Produit naturel ou préparé? S’il s’agit d’un produit naturel, d’où vient-il? Est-il de
provenance locale ou a-t-il nécessité un long voyage? Par quelles routes commer-
ciales, traditionnelles ou de tracé récent? Pour un produit fait de main d’homme,
par quel(s) procédé(s), à partir de quels composés? Les changements observés dans
le choix des pigments utilisés sont d’un grand intérêt et les raisons peuvent en être
multiples: produits nouveaux ou artisans novateurs, amélioration ou changement
dans les techniques, effets de mode… A la variété des produits, s’ajoutent les pos-
sibilités de leur mise en œuvre dans des mélanges aux tons subtils.
Une recherche sur la nature des pigments décorant les manuscrits apparaît ainsi com-
me riche d’informations pour l’histoire des techniques, du commerce, des pratiques
artistiques. Soulignons que les conclusions ont un sens lorsque que les manuscrits
sur lesquelles elles s’appuient sont parfaitement datés et localisés. La collaboration
entre historiens de l’art et analystes est indispensable pour l’intégration des résultats
dans une problématique historique.
Notre propos n’est pas de parcourir l’éventail exhaustif des produits et des palettes
utilisés, mais de dresser un bilan simple sur les pigments de deux couches colorées,
bleues et vertes, qui témoigne de l’apport et des difficultés de ces études. De même,
un nombre restreint de manuscrits, étudiés pour la plupart au Laboratoire de Dyna-
mique, Interaction et Réactivité 1 (LADIR), est présenté, les plus significatifs pour
étayer notre démarche.
Plusieurs approches, correspondant à des niveaux différents d’information, permet-
tent d’étudier les pigments dans les manuscrits médiévaux, L’observation à l’œil nu
puis sous microscope est une première étape indispensable alors que son intérêt est
souvent sous-estimé. L’appréciation de la forme et de la taille des grains de pigments
fournit des éléments de caractérisation. Les produits naturels minéraux, obtenus
par broyage de minéraux, de dimensions supérieures au micromètre, présentent des
claude coupry Ingénieur honoraire, Centre National de la
Recherche Scientifique (France)
1. UMR CNRS – Université Paris VI – Pierre et
Marie Curie.
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 2 8
2. Travaux réalisés en collaboration étroite avec
Marie-Thérèse Gousset, ingénieur à la Bibliothè-
que nationale de France. Qu’elle trouve ici l’ex-
pression de nos remerciements.
formes anguleuses alors que les grains du même produit, obtenu par synthèse, sont
souvent de forme arrondie et de dimensions inférieures au micromètre. La couleur
peut être diffuse ou concentrée dans des particules discrètes. Ainsi, l’orpiment est
aisément reconnaissable par ses longues aiguilles jaune brillant. Ces premiers indices
peuvent être confrontés à la liste des produits potentiels, fournie par le dépouille-
ment des réceptaires médiévaux, mais de probabilité d’utilisation inconnue. Une autre
approche consiste à procéder à une expérimentation: un pigment est préparé, associé
à un liant et déposé sur une feuille de parchemin (Roosen-Runge 1967). La teinte
obtenue est ensuite comparée à celle de manuscrits mais similitude de teinte ne si-
gnifie pas identité des pigments. Une technique photographique innovante (Isacco
2008) a été expérimentée pour l’identification de certains pigments de miniatures
indiennes, basée sur l’étude simultanée de clichés en lumière infrarouge, naturelle
et ultraviolette. Cependant l’observation, l’exploitation des textes, la reconstitution
des produits fournissent des suggestions, non des certitudes (Porter 1995).
Approche analytique
Pour identifier avec certitude les pigments, il est nécessaire d’avoir recours à l’ana-
lyse. Le choix de la technique analytique est guidé en fonction de certains critères,
dont le plus important est le respect de l’ouvrage. Les techniques physico-chimiques
s’imposent alors comme moyen d’investigation. Parmi celles-ci, l’analyse par micros-
pectrométrie Raman (Coupry et al. 1996) présente des caractéristiques particuliè-
rement intéressantes: totalement non-destructive, elle ne nécessite aucun contact
entre l’appareil de mesure et la zone analysée. Les données obtenues, le spectre
Raman, permettent d’identifier, sans ambiguïté dans la très grande majorité des cas
le composé analysé, par comparaison avec des spectres de référence. Néanmoins,
deux causes peuvent empêcher l’identification: l’observation Raman ne permet pas
de caractériser des bandes avec une intensité suffisante ou lorsqu’un spectre est
obtenu, il ne figure pas dans la bibliothèque de références.
L’analyse est faite sur une surface micrométrique (de l’ordre de 10 µm2), correspon-
dant à la taille des grains de pigments, sur un micro-prélèvement ou directement
in-situ sur le manuscrit. Les deux modes expérimentaux ont des avantages et des
inconvénients. Les études faites au LADIR 2 ont été réalisées essentiellement sur
des micro prélèvements, le mode in-situ n’ayant utilisé que dans le cas d’un feuillet
isolé. Les micro échantillons sont prélevés à des emplacements choisis avec soin, à
la fois sans risque pour le manuscrit et représentatifs de la couche picturale, comme
la décharge d’une lettre sur le feuillet en vis-à-vis.
Pigments bleus
Les pigments bleus participent avec une grande fréquence au décor des manus-
crits d’où la possibilité d’une large enquête sur des manuscrits d’origine, d’époque,
d’importance très variées. Seuls, les manuscrits ayant fait l’objet d’analyses ont été
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 2 9
a l a r e c h e r c h e d e s p i g m e n t s
3. Communication privée. retenus. Ces pigments ont fait l’objet de recherches sur un groupe de manuscrits
écrits au XIIe siècle à l’abbaye de Saint-Pierre de Corbie (Guineau et al. 1986). Une
partie importante de la production de son scriptorium est conservée à la Bibliothèque
nationale de France, ce qui a permis d’étudier cette production sur une durée d’un
siècle. Le bleu est rare dans les premiers manuscrits, très fréquent dans les derniers;
pâle ou foncé, il peut avoir une teinte grise. Les prélèvements ont été choisis de
façon à explorer au mieux l’éventail des situations: différentes teintes, lettres his-
toriées ou décoration secondaire, pour les lettres filigranées, dans le filigrane ou le
corps de lettre, simples lettrines.
Quelque soit la localisation du prélèvement, celui-ci montre sous microscope la pré-
sence de grains microscopiques d’un bleu intense et saturé au sein d’une matrice
blanche. Quelque soit le grain bleu analysé, un seul produit a été identifié, le bleu
de lapis-lazuli, alumino-silicate de sodium polysulfuré. Ce pigment minéral est extrait
d’une pierre semi-précieuse, le lapis-lazuli, dont le gisement d’Afghanistan était
déjà exploité à l’époque médiévale comme en témoigne Marco Polo dans le Livre
des Merveilles. Aucun pigment blanc n’a été mis en évidence, les teintes claires sont
obtenues par dilution dans le liant. Par contre, les teintes grises révèlent un mélange
de grains très bleus et de particules noires, identifiées comme étant des particules
de noir de carbone. Ce résultat atteste de façon formelle la présence de ce pigment
bleu en Picardie dès le XIIe siècle. Elle a été confirmée dans une zone géographique
plus large, la Bourgogne, dans le scriptorium de l’abbaye de Cîteaux 3. Présent dans
les manuscrits aux riches couleurs du début du siècle, le bleu de lapis-lazuli y a été
également identifié dans la production du milieu du siècle, au décor monochrome
en accord avec l’élan ascétique suscité par saint Bernard, qui n’a cependant pas
affecté le choix du pigment.
L’enquête se poursuit par l’étude d’un scriptorium sur une période longue (Coupry
1999). Celui de l’abbaye de la Trinité de Fécamp (Normandie) a eu une production
importante, bien conservée et bien documentée. Fondée en 658, l’abbaye fut dé-
truite en 842; la vie religieuse y est restaurée avec l’arrivée de chanoines avant 990,
suivie par celle de moines clunisiens en 1001. Quatre abbatiats vont se succéder
jusqu’en 1139 avec des cycles de grande activité intellectuelle et artistique, en
relation avec les centres anglais et les abbayes normandes voisines, dont le Mont-
Saint-Michel. L’ensemble des manuscrits de Fécamp de cette période conservés à la
Bibliothèque nationale de France a été pris en compte. On observe une utilisation
du bleu avec des fréquences différentes, jamais dans plus de dix ouvrages, une seule
fois dans quelques-uns jusqu’à très abondamment dans certains. Neuf manuscrits,
jugés comme représentatifs de ces différentes périodes, ont été sélectionnés en pri-
vilégiant l’abbatiat de Jean d’Alie (1028-1078) en raison de son intérêt artistique
et historique. Comme pour l’étude des manuscrits de Corbie, les prélèvements ont
été réalisés dans les différents types de lettres et de teintes, les rubriques, ainsi que
dans les différentes mains des manuscrits.
Sur l’ensemble des manuscrits, deux pigments bleus ont été identifiés par leurs spec-
tres Raman qui les différencient sans aucune ambiguïté. Un des pigments, l’indigo,
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 3 0
4. Paris, BnF lat. 4801, Communication privée.est un produit colorant bleu, naturel pour les époques qui nous intéressent, utilisé
pour teindre les textiles. D’origine végétale, il est obtenu à partir de plantes de
très nombreuses familles dont le pastel des teinturiers, indigène en France, nommé
guède au nord et pastel au sud, cultivé en Normandie et Picardie au Moyen Âge,
ou à Toulouse dont il fit la richesse aux XVe et XVIe siècles. La molécule responsable
de la couleur est l’indigotine. L’indigo n’est utilisé que dans un seul manuscrit de
Fécamp, daté de la fin du Xe siècle, à l’exclusion de tout autre pigment bleu, quel-
que soit la teinte de la couche picturale, bleu franc ou bleu-vert. L’observation ne
met pas en évidence des grains d’autres couleurs, qui expliqueraient ces variations,
attribuées alors au liant et/ou à une mise en œuvre différente. Le bleu de lapis-lazuli
est le pigment bleu présent dans le décor de tous les autres manuscrits. Tout oppose
ces deux produits naturels, leur origine et leur structure, organique et végétal pour
l’un, minéral pour l’autre, produit localement ou de provenance lointaine, et, malgré
l’absence de documents comptables, de prix que l’on peut supposer différents. La
présence de pigment bleu peut relever d’un choix du copiste, comme le montrent
les manuscrits lat. 2253 et 3776. Les deux mêmes copistes ont participé à leur réa-
lisation, l’un utilise fréquemment le bleu, l’autre jamais.
Ces résultats établissent avec certitude la présence de bleu de lapis-lazuli en Nor-
mandie-Picardie pour la période des XI-XIIes siècles. Il importe alors de considérer
des manuscrits d’autres origines.
La page de garde d’un recueil des coutumes et franchises de Narbonne, daté de
1221, écrit et conservé à Narbonne, est décorée d’enluminures de qualité médiocre.
Les fonds bleus des vêtements, plus sombre pour le manteau de la Vierge que pour
la tunique de saint Jean, sont réalisés avec un même et seul pigment, l’indigo, mais
avec des concentrations différentes (Cardon 2000, 111). Un tout autre pigment bleu
a été identifié dans des manuscrits géographiquement proches et postérieurs. Ainsi,
dans un sacramentaire du XIVe siècle de l’évêché de Carcassonne (sud de la France),
une splendide enluminure se déploie sur deux feuillets en vis-à-vis. La robe du Christ
présente trois tons de bleu, pour lesquels l’analyse (Cardon 2000, 163) identifie un
seul pigment, un produit minéral naturel, l’azurite. Les principaux gisements de ce
carbonate basique de cuivre se rencontrent en France, en Italie, à Chypre et surtout
en Allemagne d’où son qualificatif d’azur d’Allemagne. Les teintes claires ne sont
pas obtenues par dilution mais par ajout d’un pigment blanc, le blanc de plomb. Plus
tardivement, dans une Géographie de Ptolémée du XVe siècle 4, la surface des océans
est peinte avec de l’azurite, ce qui témoigne du large usage de ce pigment.
Des publications d’un très grand intérêt permettent d’étendre notre enquête vers
des manuscrits princiers, décorés par des artistes au renom prestigieux soit du dé-
but soit de la fin du XVe siècle. La palette du Livre d’Heures du maréchal Boucicaut,
réalisé au début de la décennie 1410, a été analysée (Villela-Petit et al. 2003) par
spectrométrie d’absorption par réflexion diffuse dans le visible et par spectrométrie
de fluorescence X, deux techniques complémentaires non-destructives. Le bleu de
lapis-lazuli éclaire de son éclat les vêtements de la Vierge et des saints tandis que
l’indigo est réservé pour les personnages peu nobles, toujours en mélange avec le
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 3 1
a l a r e c h e r c h e d e s p i g m e n t s
5. Evangelia, BnF latin 270 f.106v.
6. Sanctorale, BnF latin 1205 f.92v.
7. Vita sancti Wandregisli, BnF Nal 18315 f.24v.
blanc de plomb. La présence de ces pigments a été confirmée dans deux autres ma-
nuscrits décorés attribués au Maître de Boucicaut, le Livre des propriétés des choses,
de Barthélemy l’Anglais, et le Bréviaire de Châteauroux, dans lequel il intervient aux
côtés du Maître de Bedford et du Maître d’Orose, avec des produits bleus similai-
res pour les trois enlumineurs. A la fin du siècle, la production de Jean Bourdichon
s’étend sur plus de trente ans. Trois manuscrits couvrant l’étendue chronologique de
son activité montrent par spectrométrie Raman (Trentelman et al. 2008) la présence
de bleu de lapis-lazuli dans tous les feuillets analysés. Mais l’artiste a aussi recours
à un mélange faisant intervenir l’azurite, principalement dans le manuscrit réalisé
au début de sa carrière, avant qu’il devienne peintre officiel de la cour de France.
Notons que l’indigo n’a été observé dans aucun des trois manuscrits.
Un rapprochement peut être fait avec la stratigraphie des couches picturales de la
chapelle des Moines à Berzé-la-Ville (Bourgogne, France). Cet édifice, construit pour
l’abbé Hugues de Cluny dans la deuxième moitié du XIe siècle, présente des repeints
XIV-XVe siècle. Le pigment de la couche originelle est le bleu de lapis-lazuli, celui de
la couche postérieure est l’azurite.
Il est nécessaire d’étendre nos investigations vers des époques antérieures afin de
préciser l’introduction du bleu de lapis-lazuli en Europe occidentale. Un manus-
crit écrit à l’abbaye Saint-Germain d’Auxerre (Bourgogne, France), le Commentaire
d’Haymon d’Auxerre sur Ezéchiel, présente sur le feuillet 2r une scène dédicatoire,
l’abbé Helric prosterné devant saint Germain. Les deux personnages sont vêtus de
bleu (Coupry 1990), bleu vif pour l’un et bleu sombre pour l’autre, identifiés comme
étant du bleu de lapis-lazuli pour le saint patron de l’abbaye et de l’indigo pour
l’abbé. Le choix de ces deux pigments souligne la hiérarchie des personnages et la
présence en France vers l’an mil du bleu de lapis-lazuli, déjà identifié à Fécamp est
confirmée.
Trois manuscrits du nord de la France témoignent du choix des pigments bleus
disponibles: les deux premiers, copiés à Corbie au IXe siècle, ont été décorés avec
du bleu de lapis-lazuli 5 pour l’un et de l’azurite 6 pour l’autre, le troisième, daté du
VIIIème siècle, l’a été avec de l’indigo 7. A ce groupe de trois produits, va s’ajouter
de façon exceptionnelle un autre pigment, identifié seulement dans quelques ma-
nuscrits. L’Evangéliaire de Charlemagne, dit aussi Evangéliaire de Godescalc, du
nom du scribe qui l’a réalisé, est un ouvrage précieux, écrit vers 781-783 en lettres
d’or et d’argent sur parchemin pourpré et magnifiquement illustré. Il contient en
particulier la première représentation de la Fontaine de Vie au symbolisme fort. Le
manuscrit a fait l’objet d’une étude très complète (Roger 2007). L’analyse des cou-
ches picturales bleues montre la présence d’indigo dans l’ensemble de l’ouvrage à
l’exception de la Fontaine de Vie dont les paons sont peints avec du bleu égyptien.
Ce produit fabriqué en Egypte dès 3000 BC est le grand pigment bleu du monde
méditerranéen antique et disparaît de la palette des artistes à une date encore im-
précise, estimée vers les VII-VIIIes siècles. Actuellement ce pigment a été identifié
par le même chercheur dans deux autres manuscrits. Par contre, la Fontaine de Vie
des Evangiles de Saint-Médard de Soissons, manuscrit luxueux réalisé vers 805, donc
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 3 2
quasiment contemporain, est réalisée avec du bleu de lapis-lazuli dont ce serait une
toute première attestation d’utilisation.
Les recherches sur un autre manuscrit de grande importance, les Evangiles de Lin-
disfarne, daté de 715-721 et conservé à la British Library (Londres), illustrent les
difficultés et l’intérêt de l’identification des pigments. La première étude réalisée
en 1956 identifia par comparaison visuelle deux pigments bleus: l’indigo et le bleu
de lapis-lazuli, ce qui repoussait l’utilisation de ce dernier au début du VIIIème siècle.
En 2004, l’étude fut reprise (Brown et al. 2004), qui montra la seule présence de
l’indigo, quelque soit la nuance de la couche bleue, et infirma l’utilisation de bleu
de lapis-lazuli. Ce résultat souligne la fragilité d’une identification fondée sur une
observation visuelle.
A partir de ces résultats, il est possible de tirer un premier bilan, certes à compléter
et à préciser en fonction de nouvelles analyses et de nouvelles identifications. Le
schéma suivant propose l’utilisation chronologique des trois principaux pigments
bleus dans le décor des manuscrits occidentaux, établie sur un nombre restreint de
manuscrits analysés.
présence attestée de pigments bleus dans des manuscrits médiévaux d’europe occidentale
Il ne faut pas négliger l’utilisation possible de pigments locaux. Ainsi l’aérinite,
minéral argileux qui doit son nom à sa couleur bleue, se trouve dans quelques gi-
sements des Pyrénées. Il a été identifié en peinture murale à proximité de son lieu
d’exploitation dans quelques sites des XI-XIIes siècles, dont le logis abbatial de la
grande abbaye de Moissac (Daniel 2008). A-t-il pu être utilisé également pour des
manuscrits? La recherche reste à faire.
L’identification de ces produits conduit à des problèmes spécifiques. Pour l’indigo, la
caractérisation de l’espèce végétale, comme pour l’azurite, la détermination du gise-
ment d’exploitation, semblent irréalisables avec les possibilités techniques actuelles.
Nous avons tenté de différencier par spectrométrie Raman les différents bleus de lapis-
lazuli (Torrès-Bourdel 2003) soit sur des échantillons provenant de manuscrits soit sur
des échantillons minéraux. Dans une première démarche, nous nous sommes intéres-
sés à la couleur, due à la présence de deux chromophores, des ions polysulfures, dont
on peut évaluer par spectrométrie Raman les proportions relatives. La décomposition
et l’ajustement des bandes principales des chromophores montrent des différences
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 3 3
a l a r e c h e r c h e d e s p i g m e n t s
qui suggèrent des variations dans les environnements électroniques des ions, dont
l’interprétation est à poursuivre. D’autre part, le spectre Raman obtenu avec de nou-
velles conditions expérimentales montre des bandes attribuées à des ions polysulfures
plus condensés, ce qui ouvre également des perspectives de recherche prometteuses.
Couches picturales vertes
L’étude des couches vertes dans la décoration de manuscrits répond à une problé-
matique très différente: elle est centrée sur la détermination de leur nature dans les
neuf manuscrits de Fécamp, déjà présentés. Cette couleur, moins présente. que le
rouge et le bleu, y occupe néanmoins une place importante, dans différents types
de lettres, de la plus élaborée à la plus simple, avec une grande diversité de tons.
Ainsi les verts peuvent être décrits comme vert clair franc, vert foncé terne, vert oli-
vâtre, vert vif d’une nuance émeraude, sans que nous ayons corrélé ces termes à des
données colorimétrique. Certaines couches sont corrosives vis-à-vis du parchemin,
d’autres s’écaillent. Cette grande diversité recouvre-t-elle une diversité de produits?
Ceci a conduit à effectuer un grand nombre de prélèvements, plus de trente, ré-
partis au mieux pour tenir compte de ces différentes observations. Or, quelque soit
l’échantillon et les conditions expérimentales, l’observation Raman a toujours été
masquée par un phénomène de très grande intensité, la fluorescence, interdisant
d’accéder à la moindre identification. Un comportement identique a été rapporté
pour des manuscrits d’origine variée et antérieurs très souvent au XIIIe siècle. Le
problème n’est donc pas limité à un scriptorium et acquiert, de ce fait, une portée
plus générale pour la connaissance des pigments verts.
Lors d’une recherche précédente (Coupry 2007) par microspectrométrie Raman sur
deux manuscrits coptes, les pigments verts de l’un d’entre eux n’avaient pu être
identifiés, tandis le spectre Raman des grains verts du second manuscrit était la
combinaison des spectres de l’indigo et d’un pigment jaune, l’orpiment, la couleur
verte observée étant la combinaison des couleurs bleue et jaune. De façon analogue,
l’obtention d’une teinte verte par le mélange Bleu/Jaune a été observée dans de
nombreux manuscrits. Plusieurs combinaisons sont possibles et reflètent les pos-
sibilités d’approvisionnement en l’un ou l’autre des constituants. Indigo/orpiment
est identifié dès 715-720, dans les Evangiles de Lindisfarne (Brown et al. 2004). Si
le mélange orpiment/azurite, chimiquement instable, n’a pas été identifié, d’autres
combinaisons ont été observées, comme bleu de lapis-lazuli/orpiment (Villa-Petit
et al. 2003) ou le pigment de synthèse jaune de plomb et d’étain associé à l’azu-
rite (Vandenabeele et al. 1999) ou au bleu de lapis-lazuli (Burgio et al. 1999). La
composition peut être extrêmement variable, indigo/orpiment avec des proportions
différentes, mélanges binaires jaune/vert ou bleu/vert, mélanges ternaires, pour
offrir une très grande variété de couleurs (Cennini 1978, 32).
L’analyse élémentaire sur des verts de manuscrits de Fécamp montre la présence de
cuivre, ce qui élimine l’hypothèse de terres vertes, aluminosilicates de fer, potassium
et magnésium. Plusieurs sels de cuivre peuvent être utilisés comme pigments: les
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 3 4
spectres Raman du carbonate basique, la malachite, ou de sulfate permettent géné-
ralement leur identification, ainsi pour les verts dans des manuscrits de Jean Bour-
dichon (Trentelman et al. 2008) qui n’y utilise pas le mélange bleu/jaune. Les sels
le plus fréquemment cités dans les traités de peinture médiévaux sont les acétates,
souvent regroupés sous le terme de «vert-de-gris». La littérature technique, antique
et médiévale, est riche de nombreuses recettes de fabrication, basées sur l’action de
vinaigre sur des feuilles de cuivre. Les réactions sont lentes et complexes, dépendant
de nombreux facteurs, plusieurs produits peuvent être obtenus, chimiquement pro-
ches et pouvant évoluer d’une forme à l’autre. Ils sont verts, bleus, turquoise… La
composition du pigment est souvent non stœchiométrique. Pour modifier la teinte
ou les propriétés du pigment, les recettes proposent des composés additionnels: le
vinaigre pour modifier la teinte, le safran comme anti-oxydant, le savon ou le miel
pour stabiliser le produit. L’ajout de jus de cerise ou de baies de fleurs sans répon-
dre à des buts clairement établis ne fait qu’augmenter la complexité du mélange
pigmentaire. L’interaction avec les liants protéiniques à base d’œuf doit être prise
en compte dans la structure du produit final ainsi que la dégradation au sein de la
couche picturale même. Alors que les spectres Raman des différents acétates de
synthèse sont connus (Chaplin et al. 2006), ils n’ont été que très difficilement et
très rarement observés dans les couches picturales vertes de manuscrits. La cause
principale est la très forte fluorescence, inexistante dans les composés purs, et at-
tribuée au composé complexé.
En conséquence, la présence de cuivre dans un pigment vert, en l’absence d’une
identification formelle (carbonate ou sulfate), ne peut conduire qu’à proposer l’hy-
pothèse d’un vert-de-gris. Il s’agit d’une «identification» par élimination.
Mais tous les pigments verts non identifiés ne sont pas du vert-de-gris comme le
montre l’étude d’un manuscrits italien du XVe siècle (Bruni et al. 1999). Le spectre
Raman ne permettait pas d’identifier le pigment au cuivre. C’est le recours à la mi-
crospectrométrie IRFT par réflexion qui a permis de caractériser la malachite.
Ces quelques exemples montrent l’avancée très différente des recherches sur les
pigments. Les pigments bleus principaux dans les manuscrits de l’Europe médiévale
sont connus et facilement identifiables, c’est la chronologie et les aspects artisti-
ques, économiques et sociaux de leur utilisation qui ouvrent des perspectives inté-
ressantes dans le domaine historique. La nature et la structure des pigments verts,
dérivés des acétates de cuivre, sont à identifier, ce qui permettrait d’élucider leur
mode de préparation. La constitution des mélanges bleu/jaune et la chronologie de
leur utilisation n’ont pas fait l’objet de synthèses. La palette verte recèle toujours
bien des inconnues. •
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 3 5
a l a r e c h e r c h e d e s p i g m e n t s
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Biographie
Ingénieur en retraite du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (Laboratoire de
Dynamique, Interactions et Réactivité, auparavant en charge de l’équipe «Matériaux des
Objets du Patrimoine»). Thèse en Chimie Physique (Université de Bordeaux) et Licence
d’Histoire (Université de Paris IV – Sorbonne).
Activité scientifique: Résonance magnétique Nucléaire; Spectrométrie vibrationnelle,
principalement microspectrométrie Raman.
Principaux centres d’intérêt: Pigments dans les manuscrits et les peintures murales;
Matériaux contemporains, plastiques (identification) et verres (structure et altérations);
Colorants textiles.
Recherches en collaboration avec: Bibliothèque nationale de France, Centre des
Peintures Murales Romaines, Centre d’Etudes Médiévales d’Auxerre, Musées du Louvre,
Arts Décoratifs, Carnavalet, de la Mode et du Costume, Manufacture des Gobelins,…;
Archéologues et historiens du CNRS.
Distinction: Cristal du CNRS
claude.coupry@orange.fr
20, rue Clisson
75013 Paris (France)
AcknowledgmentsThis paper derives from a presentation at the conference Medieval colours: between beauty and mea-
ning (Universidade Nova de Lisboa: Instituto de História da Arte, Instituto de Estudos Medievais, De-
partamento de Conservação e Restauro, 2009). I would like to thank the organisers Maria João Melo
and Adelaide Miranda for their kind invitation to participate, and for their generous hospitality. Figu-
res 2, 3, 4 are reproduced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambrid-
ge. Figures 5, 6 are reproduced by permission of ***STA CRUZ***. Figures 1, 7, 8 are by the author.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A nossa abordagem estética, filosófica, psicológica e outras da história da arte
começam no olhar – e apreciar – as cores da iluminura. No entanto, como será
descrito neste artigo, as cores que hoje vemos nem sempre correspondem às aplicadas
pelo artista. O ignorar destas alterações cromáticas pode induzir a sérios erros na
interpretação da sua intenção original. A especulação histórico-artística deve ser,
assim, precedida por uma avaliação sobre qual seria o aspecto original das cores.
Uma observação mais cuidadosa pode evidenciar perda ou alterações de cor. Estas
podem ser bastante dramáticas em amarelos, nomeadamente nos corantes orgânicos
utilizados no passado, em manuscritos. Este artigo focar-se-á pois no caso destes
amarelos desaparecidos. A investigação em História e técnicas de produção artística
oferece três formas de avaliar qual o aspecto das cores originais: (i) iconografia
e harmonia visual das cores, (ii) análises científicas de tintas originais, (iii) livros
de receitas de artistas medievais. Concluí-se que, a consciência destas alterações
cromáticas bem como da aplicação dos métodos de análise aos materiais como
ferramenta interpretativa, enriquecerá o olhar do historiador da arte. •
Abstract
All our aesthetics, philosophy, psychology, and other art history starts from looking
at — and enjoying — the colours of manuscripts. However this paper demonstrates
that colours observed today are not always those applied by the artist. Ignorance
of this alteration results in serious errors of interpretation. Art-historical speculation
must be preceded by the evaluation of original appearances. Close visual examina-
tion reveals areas of fading or discolouration. This is severe for yellows, especially for
organic colorants commonly used in manuscripts. This paper therefore concentrates
on the example of lost manuscript yellows. ‘Technical art history’ offers three ways
to evaluate the original appearance of manuscript colours: (i) iconography and visual
harmony of colour, (ii) technical analysis of surviving paint, (iii) mediaeval artists’
recipe books. It is concluded that art historians can benefit from an awareness of
possible colour alterations, and from an awareness of the application of scientific
analysis as an interpretive tool. •
palavras-chave
iluminurasalteração cromáticaperda de corhistória e técnicas de produção artísticafontes para os materiais e técnicas da arte
key-words
manuscript illuminationdiscolorationfadingtechnical art historyart technological source research
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 3 9
colours versus colorants in art history: evaluating lost manuscript yellows
Introduction
All our aesthetics, philosophy, psychology, and other art history starts from looking
at – and enjoying – the colours of manuscripts. It is perhaps less obvious that all
scientific (chemical and physical) analysis also starts from the observation of the
colours: analysis depends on the observation that there is something distinctive
present that requires analysis. However – as this paper will demonstrate – the colour
observed today on an artwork such as a manuscript is not always the original colour
as chosen, composed, and applied by the artist. Ignorance of this alteration results
in serious errors of interpretation. Interpretations of the iconography and symbolism
of colour, or deductions concerning the appreciation and comprehension of colour by
mediaeval artists and their contemporary audience, or attempts to group manuscripts
by stylistic use of colour, cannot be correct if the colours that interpretations are
based on are not those that were originally intended. Similarly for scientists, failure
to suspect the presence of some hidden material may result in failure to apply suit-
able methods of analysis. Clearly all theorising must be preceded by the evaluation
of the original appearance and likely original material composition.
The loss of mediaeval colour
Colours can change their appearance. Colours can change their colour. Colours can
change their intensity and saturation. Colours can disappear almost completely. The
mark clarke University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam
(The Netherlands)
mark@clericus.org
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vast majority of mediaeval colour has disappeared: clothes, wall-hangings, wall-
paintings, enamels, jewellery, street signs, and scenery for pageants. Even ‘fine art’
paintings have not survived well: they have invariably undergone periodic restora-
tions, sometimes with fairly drastic reconstruction of losses. But even when the
original paint is not lost extreme changes of colour occur: for example increased
yellowing due to aged varnish is familiar, as is the loss of yellow glazes (due to fad-
ing or over-cleaning) resulting in unnatural blue foliage.
Compared with such losses manuscripts have survived comparatively well. Unlike
clothes they do not wear out; unlike jewellery or precious metalwork they are not
broken down and re-modelled as tastes change. Manuscripts are relatively safe
containers for text and image: illustrations in a closed book are protected from light
fading, from touch, and from atmospheric pollutants, and parchment (itself chemi-
cally stable) has alkaline surface treatments that help to counteract the acidity of
modern air. Nevertheless, much colour in manuscripts has become altered or lost
colour, and this alteration and loss needs to be thought about analytically.
This paper considers the example of yellows: firstly because with yellows the effects
of colour loss may be either dramatic or subtle, i.e. either obvious or almost unde-
tectable, and secondly because many interesting Portuguese examples exist.
Colours versus colorants
Analytical thinking about colour (whether by an art historian or a chemist) must
begin with an appreciation of the difference between a colour and a colorant, that
is, between a colour and the colouring material making that colour. To talk of ‘pig-
ments’ is to talk of physical materials, and to talk of ‘colours’ is to talk of a property
of those materials. Colorants and colours do not have a one-to-one correspondence.
Any colour can be made by more than one pigment or combination of pigments. For
example the plant yellow ‘weld’ (Reseda luteola) and the artificial pigment lead-tin
yellow have identical colours (Fig. 1a). Perhaps more surprisingly any one pigment
may exhibit more than one colour depending on its preparation method (Fig. 1b).
Knowing this provides a powerful tool for the study of manuscripts. It has been
shown by physical-chemical analysis that specific colours were made in different ways
by different artists or ateliers, and in different regions and periods (Clarke 2001b).
Identifying pigments can thus help clarify provenance and authorship. A knowledge
of materials derived from chemical analysis is therefore not only interesting to a
scientist or a conservator-restorer, but also to a book-historian or art historian, and
can inform an art historian far more profoundly than a simple examination of colour
ever can. Two examples illustrate the difference between considering colours and
considering colorants.
Examination of coloursMuch work has been done grouping manuscripts stylistically based on patterns of
colour use. However, any given colour can be made in a variety of ways. Presum-
fig.1 (a) one colour prepared from two different materials, (b) different colours prepared from one material (rocella tinctoria)
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1. Unpublished results, Trinity College Dublin:
Raman spectroscopy found red lead, indigo, orpi-
ment, carbon and iron gall ink, gypsum, lichen
purple (Rocella tinctoria) and some unidentified
translucent yellow/brown.
ably within a workshop the choice of method would be consistent. It follows that
it is not enough to group manuscripts based on similar appearance: the materials
should be the same too. Similarity in materials strengthens an attributed grouping,
and inconsistency in materials weakens it. However this independence of colour and
pigment is not always appreciated. It is extremely common for people to attempt to
identify pigments by eye, using simple visual examination. Typically the appearance
of a sample observed on a manuscript is compared with samples and reconstructions
of known composition. These reconstructions are made based on mediaeval artists’
recipe books, of which hundreds survive (Clarke 2001a).
This methodology of comparing unknowns (the materials on manuscripts) with
knowns (historically accurate reconstructions) is essentially valid, and is used today
in chemical analysis of manuscript pigments. The problem lies in the use of visual
examination to do the comparison. It is an inadequate tool, and any attempt to
identify pigments by eye is doomed to failure, partly for the reasons outlined above
(that one colour may be made from alternative colorants and that one colorant
may exhibit different colours), and partly because, with age, colours may degrade
beyond recognition.
This may easily be demonstrated by comparing the results of visual ‘pigment
identification’ and chemical analysis. Often categorical statements as to which
pigments are or are not present have been made by visual examination, which sub-
sequent chemical analysis has shown to be incorrect. For example, British Library
MS Arundel 155 was examined by two independent art historians, who stated in
the firmest terms that ultramarine was not present; yet chemical analysis found
it. Similarly a number of authors have used visual examination to ‘identify’ the
pigments on the Book of Kells and the Lindisfarne Gospels. Comparison of their
results reveals very little agreement (such disagreement alone should alert us to
a problem with visual analysis), and recent reliable analysis has shown all of them
to be to some extent wrong (Clarke 2004 a, b). 1 Many of these authors expressed
caveats regarding the limitations of visual examination, but the limitations of ana-
lytical techniques then available (which required unacceptably large samples to be
removed) meant visual examination was used faute de mieux. Chemical analysis
has shown such visual examination to be largely worthless, and it should not be
practiced today.
Examination of colorants (pigments)Visual naming of colours has been shown to be unreliable, with inconsistencies
solved only by chemical analysis of the colorants. One might ask: why might chemical
analysis of colorants interest anyone but a chemist? Consider two examples where
looking at colours was not helpful, but where pigment analysis produced useful art-
historical evidence.
The first example results from a study of pigments in 100 Anglo-Saxon manuscripts
(Clarke 2004b). Two particular manuscripts from c.980 AD share text and illustra-
tive programme. One had a secure provenance of Canterbury Christ Church, and it
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2. We might consider a third attitude: the sym-
bolic, magical, and spiritual value. In jewelled ob-
jects one stone would certainly be chosen over
another for its symbolic value, according to the
lapidary texts. I have, however, found no evi-
dence that such values were ever attributed to
pigments.
had been suggested on stylistic grounds that the other might also originate there.
The pigment ultramarine (lapis lazuli) found on both. This was only introduced
c.1000, and to find it so early was most unusual, so its presence in both manuscripts
strengthened the link between them. In the second example stylistical research into
the Lochorst Bible suggested it was illuminated by two teams of artists. Team A
worked in an archaic traditional style, whereas team B (probably the Zweder Masters)
were more naturalistic and illusionistic. Team A consistently used ultramarine, while
Team B consistently used azurite. Thus pigment analysis confirmed and reinforced
the proposed division of labour.
Mixtures and imitationsAny one colour may also be made from many different mixtures of pigments. From
c.300 AD onwards treatises survive recording hundreds of recipes for imitating ex-
pensive colours such as ultramarine or Tyrian Purple (Clarke 2001a). These substitutes
can be completely convincing to the eye. For example, it has often been asserted that
Tyrian purple (derived from shellfish) was used to dye parchment pages, but analysis
indicates this is extremely rare compared to purples made from other ingredients and
from mixtures. Similarly mediaeval recipes explain how red brazil-wood dye could be
added to blue azurite to imitate the more purple hue of the costly pigment ultrama-
rine. Other recipes describe manufacture of a tin-based compound called ‘mosaic
gold’ which contains no gold but can look remarkably like it.
Attitudes to inexpensive imitationsThere were various mediaeval attitudes to substitution and imitation. It is useful to
consider these when evaluating whether (and why) certain yellow colorants were
used.
One attitude was that to use valuable materials was desirable in itself. The use of
gold, precious stones, and ultramarine to highlight iconographically important ele-
ments in a picture is well known. Another example is the choice of mosaic gold or
real gold, or ivory black (an expensive pigment) or bone black (indistinguishable
and inexpensive).
Alternatively, skill could be considered as more important than the use of expensive
materials. (This, perhaps, was the choice made by the stylistically more progressive
Team B in the Lochorst Bible when they used the latest illusionistic techniques but
inexpensive azurite; a more flexible use of material conventions consistent with
stylistic liberties.) Theophilus seems to have favoured this attitude when he warned
not to disparage any thing ‘just because your native soil has spontaneously and
unexpectedly produced it for you’ and asks, why would you ‘despise these as cheap
local products and travel over land and sea to procure foreign ones that are no better
and are perhaps of less value’ (Prologue to Book I). When analysis demonstrates the
use of local products, plants or minerals, this itself becomes a useful provenance-
ing tool. This preference for final appearance over cash-value is one reason for the
popularity of imitations and substitutes. 2
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These attitudes created reasons to choose one material over another (given oth-
erwise similar colours and working properties). These attitudes would have been
present in different proportions in different individuals. One might contrast for
example Suger with Bernard of Clairvaux. Consequently sometimes an artist might
have chosen to use a genuine expensive material, whereas an imitation may have
been considered appropriate for a different object or by a different artist. That
sometimes there were genuine expensive materials used, and sometimes not, is
in itself interesting. The use of intrinsically expensive materials is an important
indicator of the attitude of the artist and the patron to a book. And yet to the
naked eye it is not always clear. Clearly if chemical analysis can discern between
expensive and inexpensive materials this is helpful in indicating which attitude or
attitudes applied to which objects or to which periods, regions, artists or patrons.
This is directly relevant to the study of manuscript yellows because, as we shall see,
imitation gold was common.
Sophistication of the paletteOf course there are other reasons to use pigment mixtures, not just to imitate pre-
cious materials. Not all colours can be obtained from a single pure natural material.
Until very recently there was, for example, a great shortage of green pigments. For
symbolic or diagrammatic work this was not problematic, since a face or a landscape
could be adequately modelled with one or two crude colours, but for more sophis-
ticated work, e.g. to be more realistically representational, the shortage of subtle
colours was a problem. The problem was overcome in two ways.
The first method used to increase the range of available colours was mixing pigments.
It is often stated that mediaeval artists, having made such efforts to obtain pure
colouring materials, did not want to adulterate them, and that in consequence they
did not mix pigments. This is simply not true. Mediaeval artists’ recipe books contain
thousands of prescriptions for mixtures (Clarke 2011), and chemical analyses have
shown a great variety of mixed pigments, notably those mixed to produce greens
(Clarke 2001b). Another solution was layering, where a thin or transparent layer of one
colour was used on top to modify another. These combinations allow for more sophis-
ticated or more representational art, and indeed, around the ‘Eyckian turning point’,
c.1420, we find more and more mixtures and transparent over-layers; this was cer-
tainly done in manuscripts, not only in panel painting or in oil painting (Clarke 2011).
Another method of increasing the gamut of available of colours was to harness the
colours of plants. There are many recipes based on plant extracts, either to make
lake pigments, or simply to colour white pigments with the juices: ‘Take yellow flow-
ers, and grind, and express the juice, and temper white lead with this juice, and dry.
And temper it again, and dry, and repeat thus a third time’ (Glasgow MS Hunter
110, f.40r). These flower extracts are often specified to be for use ‘in carta’, i.e. on
paper or parchment. However, even in a relatively well-protected environment as
a closed book, organic pigments based on plant material are very prone to change
colour and fade.
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Lost manuscript yellows
Careful examination of manuscripts reveals areas where colour only remains as faint
transparent traces. Figure 2 shows transparent infills in orange, red-pink, yellow
and blue. The transparency clearly seems to indicate a faded organic colour. Similar
discolouration and fading of red and yellow is visible in Figure 3. Once alerted to
such fading, one can search for it.
fig.3 a, b cambridge, corpus christi college ms69, f.1r (england, 8th century)
fig.2 a, b, c cambridge, corpus christi college ms69 (england, 8th century), f.20r, f.14r, ms144 (england, 9th century) f. 13r
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3. This does not reproduce well in print. Why are lost manuscript yellows so particularly interesting and important? One rea-
son is that so often yellow was used either to represent gold, or to imitate gold, or to
be a substitute for gold, and in any picture golden objects are of undoubted icono-
graphic importance. There are a great many recipes for imitation gold, and indeed
some of the most ancient artists’ recipes we have are for imitation chrysography. The
most common ingredient of recipes for imitation gold is saffron. The other reason for
concentrating on yellow is that its colour changes and fades away so dramatically;
indeed the changes to yellows are often the strongest indication – and the strongest
argument – that colours in manuscripts have changed at all.
Examples of degraded yellow are found in the earliest manuscripts. On the exhibited
pages of British Museum papyrus EA10470 (Egyptian, 1320-1200 BC) the yellow pig-
ment orpiment and the orange pigment realgar (two forms of an arsenic mineral) have
both become white (having converted to a third form of the mineral, arsenolite); the
unexhibited pages retain their colour. Orpiment is unusual in this respect, because it is
a mineral pigment, which are usually stable. Plant-based pigments, on the other hand,
all tend to fade very badly, and yellow plant-based pigments fade worst of all. My
attention was first drawn to this phenomenon while studying the earliest mediaeval
manuscripts from the British Isles. In the Cathach of St Columba (Dublin Royal Irish
Academy) on f.48r is a zoomorphic initial that only the closest inspection shows is
infilled with a colour not quite the same as the parchment. 3 Clearly in this and in many
other early manuscripts the paint is extremely thin, or is a liquid dye or stain rather
than a solid pigment bound in a medium. This phenomenon is not confined to English
examples, nor to very early examples, and one cannot dismiss it as the result of ‘primi-
tive’ materials and techniques. If we concentrate on yellows, then fading phenomena
can be still dramatic in the highest quality twelfth century Romanesque manuscripts.
Figure 4 shows a page from the Bury Bible, a de luxe manuscript. The rubric is com-
posed of primary colours, but compared with the other colours the yellow is dull,
fig.4 a, b cambridge, corpus christi college ms2, f.7r (england, 12th century)
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4. Further examples of faded and discoloured yel-
lows (shown at the conference) include: Cambridge
Corpus Christi College: MS256 (Italy, 6th), MS69
(England, 8th), MS193 (France, 8th), MS411
(Channel, c.1000), MS183 (England, 11th), MS4
and MS94 (England, 12th), MS82 (France, 13th),
MS394 (England 14th), MS395 (Catalan 15th).
Cambridge University Library: MS Ll.1.10 (England
9th), MS Ii.6.32 (England 10th), MS Ff.1.23 (Eng-
land, 11th). Glasgow University Library: MS Hunter
404 (Italy, 10th, e.g. f.25r). Engelberg Stiftsbibli-
othek: Cod. 5 (Switzerland 12th). Portuguese Ro-
manesque examples include Lorvao L16, Santa
Cruz MS1, MS17, 43 and 76, and Biblioteca Na-
cional de Portugal MS Alcobaça 333 and MS360.
weak, and translucent. Here surely we can infer that this buff or yellow-brown colour
must originally have been intended to be a strong colour as well, most probably a
bright yellow imitating gold. This phenomenon appears in Romanesque manuscripts
from all over Europe. I first noticed it on English examples, and was most interested
to see it again in the Torre do Tombo and the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. Ex-
amples of this same alternation of strong colours with a drab buff were noted from
Lorvão (e.g. MS L16 f.7v, f.32), and from Sta. Cruz (e.g. MS1 f.2 and MS17 f.171).
In some cases we can deduce that some faded yellows were deliberately transparent.
Often a transparent yellow has been used much as one might use a yellow fluores-
cent pen today, to highlight a rubric (Fig. 5a). That this yellow was intended as a
highlighter is confirmed by this unambiguous red used similarly (Fig. 5b). The red
is carefully painted around the letters, whereas the yellow is painted all over, sug-
gesting it was always transparent.
fig.5 (a) sta. cruz ms58 (12-13th century) f.1 (b) f.140
fig.6 sta cruz ms40 (13th century) f.30
The use of a transparent yellow is confirmed in other Portuguese manuscripts, where
it is used in combination with patterns of dots (Fig. 6). This use of transparent yellow
is confined neither to Portugal nor to this period, and examples might be multiplied
indefinitely, from 6th to 15th century, from England, France, Italy, central Europe and
Iberia. 4 Transparency in aqueous paint media such as those used on manuscripts
is important as it implies the use of an organic pigment, and organic pigments are
those most prone to fading.
Evaluating losses
Visual examination and comparison clearly reveals areas of fading or discoloura-
tion, especially severe for yellow; indeed, in some cases it is not obvious that an
area was coloured at all. ‘Technical art history’ offers three ways to evaluate what
the original appearance of manuscript colours may have been: (i) iconography
and visual harmony, (ii) technical analysis of surviving paint, (iii) mediaeval art-
ists’ recipe books.
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5. Degraded orpiment, arsenolite, is also invis-
ible to Raman.
6. Cheryl Porter, personal communication 2009.
7. Some years ago I suggested that the use of
Infra-Red lasers might overcome the fluores-
cence problems that have until now hindered
analysis of organic pigments by Raman spectro-
sopy. Perkin-Elmer have now lent an Infra-Red
FT-Raman instrument to the British Library, who
in 2010 will examine certain Anglo-Saxon manu-
scripts where I identified faded yellow organics.
Preliminary results using reconstructions seem
promising. (David Jacobs, BL, personal commu-
nication 2009.)
Iconography and visual harmonyOne must re-consider images where one might expect yellow for iconographical
reasons. There are few motifs in mediaeval European art where the iconographic
meaning of yellow is sufficiently robust and consistent to deduce a lost yellow, but
possible useful motifs include heraldic devices (specified in unambiguous terminol-
ogy: ‘or’ should be yellow), or representations of golden objects and haloes. Even
without iconographical clues we can deduce when the colours must be wrong by
loss of visual harmony, as for example in Fig. 4 where the colour of the red, blue and
green letters is intense, thickly applied, strong, dark and saturated, but the brown-
yellow letters are dull and insipid. Especially in these Romanesque examples it seems
clear that the pale-brown colour is incongruous, and a strong yellow would surely
have made better pictorial sense alongside the other strong colours. In cases where
a colour is barely distinguishable from the colour of parchment (e.g. the yellow in
Fig. 3 b) we may conclude that it would have been decoratively valueless, and thus
is surely degraded.
Technical analysisUnfortunately chemical analysis is unusually problematic for faded yellows. For or-
ganic pigments the currently favourite technique for manuscript analysis – Raman
spectroscopy – is unsuitable. 5 The best method of analysis of organic colours is
High-Performance Liquid Chromatography, but it requires samples; these only need
to be very small, but they do need to be not too degraded. Sometimes when a yel-
low colorant degrades it can be identified by its degradation products (although not
in the case of saffron). Saffron has been detected using Fourier-Transform Infrared
spectroscopy, even in mixtures, but only when it has survived in good condition. De-
spite these problems there have been successes. The Wollaton Antiphonal (University
of Nottingham MS250), for example, is a high-quality English manuscript c.1420,
painted with a very full palette. Recent HPLC analysis identified several plant-based
pigments, including yellows from broom (Genista tinctoria), sometimes with weld
added. All are found on a base of either chalk or lead white, and in one remarkable
case, on the synthetic inorganic pigment lead-tin-yellow. The organic yellows were
also found mixed with verdigris. Of particular interest is that it has been suggested
that this book was made in the English region of East Anglia, where broom is a local
product. 6 The application of other analytical techniques to manuscripts is being de-
veloped, including Direct Injection Mass Spectrometry (requiring only tiny samples)
and fluorescence spectroscopy (requiring no samples). 7
RecipesSo, in summary, analysis can be very helpful, but is difficult for yellows. Fortunately,
when analysis is not able to provide the answer, we have another clue. There survive
a considerable number of mediaeval treatises containing artists’ recipes, including
for organic yellow pigments. The majority of these use saffron (Crocus sativus). Au-
demar (c.1300) stated saffron was produced in France (but that it was not good),
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that it was imported from Spain and Italy, and the best from ‘Sicily’ [read: ‘Cilicia’
i.e. Turkey] (Clarke 2001a, #2790). The 11th century specialist treatise De clarea (‘On
glair’) devotes a large proportion of its short length to saffron (Clarke 2001a, #140).
Other yellows suggested by recipes include weld, safflower (Carthamus tinctorius),
buckthorn (Rhamnus cathartica), blackthorn (Prunus spinosa), aloes, fustic (Rhus
cotinus), and the gall of an ox or fish. These were usually mixed in glair (egg white),
although hide glue was also suggested, e.g. by Le Begue in 1431 (Clarke 2001a,
#2790). Alternatively organic colorants could be added to inorganic white substrates
such as egg-shell, lead-white, chalk and gypsum. The prevalence and wide diffusion
of recipes for organic yellows means that we should be looking for traces of them.
(The prevalence of recipes for mosaic gold after c.1400 suggests analysis of what
appears to be gold is also needed.) It is satisfying that recipes in the 15th century
Portuguese Livro de como se fazem as cores (Clarke 2001a, #2950) seem to cor-
respond well with chemical analysis of Portuguese manuscripts, suggesting that its
recipes for yellows may well explain these faded areas. Knowledge of the recipes
suggests lines of enquiry: in reconstructions of saffron and safflower recipes, plant
fibres are visible (Fig. 7), so it would be worthwhile trying to find them (although a
careful illuminator may have excluded them).
Microscopic examination of the lettering shown in Fig. 4 showed the paint medium
to be thick, almost colourless brown, and to exhibit craquelure. This is what would
be found if it had originally been a yellow transparent colorant in a thick glue me-
dium. (Reconstructions showed that saffron in a glue or gum medium needs to be
applied thickly.) If indeed the Bury Bible lettering was originally made with saffron
(or similar) then all the colours of the lettering would have originally been equivalent
in terms of strength and saturation, and thus more visually coherent. This effect has
been reconstructed in Figure 8 by digitally increasing the degree of colour satura-
tion. Surely this makes more decorative sense.
fig.7 reconstructions (left) safflower, (right) saffron
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 4 9
c o l o u r s v e r s u s c o l o r a n t s i n a r t h i s t o r y : e v a l u a t i n g l o s t m a n u s c r i p t y e l l o w s
Recipes supply the surprising information that the problem of faded yellow pigments
is not confined to faded yellow colours. This is because saffron was not just used
in yellow pigments, but was also an additive to other pigments. Recipes document
that the addition of saffron to verdigris was common in Europe (and Persia), and
analysis confirms this. (The stated reason was to improve colour, although saffron
also reduces corrosion of pages by verdigris.) Saffron was added to azurite to make
green, and even to improve orpiment. Consequently loss of yellow organic colorants
can cause colour change in even non-yellow areas. Other organics were added to
other inorganics too, and so although inorganic pigments such as verdigris, minium
or azurite may be identified by reliable and robust techniques, nevertheless the
colours may not be original (Clarke 2011).
Mediaeval responses to colour loss
It is unclear how much durability of pigments was understood by mediaeval crafts-
men. Recipes warn that certain pigments are chemically incompatible and will dis-
colour each other if mixed, and other recipes specify that some pigments (notably
organics) were suitable for manuscripts but not suitable for other supports (such
as panels and walls). It is not clear how soon colour loss occurred, whether it was
noticed, or whether repairs were carried out. Financial documents record mediae-
val restorations of wall- and panel-paintings, but regarding manuscripts are largely
silent. Accounts from Merton College Oxford c.1500 itemise painting saffron onto
fore-edges – apparently now lost. Examination shows ‘improvements’ to manuscripts
certainly were carried out: not really restorations but rather re-decoration projects.
Pigment analysis is useful in finding anachronistic materials that document this. Brit-
ish Library Add. MS 40618 is an Irish eighth century manuscript, but includes some
pages of late tenth century illustrations that have been pasted in (f. 22v, f.49v).
One might easily spot these added pages by their later style, but ultramarine is also
found on the original eighth century initials (23r and 50r); clearly these original
initials must have been re-touched while the book was undergoing improvement
fig.8 digital reconstruction with enhanced yellow
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 5 0
(Clarke 2004b, which see for another example). Whether lost yellows were repainted
remains to be determined.
Conclusions
Clearly there has been a loss and change of colour in mediaeval European manu-
scripts, due to the degradation and fading of colorants, and in particular there has
clearly been a particularly severe loss of yellows, especially transparent yellows. This
yellow loss is not confined to areas originally coloured yellow, but also in certain
areas such as verdigris green. Furthermore many non-yellow pigments contained an
organic component, which has probably altered in colour too.
Since what is seen now is clearly not always what was originally there, the appearance
of manuscripts must be re-assessed. In the case of transparent yellow, the contrast
with the parchment is often negligible, and even allowing for some darkening and
yellowing of the parchment, if it had always been this colour it would have made no
decorative sense. The buff or brown colour in Romanesque manuscripts has in the
past been accepted as a bona fide colour. It does contrast somewhat with parchment,
and is legible, but, since the other colours are usually all strong and bright, a subtle
or drab yellow-brown seems out of place, and so I suggest that it would make more
decorative sense if it had originally been golden-yellow.
It seems, from inspection of surviving traces of colour, and from mediaeval recipes,
that there was an extensive use of vivid organic yellows, which are now lost. Clearly
art historians can benefit from an awareness of possible colour alterations. It may
help to explain, for example, why so little gold was used in Portuguese manuscripts
in this period, compared with elsewhere in Europe.
In addition to being vehicles for the transmission of texts and images, manuscripts
are also archaeological artefacts, and one must constantly bear in mind this physical-
ity. Chemical analysis is helpful to establish provenance, to identify intrusive anach-
ronistic elements, and to deduce original appearance. This is a golden age for the
study of the physical properties of art works in general and manuscripts in particular,
with increasingly sensitive analytical instruments available, and a renaissance in the
philology of artists’ recipe books. But to establish what was conventional usage for
different periods, regions, or ateliers, more work is needed to build up a substantial
and statistically significant corpus of analyses (similar to that extant for easel paint-
ings). This must be collaborative, as the best analyses are done by physicists and
chemists working closely with conservators, librarians, and art historians. •
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 5 1
c o l o u r s v e r s u s c o l o r a n t s i n a r t h i s t o r y : e v a l u a t i n g l o s t m a n u s c r i p t y e l l o w s
Acknowledgments
This paper derives from a presentation at the conference Medieval colours: between beauty and meaning (Universidade Nova de Lisboa: Instituto de História da Arte, Insti-tuto de Estudos Medievais, Departamento de Conservação e Restauro, 2009). I would like to thank the organisers Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for their kind in-vitation to participate, and for their generous hospitality. Figures 2, 3, 4 are reprodu-ced by permission of the Master and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Fi-gures 5, 6 are reproduced by permission of BPMP. Figures 1, 7, 8 are by the author.
Bibliography
Clarke, M. (2001a) The Art of All Colours: Mediaeval Recipe Books for Painters and
Illuminators. London: Archetype Publications.
Clarke, M. (2001b) ‘The analysis of medieval European manuscripts’ Reviews in
Conservation 2: 3-17.
Clarke, M. (2004a) «Really don’t trust your eyes to identify manuscript pigments!»
Gazette du livre médiéval 44: 50-53.
Clarke, M. (2004b) ‘Anglo-Saxon Manuscript Pigments’ Studies in Conservation 49: 231-244.
Clarke, M. (2011) Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Montpellier ‘Liber
diversarum arcium’. London: Archetype Publications.
Biography
Mark Clarke (°1962) trained in England in conservation and conservation science, with
an interdisciplinary doctorate on medieval manuscript paint. He has been a researcher
in technical art history and art technological source research, at the University of
Cambridge, the Institute Collectie Nederland, the Fitzwilliam Museum, and FOM-
AMOLF. He specialises in the interdisciplinary study of historic artist’s paint, combining
technical analysis, art history, historically accurate reconstructions, and written sources.
He has made a particular study of mediaeval artists’ recipe books. He co-founded the
International Council of Museums (Conservation Committee) working group on Art
Technological Source Research. He is currently working on the early history of oil paint at
the University of Amsterdam, and is an invited Fellow of the VLAC Institute of Advanced
Study of the Royal Flemish Academy.
University of Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum Ateliergebouw,
Hobbemastraat 22, 1071 ZC Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
mark@clericus.org
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A iluminura românica que chegou até nós encontra-se intimamente ligada ao mundo
monástico, particularmente aos mosteiros de São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de
Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. É neste universo cultural,
rico de referências religiosas, políticas e artísticas que nos propomos estudar a cor.
Como formas de construção da cor, entendemos a procura de certas combinações
e padrões bem como de efeitos visuais particulares. Procedeu-se à quantificação
das principais cores presentes, através do mapeamento da cor, obtendo-se assim
a distribuição das áreas relativas para o azul, vermelho, verde, amarelo e laranja.
O trabalho de investigação levado a cabo por uma equipa interdisciplinar permitiu
assim lançar novas hipóteses em relação às opções estéticas e simbólicas dos ilu-
minadores e à datação dos manuscritos, respectivamente do Apocalipse do Lorvão
e os De avibus.
Procuramos ainda dar início a uma narrativa que nos permita chegar ao significa-
do da cor nos códices medievais (sécs. XII e XIII), detectando as contribuições das
três culturas medievais que forjaram o Portugal moderno – hebraica, muçulmana e
cristã. •
Abstract
The Romanesque illumination is intimately linked to the monastic world; particularly
to the São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra and
Santa Maria de Alcobaça monasteries. It is in this cultural universe, rich in religious,
political and artistic references that we propose to study colour. By exploring how
colour was created and applied in specific patterns and for especial visual effects,
we aim to contribute for a better understanding of its symbolic and social meaning.
Colour distribution was quantified by mapping the relative areas of the main colours,
blue, red, green, yellow and orange. The interdisciplinary research that was carried
out has put forward new hypotheses in relation to aesthetic and symbolic options
of the illuminators and to the dating of the manuscripts, Lorvão Apocalypse and De
Avibus respectively.
Finally, we started a narrative that will allow us to unveil the meaning of the colour
in medieval codices, detecting the contributions of the three medieval cultures which
forged Portugal, that is the Hebrew, Muslim and Christian cultures. •
palavras-chave
iluminura medievalcoranálises científicasapocalipse do lorvãode avibus
key-words
medieval illuminationscolourscientific analysislorvão apocalypsede avibus
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 5 3
the colour of medieval portuguese illumination: an interdisciplinary approach
Preamble
In 2004, we started an interdisciplinary project on the colour of medieval Portuguese
illuminations, within which an interdisciplinary team 1 was created. The experimental
design as well as the modus operandi were developed and fully tested 2. Two im-
portant and dated manuscripts were selected as case studies, Apocalypse and The
Book of Birds (De Avibus of Hugh of Fouilloy) from São Mamede do Lorvão mon-
astery. The study of colour was continued in a project that included the scriptoria
of Santa Cruz de Coimbra and Santa Maria de Alcobaça as well as a larger and
representative selection of manuscripts 3. In this paper, the findings of these two
projects will be presented.
1. The Romanesque illuminated manuscripts in Portugal and the Alcobaça, Lorvão and Santa Cruz monasteries
The Romanesque illumination is intimately linked to the monastic world; particularly
to the São Mamede do Lorvão, São Pedro de Arouca, Santa Cruz de Coimbra and
Santa Maria de Alcobaça monasteries 4. The two last monasteries present the more
homogeneous and consistent collections of our Romanesque scriptoria and, at that
maria joão melo (coordinator)catarina miguel, ana claro, r ita castroDepartamento de Conservação e Restauro
and Requimte, Faculdade de Ciências e
Tecnologia, UNL, Caparica (Portugal)
Maria adelaide miranda
(coordinator) , ana lemosInstituto de Estudos Medievais and
Instituto de História da Arte, FCSH, UNL,
Lisboa (Portugal)
v. solange f. muralhaVICARTE: Vidro e Cerâmica para as Artes,
FCT, UNL, Caparica (Portugal)
joão a. lopesREQUIMTE, Departamento de Química,
Faculdade de Farmácia, Universidade do
Porto, Porto (Portugal)
antónio pere ira gonçalvesDepartamento de Química, Instituto
Tecnológico e Nuclear, Lisboa (Portugal)
1. The team includes researchers from Art History,
Conservation and Chemistry; computer scientists
have recently joined the team.
2. An interdisciplinary approach to the study of
colour in Portuguese manuscript illuminations,
POCTI/EAT/33782/2000.
3. The identity of Portuguese medieval ma-
nuscript illumination in the European context,
PTDC/EAT/65445/2006.
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 5 4
4. Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura Românica em
Santa Cruz de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcoba-
ça. PhD Dissertation. Lisboa: Universidade Nova
de Lisboa; Miranda, M.A. 1996. A Iluminura de
Santa Cruz no Tempo de Santo António. Lisboa:
Edições Inapa; Nascimento, A.A., Miranda, M.A.
(coord.) 1999. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identi-
dade e Influência (do séc. X ao XVI): catálogo da
Exposição. Lisboa: Biblioteca Nacional de Portu-
gal; Miranda, M.A., Lemos, A., Claro, A., Miguel,
C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa,
uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de His-
tória de Arte – FCSH. 5: 228-245.
5. Mattoso, J. 2009. Os antepassados dos na-
vegadores in Naquele tempo. Ensaios de Histó-
ria Medieval. Lisboa: Temas e Debates/Círculo
de Leitores, p.240: «(...) investigações recentes
acerca da cultura dominante em Coimbra e nas
cidades portuguesas do Sul mostram que os co-
nhecimentos dos Moçárabes estavam ainda su-
ficientemente vivos imediatamente a seguir à
conquista cristã e que exerceram uma influência
profunda sobre os clérigos destas mesmas ci-
dades durante o século XII. Ora Lorvão situa-se
precisamente junto a Coimbra e era um centro
importante da cultura moçárabe».
6. Pastoureau, M. 1996. Couleur, images, sym-
boles. Paris: Le Léopard d’Or, sd.p.47: «La sym-
bolique des couleurs est une notion floue dont
on use et abuse. Il n’y a pas de symbolique des
couleurs envisagée hors du temps et de l’espace,
mais seulement de multiples systèmes de la cou-
leur ou dans un contexte donné, précis, daté,
localisé, les couleurs prennent en charge tel ou
tel réseau de significations.»
7. Peixeiro, H. 1998. A Iluminura do Apocalipse
do Lorvão. Provas públicas para professor coor-
denador. Tomar: IPT/EST/DTAG/ACG, p.28.
8. «A documentação do Liber Testamentorum
toma por referência a comunidade monástica
do Lorvão. É esta, certamente mais antiga que
o documento de 857 (...). Efectivamente, com-
provando ele que a comunidade monástica re-
cebe doações nessa data, há que admitir a sua
existência anterior» in Nascimento, A.A. 2007.
Liber Testamentarum do Mosteiro de Lorvão, in
Monarquia y Sociedad en el Reino de León. De
time, were central for the formation of the Portuguese nationality, assuming artistic
protagonism in the kingdom. It is in this cultural universe 5, rich in religious, political
and artistic references that we propose to study colour 6.
Inheriting of ancient traditions, the new religious orders, Benedictines, Augustinians
and Cistercians, will integrate in their scriptoria important treatises for the artistic
techniques, such as the Mappae Clavicula in the library of Santa Cruz de Coimbra 7
and On divers arts very likely present in Alcobaça.
The monks’ artistic creativity is present in the architectural space they inhabited
as well in the liturgical arts, particularly in the illuminated manuscripts. Colour ap-
pears as a fundamental element in the organisation of the Codex, creating sense
and beauty. By exploring how colour was created and applied in specific patterns
and for especial visual effects, we aim to contribute for a better understanding
of its symbolic and social meaning in medieval Portuguese illuminations in these
monasteries. We will approach this subject within an international context, namely
considering the leading French monasteries, with which the Portuguese monks were
connected, see Figure 1.
The monastic libraries of Alcobaça and Santa Cruz were produced in their scripto-
ria, through the circulation of manuscripts between the monasteries which they
were associated with, and together with donations made from or orders made to
the most prestigious productive centres at that time. A short presentation of the
monastic medieval libraries, and the monasteries in which they were established, is
important for having a better understanding of the origin, purpose and circulation
of medieval manuscripts.
fig.1 portuguese medieval monasteries: são mamede do lorvão, santa cruz de coimbra and santa maria de alcobaça, and the french monasteries which they were associated with (mother abbeys)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 5 5
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
Alfonso III a Alfonso VII. ed. J.M. Fernández Ca-
tón, León, 315-339.
9. While both scholars agree with the fact that
the date mentioned in the ms. 777, must be cor-
rected, Aires Augusto do Nascimento proposes
857 and Fernández Catón 907 or 917. Please see
also Mattoso, J. 2009. Recension to the paper by
Nascimento A., Fernández Cáton, J. (ed). Liber
testamentorum coenobii laurbanensis (estúdios).
Léon: Centro de Estudios y Investigación. in Me-
diavalista. 7. Lisboa: FCSH: «Enquanto A. Nasci-
mento defende a correcção do evidente erro de
data do referido documento de 777 para 857,
Fernández Catón considera esta opinião impos-
sível e propõe 907 ou 917, mas inclina-se mais
para 917 (pp. 467-475)».
10. Mattoso, J. 1996. «A vida religiosa dos bene-
ditinos portugueses durante o séc. XIII» in Reli-
gião e Cultura na Idade Média Portuguesa. Lis-
boa: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2.ª ed.,
167-168: «Provavelmente ignoraremos para sem-
pre até que ponto eram verdadeiras as acusações
feitas aos monges de Lorvão. Não podemos, po-
rém, deixar de notar que o fim do séc. XII é neste
mosteiro uma época de prosperidade e de vitali-
dade religiosa, como atestam as cópias de livros
aí feitas entre 1183 e 1189. Além disso, sabemos
que os bens do mosteiro provocavam as ambições
do bispo de Coimbra, contra as quais os monges
se queixavam amargamente por volta de 1200».
The São Mamede do Lorvão monastery provides us scarce documental evidence on
the date it was founded. A recent publication on Chartularium Laurbanense (Car-
tulary of Lorvão), also known as Livro dos Testamentos do Lorvão, coordinated by
Aires Nascimento and Fernández Catón, proposes 857 8 and 917 9 for its foundation.
This monastery had an important role in the period before the Portuguese Kingdom
was founded, and was involved in the Iberian resistance to the introduction of the
monarchism from Cluny 10. Its collection is heterogeneous and from 1206, the date
from which it starts to follow the feminine Cistercian 11, we believe it will no more
have a scriptorium, even though it continues to enrich its library. For the medieval
period, the collection has 18 manuscripts, of which two have colophon, particularly
significant for the history of illumination in Portugal – the Lorvão Apocalypse (1189)
(Figure 2) and the De Avibus of Hughes de Fouilloy (1183-1184) (Figure 3). These
manuscripts can be found in the National Archives (Arquivo Nacional da Torre do
Tombo) 12.
Santa Cruz de Coimbra, which dates back to 1131, is one of the most important
monasteries linked to the construction of Portugal as an independent kingdom. The
communitarian life started the following year and its importance was reinforced by
the fact it was the first royal pantheon. Donations from the crown and nobility were
in the origins of the monastery that will follow the regular Canons of Saint Augus-
tine and the guidelines of St. Ruf of Avignon, depending on the Holy See due to
the conflicts with the Cathedral of Coimbra 13. We know that the scribes substituted
the Visigoth by the Carolina script between 1054 and 1072 in the documents of the
chancellery 14, being the writing of the Codex close to this date. The first Codex is
dated of 1139, Homiliário Santa Cruz 4 (Appendix 1), even though there are doubts
of its production in this monastery 15. Until the first quarter of the thirteenth century,
Santa Cruz has approximately 36 illuminated manuscripts from which a significant
number will have here its origin. The collection has a total of 99 codices, conserved
fig.2 lorvão apocalypse (1189), ff. 43, 115, 172v, 209v and 210. photo © antt
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 5 6
fig.3 de avibus (book of birds) from lorvão monastery (1183-1184), ff. 5, 6, 16, 25 and 50v. photo © antt
11. Cocheril, M. 1978. Routier des Abbayes Cis-
terciennes du Portugal. Paris: Fondation Calouste
Gulbenkian, p.195.
12. The illuminations of these two codex are
available at http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt
13. Nascimento, A.A. 1998. «Vida de D. Telo» in
Hagiografia de Santa Cruz de Coimbra. Ed. critic,
trad. e estudos introdutórios. Lisboa: Colibri, 81-82.
14. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1994. Da visigótica à
carolina. A escrita em Portugal de 882 a 1172.
Lisboa: FCG/JNICT, 277-278.
15. Nascimento, A.A. 2002. Liber Testamentorum
cit. N.C. Borges, Arte monástica em Lorvão, som-
bras e realidade – Das origens a 1737. Lisboa.
16. Vilares Cepeda, I. and Ferreira, T.D. 2001. In-
ventário dos Códices Iluminados até 1500. Vol.2.
Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda.
17. Martins, A.A. 2003. O Mosteiro de Santa
Cruz de Coimbra. Séculos XII-XV. Lisboa: Centro
de História – Universidade de Lisboa; Gomes,
S.A. Gomes. 2000. Limine Conscriptionis: Do-
cumentos, Chancelaria e Cultura no Mosteiro de
Santa Cruz de Coimbra: Séculos XII-XIV. Coimbra:
Polimage Editores.
18. Ferreira, T.D. and Santana, A.C. 1993. O tra-
tamento documental de manuscritos ao serviço
in the Public Library of Porto 16. It is one of the monasteries that have received more
attentions from scholars 17.
Santa Maria de Alcobaça is a Cistercian monastery founded in 1153, the year in
which St. Bernard died. Its foundation is also regulated through a «Carta de Couto»
given to the white monks. Only few codices are dated, but the fact the construction
of the monastery only started in 1179, shows that the scriptorium would have started
to operate lately. It possesses a set of approximately 458 volumes from the Middle
Ages, of which 160 illuminated ones from the last quarter of the 12th and first quarter
of the 13th century, which are kept in the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal 18.
2. Characterization of the manuscripts from Alcobaça,Lorvão, Santa Cruz collections (12th-13th centuries)
As far as the contents of the libraries of Alcobaça and Santa Cruz are concerned,
there is, in both, a strong predominance of works related to the Patristics (documents
written by the Fathers of the Church transmitting the Christian thoughts of the 3rd
to 8th century). Although in Alcobaça the Greek Patristics were highlighted, it was
however almost absent in Santa Cruz. In Alcobaça we found a significant number
of Fathers from the East. Amongst them, Origen, John of Damascus, St. Ephrem,
St. Cyprian, St. Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesarea and John Chrysostom. In Santa
Cruz, we only have Origen and Eusebius of Caesarea with the Ecclesiastic History,
which was justified by the presence of the Bernardin spirituality in the formation
of Alcobaça monastery. As far as the Latin Patristics is concerned, the resemblance
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 5 7
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
da investigação: a experiência da Biblioteca Na-
cional. Cadernos BAD, p. 1.
19. Twelfth century encyclopaedias, contempora-
ry for the ms. studied.
20. In Santa Cruz there is only one copy from
Papias.
between both libraries should be stressed. Saint Augustine and St. Gregory in Al-
cobaça, and Saint Augustine and Saint Isidore, in Santa Cruz (library in which we
also find a copy of Saint Ambrose, St. Gregory, St. Bede and Cassian), are the most
representative authors, being significantly higher in number in Alcobaça (for exam-
ple, Saint Augustine appears about twenty times).
The encyclopaedias are the second group of works, being present Saint Augustine
with De doctrina christiana, Saint Isidore with Etimologias, St. Bede with De Rerum
Naturam and Hugh of Saint Victor with Didaskalion. In both monasteries, the ency-
clopaedias from Honorius Augustodunensis and William of Conches are absent 19.
Peter Lombard, a polemic author whose work is considered by some to be one of
the most important for the study of dialectics and by others a compiler, is largely
represented in Alcobaça, however it is absent from Santa Cruz.
In the libraries of both monasteries, there are also texts from theologians and homi-
leticians, such as St. Bernard and Hugh of Saint Victor, with the latter being an im-
portant author as he represents the speculative mystics. The De Sacramentis, existing
in Alcobaça as well as in Santa Cruz, is a large Summa Theologica. However, contrary
to what expected, St. Bernard is not the most represented author, even though his
works spread rapidly through the library of Alcobaça. Here, we can also find one of
the first works of Saint Anselm, Cur Deus Homo, of mystic character, but three of his
fundamental works are absent: the Monogium, the Proslogium and the De Veritate.
Another well represented group in Alcobaça, though less significant than in Santa
Cruz, is the Hagiography, the narration of miraculous and exemplary achievements
of the Saints. These manuscripts constitute one of the most important remaining
hagiographic collections from the 12th century, being an important link in the history
of the first Cistercians legendaries. Writings in Law are absent from Santa Cruz, while
present in Alcobaça but with an insignificant number, apart from Bucardo and Bernar-
do Papiense, the Canons of the Fourth Council of the Lateran, the Livros do Uso de
Cister, the Cistercian Carta Caritatis and Consuetudines (Charter of Charity). The De-
cretum Gratiani, not present in the library but whose existence is known in Clairvaux,
Pontigny and Fontenay, is considered as one of the lost manuscripts from the library.
We highlight the Grammar works linked to teaching 20, which are well represented
through Papias, and also with Alexander of Villedieu, Garnier of Rochefort (Cister-
cian monk of Clairvaux) and an Alegoric Dictionary of Pedro Cantor.
We emphasize also the presence of the Bible, the Book, whose existing copies, due
to the importance given in terms of dimension and care to its execution and orna-
ments, show the importance they had in this library. It is also worth mentioning that
the two Santa Cruz bibles present only the Old Testament, with the New Testament
being absent in this library. Finally, there are the liturgical books, which are quite
significant in the constitution of these two libraries, due to their number and qual-
ity, the Psalters and Missals.
At the end of the twelfth century, the Portuguese monastic cultural context was
spiritually propitious to the De Avibus of Hughes de Fouilloy, a text that was meant
to be a behaviour model for the lay – brotherhood community, explaining to them
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 5 8
21. Miranda, M.A. et al. 2010. On Wings of Blue:
The history, materials and techniques of the Book
of Birds in Portuguese scriptoria. in Afonso, L.U.
(ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da
Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação, 181-
182.
22. The involvement of the Bishop of Coimbra,
D. Pedro Soares, in the expulsion of the Benedic-
tine monks from the Lorvão monastery, prompt
us to consider the possibility that they would
have carried with them some of the codex and
left others, possibly some mss. that were neces-
sary for the religious service as De Avibus and the
Lorvão Apocalypse.
23. The Lorvão Apocalypse is part of a large col-
lection of manuscripts known as Beatus, a name
derived from the Beatus of Liébana, a monk who
lived at the turn of the eighth to the ninth cen-
tury, in Liébana and wrote a Commentary to the
Apocalypse of Saint John, in an environment of
belief in the end of the world, accentuated by
the closeness to the end of the millennium and
an Iberic Peninsula that was converted to the Is-
lam. It is believed that the original manuscript
would have been illuminated and that it would
communicate the visual message of the events
that occurred since the Revelation of Christ up
until the moment of the reconstruction of New
Jerusalem. In these manuscripts text and image
are intrinsically interconnected.
24. Lorvão 5, 43 and 50; Alcobaça 410; Santa
Cruz 4 and 27. Supplementary material at www.
dcr.fct.unl, section Events – Medieval Colours
Conference.
25. This in part explains our engagement in the
critical edition of The book on how to make co-
lours that is presented in the Varia section of this
number.
26. The BPMP manuscripts were studied in a Mo-
lab mission, in the framework of the Eu-ARTECH
European project. www.eu-artech.org/files/ME-
DMAN-UserReport.pdf
27. Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2010. Bright light: mi-
crospectrofluorimetry for the characterization of
lake pigments and dyes in works of art. Accounts
of Chemical Research. 43(6): 857-866.
the mysteries of incarnation using birds as examples. The three monasteries had a
copy of the «Book of Birds» 21.
The Lorvão monastery, as previously referred, unlike the two other monasteries,
present a very heterogeneous collection 22 as well as a few number of manuscripts.
Within this project were studied the manuscripts dating from the Iberian monachism
period of the monastery until the Cistercian period, which include two Lectionaries
(one Temporal and one Santoral), one Martirology, one Psalter, a manuscript of Saint
Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos (1183), one Gradual, one Livro das Calendas
and two dated manuscripts, the Book of Birds (1183/84) and Lorvão Apocalypse
(1189) 23.
The manuscripts selected for study, produced during the 12th and the first half of
the 13th century, are available as Supplementary Material 24, together with the folia
object of molecular characterization. Thirteen manuscripts were chosen from the
Santa Cruz collection, fourteen from Alcobaça, and eleven from the Lorvão collec-
tion. This selection was based not only on the chronological period established, but
also on the richness of artistic and chromatic features. Many of the manuscripts are
only tentatively dated,Tables AP1-AP3, and only 6 24 present a colophon in which a
date was originally included by the author.
3. Colour: molecular characterization
We approach the study of the materials and techniques of medieval illuminations
from three perspectives: art history, molecular analysis of the original artworks and
historical accurate reconstructions 25. This section will describe the results of the
molecular analysis in Portuguese medieval paint colours. In this research, we aim to
unveil the complete paint formulation, including the proportions of which colour-
ants, binders, fillers and other additives were used. With this knowledge, it will be
possible to reproduce, in the laboratory, a medieval paint that will be as durable and
luminous as the colours that we still find in medieval illuminated manuscripts; we
will also be better prepared to preserve this illuminated heritage.
3.1 ColourantsMissions to Torre do Tombo (ANTT-DGARQ), Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto
(BPMP) 26 and Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (BNP) were carried out during No-
vember 2007, January 2009 and May 2009, respectively. The experimental design
and the analytical techniques are described in Appendix Experimental Design 27.
From the study of all three monasteries’ manuscripts, the medieval Portuguese mo-
lecular palette was proposed Figure 4 28. This included the best colourants available
during medieval times: vermilion, red lead (minium), orpiment, lac dye (and possibly
other red dyes), lapis lazuli, indigo, white lead, carbon and bone black 29 as well as
a synthetic copper green named bottle green. Although included in Figure 4, azur-
ite and malachite were very seldom used 30. In the Portuguese illuminations of the
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 5 9
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
28. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel,
C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa,
uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de His-
tória de Arte – FCSH. 5: 228-245.
29. Cabral, J.M.P. 2006. História Breve dos Pig-
mentos. 4. Das Artes da Idade Média (1.ª parte).
Química-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de
Química. 103: 33-44.
30. They will become later the colour for blue
and green [Moura, L., Melo, M.J., Casanova, C.,
Claro, A. 2007. A Study on Portuguese Manus-
cript Illumination: The Charter of Vila Flor (Flo-
wer Town), 1512. Journal of Cultural Heritage.
8: 299-306].
31. Cabral, J.M.P. 2001. História Breve dos Pig-
mentos. III – Das artes grega e romana. Química-
Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química.
82: 57-64.
32. Miguel, C., Claro, C., Melo, M.J. and Lopes,
J.A. 2009. Green, blue, greenish blue or bluish
green? Copper pigments in medieval Portugue-
se Illuminations. Sources and Serendipity – Tes-
timonies of Artists’ Practice, London: Archetype:
33-38.
33. In this text carmine describes a dark red, ob-
tained from an organic red dye such as lac dye
(laccaic acids A, B, etc.) or cochineal (kermesic
and carminic acid).
34. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in
the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of
Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak
(eds), Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 3-18; Sei-
xas de Melo, J., Melo, M.J., Claro, A. 2006. As
moléculas da cor, na Arte e na Natureza. Quími-
ca-Boletim da Sociedade Portuguesa de Química,
101: 44-55.
35. Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in
Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and con-
vivência. PhD Dissertation. Cornell University.
116-184; Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese
work on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quar-
terly Review. 19: 97-135; Moreira de Sá, A. 1960.
Revista da Faculdade de Letras, 4: 210-223.
twelfth and thirteenth century, lapis lazuli was the colour for blue and was usually
used as a pure pigment 31. Dark blues were obtained by adding indigo to lapis lazuli
(Santa Cruz) or by using indigo (Lorvão). A deep saturated green, named bottle-
green, found ubiquitously in all manuscripts, was always applied as a single colour 32.
Reds were obtained with vermilion that we found as a pure pigment in the lettering
or mixed with chalk or red lead (Lorvão) for more extensive painting. Dark reds or
carmine colours 33 could be obtained both with an organic dye as lac dye 34 (Lorvão)
or by adding an organic dye to vermilion (Santa Cruz). The whites and lights were
applied using white lead, and for the black colour, both carbon black and bone black
were employed. Red lead was used for the orange colour, namely for typical visual
effects, together with pink and white, as depicted in column 2 and 4 of Figure 4.
Orpiment was less often employed, having been found in the Lorvão Apocalypse,
where it was extensively applied, in the Bible Sta Cruz 1 and in the Homiliário Sta
Cruz 4. Other shades of yellow and brownish colours were also found in the studied
manuscripts, but until now their characterization was not possible (please, see also
next section).
Pink and grey colours were consistently applied in the Alcobaça manuscripts and will
be discussed in the section «Colour construction and meaning».
Alongside the molecular analysis of the artworks, paint historical reconstructions
were produced based both on the analytical data and the recipes found in the me-
dieval treaties «The book on how to make colours» 35. These form an important refer-
ence database, that will allow a better understanding of the degradation mechanisms
and to study the most appropriate conservation strategies.
fig.4 colourants and colour patterns in portuguese medieval illuminations
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 6 0
36. Principal Components Analysis (PCA) was ap-
plied in the 2840 to 3000 cm-1 spectral window, a
region less vulnerable to pigments and fillers and
therefore a good infrared window to discriminate
the proteinaceous binding media.
37. The Book of Birds, Lorvão Apocalypse, Lor-
vão 3, 12, 13, 15, 16 and 50.
38. Lapis lazuli does not absorb in the selected
protein region and vermilion does not absorb in
the entire spectral range.
39. See also the paper by Mark Clarke, in this
volume, pag. 138.
3.2 Binders, the invisible sideBinding media, the invisible component of a paint colour, is necessary for the co-
hesion and adhesion. It influences the perception of colour and it may also play a
key role in colour changes over time as well as in the stability of the colour paint.
Therefore, its characterization becomes important, not only to fingerprint the spe-
cificities of the paint’s formulations of Portuguese medieval illuminations, but also
to understand the degradation problems that are now visible in some manuscripts.
Binders can be applied as a single binder (e.g., egg yolk), in mixtures of two or more
polymers (e.g., parchment glue and glair) as well as more complex formulations where
several additives are present in however minor amounts, but could still contribute to
the paint’s film performance and permanence. To address this issue, chemometrics
methodologies were used to compare a considerable number of infrared spectra of
medieval paint colours, unveiling multivariate hidden patterns and by comparison
with a reference database, to characterize the binders present.
The infrared spectra showed that the binder was protein based and therefore the ref-
erence database included infrared spectra for the most probable medieval proteinea-
ceous binders: egg white, parchment glue, egg yolk and casein glue 36, Figure 5. A set
of 19 micro-samples (six blue paint micro-samples and 13 red paint micro-samples)
from eight Lorvão manuscripts 37 was analysed. Vermilion red and lapis lazuli blue
were chosen because they are colours ubiquitously present in the medieval illumina-
tions 38. To quantify the binder composition, a multivariate curve resolution (MCR)
analysis was performed; this algorithm was able to break down the infrared spectra
to its «pure binders»: mainly a collagen binder together with egg white. It was not
yet possible to ascertain if the binders were applied as a mixture or as binder and
varnish, or a combination of both. To further test these results, antigen-antibody
essays are currently in progress.
3.3 Colour degradation over timeWhen studying medieval illuminations, colour changes over time must be taken into
account as they may not only dramatically transform the original colour paint, but
also our perception of the overall colour construction and its meaning. As previously
discussed, faded shades of «yellow colours» are yet to be characterized. It is pos-
sible that some of those faded achromatic yellow paints were originally bright yel-
lows. However, evidence must be found to corroborate this hypothesis, as one must
also consider that many organic dyes (including blues, reds and yellows) may have
evolved to an achromatic yellow- brown stimulus upon degradation 39. Other colour
changes that may give rise to misleading interpretations are the darkening of white
lead and red lead, as these may be interpreted as shading. However, under micro-
scope, the degradation is clearly visible, see bellow. These degradation phenomena
are not frequent in the studied collections, but are present in several manuscripts as
Lorvão Apocalypse, Bible Sta Cruz 1 and Etymologies, Alc 446, Figure 6. The most
dramatic changes were observed in the extensive darkening of the orange colour
used in Apocalypse, Figure 7, and in the loss of the ubiquitous bottle green in all
fig.5 scores plot of a pca model for red (l) and blue paints (l). the grey circle represents the 95% of confidence limit. binders projected onto this model: parchment glue (n), egg white (n), egg yolk (s) and casein glue (s)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 6 1
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
40. Miguel, C. «Le vert et le rouge»: A study on
the materials, techniques and meaning of the
green and red colours in medieval Portugue-
se illuminations. Ongoing PhD Thesis (SFRH/
BD/44374/2008).
the codices. Projects were launched aiming to unveil the degradation mechanisms 40,
as this knowledge is fundamental for the development of stabilization procedures.
Relevant aspects of this on-going research will be next presented.
fig.6 alcobaça 446 (13th century), f.96v evidencing signs of degradation on the white lead on the flesh paint. image © bnp (please see text for more details)
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 6 2
41. Miguel, C., Claro, A., Gonçalves, A. P., Melo,
M. J. and Muralha, V.S.F. 2009. A study on red
lead degradation in the medieval manuscript,
Lorvão Apocalypse (1189). Journal of Raman
Spectroscopy, 40: 1966-1973.
42. Based on the quantification of As, Hg and
S by micro-EDXRF and molecular fingerprint by
microRaman.
43. The experiments were followed by micro-
Raman, micro-EDXRF and XRD, for more details
please see 41.
44. Also known as galena.
45. The general reaction pathway could be des-
cribed by the general reactions described in eq
(1) and (2):
(1) 2Pb3O
4 + As
2S
3 ➝ 3PbS + (AsO
4)
2Pb
3
(2) 2AsO43– + 3H
2O ➝ As
2O
3 + O
2 + 6OH–
46. Colour coordinates in the Lab* system,
L*=35.75 a*=-9.99 b*=7.58 (D65 illuminant and
10.º observer angle).
Orange 41
The red lead from Lorvão Apocalypse changed from being a bright orange to a dark
brown, following three general degradation patterns: a very textured surface where
a pastel yellow colour and red grains were observed, a thin black-grey layer over
the orange and, finally, a thicker layer of a metallic appearance, Figure 7. To further
understand the degradation mechanisms, based on the fact that in the orange paints
the presence of orpiment in ca. 1-4% and vermilion below 2% (%wt) was detected 42,
a set of experiments were designed to test the influence of extenders, pH and the
two other pigments used 43. The results obtained indicated that lead sulphide 44 (PbS)
was one of the main degradation products 45. This concurs with the results obtained in
situ and from Raman analysis on a micro-sample of a degraded area in f. 118, which
confirmed galena as the main degradation product of red lead 41.
fig.7 details from lorvão apocalypse for orange degradation: no visible degradation (angel, f.118), degradation (beast, f.158), and severe degradation that may be misinterpreted as a paint shadow (dragon, f.153v). two macro photos evidence it
Bottle-green32
The bottle-green paints are also suffering from extensive degradation, and even though
this has not affected the brightness or the intensity of the deep green 46, it has however
affected the invisible component of the paint: the binder. Bottle-greens are being lost
due to a weakening in the cohesion and adhesion of the support. The bottle-green has
a glassy fractured appearance under the microscope and under polarized light it appears
as a non-crystalline structure. Historic reconstructions were performed to further char-
acterize this paint, using several copper salts as the source for colour. The experimental
design was based on the material analysis of the greens found in manuscripts, namely
by μ-FTIR, pointing to the existence of a copper proteinate. The reproduction of the
bottle-green colour concludes that copper sources play an important role and, from all
tested compounds, only verdigris, previously dissolved in a 50 year aged homemade
vinegar, proved to be adequate. Work is currently in progress on the framework of a PhD
Thesis 40, to further elucidate both its synthesis and degradation mechanisms.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 6 3
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
4. Colour construction and meaning
In all the collections, as already described, colours are applied almost as a pure col-
ourant in a proteinaceous tempera. In a considerable set of manuscripts, matiz and
highlights are also used to give volume and to create a greater visual impact, Fig-
ure 4. Exceptions have been found in the construction of some dark reds and blues,
obtained by mixing an inorganic pigment with this dye 47; in the pinks and greys,
obtained by adding white lead to red or black (or to dark blue indigo); in vermilion,
which, is sometimes mixed, when applied on a large surface, to a red lead (minium)
with no alteration of its hue, or in the use of fillers, such as calcium carbonate. None
of the mixtures mentioned represents an obstacle for the colours’ visual impact, be-
ing luminous and with unique hues (red, green, blue, yellow), where the contrasts
red/blue or red/green are frequently used. This contributes to the effect of radiance
of light and colours which streams from the Portuguese medieval illumination.
4.1 Santa CruzThe manuscripts dating from the middle of the 12th century, such as Santa Cruz 58
and 17, were probably the first to be produced and present a palette consisting of
yellow, red and green. Another palette with clear dominance of blues, yellows, greens
and reds would later replace. The colours are opaque, saturated and bright and they
are applied homogeneously in backgrounds, using predominantly the contrasts yel-
low/green/red, which would be replaced in the end of the 12th century by blue/red,
such as in the Psalter Santa Cruz 27 or the Bible Santa Cruz 1. Figure 8
47. As already described, the study of colour in
the Santa Cruz monastery collection was carried
out in the framework of a Molab mission and it
was possible, with the aid of a portable fluorime-
ter, to acquire emission spectra and to measure
fluorescence lifetimes in situ. As indigo is easily
identified both by fluorescence data as well as by
Raman spectroscopy it was possible to conclude
that the dark blues were obtained mixing lapis
lazuli with indigo. With regard to the carmine or
dark red colour, the presence of emission was de-
tected but it was low and no match was found in
the database. However, it was possible to con-
clude that the dark red was obtained again by
mixing an inorganic pigment, vermilion, with this
dye. The detection of these mixtures for the dark
blue and red colours is, in itself, important evi-
dence for the characterization of the Santa Cruz
palette, as it was not observed in the manuscript
collections of the two other monasteries, Lorvão
and Alcobaça.
fig.8 details from santa cruz manuscripts. from top to bottom: santa cruz 20 in ff. 152, 173v, 128v and 92; santa cruz 1 in ff. 314, 338, 197, 206v, 364v, 362v, 364 and 362v,
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 6 4
4.2 Alcobaça: matiz and volumetryIt has been revealed that the religious community of Alcobaça knew the new proc-
esses of manuscript painting, delivered through prescriptions and treatises present-
ing a Byzantine influence. This influence is visible in Italy, as well as in Catalunya,
Bourgogne and Champagne.
Besides Saint Bernard’s prohibitions 48 on image and colour, the matiz technique
generalized in the Clairvaux scriptorium allowed to develop volume and a diversity
of shades in one letter, mostly at an ornamental level. In Alcobaça, the monks only
applied monochromatism as an exception and used this technique in letters full of
volume and exuberance. The ornament presents a more restrictive palette in the first
manuscripts, diversifying latter in the liturgical manuscripts. This can be verified in
the set of Alcobaça missals 49. Figure 9
48. Lucet, B. 1974. La codification cistercienne
de 1202 et son évolution. Roma: Editions Cister-
cien. Litterae unius fiant et non depictae (Letras
de uma só cor e não figuradas).
49. BNF, Alc 249, 251-53, 255-59.
50. Miranda, M.A., Claro, A., Lemos, A., Miguel,
C. and Melo, M.J. 2008. A Iluminura Portuguesa,
uma abordagem interdisciplinar. Revista de His-
tória de Arte – FCSH. 5: 232.
51. Gage, J. 2009. Color and Culture. London:
Thames and Hudson, 61-64.
52. In this counting are not included canon ta-
bles, schema and marginal illustration.
53. Wirth, J. 1999. L’image a l’époque romane.
Paris : Du Cerf, p.389 : «La façon de placer les
couleurs est particulièrement intéressante. Dans
l’ensemble, elles forment des bordures et ne cou-
vrent qu’exceptionnellement un champ, laissant
le parchemin nu sur la plus grande partie de sa
surface. De part et d’autre de l’arche, Hugues
dispose trois poutres adjacentes dans le sens de
la longueur, formant des bordures successives
d’inégale épaisseur. La plus forte est à l’extérieur
et celle du milieu est la plus fine, contractée en-
tre les deuz autres. Dans la partie supérieure de
l’arche, correspondant au temps de la loi naturel,
le vert est à l’extérieur, la pourpre au milieu et le
jaune à l’intérieur. Dans la seconde partie, cor-
respondant à la loi écrite, on a successivement
le jaune, le vert et la pourpre. Enfin dans la troi-
sième partie, celle de la grâce, on a la pourpre, le
jaune et le vert».
fig.9 details from alcobaça manuscripts. from top to bottom: alcobaça 419 in ff. 1v and 91v, alcobaça 426 in f. 252 and alcobaça 446 in f. 96v
4.3 LorvãoEven though the Lorvão collection is the most heterogeneous, it includes two manu-
scripts that present relevant characteristics in the national and international context,
having, for this reason, a monographic treatment. They are Lorvão Apocalypse and
the Book of Birds, which will be later discussed.
Besides the restricted palette of red, orange, yellow and black colours, Figure 10,
the particularities of Lorvão Apocalypse in the context of Romanesque illumina-fig.10 colour mapping of lorvão apocalypse by relative areas
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 6 5
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
tion in Portugal are also due to the fact it is the only one with an iconographic
programme 50. The exclusive use of theses colours makes us search for its mean-
ing; the predominance of yellow (50% of the area), materialized in the orpiment,
provoke a luminous effect, which may be related to an aesthetic of light common
to the Christian and Arabic worlds, where it is linked to the divine 5. The symbolic
and eschatological character of the text and image in the literary tradition of the
commentary on Apocalypse, and the need to spread a message in the political and
religious context of the peninsular Christian expansion, would have conducted
the artist of the Lorvão Apocalypse to create an iconographic programme which
is conveyed in 88 52 images. He opted for the use of contrasting and luminous
colours applied in the backgrounds and transparent bodies, which seems to exalt
the spirituality present in the text. The Portuguese illuminators would use this
painting process for a long time. There is a predominance of the use of drawing,
being colour applied in the backgrounds 53. This practice had a large widespread
in the Western Christian manuscripts, namely by the Norman (Mont Saint Michel,
Fécamp Abbey) and Southern France communities (Albi, Limoges and Moissac)
and also the Saxon world.
In the other manuscripts, we can say that, generally speaking, we observe an ex-
tensive use of carmine 54, directly applied on the parchment, like in Diagrama da
Pomba (Book of Birds, f.6), or on the minium, to darken it and create an effect of
relief (incidire). Moreover, it is mixed with white lead to create a scale from dark
to light (matiz), Figure 4. This organic red, lac dye in the Book of Birds, could be
a characteristic of the Portuguese medieval illumination and, together with blue 55
indigo, was a colourant used in luxury fabric dyeing. By that time, both colourants
were integrated in the extensive net of trade routes created by the Arab conquest 56.
The use of white lead for the white colour is also characteristic. The contemporary
European production presents many common characteristics, such as the use of lapis
lazuli for blue, of vermilion for red and the presence of minium in the palette. The
latter being applied pure, as already described, or in a matiz from pink, dark red and
very dark red (or black) 57 Figure 4. It is important to mention that, in the Book on
how to make colours 35, two recipes are described to obtain a lac dye carmine 58 as well
as one for a parchment glue tempera. It is worth to stress that Besides Ivo Castro 59,
a Portuguese expert in linguistics, also Devon Strolovitch 60, author of one of the
recent critical editions of this manuscript, states that this manuscript is the product
of a cult and socially integrated Hebrew community. Our critical edition of the sci-
ence involved also shows that some recipes reflect complex technological processes
but, generally, allowed us to obtain the colours described 25. So, we may conclude
that there are evidences that, in the 15th century, the Hebrew community had the
necessary knowledge to prepare a medieval colour paint and, even more important,
this know-how was part of a more ancient tradition as discussed in a recent linguistic
analysis 61. Further investigation in the technological aspects of the Book on how to
make colours will probably allow us to reach conclusions on the contribution of this
community to the colour of the Portuguese illumination.
54. The etymology of carmine is described by Kris-
tol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues romanes devant
le phénomène de la couleur. Zurique: Éditions
Francke Berne, p 170: «carmim, formation hybride
à partir d’un élément de provenance arabe et d’un
élément latin (<qirmizi x minium). (...) quant à /
cramoisi/ (<qirmizi »rouge de kermès», c’est-à-di-
re «rouge de cochenille» aussi) dont l’introduction
est postérieure d’un siècle environ à celle d’/
écarlate/ et de /carmin/ (première attestation
1298), c’este le terme rouge cochenille qui desig-
ne le «rouge foncè», «pourpre», «rouge violâtre.»
55. Anil is synonymous for indigo and it was
commonly used in Portuguese until the first de-
cades of the twentieth century.
56. Lombard, M. 1978. Les Textiles dans le mon-
de musulman: du VIIe au XIIe siècle. Paris: Mou-
ton Editeur, p.252.
57. These red dyes could be obtained from ani-
mal or plant sources, for more details please
see (Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes
in the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook
of Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mus-
sak (eds), Chichester: John Wiley & Sons 6-7).
58. On Chapters 13 and 14 (this one is incomple-
te, with no reference for the colour source). For
producing rose colours, other recipes are present
based on Brazilwood on chapters 8, 9, 27 and 44.
59. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro
de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in
Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As
Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comuni-
cação, p.87: «escrita deste texto em aljamia he-
braica, percebe-se a existência, no séc. XV, de uma
comunidade judeo-portuguesa bem integrada no
tecido nacional, com elevada competência de li-
teracia tanto em hebraico como em português».
60. Strolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in He-
brew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem as
cores, in Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the
Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo
da Comunicação, 29-43.
61. Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro
de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma 1959) in
Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As
Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comuni-
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 6 6
fig.11 colour analysis for the book of birds of the portuguese monasteries (lorvão, santa cruz and alcobaça) and the french abbey clairvaux. reds used for lettering, being part of the illumination, are shown slightly out
cação, p.87: «a co-presença de camadas linguís-
ticas de diferente cronologia mantém a possibili-
dade de fontes textuais mais antiga».
62. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues roma-
nes devant le phénomène de la couleur. èditions
Francke Berne.
63. Melo, M.J. 2009. History of natural dyes in
the ancient Mediterranean world. Handbook of
Natural Colorants, T. Bechtold and R. Mussak
(eds), p.7.
64. Possibly this vocabulary was brought by the
Arabs into the Peninsula, but it derives from the
Persian word for the blue stone lapis-lazuli, lã-
zaward. Kristol, A.M. 1978. Color. Les langues
romanes devant le phénomène de la couleur.
Èditions Francke Berne, 237- 238.
65. Lack of published molecular data on the ms.
collections contemporary to ours.
4.4 General conclusionsFrom our investigation of colour of medieval Portuguese illumination, it emerges
that the materials used in its production, play an important role in a global history.
The cultural importance of the materials of colour is well presented in our language,
where many terms used to designate colour come from the materials source, that is,
medieval colourants. Thus, taking for example, the red and blue, the Portuguese ety-
mology is for both directly related to the source producing the colour 62. In the case
of red, the small parasite from which dye was extracted, vermiculum in Latin 63; in the
blue, to the semiprecious stone lapis-lazuli from which the most coveted colour of
the Middle Ages was obtained 64. Thus, one of the aims of this investigation would be
to compare the materials used in the creation of colour of the Portuguese medieval
illumination with some of the used ones in other important European centres, such
as France and Spain. This comparative analysis is however not yet possible 65, and in
order to overcome this obstacle, we decided to launch a project on colour mapping,
which includes quantifying relative proportions of the area occupied for each colour
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 6 7
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
in the illuminations. In a first phase, we will quantify the areas of the main colours
used in the Portuguese manuscripts: the red, carmine, orange, blue, green, black
and yellow. In the Portuguese case, it is possible to associate a molecular palette to
these colours. We tested the potential of this approach with the Books of the Birds
from the Portuguese monasteries, comparing them with the one of the Clairvaux
monastery 66, Figure 11. In a first analysis, it was possible to verify that the distri-
bution of colours of the codex of Alcobaça is identical to the one of Clairvaux, as
expected, considering the similarity of its iconographic programme. One of the most
interesting and unexpected results which emerged from the analysis of the Book of
Birds from Lorvão is the evidence of the amount of red being identical to the blue
one, as if those two colours existed in its contrast. We emphasise the low proportion
of green in this manuscript, which was increasing from the Santa Cruz manuscript
to the Alcobaça at the expense of the blue. Will these data allow us to propose a
review in the dating of theses codices towards a more recent dating of the Lorvão
manuscript? In other words, the progression of blue 67 (and the regression of green)
corresponds to a change of paradigm, the blue ascending to the main colour in the
medieval palette, taking for itself, the meaning of spiritual colour? This is a ques-
tion to which only an analysis on a larger number of manuscripts could answer; an
analysis that is actually going on. However, it is possible to add that this hypothesis
is in agreement with the new dating of the Clairvaux manuscript, 1170, proposed
by Patricia Stirnemann and Rémy Cordonnier 68.
5. Outlook
One of the often-neglected components in the study of medieval illumination is what
it is made from: paint. As if the materials, their process and technology involved were
not also a cultural product, so many times paradigmatic. In the technological revolution
started in the Middle Age, which coined the western modern civilization, the techno-
logical production is a cultural product with a high impact. With the present interdis-
ciplinary project, we hope to give contribution to a cultural history of medieval colour,
intrinsically global. The work of the investigation conducted by the interdisciplinary
team has put forward new hypotheses in relation to aesthetic and symbolic options of
the illuminators and to the dating of the manuscripts, Lorvão Apocalypse and De Avibus
respectively. Moreover, we tried to start a narrative that integrates the contributions of
different cultures, which coexisted in the Romanesque Portugal. We have integrated
diverse evidences which, even apparently dispersed, allowed us to forecast a consist-
ent pattern. For example, two of the most important colours of the medieval palette,
the red and the blue, were traded and/or processed by the Arabs or Jews. Thus, lapis
lazuli and lac dye (dark red) were imported from Afghanistan and India; the vermilion,
though it could be imported from the Almaden mines as a mineral, became a produc-
tion of Arabic sciences, that is, obtained by (al)chemical synthesis, combining mercury
and sulphur. This recipe is clearly described in detail in the Hebrew-Portuguese Book
66. Manuscript preserved at Troyes Library, BM
177.
67. As proposed by Pastoureau, M. 2002. Bleu.
Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 67-68; Gage, J. 2009.
Color and Culture. London: Thames and Hudson;
and Brussatin, M. B.1995. Oro e azzurro. Lezione
sui colori, Veneza: Libreria Editrioce Cafoscarina,
p 13.
68. Based on the findings of Rémy Cordonnier
and discussion with Patricia Stirnemann.
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 6 8
69. The new date for this ms. 15th century, was
recently proposed by the team of FLUL that stu-
died the treaties on the art of painting produ-
ced in Portugal from Medieval Ages to 1850. It
is probable that some of the processes described
in the manuscript reflect older traditions. As Ivo
Castro could establish, based on linguist analy-
sis, the first version could date form the 13th-
14th centuries. Inês Villela-Petit was one of the
first scholars to propose a new date for the ms.
For more details please see, Luís Afonso (p14)
e Ivo de Castro (p93-94) in Afonso, L.U. (ed.)
2010. The Materials of the Image. As Matérias
da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação. As
well as paper by Maria João Melo and Catarina
Miguel in Varia section of this volume, pag. 290.
70. PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008.
71. As an example, the workshop that was or-
ganized in the framework of the International
Day of Museums, to a public ranging from 7 to
77 years old (please see http://www.cvtv.pt/
imagens/index.asp?id_video=295 and http://
www.cvtv.pt/imagens/index.asp?id_video=302).
These workshops are based on the step by step
[Melo, M.J., Miranda, M.A. (coord.), Claro, A.,
Lemos, A. and Miguel, C. 2007. À descoberta da
cor na iluminura medieval com o Apocalipse do
Lorvão e o Livro das Aves, published online at
http://www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/step-by-step].
72. See paper on Varia section of this volume,
pag. 294.
on how to make colours 69. In the case of, it is in the meaning of the colour itself that
we can find evidences of the Islamic culture influence, consistent with the fact it was
copied in Lorvão, located in a region that was an important centre of the Mozarabic
culture, from a Mozarabic codex of the 10th century.
Within the current on-going project Colour in medieval illuminated manuscripts:
between beauty and meaning 70, we wish to deepen this lead and seek for new evi-
dences which will allow us to unveil the meaning of the colour in medieval codices,
detecting the contributions of the three medieval cultures which forged together
Portugal, that is the Hebrew, Muslim and Christian cultures.
Finally, and as a way to share our findings with the interested audience, in addition
to hands-on workshops of production of medieval illumination that we frequently
organize since 2007 71, we will also explore the modern computer interaction tech-
nologies 72, with the main focus on children and young publics. We intend to achieve
an engaging, intuitive and easy to use interactive system. This installation will simu-
late the illuminations’ creation process in the medieval period, addressing several
aspects from the materials’ origin and production methods to the painting process.
It will also show users the historical and social context of that time and reveal the
meanings of the colours and images depicted. •
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Biographies
Ana Claro obtained her PhD in Conservation and Restoration in 2009 from the Univer-
sidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal. She was a trainee assistant at this University
(2005-2009) and joined the Associate Laboratory REQUIMTE-CQFB (FCT-UNL) in 2004
and the Medieval Studies Institute (FCSH-UNL) in 2005. Her primary research focus
is the study of materials applied in illuminated manuscripts. She worked at the Getty
Conservation Institute as a Visiting Post Doc (2009). Currently she is doing research on
Asian organic colorants as Post Doc at Centre for Overseas History (CHAM-UNL) and
Hercules laboratory – Évora University.
Ana Lemos is graduated in History-Art History by Faculdade de Letras, Lisbon University.
In 2006 she integrated the research team supervised by Maria João Melo and Maria
Adelaide Miranda, working on the study of colour in Portuguese Medieval Illuminations.
In 2009, Ana Lemos got a Master degree by Faculdade Ciências Sociais e Humanas,
New University of Lisbon, with the thesis «Um Novo olhar sobre o livro de Horas de
D. Duarte». Currently, she is working on her PhD thesis entitled «Catálogo dos livros
de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções públicas portuguesas (primeira
metade do século XV)».
António Pereira Gonçalves is graduated in Chemical Engineering by Instituto Superior
Técnico (IST), Technical University of Lisbon, and PhD in Chemistry (IST). He has been
focusing his research on solid-state chemistry, Materials Science, High Temperature
Chemistry and Crystallochemistry. António Pereira Gonçalves is currently a Principal
Researcher at Instituto Tecnológico e Nuclear (ITN), and is responsible for the High
Temperature Synthesis and Crystal Growth and for the Films Deposition Laboratories.
Catarina Miguel studied Chemical Engineering at Instituto Superior Técnico (IST),
Technical University of Lisbon. After a final internship at the Portuguese Institute for
Conservation and Restoration (IPCR) in 2004, she joined Maria João Melo research group
(DCR-FCT-UNL) on the study of colour in Portuguese Medieval illuminations. Presently,
she is focusing her studies on art and technological source research, in the framework of
her PhD thesis «Le vert et le rouge: A study on the materials, techniques and meaning of
the green and red colours in medieval Portuguese illuminations».
João A. Lopes is graduated in Chemical Engineering by Instituto Superior Técnico (IST),
Technical University of Lisbon, and PhD, also by IST. He is a Researcher at Requimte, and
member of the Physical-Chemistry group of Faculdade de Farmácia, Oporto University.
His research interests include Chemometrics, Process Analytical Chemistry, Vibrational
Spectroscopy, Process Systems Engineering and Biospectroscopy. João A. Lopes current
research activity is focused on the development and application of chemometrics
and data-mining tools through the principles of process systems engineering. Main
research interests consist on on-line, in-situ, non-destructive and automatic systems
for monitoring.
Maria Adelaide Miranda has graduated with a degree in History from Faculdade de
Letras, Lisbon University. MA and PhD degrees, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 7 2
(FCSH), New University of Lisbon. Associated professor of Medieval Art History at the
Department of Art History (FCSH-UNL, Lisbon). Her research interests in Medieval Art
include the study of colour, iconography and manuscript illuminations, having coordinated
interdisciplinary projects such as «The colour of medieval illuminations» and «Imago».
She is a fellow researcher at Instituto de Estudos Medievais and associate researcher
at Instituto de História da Arte as well as member of the editorial board of the journals
Medievalista on line (IEM) and De Arte (Univ. de León).
Maria João Melo obtained her PhD in Physical Chemistry, in 1995, from New University of
Lisbon. In 1999, after a Post Doc at ICVBC-CNR in Florence, she joined the Conservation
Unit at the New University of Lisbon, where she is responsible for the C&R scientific
laboratory. Since 1999 she has also been researcher at Requimte. Her research interests
include the colour of medieval illuminations and conservation of Modern Art, namely
the study of the mechanisms of photodegradation in polymer systems and colour paints.
Other areas of interest are Color in Art and Nature and Semiochemistry.
Rita Castro studied Art History, Chemistry and Conservation at the New University of
Lisbon (Caparica). 2009, M.A. Dissertation on Chinese hand-painted wallpaper (18th
century). Since 2010, she carries out research in medieval illumination manuscripts,
particularly in the assessment of parchment and in the study of the meaning of
color. Currently, she intends to develop these subjects in a PhD in Conservation and
Restoration.
Solange Muralha obtained her PhD in Physical Chemistry in 2005, from the University of
Lisbon. The same year she started her research in the field of Conservation Science at the
University College of London, with special emphasis on Islamic illuminations. After this
thrilling experience with collaborations with the Institute of Archaeology in London and
the Vitoria and Albert Museum, she joined the Conservation Unit at the New University
of Lisbon. The research interests follow the colour in medieval illuminations field but also
provenance studies on artistic glazed tiles. The author acquired a proficiency in several
analytical techniques, especially Raman spectroscopy.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 7 3
t h e c o l o u r o f m e d i e v a l p o r t u g u e s e i l l u m i n a t i o n : a n i n t e r d i s c i p l i n a r y a p p r o a c h
The global approach and experimental design set-up for a comprehen-
sive study on colour production for medieval Portuguese illuminations
will be briefly described. Missions, where the equipment is transported
to the institutions where the manuscripts are preserved, were prepared
after a careful selection of the manuscripts by the Art history experts.
From these manuscripts a relevant number of folia were analyzed in
order to ensure statistical relevance. MicroRaman, microFTIR, micro-
XRF and microXRD are powerful complementary techniques and were
used for the characterization of colorants in medieval manuscripts.
Analytical techniques based on emission fluorescence have been re-
cently experimented for the identification of dyes and lake pigments
with rewarding results, and were used to study the organic colourants
in Portuguese medieval illuminations. During the missions, the first
screening is carried out by microEDXRF, which indicates the possible
colorants and extenders present and allows a first quantification of
these elements, moreover its 70 μm enable us to obtain data that is
fig. A2.1
representative for the distribution, in the manuscript, of a certain paint
colour. This was performed by selecting in each folio, and for each
colour, five representative areas and three points in each colour area
enabled to have relevant and representative data, allowing to have
statistical value that can also be used in other analytical techniques,
such as chemometrics. To quantify mixtures even more acquisitions
were needed. An estimate time to analyse a 10x10 cm illumination
with the entire palette applied (Figure A2.1) , reveals that five hours
would be needed to assure its representativeness. For instance in a
blue colour, 11 micro-EDXRF analyses, 11 micro-Raman and 1 micro-
sampling would take at least 50 minutes. Regarding the number of
illuminations by manuscript and the real time to analyse them, one
must choose between a folio by folio analysis or selecting represen-
tative illuminations.
MicroRaman, which allows for high spatial resolution (1- 5 μm spot)
and enables the diverse paint components to be excited separately as
well as emission fluorescence techniques are used to address specific
points, such as the molecular characterization of an inorganic pigment
or a dye, respectively. Together with the spectroscopic investigation,
paints are also analyzed by optical microscopy which allows to unders-
tand how the final colour is built up (e.g., by layers or by mixture),
to detect possible degradation phenomena and to sample the colour
paints that will be subjected to a more detailed characterization in the
laboratory, as regards the colorants, binders and additives. Designed
micro-sampling presents several advantages, namely it keeps to a
minimum the handling of the manuscript and allows for more detai-
led studies in the laboratory, without the time constraint that in situ
mission implies. Typically, in the laboratory a sample is first analyzed
by microFTIR, allowing for binder characterization and to gain an
insight into the full paint formulation. If a dye is present, microspec-
trofluorimetry may be carried out first, as it requires no contact with
the sample and employs a low-intensity radiation. MicroRaman and
microDXR may be used to address specific points; with both methods,
sample destruction may occur. •
Appendix 1
Experimental Design
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A grande experiência do Instituto em análises não-invasivas para a caracterização de
pigmentos, tintas de escrever e corantes permite a identificação das paletas utiliza-
das pelos iluminadores e, por vezes, dos próprios scriptoria. Caracterizam-se ainda
tratamentos e intervenções passadas bem como se avaliam os métodos e produtos
mais adequados para a sua conservação.
Neste trabalho serão apresentados os resultados obtidos, por análise molecular (mi-
croRaman) e elementar (XRF e PIXE), no estudo de três manuscritos, o Pontificale
492 (séc. XIII, Museo Diocesano, Salerno, Italia), a Bibbia Amiatina (sécs VI-VIII,
Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Florença, Italia) e o ms Piana 3.207 (séc. XIII, Bi-
blioteca Malatestiana Cesena, Italia). •
Abstract
The huge experience of the Institute in non destructive analysis and characteriza-
tion of pigments, inks, colours and dyes allows to recognize the palettes used by
miniaturists, sometimes distinguishing the scriptoria themselves, identify posterior
treatments and additions and assess the proper methods and products to be used
in conservation.
We present the results obtained by means of non destructive spectroscopic molecular
(Micro Raman) and elemental (XRF and α-PIXE) techniques in three case study, the
Pontificale 492 (13th century, Museo Diocesano, Salerno, Italy), the Amiatinus Bible
(7th-8th century, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Firenze, Italy) and the ms. Piana
3.207 (13th century, Biblioteca Malatestiana Cesena, Italy). •
palavras-chave
pigmentosxrframanpixeouro musivo
key-words
pigmentsxrframanα -pixemosaic gold
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 7 5
illuminations: secrets, alchemy and conservation in three case studies
Achieving highly accurate information on miniatures composition allows to customize
conservation and restoration strategies aiming at the best preservation with the least
impact. Cultural heritage objects represent complex and multifaceted problems and
conclusions drawn from observations with the naked eye are likely as faulty as those
drawn from limited diagnostics. Moreover, the use of destructive techniques as many
traditional methods actually are is to be avoided, since samples are often unique,
priceless specimens. In order to work out reliable, unambiguous information from non
destructive methods a truly scientific approach, based on multidisciplinary analyses,
laboratory simulations and proper statistics, must be combined to the knowledge of
history, art and of course alchemy that guide the illuminator’s hand.
From the experimental point of view, a rich literature upon the use of elemental
(XRF, LIBS, EXAFS, α-PIXE ...) and molecular (ATR-FTIR, DRIFT, FT-Raman, Micro-
Raman...) spectroscopies can be found. In the light of previous experiences (Bicchieri
et al. 2001, 169), the combination of XRF, α-PIXE and Micro Raman was considered
the proper setup choice.
XRF spectrometry is often (Malzer et al. 2004, 229; Cesareo et al. 2004, 703) ap-
plied to pigments and dyes analysis: information can be achieved in reasonable times
(minutes). Unfortunately, such information is only qualitative on paper and parch-
ment substrates, since elements lighter than Al (Si, in some cases) give a fluorescence
response below the detection limit, so it is impossible to detect organic substrates
even though the organic matrix contributes to the global spectrum. At the same time,
the X-rays penetration depth increases inversely to the atomic weight of the target
element and a sheet of paper or parchment is completely crossed. Quantitative XRF
analysis requires, in fact, that the thickness of the sample could be considered as
marina b icchier i Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione
patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma
(Italy), Head of Laboratory of Chemistry,
marina.bicchieri@beniculturali.it
michela monti Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione
patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma
(Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of
Chemistry,
michela.monti@beniculturali.it
giovanna p iantanida Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione
patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma
(Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of
Chemistry,
giovanna.piantanida@beniculturali.it
armida sodo Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione
patrimonio archivistico e librario, Roma
(Italy), Researcher of Laboratory of
Chemistry, and Università di Roma Tre.
Department of Physics,
sodo@fis.uniroma3.it
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 7 6
infinite, i.e. greater than the average thickness crossed by the used XRF radiation.
Calibration of the measuring arrangement and the use of reliable calibration model
that must be representative of the matrix and target element morphology (particle
size distribution, heterogeneity and surface condition) and concentration ranges of
the sample to be analysed are also necessary.
Contrariwise, α-PIXE allows controlling the penetration into the sample and quanti-
tative elemental information even on trace and lighter elements (above Na) can be
obtained. The simultaneous use of XRF and α-PIXE gives an almost complete charac-
terization of the elemental composition of the sample (Pappalardo et al. 2005, 114).
Raman spectroscopy is a technique sensitive to vibrational states of matter, that
actually constitute a «fingerprint» of the material. Raman spectroscopy can be used
(Colthup et al. 1990, 60) to identify the molecular composition or even the different
state of aggregation of the species in the sample under investigation. The advantages
of Raman spectroscopy consist in the short measurement time (seconds-minutes)
and in the high sensitivity to inorganic compounds. The main problem with Raman
applications is that fluorescence is excited together with the molecular states and
sometimes «screens» the measurement, making it impossible to extract data.
As far as measurements on the Pontificale 492 and Bibbia Amiatina are concerned,
the portable α-PIXE and XRF spectrometers were entirely designed and developed
at LNS/INFN laboratory and the portable micro-Raman spectrometer was a custom-
made instrument developed at Physics Dpt, Roma Tre University.
Measurements on the ms. Piana 3.207 were performed with the Assing Lithos 3000
portable XRF spectrometer and the Renishaw In-Via Reflex Raman microscope cur-
rently owned by the Institute (Bicchieri et al. 2008, 1074).
The full sets of analyses on Bibbia Amiatina and Pontificale 492, including the
instruments and their specifications, are fully described in dedicated articles. (Bic-
chieri et al. 2001, 169; Pappalardo et al. 2008, 466). They will be only synthetically
reviewed in present work, whereas a major focus will be given to the investigation
campaign on the ms. Piana 3.207 and the related experimental work on pigments
analysis and simulation of mosaic gold.
The Bibbia Amiatina, Codex Amiatinus, ms. Laur. Amiat. 1, is the last surviving out
of three copies of the Bible produced in Ceolfrith’s scriptorium in the area of the
twin monasteries of Wearmouth Jarrow in Northumbria between the end of the 7th
century and the beginning of the 8th. It is composed of 1029 parchment sheets,
measures 345 mm x 540 mm and weighs around 50 kg. The manuscript is the most
ancient and complete witness to the Vulgate Latin Bible and it is also a great example
of English uncial writing and of illuminations in anglo-saxon style, influenced by the
Mediterranean-Bizantine one. Therefore its historical interest is inestimable.
The first goal of the analyses laid in the establishment of the original arrangement of
the sheets present in the first booklet. Some pigments, in fact, left offsets on the ad-
jacent sheet that were analyzed under ultraviolet light of two different wavelengths
(253 nm and 365 nm). It should be underlined that the ordering of the sheets coming
out from such a method did not necessarily correspond to the original one, but rather
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 7 7
i l l u m i n a t i o n s : s e c r e t s , a l c h e m y a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n i n t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s
represented the sequence that the pages had likely followed for the bulk of the docu-
ment’s lifetime. However, scholars agreed to adopt it when re assembling the book.
For a complete characterization of the precious manuscript all illuminations were ana-
lyzed coupling Raman, XRF and α-PIXE and have been recognized and classified (Table 1).
The ms. 492 Pontificale of Museo Diocesano di Salerno is dated back to a period
from the end of 13th century and the incoming of the 14th. The manuscript consists
of 349 parchment sheets each having dimensions 400 x 285 mm. The miniatures of
excellent quality, ascribed to anonymous illuminators working in the Bologna area,
were not always completed: in some cases only the preliminary design was present,
in other cases the preparation was not covered by the gold-leaf. These circumstances
gave the unique opportunity to investigate the different techniques used by the
miniaturists and in particular the composition of the gold preparations and their
comparison with the medieval recipes. Using the different penetration depth of the
three applied techniques it was possible to carry out a completely non-destructive
stratigraphy. Resulting palette is summarized in Table 2 .
table 1 the bibbia amiatina palette
Colour Composition
White calcite; white lead
Red red lead; organic lakes; earths
Blue not yet identified pigment, copper-based pigments sometimes mixed with earths
Brown earths (iron and sometime copper) often mixed with orpiment or with gold
Yellow orpiment, organic lakes, earths
Green blue and yellow (orpiment) mixtures; verdigris mixed with an unidentified organic compound
Gray white (sometime calcite, sometime white lead) mixed with blue and carbon black. Silicates containing copper and iron were also used
Metallic inks mixture with variable composition of copper, lead, silver, gold and sometime added with orpiment (arsenic) and earths (iron)
Colour Composition
Gold pure gold leaf, only rarely added with silver
Yellow mosaic gold; yellow-ochre
White lead white
Red red lead, cinnabar
Blue lapis-lazuri, azurite
Brown ochre, earths
Pink organic lake mixed with lead white
Preparations for gold armenian bole + gypsum; armenian bole + gypsum + white lead; gypsum + white lead
table 2 the pontificale palette.
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 7 8
1. Handbook of technical recipes, written in Latin
by anonymous authors in the 14th century and
currently kept at the Biblioteca Nazionale di Na-
poli (Napoli, Italy).
The experimental results also allowed to prepare laboratory reproductions of the orig-
inal illuminations, that were artificially aged and deteriorated in order to test different
adhesives on them and to choose the best and less invasive preservation treatment.
The Decretum Gratiani, ms. Piana 3.207 (13th-14th c.), also known as Concordantia dis-
cordantium canonum is a collection of Canon law. The code consists of 329 parchment
sheets (455 mm x 280 mm) and is preserved at the Biblioteca Malatestiana in Cesena, Italy.
The restoration of ms. Piana 3.207 was the topic of project Salviamo un codice 2nd
edition, an initiative of Alumina – Nova Charta press – with the High Patronage of
the President of the Italian Republic (Savoia 2008). Ms. Piana 3.207 had been pre-
served in a very good condition up to the ‘80s, when it was dramatically maimed:
thirteen pages were torn off, damaging the sewing of the binding, and stolen. In the
following years, the law enforcement retrieved all the missing pages but one (c.107)
which is now considered lost. ICPL (now Icpal), the institutional authority appointed
for library materials preservation, was responsible for the thorough scientific analysis
of the manuscript and for the subsequent restoration.
XRF and Raman measurements allowed us to characterize the palette (Table 3).
Very interesting was the discovery that gilded miniatures had been realised either
with pure gold or with mosaic gold (tin IV sulphide; Fig.1 and 2). The latter pigment,
a yellow crystalline powder that closely resemble gold, was widely used in Europe in
the Middle Age and in the Renaissance and in ms. Piana was applied not as gold-
imitation but in order to obtain particular hues.
To confirm the presence of mosaic gold, a standard Raman spectrum was necessary.
Due to the fact that modern preparation of stannic sulphide differs from the an-
cient methods and that Raman spectra from literature (Edwards et al. 2003, 2291)
had been obtained from the modern compound, we decided to prepare mosaic gold
following ancient recipes. Many texts were consulted, but the most detailed recipe
was found in De Arte Illuminandi 1. Concerning amounts of reagents, not cited in
table 3 the ms. piana palette.
Colour Composition
Gold pure gold leaf, only rarely with traces of copper; mosaic gold
Yellow not fully reacted mosaic gold; yellow-ochre
White lead white
Red red lead, cinnabar, earths
Blue indigo, azurite
Brown ochre, earths
Green not fully reacted mosaic gold mixed with indigo
Black carbon black (for inks, contour lines and shadows)
Other colours mixture of the previously described pigments for other colours and tones
Preparations for gold white lead
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 7 9
i l l u m i n a t i o n s : s e c r e t s , a l c h e m y a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n i n t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s
2. Sulphur and Mercury are the alchemic pair.
They are transported into the «labyrinth of the
transformation of matter» by the external fire. In
the Temple (crucible, Ed.) their marriage is cele-
brated and is only possible with the help of the
arcane fire of salt – the alchemic Priest – able to
transform the metals. In chemical terms, amal-
gam increases the reactivity of tin; mercury re-
duces sulphur to sulphide. In meantime elemen-
tal tin is oxidized to tin IV. Ammonium chloride
decreases the reaction temperature, allowing the
formation of stannic sulphide.
the recipe, we decided to use the proportions suggested by Villavecchia: Dizionario
di Merceologia e di Chimica Applicata (Villavecchia 1932).
The procedure foresees many steps: preparation of Hg-Sn amalgam, addition of sul-
phur and ammonium chloride and heating for a long time, choosing the temperature
in order to obtain the desired hue. In this process we can recognize the two first steps
of the alchemic Opus Magnum, the nigredo (mixing amalgam and the two others
compounds the mixture becomes black) and the albedo (during heating, dense white
fumes rise) 2. When no more fumes appear, heating is stopped and a gold-coloured
powder is found in the crucible: this is mosaic gold.
Even when observed at the microscope, the similarity between the mosaic gold pre-
pared in the lab and the pigment used on the ms. Piana 3.207 is total and Raman
spectroscopy demonstrates that the two compounds had the same structure.
The effectiveness of the presented techniques in analysis of such invaluable manu-
scripts, the related scientific advance and the more than positive feedback from
restorers who take advantage from the obtained information, confirmed once more
the Institute choice of pioneering and always pursuing multidisciplinarity based on
strictly non-destructive methods. •
fig.1 x spectrum of mosaic gold from the original (christ robes). x ray source 96mo; collimator 0.5 mm diameter, acquisition time 600 s, x tube tension 25 kV, current 0.300 ma, esd silicon detector, resolution 160 eV at 5.9 keV
fig.2 comparison between the raman spectra of mosaic gold laboratory sample (black line, microscope image «a») and of the original pigment (red line, microscope image «b»). excitation λ = 785 nm
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 8 0
Bibliography
Bicchieri, Marina, Francesco Paolo Romano, Lighea Pappalardo, Luigi Cosentino, Michele
Nardone, Armida Sodo. 2001. «Non-destructive Analysis of the Bibbia Amiatina by XRF,
PIXE-α and Raman.» Qvinio: International Journal on the History and Conservation of
the Book 3: 169 79.
Bicchieri, Marina, Michela Monti, Giovanna Piantanida and Armida Sodo. 2008. «All that is
iron ink is not always an iron-gall!» Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 39, no 8: 1074-78.
Cesareo, Roberto, Alfredo Castellano, Giovanni Buccolieri, Stefano Quarta, Maurizio
Marabelli, Paola Santopadre, Marcella Leole, Antonio Brunetti. 2004. «Portable equipment
for energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence analysis of Giotto’s frescoes in the Chapel of the
Scrovegni.» Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 213: 703–06.
Colthup, Norman B., Lawrence H. Daly and Stephen E. Wiberley. 1990. Introduction to
Infrared and Raman spectroscopy. San Diego: Academic Press Inc.
Edwards, Howell G.M., Emma L. Dixon, Ian J. Scowen, Fernando Rull Perez. 2003. «Lead/
tin mirror formation from mixtures of red lead and tin sulphide.» Spectrochimica Acta
Part A 59: 2291 99.
Malzer, Wolfgang, Oliver Hahn and Birgit Kanngießer. 2004. «A fingerprint model
for inhomogeneous ink–paper layer systems measured with micro-x-ray fluorescence
analysis.» X Ray Spectrometry 33: 229 33.
Pappalardo, Lighea, Andreas G. Karydas, Despina Kotzamani ,Giuseppe Pappalardo,
Francesco Paolo Romano and Charalambos Zarkadas. 2005. «Complementary use of PIXE-
alpha and XRF portable systems for the non-destructive and in situ characterization
of gemstones in museums.» Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B
239:114-21.
Pappalardo, Lighea, Marina Bicchieri, Michele Nardone, Giuseppe Pappalardo, Francesco
Paolo Romano, Pio Alfonso Russo, Armida Sodo. 2008. «The LNS portable PIXE-alpha
system for the examination of gold preparations in the Salerno 492 code miniatures.»
X-Ray Spectrometry 37 no 4: 466 69.
Savoia, Daniela, ed. 2008. Per giusta causa. Il restauro del Decretum Gratiani (Ms. Piana
3.207) della Biblioteca Malatestiana di Cesena. Padova: Edizioni Nova Charta.
Villavecchia, Vittorio. 1932. Dizionario di merceologia e di chimica applicata, vol. 4.
Milano: Ulrico Hoepli.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 8 1
i l l u m i n a t i o n s : s e c r e t s , a l c h e m y a n d c o n s e r v a t i o n i n t h r e e c a s e s t u d i e s
Biographies
Dr. Marina Bicchieri works since 1979 in cultural heritage field and from 2000 she is
the director of the chemistry department in Istituto centrale restauro e conservazione
del patrimonio archivistico e librario of Rome-Italy (former ICPL). Her research activity
is focused on the chemistry of library materials (cellulose, parchment, inks, pigments,
charges, adhesives, sizes), the study and set-up of new restoring products and new non-
destructive diagnostic methods (μ-Raman, XRF, PIXE-α, μ-IR, AFM, UV-Vis-NIR, SEM)
for writing supports and graphic media.
She taught classes in chemistry, conservation and restoration organized by Italian and
foreign Universities and Public Institutions, the European Union, and several private
institutions.
Michela Monti obtained her Master Degree in chemistry at University of Rome
«La Sapienza» in 2000. From 2001 to 2002 she worked as researcher in the field of
conservation of cultural heritage at the University of Udine and at the Istituto Centrale
per la Patologia del Libro in Rome.
From 2002 to September 2005 she worked as consultant for industrial safety, focusing
on the prevention of chemical risk. Since September 2005 she works for the Chemistry
Department of the Istituto Centrale il Restauro e la Conservazione del Patrimonio
Archivistico e Librario (former Istituto Centrale per la Patologia del Libro), focusing on
the application of X-ray fluorescence for the analysis of library materials and carrying
out research projects on new methods for restoration and conservation of paper and
parchment.
Giovanna Piantanida, after achieving a M. Sc. in Physics (2000), worked for three years in
the Italian R&D site of L.M. Ericsson Corporate. She then decided to turn back to research
activity and obtained a post-doc position in the Department of Physics, at University of
Rome «La Sapienza», co-funded by ICPL, an institution within the Italian Ministry for
Cultural Heritage and Activities. The research project was the finalization of diagnostic
protocols based on physics methods, in particular Atomic Force Microscopt. Currently,
she is a fellow researcher at the Laboratory of Chemistry Icpal (former ICPL) and she is
pursuing PhD in analytical chemistry at University of Ljubljana.
Armida Sodo is researcher at the Physics Department of University Roma Tre. After the
degree in Chemistry (1998), she obtained the PhD in Chemical Physics and then got a
post-doc position at ESRF (European Synchrotron Radiation Facility). Her research studies
concern principally spectroscopic – principally Raman – investigation on Cultural Heritage;
in particular degradation process analyses, material characterisation and development of
instruments devoted to Cultural Heritage applications. She gives university courses and is
co-author of more than 40 publications on international journals, books and conference
proceedings.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
As iluminuras de De Rijmbijbel van Jacob van Maerlant são consideradas das mais
importantes pinturas dos Primitivos Flamengos. O fol. 152v apresenta a seguinte
inscrição: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van
der borch»; i.e.: «Foi no ano de 1332 que fui iluminado por Michiel van der Borch».
O que permite considerá-las como as mais antigas obras de arte flamenga datadas
e com colofon.
Os aspectos estilísticos destas iluminuras estão de acordo com o idioma que era
comum tanto na Flandres como no noroeste de França, sugerindo que a formação
de Van der Borch pode ter aí decorrido.
Estas pinturas, de pequena dimensão, foram analisadas por reflectografia de in-
fravermelho (IRR), microscopia óptica, fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias
(µ-XRF), espectroscopia por reflectância no UV-VIS (FORS) e ainda por técnicas de
imagiologia espectral.
As análises permitiram identificar as tintas e pigmentos bem como as diversas es-
tratégias de aplicação da cor para organização da composição.
Comparam-se os resultados obtidos com as instruções presentes em tratados técni-
cos contemporâneos como o Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum e o de Peter de Saint
Omer, ambos provenientes do noroeste da França. •
Abstract
The illuminations in De Rijmbijbel van Jacob van Maerlant belong to the most im-
portant Early Netherlandish paintings. On fol. 152v it has the inscription: «Doe men
screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «It was
in the year 1332 that I was illuminated by Michiel van der Borch» This makes the
illuminations the earliest signed and dated Netherlandish works of art.
Stylistic features of these illuminations fit quite well into the idiom that was current
in Flanders and Northwest France, and suggest that Van der Borch may have been
trained there.
These small-scale paintings were examined with infrared reflectography (IRR) and
light microscopy, energy dispersive micro- x-ray fluorescence (µ-XRF), fiber optic
reflectance spectroscopy (FORS), and some (radio)spectral imaging techniques.
The analyses helped to identify paints and pigments and the different strategies that
were employed to deal with colour in order to organise the composition.
Terminology and formulae in contemporary technical treatises such as the Liber de
Coloribus siue Pictorum, and in the De Coloribus Faciendi by Peter of St. Omer, both
from North-western France are compared with results of scientific examination of
Van der Borch’s illuminations. •
palavras-chave
flandresmaerlantiluminura flamengaanálises científicasde coloribus
key-words
southern flandersmaerlantnetherlandish illuminationanalysesde coloribus
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 8 3
early netherlandish manuscript illumination: technical aspects of illuminations in the rime bible of jacob van maerlantarie wallert Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Amsterdam
(The Netherlands)
The Rijmbijbel (The Hague, Rijksmuseum Meermanno-Westreenianum, MS 10 B 21)
is one of the most important historical texts in Netherlandish culture. It is a confla-
tion of the Historia Scholastica by Petrus Comestor and the Bello Judaico by Flavius
Josephus. But contrary to contemporary tradition, this text written in 35.000 verses
by Jacob van Maerlant, was in the vernacular rather than in Latin. Maerlant was the
most important Netherlandish author of the Middle Ages. He was the first to deal
in the vernacular with such diverse matters as geography, politics and the arts of
government, biology and the interpretation of dreams. He was also the first to put
the whole Bible in rime in the Netherlandish language, and to write a complete world
history. (Van Oostrom, 1996) Therefore, the Rijmbijbel has achieved a canonical sta-
tus for its significance in the development of the Netherlandish language.
At the same time, the illuminations in this manuscript can be considered to be the
most important Early Netherlandish paintings.
Stylistic features of these illuminations fit quite well into the idiom that was current
in Flanders and Northwest of France. The execution of the illuminations in the Maer-
lant manuscript compares very nicely with the characteristics of either the miniatures
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 8 4
in MS. Lat. liturg. d.42, or those in the Psalter MS Douce 5, both in the collection of
the Bodleian Library, Oxford, in a psalter in the Kongelige Bibliothek in Copenhagen
(Ms. 3384.8o), or those in the so called Ruskin Hours, presently in the J. Paul Getty
Museum, Los Angeles (Ms. Ludwig IX 3; 83.ML.99). These manuscripts all share the
same stylistic features, compositional organisation, colour schemes, facial types, and
patterned backgrounds that are characteristic for the gothic style that was current
in Flanders and Northern France in the beginning of the fourteenth century. (Lyna,
1944, Les Fastes Gothiques, 1981, 276-362)
There is little documentary information on the production of those manuscript illumi-
nations. Identified works of art of the period are scarce. If we can identify illumina-
tions of the period and the region, we usually do not know the names of their mak-
ers. If we know the names of the illuminators, we generally do not have any certified
example of their works. Only a few artists are known by name: Hennequin de Bruge,
Girard de Hainault, and Jean de Saint-Omer. Only from documentary evidence do we
know that Girard de Hainault worked for the dukes of Burgundy around the 1350s,
and that Jean de Saint-Omer worked on one of the tombs of Jeanne d’ Evreux.
We do not know, however, what their art works looked like. The exception being
Hennequin who was, and still is, famous for his impressive design of the stunning
‘Angers Apocalypse tapestries’.(Calkins, 1979, 248-250) The drama and narrative
of the figures, presented more than life size in the Angers tapestries, appears to be
re-enacted, albeit in a very much smaller scale, in the miniatures of the Rime Bible.
Under the full page painting in the Maerlant manuscript, of the Destruction of Jeru-
salem on fol. 152v is the inscription: «Doe men screef int iaer ons heren MCCCXXXII
verlichte mi Michiel van der borch»; i.e.: «It was in the year 1332 that I was illumi-
nated by Michiel van der Borch». This makes the illuminations the earliest signed
and dated Netherlandish works of art. Even though this signature and the presence
of his name in the archives strongly suggest a more Northern Netherlandish origin
(Utrecht), it is generally agreed that the illuminator of the ‘Rime Bible’ must at least
have had training in southern Flanders or northern France.
Terminology and formulae in more or less contemporary technical treatises such as
the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum (British Library, MS Sloane 1754), and the De
Coloribus Faciendi by Peter of Saint-Omer (collection Jehan LeBegue, Bibliotheque
Nationale, Ms 6741), both from North-western France, may therefore provide
relevant information on the making of Van der Borch’s illuminations (Liber de Colo-
ribus, De Coloribus Faciendi).
The Liber de Coloribus for instance, describes the manner in which red lead should
be prepared and applied, and the colours that could be mixed with it: «Minium
molendum est cum aqua sicut uermiculum, et eiecta aqua de cornu, siccabis, et ita
ponenda est glarea ovi, et sic illuminatur ex eo. Hoc minium cum nullo colore mis-
cetur nisi cum albo et uermiculo.»
«You grind minium with water, like vermilion; and when the water has been poured
out of the vessel (horn), you dry the colour; and then add white of egg to it and
use it for illuminating. This minium must not be mixed with any other colour except
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 8 5
e a r ly n e t h e r l a n d i s h m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s o f i l l u m i n a t i o n s i n t h e r i m e b i b l e o f j a c o b v a n m a e r l a n t
1. Observations with the microscope were done
with a Zeiss stereo microscope with 8, 12, 20,
32, to 50 x magnifications. Images were recorded
with a digital Leica DFC 420 C camera. We also
used a AM411T-Dino-Lite Pro digital microscope
with 10x ~ 50x - 200x magnifications.
2. Infrared reflectography (IRR) was done with
a Hamamatsu C 2400-07 camera, equipped
with a N2606 IR vidicon, a Nikon Micro-Nikkor
1:2.8/55 mm lens, and a Wratten 87c (B+W 093)
filter. Digitized documentation is done with a
Pinnacle PCTV framegrabber. IRR-assemblies
were made with Adobe Photoshop CS2.
with white and vermilion.» (Liber de Coloribus, 282-283) Analyses of red areas in
the Rime Bible do indeed reveal those admixtures, and the crack pattern is indeed
typical for a binding medium based on glair. 1 Similarly, the finding of a strong pres-
ence of Ca, Fe, and S in a tan-coloured pigment mixture, visible in abraded areas
of the gilding could be related to a passage in the Liber de Coloribus: «Ocrum si
necessarium tibi fuerit in percameno,… de ocro siue de gipso» «If you need ochre on
parchment, grind it well with water, and when this has been done, add strong white
of egg to it. But you must know that ochre is needed only by painters of murals,
except that, when you wish to make a letter of gold, you lay it in first with ochre
and gypsum.», and: «Gypsum is ground like ochre, but you will not have any use for it
except when you wish to lay gold in books. And then you put on the gold as we have
described in speaking of ochre». (Liber de Coloribus, 284-285) The finding of those ele-
ments is perfectly fitting for the use of a mixture of yellow ochre, a hydrated iron oxide
(Fe2O
3 . H
2O), and gypsum, a calcium sulphate dihydrate (CaSO
4 . 2H
2O). The Liber de
Coloribus is very explicit that these pigments can only be used for laying a gold ground.
And indeed, those were the only instances where that combination of elements
could be found.
All the illuminations and small figures in the borders of the texts were begun with
a fine brush dipped in a carbon black. These drawings define the outlines of the
figures. No attempts to indicate shading or volume were made at this stage. The
underdrawings often show uncertainties in elements that went beyond typically
formulaic figures and shapes like the faces of Christ, or conventions for trees or
draperies.2 Van der Borch especially seems to have had difficulties in defining a cor-
rect anatomy for the human figure. This would suggest that these, sometimes very
complex illuminations were not based on, or copied from precedents in modelbooks,
but ‘invented’ on the parchment. (figs. 1 and 2) These drawings were made after
Fig.1 a. expulsion from paradise (detail), normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly
Fig.2 a. creation of man (detail),normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 8 6
3. Analyses of the writing ink showed a strong
presence of Fe, Ca, smaller amounts of Mn, K,
Pb, and S, but also traces of Cu and Zn. This
might suggest that the ink could have been
made or stored in a brass vessel, or more likely,
that the iron vitriol needed for the making of the
ink also contained traces of zinc vitriol and other
associated minerals.
4. Energy dispersive x-ray fluorescence (XRF)
analyses were generally done with a Bruker Ar-
tax µ-XRF spectrometer, 40kV, 500µA, 60 sec.,
Mo-anode, 0.090µm capillary lens, Helium flush
(1.7 L/min), over 50keV energy range. For the
distribution images a dwell time of 10 seconds
was allowed.
the text was written, the scribe writing in iron gall ink, leaving specific spaces open
for the illuminator to work on. 3 This is evidenced by the fact that sometimes the
illuminator made corrections in carbon black to the texts written in ink. This cor-
rection process also corresponds with contemporary recommandations: «Sed si in
pergamenis… cum ovo distemperatos assumes», «If you wish to lay black over other
colours on parchment, you must not put incaustum, but know that you must take
charcoal distempered with egg» (De Coloribus Faciendi, 138-139 ) (fig. 3).
The outlines in carbon black provided the basis for painting. This was continued in
a fairly limited palette. Larger areas appear to be blocked in with single unmixed
colours. Modulation of drapery folds was accomplished by laying thin translucent
washes over these colour fields. This was further emphasised in the shadow areas
with emphatic strokes of carbon black and in the highlights with linear contour
strokes of pure and unmixed lead white. Definition of forms is still largely depend-
ent on the elongated contours and strokes in carbon black paint.
In general, Van der Borch seems to have had a preference for the use of single, un-
mixed colours. The exception being the flesh tones where admixtures of vermilion in
lead white frequently occur. This can be demonstrated quite nicely in the elemental
distribution images of the head of Christ. 4 (fig. 4) In this image the area for the
gold ground is indicated by the distribution of calcium, present in the gypsum. The
(abraded) gilding is shown by the distribution of the Mα lines for gold. The vermilion,
HgS (here indicated by the distribution of mercury Mα lines), is shown to be mixed
throughout the flesh tone with lead white (Pb Lα, and Pb Mα).
Otherwise, vermilion appears to have been very sparsely used. This practice corre-
sponds to warnings in the treatises: «Si vero minium….est in minio»,: « If the vermil-
ion is very good and new, I put two parts of it, and scarcely the third part of minium.
But if the minium is dusky and very old, put a half or a third part of the vermilion,
and make the remainder of minium; and you must know that the older the vermilion
is by nature, the darker and less useful it is; and the darker it is, less of it must be
Fig.3 a. illumination with text (detail), normal light b. infrared reflectogram assembly
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 8 7
e a r ly n e t h e r l a n d i s h m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s o f i l l u m i n a t i o n s i n t h e r i m e b i b l e o f j a c o b v a n m a e r l a n t
5. A remarkable feature of the azurite used in this
manuscript was the notable presence of barium
and potassium. As in some regions barium salts
are paragenetic with azurite, this may provide an
indication for geographical origin of pigment.
added to the minium» ( De Coloribus Faciendi, 142-143) The vermilion must have
been very old indeed! Only a slight admixture was very occasionally found in areas
that were otherwise done in red lead. Most red passages, even the blood on the face
of Goliath, or dripping from the wounds of Christ, are done in red lead.
Similarly, the blue areas appear blocked out only in pure azurite, a copper(II)carbon-
ate mineral (Cu3(CO
3)
2(OH)
2). Azurite is a difficult pigment to work with. To prepare
it for painting, the mineral needed to be broken up and reduced to powder. The
coarser the powder, the darker and nicer the blue. If it was ground too fine, it tended
to look rather pale greenish sky-blue. The separation of the coarser, darker particles
from the finer, paler ones was accomplished by a process of levigation. The mineral
was ground to powder while wet. As a turbid liquid, the slurry was transferred to a
bowl in which the powdered substance remained suspended by continuous stirring.
Then it was allowed to settle for some time, before being poured off to a second
basin. This affords for the subsequent separation of the mineral into various grades
of fineness, because of the slower subsidence of the finer particles from suspension.
The turbid liquid, was poured into the first of a series of bowls, and was allowed to
stand for a certain time. The coarsest and heaviest particles quickly subside, leav-
ing the finer material suspended in the water, which was drawn from above the
sediment into the next bowl. The liquid is passed from bowl to bowl, remaining
in each subsequently longer than in the preceding one, since the finer and lighter
the particles, the more time is necessary for their deposition. In the illuminations,
in particular for the patterned backgrounds, a very powerfully deep blue azurite of
good quality was used. 5
fig.4 distribution of elements, face of Christ (detail)
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 8 8
6. As no samples could be taken, a proper identi-
fication by chromatography was not possible. The
optical features under the microscope and be-
haviour of the dark blue in infrared, were found
to be consistent with indigoid colorants.
7. Fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (FORS)
was done with an Avantes AvaSpec-2048 Fiber
Optic Spectrometer, based on symmetrical Cz-
erny-Turner design with 2048 pixel CCD detector
array. 200-1100nm. Mikropack HPX-2000 xenon
light source.
Observation of blue passages under the microscope clearly demonstrated that the
artist exploited a finer grained – and thus paler blue – azurite for the lighter pas-
sages. It is notable that in order to obtain a lighter blue, choosing finer grade parti-
cles was apparently preferred over admixture with white. Darker, sometimes almost
black accents, in particular on the background patterns, seem to be of organic nature
and may very well be woad indigo. 6
An equally strict adherence to the use of unmixed pigments in the Rime Bible was en-
countered in the application of copper-based greens, i.e. verdigris (Cu2(OAc)
4(H
2O)
2),
again much as recommended in the texts: «Viride de Gretia in uase…operari po-
teris.», «Put verdigris in a dish made of bronze or electrum and pour wine upon it,
so that the wine may become green. Pour the liquid portion of this mixture into
another bronze vessel, and pour wine once more into the first vessel from which you
remove the liquid. And when this too has been saturated and removed, add wine a
third time. Then you may leave off.» And: «Pone uiride in uino….et sic bonum erit.»,
«Put some green in wine, and rub it well with your finger; when it has settled, take
the liquid part and put it in moderate sunlight, or elsewhere, to thicken. When it is
fit for writing, put it in a vessel made of glass or wax, and you will be able to keep
it in a good condition for a long time. If it is too dark, add a little saffron and the
powder of calcined bones. If you wish to illuminate more easily, take some yolk of
egg, and mix the green wine with it, and grind the green pigment with this mixture
upon the stone, and temper it with the same; and thus it will be good.» (Liber de
Coloribus, 282-285)
By treating copper acetate in this manner and making an almost saturated solution
of it, the pigment dissolving into the wine converts into a very dense, syrupy, cop-
per carboxylate substance. The pigment thereby looses its ‘grittiness’ and acquires
much more pleasant working properties. The illuminator obtained a splendidly deep
emerald green paint that flowed easily from the brush. It was applied in relatively
thick opaque layers but also in thinner, quite translucent paint films, allowing the re-
flective brightness of the parchment – or better still, gold leaf – to shimmer through.
(fig. 5) The smoothness of the thin, translucent green accords beautifully well with
the grainy, particulate texture of the deep blue azurite.
We also found frequent passages executed in a light, opaque, pink colour, which were
often glazed over with darker, deep red, sometimes purple or maroon, translucent
strokes. The organic colorant for both the opaque pink as well as the translucent purple
was tentatively identified as a brazilwood lake. 7 Brazilwood lakes were the most impor-
tant organic reds in the Middle Ages (Wallert, 1986, 52-70, Roger, et al, 2003, 155-170).
The Liber de Coloribus advised: «Lignum brasilii accipitur,… purpureus color», «Take
brazil-wood and scrape it down with a knife into a dish. And after it has all been
reduced by scraping, cover it with white of egg. And when it has steeped and com-
menced to grow ripe, let alum be added in proportion to the quantity of the brazil-
wood. When the brazil has saturated it, the liquid should be drawn off and kept in
another vessel; and when this has been done, add white of egg again, and when it
has become saturated, draw it off»… «If you mix white with brazil, it makes rose-
fig.5 micrograph of green translucent glaze over reflective background (magnification 20x)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 8 9
e a r ly n e t h e r l a n d i s h m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s o f i l l u m i n a t i o n s i n t h e r i m e b i b l e o f j a c o b v a n m a e r l a n t
8. Canon EOS 400D, with 24-105mm 1:4L lens
and Nikon D70 with Micro Nikkor 60mm 1:2.8D
lens were used. Frequently 81A, and 85B-2B fil-
ters were used. Image processing was done with
the use of digital filters and Adobe Photoshop
CS2.
colour; and with azure it makes purple». (Liber de Coloribus, 284-285) In the Rime
Bible, the white added to the brazil wood extract was a simple calcium carbonate
white. This imparted opacity to the mixture and served as colour-stabilising substrate
for the organic colorant.
Images taken in ultraviolet light give a good impression about the extent of the
use of this organic colorant 8. (figs. 6 and 7) It appears to have been applied quite
generously in remarkably swift and open touches.
The analyses of the illuminations helped to identify paints and pigments and the
different strategies that were employed to deal with colour as a means to organise
the composition.
Fig.6 a. tobit healing his father’ s eyes (detail), normal light b. distribution of organic lake in ultraviolet fluorescence
Fig.7 a. tobit setting out on his journey (detail), normal light b. distribution of organic lake in ultraviolet fluorescence
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 9 0
9. In this development towards techniques that
allowed greater flexibility, alternative approaches
induced by the work of the great encyclopaedists
may have played a role. Especially Book XIX: De
Coloribus, odoribus et saporibus (pp. 848-871)
of Bartolomeus Anglicus’ De Proprietatibus Re-
rum must have been influential. (Meier-Stau-
bach, 2000, 451-469).
According to the historical technical treatises compositions should be formed on the
basis of a three-step system of colour application. The points of departure are the
individual fields of colour. Each of these fields of colour tends to be provided with a
specifically prescribed colour for darker shades: incidis. In the next step, each field
of colour is provided with its own fixed colour of a much lighter nature: matizatura.
In the technical treatises of the time, such as the Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum
and De Coloribus Faciendi, this rigidly ordained system of operative forms seems to
have been strictly prescribed.
In the making of the Rime Bible miniatures, however, all the procedures described
in the treatises seem to have been followed, except for the application of the in-
cidis and matizatura system. There the artist allowed himself considerable liberties.
Especially in his use of washes with organic colorants, consciously exploiting effects
of opacity and translucence, Michiel van der Borch went beyond the rules of tradi-
tion 9. In his lively brushwork he added a remarkable sense of freedom and liveliness
to the functionality of the mediaeval method. •
Bibliography
R.G. Calkins, Monuments of Medieval Art, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London,
1979.
De Coloribus Faciendi: Magistri Petri de Sancto Audemaro, De Coloribus Faciendis, in
M.P. Merrifield, Original Treatises on the Arts of Painting, John Murray, London, 1849,
vol. I, 116-165.
Les Fastes du Gothique, le Siècle de Charles V, Galeries Nationales du Grand Palais, Paris
1981.
Liber de Coloribus: D.V. Thompsom, ‘Liber de Coloribus siue Pictorum, from Sloane MS.
No. 1754’, Speculum, I (1926), 280-307.
F. Lyna, De Vlaamse Miniatuur van 1200 tot 1530, Amsterdam, 1933.
C. Meier-Staubach, ‘La matérialité et l’immatérialité des couleurs a propos du traite
De Coloribus d’Avranches 235’, Science antique, Science médiévale, actes du colloque
international, eds L. Callebat and O. Desbordes, Olms-Weidmann, Hildesheim, 2000,
451-469.
P. Roger, I. Villela-Petit and S. Vandroy, Les laques de brésil dans l’enluminure médiévale:
reconstituition a partir de recettes anciennes, Studies in Conservation, 48 (2003),155–
170.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 9 1
e a r ly n e t h e r l a n d i s h m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n : t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s o f i l l u m i n a t i o n s i n t h e r i m e b i b l e o f j a c o b v a n m a e r l a n t
F. Van Oostrom, Maerlants Wereld, Prometheus Amsterdam, 1996.
A. Wallert, ‘Verzino and Roseta Colours in 15th Century Italian Manuscripts’, Maltechnik/
Restauro, 92, (1986), 52-70
Biography
Arie Wallert holds a PhD from Groningen University. Since 1996, he has been curator
for the Scientific Examination Department of Paintings of the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam,
senior scientist in the Department for Conservation RMA. His principal interests are the
analysis of museum objects, the characterisation of pigments, the study of art technical
historical sources and the scientific examination of mediaeval manuscript illumination.
Address: Department of Conservation, Rijksmuseum, Hobbemastraat 22, 1071ZC
Amsterdam; a.wallert@rijksmuseum.nl.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) foi utilizada na análise de uma
Bíblia do séc. XIV proveniente de Nápoles. Este equipamento transportável permite
uma análise in situ dos materiais presentes nestas luxuosas iluminuras.
Puderam assim ser identificados pigmentos como o vermelho de chumbo (mínio),
branco de chumbo, ocre vermelho, vermelhão, azuis e verde de cobre, amarelo de
estanho e chumbo em combinação com pigmentos orgânicos ou folha de ouro e
prata ou ainda com tinta de estanho. •
Abstract
X-ray Fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF) has been used to examine a 14th century bible
manuscript, originating from Naples. This portable equipment provides a powerful
aid to analyse in a non-destructive way the materials of the rich illuminations.
Mineral pigments like red lead, lead white, red ochre, vermilion, copper blue and
copper green, lead tin yellow in combination with organic pigments and with gold
and silver leaf or with tin paint could be identified. •
palavras-chave
manuscritos iluminadosfluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energiasanálise in situpigmentosfolhas metálicas
key-words
illuminated manuscriptx-ray fluorescence spectroscopynon destructive analysispigmentsmetal foils
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 9 3
analysis of the anjou biblemarina van bos Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage (KIK/
IRPA), Laboratory Department, Jubelpark
1, 1000 Brussels (Belgium)
marina.vanbos@kikirpa.be
l ieve watteeuw K.U.Leuven, Illuminare, Center for the
Study of the Illuminated Manuscript,
Department of Archeology, Art History and
Musicology, Blijde Inkomstraat 21, 3000
Leuven (Belgium)
lieve.watteeuw@arts.kuleuven.be
Introduction to the Bible
The Anjou Bible is a unique bible manuscript originating from the beginning of the
fourteenth century. The bible was ordered by Robert I of Anjou, king of Naples and
was intended as a present for Andreas of Hungary who was engaged to the grand-
daughter of Robert of Anjou, Johanna of Naples 1. When Andreas was murdered in
1345, the Bible came in the hands of Johanna’s chancellor Nicoli Alifio, as a present
for his diplomatic missions.
The precious manuscript remained in Royal circles and in 1402 the manuscript is
described in the inventory of Jean Duc de Berry (1340-1416), brother of the French
King Charles V (Avril, 1969; Avril et al, 1984, 2005).
At the end of the 15th century – beginning of the 16th century, the manuscript ended
up at the library of the Arras College in Leuven (Belgium) via the Bishop of Arras and
there it stood for centuries until finally in 1970, the manuscript was deposited at the
Maurits Sabbe Library of the Faculty of Theology of the Catholic University of Leuven 2.
The bible contains almost the complete text of the old en new testament (fig.1). Its size
1. Born in Naples, Johanna was the daughter
of Charles, Duke of Calabria (eldest son of King
Robert of Naples) and Marie of Valois (a sister
of King Philip VI of France). At the age of seven
years (1334), she was betrothed to her six-year-
old second cousin Prince Andrew of the Hun-
garian branch of the House of Anjou, the son
of Charles I of Hungary and younger brother of
Louis I. On the death in 1343 of her grandfather,
Robert of Naples, his will provided that Andrew
should be crowned King of Naples in his own
right as well as Joan’s, Robert having displaced
Andrew’s father, Charles Robert, from the Nea-
politan throne. The Cardinal crowned Joan alone
as Queen of Naples at Santa Chiara in Rome in
August 1344. After the assassination of Andrew
in 1345 (remaining unclear if under her own or-
ders or not), Joan married three more times: with
Louis of Taranto, with James IV of Majorca and
Prince of Achaea and with Otto, Duke of Bruns-
wick-Grubenhagen.
2. Nicolaus Ruterius founded the college in 1508
as a home for poor students. From then until the
18th century, it was gradually converted into a
residential college, with a reception hall, rooms,
a library, a chapel, two courtyards and an interior
garden. After the French Revolution it was sold,
fig.1 anjou bible, full page illuminations © kik/irpa brussels
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 11 9 4
and the building passed through the hands of a
succession of private owners until it was repur-
chased by the university of Leuven in 1921.
is 420 by 280 millimeters and it contains 338 folios with two full-page miniatures and
more than 160 decorated initial and marginal illuminations leaves. The text has been
written by one scribe but the rich illumination is the work of at least three different hands.
One of them names himself on folio 308 at the sequence of the Apocalypse: Chris-
tophorus di Orimina (fig.2). He was the best-known illuminator in the Neapolitan
surroundings in the second quarter of the fourteenth century (Maere 1909, 279 and
Maere 1910, 25) (Bräm, 2007).
fig.2 anjou bible, detail of folio 308 © kik/irpa brussels
The two full-page illuminations in the beginning are clearly made by his hand. The
perspective and architectural settings are simple and straightforward and the facial
expression isn’t very detailed nor expressive, using the profile of King Robert and
other royal members.
A second illuminator added decorations when the codex was probably already in
possession of chancellor Alifio since he adapted the rich decorations to the new
owner. Systematically the imperfection of the edge cuttings in the parchment were
camouflaged by a wide range of fantasy birds with long necks and tales, all executed
in soft pastel colors (fig.3).
The third hand is probably the best miniaturist and he is responsible for all the mar-
ginal work and decoration. Often classical themes and fantasy animals are added to
the narrative scenes (fig.4).
Despite the fame and the richness of the manuscript, the bible has almost never
been reproduced nor displayed in public.
The conservation state of the manuscript was bad: in the beginning of the 20th century
the manuscript was re-bound but the covers were too tight making the manuscript dif-
ficult to open; the parchment was folded and pigments and gold leaves were flaking off.
Therefore in May 2008, a conservation and preservation project started. The project fig.4 anjou bible with decorations of a third illuminator © kik/irpa brussels
fig.3 anjou bible with marginal decoration of a second illuminator © kik/irpa brussels
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 1 9 5
a n a ly s i s o f t h e a n j o u b i b l e
3. For generous support and discussion we thank:
Jan Van der Stock (K.U.Leuven, Research Center
for Medieval Art), Christina Ceulemans (Konin-
klijk Instituut voor het Kunstpatrimonium), John
Lowdon (Courtauld, London), Chris Coppens
(K.U.Leuven, Tabularium,); Leo Kenis en Luc
Knapen (K.U.Leuven, Library, Faculty of Theolo-
gy) and Nancy Turner (Senior paper conservator,
J.P. Getty Museum, Manuscript Department).
4. Macro photographs (Nikon D 70, AF micro-
Nikkor 60 mm) were documenting the tech-
niques and the damage-assessment (Cumulus
5.5©/ digital asset management software). Fur-
ther infra-red photography and infrared reflec-
tography (InfraCAM SWIR – short-wave infrared
– video camera) was combined with highly de-
tailed digital photographs with direct, transmit-
ted and racking light (digital camera MAMIYA RZ
67, Digital back Light Phase I / Nikon D 70 and
EOS I D-Mark II, 100 mm macro lens).
is a collaboration between the Department of Art History, K.U.Leuven, the Royal
Institute for Cultural Heritage in Brussels and Museum M of Leuven and is funded
by the InBev-Baillet Latour Foundation 3.
Experimental
The manuscript is now unbound and the loose folios offer a unique opportunity to
examine the manuscript in detail in the laboratory.
It is obvious that the study of such a precious and delicate work of art has to be
done using non-destructive techniques. First an extensive series of highly detailed
digital photographs with transmitted light and complementary infrared digital pho-
tographs were taken 4 (Watteeuw 2009, 168; Watteeuw et al, 2008, 310; Watteeuw
and Van Bos, 2010, 147).
Then analyses were performed using X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF).
This XRF technique offers a multitude of advantages: it is a non destructive tech-
nique with a very small spot size of only 70 µm, which is important to be able to ana-
lyze small features in a miniature, it offers the possibility to simultaneously analyze
multiple chemical elements and it is a fast analysis technique: each measurement
only takes 120 seconds.
We used the mobile Arttax equipment (Bruker AXS Microanalysis, Germany) with a
Rhodium tube and a built-in color CCD camera (fig.5). The exact location of the meas-
uring spot can be followed (or changed) via the computer screen and also the focusing
of the measuring head to the desired position is done via the computer. During the
experiments an energy of 50 kV, a current of 500 µA and a Mo 25µm filter were used.
Results for the first full page illumination
The first full page illumination is full of self promotion for the Anjou dynasty. One can
read: Rex Robertus, rex expertus in omnia scientia. Robert is sitting on a polychrome
throne ornate on both sides with gilded lion heads, under a colourful canopy with
on the background the gilded lilies of the Anjou dynasty. The King is surrounded by
eight cardinal virtues and at the bottom we find seven vices with Diablo.
The reds
XRF analysis of the orange border (fig.6, XRF 1) results in a spectrum with a large
peak for lead (fig.7a and 7b). Although XRF is an ‘elemental’ analysis technique with
no information on the molecular composition of the lead containing pigment, we
can assume with high certainty that lead is present as red lead (Pb3O
4), since we are
analyzing an orange-red color. Red lead, an artificial pigment, was already known
Fig.5 arttax xrf equipment © kik/irpa brussels
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Fig.7a and 7b xrf spectrum of the orange border and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels
Fig.6 anjou bible, full page illumination with indication of some of the xrf measuring spots © kik/irpa brussels
for miniature painting and manuscript illumination in Europe since the 8th century
on (West Fitzhugh 1986, 109, Munoz Vinas, 1998, 114);
A different result is obtained for the red in the baldachin (see fig.6, XRF 2). XRF
measurement results in a large peak for mercury indicating without doubt vermilion
(HgS) as vermilion is the only pigment containing mercury (fig.8a and 8b). Although
the pigment mercuric sulfide can also be obtained from the mineral cinnabar (HgS),
the use of the artificial vermilion, made by heating mercury with sulfur, was already
so widespread in the 14th century that nor in ‘Il libro dell’Arte’ from Cennino nor in
‘De Arte Illuminandi’ (Thompson et al, 1933, Brunello, 1975) a recipe can be found
for the preparation of this vermilion.
Measurement of the red used for the arm of the throne (see fig.6, XRF 3) gave again
a different result: a spectrum with different peaks indicating a mixture of pigments:
mercury (indicating vermilion), lead (lead white or red lead) and than a very large
peak for iron (fig.9a and 9b) . This suggests that also red earth (containing hema-
tite Fe2O
3) is present here. Associated with the large iron peak is the small peak for
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titanium probably indicating the mineral ilmenite (FeTiO3) present in the naturally
found red ochre’s (Eastaugh, 2004, 320)
A bright red can be found on the border of the miniature (see fig.6, XRF 4).
XRF measurement gives only a weak response with a mayor peak for calcium (fig.10).
This spectrum corresponds well with the spectrum obtained for the parchment itself.
As organic reds are known for manuscript illumination, it is likely that an organic red,
which can not be verified by XRF measurement, is responsible for the bright red color.
Fig.8a and 8b xrf spectrum of the red used in the baldachin and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels
Fig.9a and 9b xrf spectrum of the red used for the arm of the throne and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels
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The blueAll blue areas in the full page illumination, ranging from dark blue to light blue or from
architectural decoration to the clothes of the King or one of the cardinal Virtues gave all
a comparable result after XRF analysis: a large peak corresponding to copper, probably
indicating azurite as blue pigment (fig.11). Azurite, a basic copper carbonate (2CuCO3.
Cu(OH)2) is prepared by grinding and washing of the mineral which was occurring in
copper deposits in Italy, Spain and particularly Germany (‘azurium de Alamania’).
Fig.10 xrf spectrum of the bright red border © kik/irpa brussels
Fig.11 xrf spectrum of a blue area © kik/irpa brussels
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The green
XRF analysis of the green socle of the throne (see fig.6, XRF 5) resulted in a spectrum
with peaks for lead, copper and tin. Although the exact interpretation of this result
in terms of composition ànd paint layer built-up can not be given, it is likely that a
mixture of pigments is used here: lead white, a copper green or copper blue and a
lead tin yellow (fig.12). Different relative amounts of these pigments, as shown by
different peak heights of lead and copper, give different color intensities: ‘more’
copper for the darker green areas. The mixture of malachite (CuCO3.Cu(OH)
2) with
giallorino (an artificial made lead-tin yellow) was described by Cennino.
On top of this green layer, occasionally a transparent organic layer is applied to
brighten the color.
The white
The white inscription on top of the illumination is based on lead white as evidenced
by the large lead peak in the XRF spectrum. Lead white, the basic lead carbonate
(2PbCO3.Pb(OH)
2), made by reaction of vinegar to lead strips, is described in the
Arte Illuminandi as the only white color suitable for illuminating practice.
Metal: paint and foil
Gold leaf is used for the scepter hold by the King or for the decoration in the baldachin.
This gold leaf is either applied on a grayish ground layer or on a bright red under layer.
Fig.12 xrf spectrum of a green area in the socle of the throne © kik/irpa brussels
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A grey ground, based on gesso, is frequently observed in the gold size used in me-
dieval manuscripts. XRF measurement of this layer indicates only calcium which is
not surprisingly as with this XRF equipment only elements higher than sodium can
be detected and the sulfur associated with the calcium can not be detected.
As the gold leaf can be very thin, using a red under layer gives a warmer color to the
gold compared to the same gold leaf applied on a grey under layer. This red under
layer is often based on Armenian Bole (clay pigmented with iron oxides), following
the recipes of the Arte Illuminandi or Il Libro dell’Arte.
XRF measurement of the bright red under layer shows however the presence of ver-
milion as shown by the large mercury peak in the resulting XRF spectrum.
To further embellish the gilding, an orange glacis layer is occasionally applied on top
of it as can be seen for the belt of the King (fig.13). However, using our XRF analysis
method, no information about the composition of this layer is obtained.
Silver leaf is used as well: XRF measurement of part of the decoration in the socle of
the King’s throne (see fig.6, XRF 6) shows the presence of silver (fig.14a and 14b).
The silver leaf could be applied using the same size as for gold leaf.
A surprising result was obtained when analyzing the quadrofold in the canopy or
the lilies in the baldachin (see fig.6, XRF 7). Although these decorations look like
gold, XRF analysis reveals the presence of tin. Since the lilies are painted on top of
the blue ground, a large copper peak is present as well in the resulting XRF spec-
trum (fig.15a and 15b). In this spectrum also a relative small peak corresponding
to mercury is present. This result could point to the use of Mosaic Gold. In the Arte
Fig.13 arttax image of the decoration on the belt of the king © kik/irpa brussels
Fig.14a and 14b xrf spectrum of decoration in the socle of the throne and arttax image of the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels
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Illuminandi mosaic gold (stannic sulfide SnS2) is described as an imitation gold color.
The preparation of this mosaic gold starts with: «take one part of tin and melt it,
and throw upon it one part of pure quicksilver». Mosaic gold could replace the costly
true gold powder but did not show the same full brilliance of gold. Therefore it was
recommended to model it up with gold powder.
Analysis of the decoration with small crosses in the baldachin shows this mixture of
gold and tin applied as paint (no metal leaf) on top of the lead white layer, pointing
out towards the use of mosaic gold. 5
5. Also Theolfilus describes the use of tinpaint in his chapter: How paintings in Books are Em-bellished with Tin and Saffron/ If you have nei-ther of these [i.e., gold or silver] and still want to embellish your work in some way, take pure tin, scrape it very fine, mill it, and wash it as you did the gold. Then, with the same glue, apply it on letters or other places that you wanted to orna-ment with gold or silver. After polishing it with a tooth, take some of the saffron with which silk is dyed, pour glair without water over it, and let it stand overnight. On the following day cover with a pencil [dipped in this medium] those places you wanted to gild; leave the rest [of the tin bare] to take the place of silver. Then, using a quill, draw fine lines with minium around the letters, foli-age, scrollwork, materials of robes, and the other places to be ornamented. Theophilus 37
Fig.15a and 15b xrf spectrum of lilies in the baldachin and arttax image showing the measuring area © kik/irpa brussels
The coat of arms
At the bottom of the page, the coat of arms of chancellor Alifio is present
(fig.16).
For this coat of arms, the same materials as present in the miniature were identified:
Vermilion applied on a white lead layer for the red and white triangles, red lead for
the orange border, silver leaf and gold leaf.
A different result was obtained for the golden fess which is a gold paint ‘shell gold’
and not a gold leaf.
Another difference was found when analysing the blue ground of the coat of arms.
Although it concerns a very intense blue colour, only a relative small amount of cop-
per was detected during the analysis (fig.17). This result could indicate the use of
the blue pigment ultramarine (Na8..10
Al6Si
6O
24S
2..4) made from lapis lazuli, a pigment
that can not be identified using XRF.Fig.16 anjou bible, detail with coat of arms © kik/irpa brussels
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Ultramarine was a very expensive pigment with well known outstanding character-
istics.
The coat of arms as present now is not the original coat of arms. Originally, the
coat of arms of the first owner of the manuscript, Andreas of Hungary was present.
But when Alifio became the new owner, all original coats of arms were removed by
abrasion and over painted, as a clear possession mark. In that respect, it is maybe
not surprisingly that such an expensive and precious pigment is used. This however
has to be confirmed using a complementary analysis technique (like non destructive
micro Raman spectroscopy).
The spectrum shows also an important iron peak (red earth) which indicates the
underlying original coat of arms.
Fig.17 xrf spectrum of the blue ground in the coat of arms © kik/irpa brussels
ConclusionAlthough having a long history, the Anjou Bible was now for the first time ever ex-
amined in detail.
The combination of highly detailed photographs with transmitted light in combina-
tion with the non destructive XRF analysis provides more insight into the crafts-
manship of the miniaturist. A very rich pallet of mineral and organic pigments in
combination with gold, silver and tin as foil or as paint has been identified.
Although the use of a non destructive technique, like X-Ray fluorescence has its
limits, this technique is extremely useful when analyzing very delicate and precious
works of art. •
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Bibliography
Avril, François, «Trois manuscrits Napolitains des collec¬tions de Charles V et de Jean de
Berry», Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 127 (1969): 293-328.
Avril, Francois et al., Dix siecles d’enluminure italienne (VIe- XVIe siècles), Paris,
Bibliotheque nationale, 1984 .
Avril, François en Marie-Thérèse Gousset, Manuscrits enluminés d’origine italienne, Paris,
2005.
Maere R, ‘Une Bible angevine de Naples au Séminaire de Malines’, Revue de l’art chrétien
59 (1909): 279-291 and 60 (1910): 25-34.
Bräm, Andreas, Naepolitanische Bilderbibeln des Trecento: Anjou-Buchmalerei von Robert
dem Weisen bis zu Johanna I, Wiesbaden, 2007.
Brunello, Franco, De arte illuminandi: e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura medievale,
Vicenza: Pozza, 1975.
Eastaugh Nicholas et al The Pigment Compendium, a dictionary of historical Pigments,
Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann, Oxford, 2004, 320.
Munoz Vinas, Salvador «Original Written Sources for the History of Mediaeval Painting
Techniques and Materials: A List of Published Texts», Studies in Conservation, Vol. 43,
No. 2 (1998), pp. 114-124.
Thompson, Daniel V jr The Craftsman’s Handbook ‘Il libro dell’Arte’ by Cennino d’A.
Cennini, New Haven – Yale University Press, 1933.
Thompson, Daniel jr and Heard Hamilton, George, De Arte Illuminandi, The technique of
Manuscript Illumination, Translated from the Latin of Naples MS XII.E.27,
New Haven – Yale University Press, 1933.
Watteeuw Lieve ‘The conservation assessment of the Philips of Clève Book of Hours
(Brussels, Royal Library, Ms IV 40)’, in The Quest for the Original, Symposium XVI for the
Study of Underdrawing and Technology in Painting, Bruges, September 2006, Louvain
la Neuve, 2009: 168-174.
Watteeuw Lieve and Van Bos Marina ‘The conservation assessment of an Illuminated
Book of Hours. Understanding craftsmanship through interdisciplinary research:
preliminary investigation’, in Diversity in Heritage Conservation: Tradition, Innovation
and Participation, ICOM CC, 15th Triennial Conference 22 - 26 September 2008, New
Delhi, 2008: 310-316.
Watteeuw Lieve and Van Bos Marina «Illuminating with Pen and Brush. The Techniques
of a Fourteenth-century Neapolitan Illluminator Explored», in The Anjou Bible, A Royal
Manuscript revealed, Corpus of Illuminated Manuscripts, Vol 18, ed Lieve Watteeuw &
Jan Van der Stock, Peeters 2010, 147-169.
West Fitzhugh, Elisabeth «Red lead and Minium», in Artist’s Pigments, A handbook of
their History and Characteristic. Volume1, ed. Robert L. Feller Editor, 109-139, Cambridge
University Press, 1986.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 0 5
t h a t i t s e e m e t h t o b e t h e t h i n g i t s e l f
Resumo
Nicholas Hilliard, que se tornou famoso no séc. XVI pelos seus retratos em miniatu-
ra, perseguia o ideal de uma representação da natureza tão próxima do real quanto
possível. «That it seemeth…the work of god and not of man». Para atingir esse
objectivo, utilizou diversas técnicas, em parte baseadas na tradição da iluminura
medieval, mas também na sua formação como ourives. Utilizou um número invul-
garmente elevado de pigmentos pretos, alguns obtidos a partir das sementes de
frutos carbonizadas, para reproduzir o efeito do veludo preto e das sedas. Classifi-
cou também os pigmentos em diversos tipos (categorias? graus). Por exemplo, um
tipo médio de branco de chumbo seria o ideal para imitar o aspecto «de pó» de uma
maquilhagem, enquanto que um outro tipo, constituído por partículas muito finas,
seria o ideal para o impasto brilhante necessário para realçar um laço. Esta última
tinta aplicada muito espessa, resultante da mistura do branco de chumbo com muita
goma, apresenta um craquelê característico e falta de adesão. Alguns destes danos
podem ter sido visíveis ainda no tempo de vida do artista, sem que no entanto o
tenham levado a alterar a sua técnica.
Um outro exemplo, é o da aplicação de prata em pó (para as armaduras e os real-
ces nas pérolas), que também apresenta problemas de conservação uma vez que a
prata cedo começou a escurecer (embaciar?). Resinas aplicadas muito espessas em
fundos prateados, para imitar o efeito brilhante das pedras preciosas ou esmaltes,
foram muitas vezes esmagadas ainda quando frescas e apresentam-se lascadas ou
quebradiças quando secas. Os autores reconstruíram muitos destes métodos e efeitos
especiais no âmbito de um projecto levado a cabo no Victoria and Albert Museum
(Londres). A produção das reconstruções baseou-se tanto nos resultados obtidos
por análises científicas de miniaturas e observação do efeito visual como na pesquisa
de fontes escritas contemporâneas ou anteriores. Esta abordagem revelou-se mui-
to frutuosa, pois permitiu tanto reproduzir os magníficos efeitos visuais que terão
existido nas miniaturas originais como identificar danos típicos associados ao uso
de certos materiais e técnicas. •
palavras-chave
retratos em miniaturalimninghilliardtécnica pictóricaalquimia
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Abstract
Nicholas Hilliard, a 16th century English painter of portrait miniatures or limnings, was
driven by the idea of depicting nature as realistically as possible. «That it seemeth…
the work of god and not of man». To achieve his aim he used several special methods
and techniques, which partly derived from medieval book illumination traditions but
also from his own background as a goldsmith. He applied an unusual number of black
pigments, some made from charred fruit-stones, to match the appearance of black
velvet and silk cloth. He also sorted pigments into various grades. For instance a
medium grade of lead white was ideal to imitate the powdery appearance of makeup
and another grade, with very fine particles, for the glossy impasto paint he used to
depict lace. The thick application of lead mixed with a lot of gum to achieve this
effect led to typical cracks and flaking. Some damage might have already occurred
during his life-time, nevertheless he continued to use the techniques, which caused
them. Another example is the application of powdered silver (for armour and the
highlights on pearls), which turned out to be problematic as the silver soon started
to tarnish. Thickly applied resin on silver grounds to create the glossy impression
of precious stones and enamel often became squashed when fresh, and chipped or
flaked of when dry. The authors practically reconstructed many of these methods
and effects used on limnings in the context of a research project in the Victoria and
Albert Museum in London. The practical work was based on visual examination,
instrumental analysis of original portrait miniatures and extensive analysis of ear-
lier and contemporary written sources. The practical approach proved to be highly
informative as it not only helped to reconstruct the amazing effects of the original
appearance but also to identify typical damage inherent in the use of specific ma-
terials and techniques. •
key-words
portrait miniaturelimninghilliardpainting techniquealchemy
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that it seemeth to be the thing itselfthe obsession of 16th century miniature painters to imitate the beauty of naturet imea tall ian Ethnographical Museum, Vienna and the
V&A Museum, London (England)
alan derbyshire Victoria and Albert Museum, London
(England)
Introduction and sources
The information presented in this article is mainly based on source material related
to the English limner Nicholas Hilliard (1547-1619) and his followers and students.
Instrumental Analysis of original limnings has been performed in the conservation
department of the Victoria and Albert Museum since the 80s (in particular by the late
Jim Murrell and more recently by Alan Derbyshire and various students). Advances in
non-destructive techniques such as digital photography, computer image manipula-
tion, Raman Spectroscopy and XRF in the last 10 years have allowed many new op-
portunities to update and amend the information derived from earlier research.
What makes the research on limnings so unique is an abundance of written source
material. The three main sources used for this research have been the manuscripts
associated with Nicholas Hilliard, Edward Norgate and John Hoskins. (see table 1).
Unlike the many anonymous illuminators from previous centuries, Hilliard and his
circle left us with a detailed written account of their ideas, ideals and working meth-
ods. Their knowledge originates directly from those illuminators of the Ghent Bruges
School, who were called to live and work in England by Henry VIII 1.
Another indispensable source of knowledge and understanding was the practical
reconstruction of materials and techniques. This process was aiming to understand
the reasons why certain materials have been used but from a 16th century viewpoint.
Reconstruction was not always a success and in most cases a humbling experience as
we were not able to achieve the same quality and effects as observed on the origi-
nals. However trial and error provided many new insights and a lot more questions.
1. Lucas Horenbout, often called Hornebolte
in England, (Ghent c. 1490 to 1495 – London
1544) was a Flemish artist who moved to Eng-
land in the mid-1520s together with his sister
Susanna and his father Gerard and worked there
as «King’s Painter» and court miniaturist to King
Henry VIII from 1525 until his death. His father
Gerard Horenbout was an important Flemish
manuscript illuminator (Reynolds 2006: 45).
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
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It also suggested that some typical deterioration phenomena must have occurred
quite rapidly after the making of the objects. Nevertheless limners continued to
use them for some time until the 1640s. This paper aims to explore the reasons why
limners, who according to their writings were aware of the risks, still continued to
use certain methods and materials.
table 1
Hilliard MS Norgate MS Hoskins MS (known as Gyles’ book)
Edinburgh, University Li-
brary, LaingIII174, f.1-14
Oxford, Bodleian Library,
Tan.326
• Original – London, British Library, Harley 6376.
• Copy – (Hoskins MS copy), NAL, MS copy of
Harl. 6376, R.C.A. 20-995-1906.
ed. Thornton and Cain
1992
ed. Muller and Murrell
1994
Extracts published in Muller and Murrell
1997:237-252 and in Murrell 1983:76-79,
80-84, 92-93
The Arte of Limning – That it Seemeth to be the Thing Itself…
Illumination did not stop with the invention of printed books. On the contrary, in
the 16th century it was not only used for luxury books and important documents but
also for portraits after life and illustrations in scholarly publications (for instance
of a geographic, ethnographic, zoological or botanic nature). Hilliard and Norgate
amongst others stated that it should ideally be practised ‘by gentlemen only’. First of
all because it required a gentle nature and was clean to use (did not spoil expensive
clothing like oil!). It is recommended for the young gentry as an innocent pastime
and useful skill for a future career at court, in war and scientific studies. Further the
gentry, not having to make a living (unlike the notoriously financially struggling com-
mon artist) could spend the full time required to produce excellent works of art. Also
they could easily afford the best quality materials. Limning was (and is, if one aims
at accurate reconstruction) indeed expensive. The pricy materials include, first of all,
paint made from the metals gold and silver; pigments derived from semi-precious
stones; and many exotic materials (like the binder gum Arabic or Indian lake). But
also cheaper materials like earth colours and lead pigments had to be of high quality
for the fine painting. Each pigment needed to be washed, ground and prepared in
a particular manner. Beside all this the best quality fine parchment was required. It
is often claimed to be made from the smooth skin of a (yet hairless) animal embryo
(called ‘abortive’). It was so thin and fine, that it had to be mounted on a playing
card (limnings are usually quite small, about 7x5cm average). Reconstruction also
suggested that the skins of small mammals, in particular white rabbits, might have
been a possible source or at least an alternative. It can be said that the search for a
parchment support of sufficient quality has been difficult and the biggest obstacle
for an accurate modern reconstruction. The 16th century gentry conveniently could
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2. It was Hilliard who first observed that the ef-
fects of sulphurous pollution on pigments and he
states that the working place should be free from
the «Sulphurous aire of Sea Cole» (Thornton and
Cain p.75). Indeed it seems to be basically at-
mospheric hydrogen sulfide which causes the
discoloration by converting lead white (basic(II)
lead carbonate) into the black compound lead(II)
sulfide.
purchase materials ready prepared from professional limners, as for instance Alex-
ander Brown (Browne 1679: 39).
There is also an arcane aspect of limning. In many ways the usage of 16th century Eng-
lish limning is comparable to the use of photography. However it does not only aim for
the naturalistic depiction after life but aspires to transmute pigment and binder into
something different, for instance into a real gemstone, an enamelled jewel, a plant or
even a piece of textile. Hilliard also puts a lot of emphasis on «super» realistic depic-
tion, suggesting to use the material to depict itself: «… worketh the metals gold and
silver with themselves» (Thornton and Cain: 63) He even set a real diamond into one
of his miniatures (coronation portrait of queen Elizabeth, 1559, Wellbeck collection).
Portrait miniatures of the aging Queen Elizabeth I, in a way, also illustrate this point.
They certainly did not intend to realistically depict the physical appearance of a
nearly 60 year old queen. More than her wrinkles, it was essential for Hilliard to de-
pict the essence of Her Majesty, which was the Virgin Queen, ‘Gloriana’, the English
equivalent to Virgin Mary. Miniature portraits of her and even medals were treated
with the highest respect, similar to icons. Any wilful damage to her picture was in
fact considered to be high treason. For instance Thomas Harrison was accused of
endangering Queen Elizabeth’s I life by placing a medal with the picture of her Maj-
esty next to mercury sublimate, which was poisonous and had already corroded the
metal. Interestingly Harrison defended himself by claiming that the damage was not
intentional and that Nicholas Hilliard (!) had made the metal image and that it had
dissolved again in the wooden box into quicksilver (mercury) (Auerbach pp.32-33).
There is no evidence that Hilliard was an alchemist but he certainly had a chemical
understanding of materials due to his experience as goldsmith. Hilliard clearly was
very aware of reactive chemical processes and is probably one of the first authors
describing the deleterious effect of sulphuric gases on pigments 2 and classifies in
his treatise some colours as «not fit to be used in limning». Most of the pigments he
mentions are prone to fading in light or have the tendency to discolour when being
mixed with other pigments (as vermilion – HgS or orpigment – As2S3) , others might
change to a dull colour (the copper pigments: Verdigis, Verditer) 1.
Nevertheless it has been shown by analysis that he, against better knowledge, used
some of those pigments, as for instance vermilion and orpiment. Was he betrayed
by his colour merchant; simply a hypocrite; or did he have good reasons not to stick
to his own rules? Previous and recent Raman analysis of Hilliard’s palette allowed 13
pigments to be unambiguously identified: lead white, lead red, massicot, vermillion,
azurite, natural ultramarine, indigo, malachite, orpiment, pararealgar, yellow ochre,
red ochre, and carbon black (Derbyshire 1999, Tallian 2007).
Special effects
Limnings were made to be looked upon at close distance, intimately held in the hand
and to be worn in jewels. This was ideal for fine details and the use of techniques
fig.1 detail from nicholas hilliard, selfportrait 1577, watercolour on parchment, dia. 41mm (v&a, p.155-1910)
t h e m a t e r i a l s o f c o l o u r
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taking advantage of raking light and movement. Special effects became Hilliard’s
trademark e.g. his crisp golden calligraphy, burnished silver highlights on pearls, little
sparkling life-like rubies, the bright red Indian lake crimson curtain, glistening and
brilliantly blue ultramarine backgrounds, the detailed black textiles and the raised
lace of glossy lead white impasto. These effects fascinated not only contemporar-
ies but have the power to enchant us till the present day. Unfortunately most of
the mentioned techniques, even though Hilliard tried his best, occasionally caused
problems due to the inherent properties of the used materials. Silver tends to tar-
nish, Venetian turpentine resin dries very slowly and is easily squashed. Indian lake
easily fades and requires – for a good colour – a lot of gum and sugar (a combina-
tion, which attracts dust and is prone to dry out and crack); ultramarine is of a gritty
sandy consistence and sometimes (when the pigment binder ratio is not right) rubs
or flakes off; ivory black tends to flake and so does the thick and heavily gummed
layers of lead white. Hilliard must have been clearly in a dilemma.
But interestingly he did not give up his technique. Sparkling silver looked too good
in combination with gold. Indian lake was used also in reality to colour expensive
bright red luxury textiles (and was one of the most costly pigments at the time).
Ultramarine was a precious gemstone, making the portrait look even more like a
jewel; it was adding to its material value and also provided a great contrast for gold
inscriptions. Charred Ivory, even though it has its tendency to be a difficult pigment,
is creating probably the most appealing and again pricy ‘blackest black’ available,
ideal for strong shadows or ornaments in dark costumes or the dark centre of the
eye. And vermilion, condemned by Hilliard as an ‘unfit’ colour, was still used by him
(proved by analysis) in the face and lips as it produces a radiant red and for the very
same reason this pigment was applied by the ladies as rouge and lipstick. And the
raised white laces, accurately dribbled in fine lines onto the parchment like icing
sugar, casting their own shadows, just looked strikingly real. It was all too tempting,
exquisite and worth the risk.
Precaution and Deterioration
There are various suggestions in the treatises to prevent certain deterioration phe-
nomena (to protect the silver, how to prepare and to use black pigments to ensure
quality and prevent cracking, how to refine ultramarine and most important how to
refine lead white and to prevent it from tarnishing).
All these methods worked to a large extend, which is evident in Hilliard’s best minia-
tures and their excellent condition. In strong contrast to our modern reconstructions:
those almost immediately showed all sorts of problems. However to a certain percent-
age, even Hilliard had to lose his battle against ‘stubborn’ painting materials and time.
Fading ColoursThe most dramatic change is probably the fading of colours of organic origin, which
Hilliard probably used amongst other applications to model the features of fair ladies.
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3. Nicholas Frayling, PhD student at the V&A/
RCA conservation course was fundamental in
making Tudor miniatures and their techniques
more accessible using digital media and the lat-
est computer software. (Frayling, N. 1998) To-
gether with Alan Derbyshire he was the first to
combine source research, instrumental analysis,
practical reconstruction and computer image ma-
nipulation.
Many portraits of Queen Elizabeth I appear unusually pale with white faces, faint red
cheeks and red lips. This caused the notion that Hilliard’s portraits are particularly flat
and mask-like. Due to the fashion of the time and ‘make up’, portraits of ladies were
certainly much paler than those of male sitters. However they still might have had a
subtle modelling. This is suggested by the portrait of Elizabeth, which was kept inside
a jewelled pendent, presented to Sir Francis Drake. In comparison to those portraits
of her which were more exposed to light this picture shows much stronger modelling
and colour (see Figure 2). Some of the male portraits like Hilliard’s self-portrait (see
figure 1) seem to be less faded. Hilliard’s treatise suggests that he tended to use
(lightfast) earth colours for male sitters for a more dark or sunburned complexion.
fig.2 detail from hilliard’s portrait of queen elizabeth, c. 1600 (see figure5) and the portrait mounted in the ‘drake jewel’, private collection presently on display in the british galleries of the v&a. the miniature mounted in the locket shows clearly less fading
SilverThe most evident blemishes for the non-conservator are the dark dots on the pearls,
caused by tarnished silver. Other treatises suggest protecting silver with garlic juice.
Garlic seems to be a strange choice as it contains sulphur, which is well known to
promote the tarnishing of silver. It also needs to be considered, that any (more effec-
tive) protective layers of gum or varnish could have been removed through abrasion
or later cleaning attempts with solvents such as alcohol. To show the splendour of
how the silver highlights really should have looked, computer manipulation is a great
tool. Nick Frayling has provided stunning examples how to utilise digital media and
the computer in combination with reconstruction for a better understanding of the
original appearance of Tudor miniatures 3.
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4. The most detailed description of making a ruby
can be found in a manuscript by Daniel King, DL
Add. 12461 MS.
Artificial GemstonesLess obvious, unless viewed with the microscope, is the vanished sparkle of artificial
gemstones. Reconstruction experiments have suggested that some of those stones
might have been squashed not too long after their making by a cover glass or careless
handling (see figure 2). During reconstruction (based on the treatises) the viscous
honey-like Venetian turpentine (in our case, larch resin) was mixed with pigments
(Indian lake for a ruby, verdigris for an emerald and ultramarine for a sapphire). The
resin was applied with a hot needle, in a warm room or near a heating source, on top
of a burnished silver ground (see figure 3). Further heat was required for the stringy
resin to settle from the shape of a stringy, ‘dwarf hat’ into a round dome. To pick up
the right amount of resin is quite difficult and to pick up too much is very tempting
as the sparkling resin dome looks great at first. However, the thickly applied resin
on the reconstruction was not dry even after a period of several months, and some
stones were accidentally squashed by handling. Indeed there is evidence in some
treatises that limners experienced the same problem. There are clear warnings to
observe certain drying times 4. But even if the pigmented Venetian terpentine resin
had time to dry without being squashed, the thick layer of resin tended to be brittle
and crack after some time. Hilliard often depicted enamelled miniature lockets in
miniatures by coating them with resin. Those in some cases chipped of completely,
leaving the blank parchment or a (meanwhile tarnished) silver ground. Variations in
the technique can be observed on Hilliards later miniatures. Instead of applying a
tick layer of resin Hilliard tried to apply a thinner layer of coloured resin on a silver
coated thick blob of lead white. But unfortunately, as mentioned, also raised layers
of lead white tended to crack and chip off, leaving blank parchment.
fig.3 detail of a ruby, nichlas hilliard, elizabeth i (v&a, 622-1882) [photo by nicholas frayling]. reconstruction of a ruby
Craquelure – Too Gummy?Each pigment requires a different ratio of pigment and binder. A good method to
determine the right ratio was to mix the paint up in a shell. Pigment (which was
stored dry in paper or boxes) and powdered gum were mixed with a drop of purified
water using the ring finger. If the dried colour in the shell formed a shiny layer like oil
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paint there was too much gum. If there was too little, the paint would powder off. If
the ratio was right, the paint would smear thinly on the smooth surfaces of the shell
and neither crack nor shine (and also made it easier to detect impurities as specks of
dust). Some effects and some pigments required more gum than usual. Indian lake
needed gum for its colour and ivory black was working better when gummed freshly
just before it was used for painting. In the case of the paint used for the lace, gum
was required for the shiny effect and the ‘impasto’ consistency. In all these cases it
was easy to use accidentally more gum than required. For this reason areas where
such paints were used (red background, eye centre, black costume, lace) show an
increased tendency for craquelure and for flaking.
fig.4 detail of the lace (~4mm), nicholas hilliard (v&a, p.3-1974) and a uv image
of nicholas hilliard’s wife alice, by nicholas hilliard, dia. 59mm, (v&a, p.154-
1910) the uv image shows the extend of loss in the area of the ruff and also the differences in the thickness of the white
paint layers
Due to their enormous historical and artistic value Hilliard’s limnings are treated by
conservators as sparsely and non-invasively as possible. They are rarely opened and
are usually not permitted to travel and further subjected to a strict lighting and dis-
play policy. The most common reason to open these early miniatures is their need
for consolidation. The fine craquelure and flaking of paint might be not obvious with
the naked eye but easily detected under the microscope. Flaking of the ead white,
in the thickly applied paint layers of the ruff and costume, is possibly the most seri-
ous deterioration phenomenon on Hilliard’s work and other limnings. The difference
in the thickness of the lead white paint layer in the face area (very thin) in the ruff
(very thick), (and losses of paint) can be clearly seen with x-ray spectroscopy and
with the help of UV examination (see figure 6).
Lead white purificationHilliard and other sources mention lead white and ceruse as prime pigments for
white paint. According to the most recent hypothesis, the difference in the colour
terms might refer to different stages of preparation or different grades of quality
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5. Lead white was produced by suspending a coil
of lead in a glass or ceramic container above vin-
egar in a warm carbon dioxid rich environment
(recommended is a barrel with horse dung).
rather than different chemical compositions. Raman analysis on some of the most
prominent miniatures by Hilliard in the V&A unambiguously detected only lead white
(basic lead (II) carbonate – 2PbCO3.Pb(OH)
2) in all examined white areas (Derbyshire
1999). Interestingly there is only minor evidence for the blackening of lead white,
which is a more common phenomenon in later portrait miniatures, in particular of
the late 17th century. This is likely to be the result of careful preparation methods,
which are described in great detail in the treatises. As Hoskins says:
it will be no lost labour to be curious in this Colour, because it is the ground
& foundation of all your other works, for if this become faulty, all is lost &
cast away. The experience whereof does frequently appear in many excellent
peices, being heightned with white lead unprepared are spoild & the Colour
all rusty & dead (Hoskins MS Copy, NAL-R.C.A.20-995: 31).
Analysing these recipes, the limners seemed to have picked out the whitest flakes
from yet un-ground flake white from the outer crust of the lead coil 5. Like this they
were able to avoid contamination with pure lead splinters or yellow/grey rusty flakes
from the inside of the coil. These snow white flakes were ground and the hairs/dust
and water-soluble salts (as lead acetate) were washed away with distilled water (till
the water had no harsh taste anymore). The remaining product was dried in the sun
or a chalkstone slab. To achieve the powdery appearance of lead white paint, which
was required for the carnation – Hilliard had to remove the fine lead white particles
by washing. During this process the ground flake white pigment was stirred in dis-
tilled water, after a short while the floating fine particles were decanted in a sepa-
rate shell or container. (When dry these very fine particles were rapped in paper and
later mixed with gum for the glossy lace and pearls.) Than the mixture was stirred
again and after a shorter period the floating particles were decanted in a different
container. This middle portion was ideal for painting non-glossy areas. The bottom
layer of big heavy particles was ground again and the process repeated. This simple
method of particle separation was used for nearly all pigments as it is crucial to re-
move dust, the too fine particles and the too coarse ones.
Mineral bluesThe correct application and preparation of natural ultramarine pigment still largely
remains a mystery. There is no doubt anymore (due to analysis) that Hilliard used un-
adulterated mineral blues (made from lapis lazuli and azurite). His blue backgrounds
are surprisingly strong in colour and at the same time very fine and smooth. Limners
probably purchased blue pigments made of the best quality raw material. It is unlikely
that limners produced these pigments directly from the gemstones, as the prepara-
tion was a well kept secret and required probably large quantities of the raw mate-
rial (Hilliard mentions ultramarine from Venice and notes its enormous costs). Again
limners purified the pigment by removing very fine particles. This is of the greatest
importance as particles under 5 microns appear to be colourless and would settle
on the surface spoiling the blue colour underneath with a greenish or greyish cloud.
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The second step was again to remove coarse particles, which would hinder a smooth
application and the final burnishing of the paint. This is a very narrow line. Approxi-
mate evaluation of the particle sizes of the blue pigments under high magnification
showed a minimum of 5 micons, an average of 10 microns and a maximum of about
25. How the blue has been laid down can best be learned from contemporary Indian
miniature painters or those miniature painters still working in the Islamic manuscript
tradition 6. However, as experienced by the author there is a great difference between
watching and doing it yourself. Even ignoring the lack of good quality pigment
and experience, it seemed to be generally a nerve-racking and difficult business.
fig.5 nicholas hilliard, elizabeth, c. 1600, oval, 64.5x49mm (v&a, p.1-1974). a
quantity of good quality azurite has been separated into various colour
shades and grain sizes by the method of ‘washing’. the shell in the middle is the one hilliard would have used (the
pigment is not too coarse, not too fine and has a good colour)
6. The following book is very much recommend-
ed. It shows amazing pictures from a traditional
Indian miniature workshop, The materials and
techniques are reminiscent to those described in
the treatises: Lazaro 2005.
7. Hoskins MS Copy, NAL-R.C.A.20-995, fol.35.
Black is not blackThe most satisfying was the reconstruction of black pigments. According to the
treatises some limners prepared black pigments themselves from the raw materi-
als. Only in this way could they ensure the quality and authenticity of their final
product. And limners were very specific what they wanted: namely cherrystone and
Ivory black. Cherrystones consist of very dense almost grain-less wood. During the
charring process organic materials keep their original shape – a nutshell, a plum
stone or a willow twig when charred would produce different pigments, of differ-
ent texture and shade. Cherrystones produce a black paint with very fine regular
particles, which is very nice to work with. The shade it produces is of a silvery grey/
black colour. Charring fruit stones turned out to be relatively easy. They were placed
in a metal container with a lose lid and placed in an ordinary burning wood stove.
Within a quarter of an hour, coloured flames escape the container and the process is
then finished. Charring is a reduction process – the less oxygen enters the container
the better. In the case of ivory the temperatures needed to be somewhat higher.
Hoskins says that the iron container needs to be of a dark red colour for about an
hour. According to Hoskins MS the container was fully packed with ivory splinters
and ‘luted’ (sealed) with a mixture of wet clay mixed with salt 7. (The salt probably
prevents sudden shrinkage of the clay. The woodstove was heated with coal to its
full temperature and the container left inside till the stove cooled down. All this is
described in some detail in the treatises. But every treatise seems to provide only a
tiny piece of information. The combination of all sources was needed to reproduce
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the recipe in reality is a key for understanding what is meant. After this experience
there was little doubt that it was easy for the miniature painters to collect scraps of
broken ivory, combs, scrapings from sculptors etc and produce their own pigment
from scratch to achieve exactly the effects they wanted to. The amazing detail of
Hilliard’s costumes shows it was well worth the effort.
fig.6 detail of the black costume. nicholas hilliard. unknown lady, 1590-93, oval, 59x47mm (v&a, p.9-1947). ivory black after breaking the clay seal of the crucible used for reconstruction. paint made from the reconstructed ivory black seemed to flake in a similar way as the black paint in the miniature (lower edge) also did the paint an irregular shine similar to the one on this miniature
Summary
The research into 16th century limnings is far from being finished. It rather feels that
it has just been started. Further research for instance might include exploring the
link with earlier manuscript illumination (i.e. Ghent Bruges School). Reconstruction
provided a few new insights as well as many new questions. Which was surprising as
Hilliard’s technique was always thought to be well understood due to the abundance
of treatises based on it. However, today we know that not all of the information given
is necessarily correct. Also we became more aware that the appearance of artefacts
today is not necessarily the appearance intended by the artist. To study the artists
intentions, the cultural circumstances in which a work of art was produced and to
learn about the methods and techniques it was made with, greatly adds to the art
works’ value and appreciation. •
Acknowledgments
We greatly want to thank the large number of people investing time, sharing their
knowledge and resources in helping with the research and reconstruction work on
Hilliard’s materials and techniques: First of all the Royal College of Art and the V&A
Museum, which provided an amazing platform for the research, thanks to William Lindsay,
Nick Frayling and Katherine Coombs. We also want to thank Carmen Krisai-Chizzola,
Mike Wheeler, Dr. Georg Kremer (Kremer pigments), David Margulies, Anita Chowdry, Dr.
Spike Bucklow, Dr. Mark Clarke and the scientists: Dr. Robert Withnall, Dr. Lucia Burgio
and Dr. Vincent Daniels.
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Bibliography
Auerbach, E.. 1961. Nicholas Hilliard. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Browne, A.. 1679. Ars Pictora. London.
Derbyshire, A. and R. Withnall. 1999. ‘Pigment Analysis of Portrait Miniatures Using
Raman Microscopy.’ Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 30, 185-188.
Frayling, N.. 1998. ‘An exploration of the original appearance of Nicholas Hilliard’s portrait
miniatures using computer image manipulation.’ V&A Conservation Journal 28, July 1998, 4-6.
Lazaro, D. P.. 2005. Materials, Methods and Symbolism in the Pichhvai painting tradition
of Rajastan. Ahmedabad: Mapin Publishing.
Muller, J. M. and J. Murrell (1997) Edward Norgate, Miniatura or the Arte of Limning.
New Haven & London: Yale University Press.
Murrell, J.. 1983. The Way Howe to Lymne – Tudor Miniatures Observed. London: V&A
Publications. Peacham H.. 1622 The Compleat Gentleman. London.
Reynolds, Graham. 2006; The Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century Miniatures in the
Collection of Her Majesty The Queen, Royal Collection Publications Ltd.
Tallian, T.. 2007. Reconstruction of Nicholas Hilliard’s Materials and Techniques, a thesis
submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Royal College of Art fort the degree of
Master of Philosophy, May 2007, The Royal College of Art / Victoria and Albert Museum, London.
Thornton R. K. R. and T. G. S. Cain. 1992. The Arte of Limning by Edward Norgate.
Manchester: Carcanet Press.
Biographies
Timea Tallian studied art history and fine art before she joined the conservation course at
the Academy of fine Arts in Vienna (MA in 2003). Initially trained as paper conservator
she developed a strong interest for ethnographical objects, portrait miniatures and the
study of miniature painting techniques in general. In 2003 she embarked on a research
project, at the V&A/RCA postgraduate conservation course, focusing on the practical
reconstruction of Hilliard’s materials and techniques (Mphil 2007). After a year break,
working as conservation consultant in Bhutan, she is back in London, presently working
as a free lance conservator. Timea is affiliated with the Ethnographical Museum, Vienna
and the V&A Museum, London. Email:- timea.tallian@network.rca.ac.uk
Alan Derbyshire obtained a BSc in Physics fromU.M.I.S.T. in 1975 before going on to
study paper conservation at Gateshead Technical College. He is Head of Paper, Books and
Paintings Conservation at the Victoria and Albert Museum, where he has worked since
1983. For the last twenty years he has specialised in the conservation of portrait miniatures
on ivory and vellum. He has written, taught and lectured extensively on the conservation
of works of art on paper and on portrait miniatures. He is an accredited member of ICON.
Email: aland@vam.ac.uk, Address: Paper Conservation, Victoria and Albert Museum,
London SW7 2RL, Telephone:- 0207 942 2113
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
Guido di Pietro, mais conhecido por Fra Angelico ou Frei Giovanni de Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), foi um dos mais importantes artistas do séc. XV. Exceleu tanto em pintura mural e de cavalete como nas artes da iluminura. O seu talento foi celebra-do em 2007-08 no Museu de São Marco em Florença, por ocasião da exposição Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore, no âmbito da qual se levou a cabo um estudo comparativo dos materiais e técnicas que o artista utilizou na iluminura e na pintura sobre tábua. Este centrou-se nos materiais – pigmentos e corantes – utilizados por Angelico em manuscritos, em particular, numa das suas obras mais belas, que integra a colecção permanente do Museu: o Graduale n. 558. Tendo em conta que se tratam de obras em pergaminho, são de preferir métodos de análise que permitam uma identificação in situ. Para além disso, técnicas não invasivas são consideradas as mais adequadas, uma vez que é difícil recolher amos-tras ou micro-amostras. De facto, as camadas cromáticas são tipicamente muita finas quando comparadas com a pintura de cavalete. Acresce que, normalmente, as decorações cobrem áreas pequenas. Este artigo descreve o uso da fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) em conjunto com a reflectografia de UV-VIS-NIR por fibra óptica (UV-Vis-NIR FORS), que foram seleccionadas de entre as possíveis técnicas não-invasivas e de aplicação in situ, para o estudo dos materiais utilizados no Graduale n. 558 de Beato Angelico. •
Abstract
Guido di Pietro, better known as Beato Angelico or Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (c. 1400-1455), was one of the most important artists of the 15th century. He excelled in wall- and panel-paintings as well as manuscripts and illuminations. His talent was celebrated in 2007-08 at the San Marco Museum in Florence with a special exhibi-tion Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore? in which the tech-nique and materials used by the artist in making manuscripts and panel paintings were investigated and compared between these two different forms of art. The focus of the study in the context of the exhibition was on the materials – pigments and dyes – used by Angelico to produce manuscripts and, in particular, one of his most beautiful pieces located in the permanent collection of the San Marco Museum: the Graduale n. 558. Due to the fragility of parchment-based artworks, the application of in situ non-invasive analytical techniques is strongly recommended for analyzing the materials used by artists in making the manuscripts. Moreover, non-invasive analytical methodologies are usually considered to be the most suitable techniques for the investigation of manuscripts since taking samples, or even micro-samples, from such delicate art objects is generally considered unacceptable. Indeed, the manuscript paint layers are typically very thin compared to those of wall and panel paintings. Also, painted decorations usually cover relatively small areas. This report illustrates the effective use of X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and ultraviolet, visible, and near infrared fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (UV-Vis-NIR FORS), selected from the available in situ non-invasive techniques, to identify the materials used in mak-ing the Graduale n. 558 by Beato Angelico. •
palavras-chave
manuscritos iluminados fluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energias (xrf)reflectografia de uv -vis-nir com fibra óptica (fors)fra angelicograduale n. 558
key-words
illuminated manuscriptsx-ray fluorescence (xrf)fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy (fors)beato angelicograduale n. 558
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 1 9
non-invasive xrf and uv-vis-nir reflectance spectroscopicanalysis of materials used by beato angelico in the manuscript graduale n. 558m. p icollo IFAC-CNR, Firenze (Italy)
a. aldrovandi Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Firenze (Italy)
a. migl iori Dipartimento di Fisica e INFN , Firenze
(Italy)
s . g iacomell i Società Internazionale per lo Studio del
Medioevo Latino, Firenze (Italy)
m. scudier i Museo di San Marco, Firenze (Italy)
Introduction
In the study of artworks the application of more than one analytical technique
permits one to better identify the materials and the techniques used by the art-
ists (Clarke 2001, Ricciardi et al. 2009). These techniques are grouped in two main
categories: non-invasive and invasive. Among the first group of techniques both
X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and optical fiber reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) provide
conservators and curators with useful information about works of art (Bacci et al.
2009, Dran et al. 2009). Their non-invasiveness enables these light and compact
devices to acquire a large amount of data in situ.
In some cases, it may be necessary to integrate the data obtained with some non-
invasive methods with other non-invasive or micro-invasive analytical techniques.
For example, FORS and XRF can also be very useful tools, in conjunction with other
techniques, for locating areas for micro-sampling and for extending local data from
micro-analyses to a broader scale, thus reducing the extent of micro-sampling. How-
ever, the small size of the illuminates and the presence of very fine details prohibit,
in most cases, the use of the precise analytical chemical methods typically used on
paintings, because of the sample size limitation.
In this case, XRF and ultraviolet (UV), visible (Vis), and near infrared (NIR) FORS
were selected from the available in situ non-invasive techniques and applied to iden-
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 2 0
tify the materials used in making the Graduale n. 558 by Beato Angelico. Guido di
Pietro, better known as Beato Angelico or Fra Giovanni da Fiesole (c. 1400-1455),
was one of the most important artists of the 15th century. He excelled in wall – and
panel – paintings as well as manuscripts and illuminates. His talent was celebrated in
2007-08 at the San Marco Museum in Florence with a special exhibition Fra Giovanni
Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore? There, the technique and materials
used by the artist in making manuscripts and in making panel paintings were inves-
tigated and compared. The focus of the study, in the context of the exhibition, was
on the materials – pigments and dyes – used by Angelico to produce manuscripts
and, in particular, one of his most beautiful pieces of the permanent collection of
the San Marco Museum: the Graduale n. 558.
Methodology
The artworkThe Graduale n. 558 represents one of the most famous illuminate masterpieces of
Angelico’s young production and was made for the church of San Domenico in Fie-
sole where the artist lived at the beginning of his monastic life. Fra Angelico was a
versatile artist who excelled in the fresco, illuminate, and panel paintings techniques.
The Graduale n. 558 was probably made in two different periods: in 1424-1425 and
in 1428-1430. Consequently, the illustrations present some different stylistic char-
acteristics, which make it possible to group the miniatures in four groups by their
chromatic, stylistic, and decorative features. This choir book is constituted of 260
folios written in «Testualis» with text and music. These folios were bound together
probably when the Graduale was added in the Leopoldo II di Lorena Collection in
the 19th century. The illustrations are composed of 986 watermarked letters, 30
miniatures, and seven decorated letters.
Analytical techniquesFORS was performed using two spectroanalyzers: Zeiss model MSC501 and MCS511
NIR 1.7 operating in the 200-1700 nm range. The approximate spectral resolution
was less than 3 nm in the 200-1000 nm range (MCS501) and 10 nm in the 900-1700
nm range (MCS511 NIR 1.7). An internal tungsten lamp (Zeiss model CLH500) was
used for the final operative range (350-1700 nm). The sampled area was smaller than
the approximate 2 mm diameter, and the acquisition time for each spectrum was
less than one second. The spectrometers were calibrated using a white Spectralon®
99% reflectance standard. A 0°/45°/45° reflectance configuration was adopted to
avoid specular reflectance. The identification of the pigments was accomplished by
comparing the acquired unknown spectra with spectral databases (http://fors.ifac.
cnr.it). Assignments were made using both the primary and first derivative spectra.
Given the thinness of the paint layers and the presence of overtone bands in the NIR
associated with the vellum substrate, the assignment of peaks to pigments required
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n o n - i n v a s i v e x r f a n d u v - v i s - n i r r e f l e c t a n c e s p e c t r o s c o p i c
particular care. The NIR region was, however, found to be particularly useful for the
identification of some pigments as well as gypsum.
XRF analyses were performed with an Assing LITHOS 3000 portable spectrometer
equipped with a molybdenum tube and a Peltier cooled Si-PIN detector with a sensi-
tive area of 7 mm2, thickness of 0.5 mm and a berillium (Be) window 12.5 μm thick.
The resolution was of approximately 165 eV at 5.9 keV. For the measurements on
the Graduale the X-ray tube voltage was 24 kV, the current was 300 μA, and the
acquisition time was 100 seconds (in case of intense X-ray counting rate the current
was reduced and the acquisition time was increased). Also, a 1 mm collimator was
used for an investigated area of approximately 2 mm in diameter.
The distance between the investigated area and the detector was about 2.8 cm. The
X-ray sending and collecting angles were approximately 45° and 50°, respectively.
Due to the intrinsic limitation of XRF, which does not yield results spatially resolved
in depth; and, in order to avoid confusing results, the areas for analysis were chosen,
whenever possible, so that no decoration was present in the corresponding area on
the verso of the manuscript leaf.
Results and discussion
On the Graduale approximately 130 FORS and 50 XRF spectra distributed on about
30 pages were acquired. Pigment identification was achieved by combining FORS
and XRF spectral data. From the XRF measurements the preparation of the parch-
ment was found to be made with calcium carbonate as calcium, with a small amount
of arsenic, were the only chemical elements recorded. However, the calcium element
could have been related to the presence of calcinated animal bones (Brunello 1975).
FORS measurements in the presently available operative range were not able to
better specify the materials used to prepare the parchment (Fig. 1). FORS data, on
fig.1 fors spectra of the parchment (dashed line) and of the gypsum with
iron oxide (hematite) in the preparatory layer for the application of the gold
leaves (f.33v)
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 2 2
the other hand, made it possible to exclude the use of calcium sulfate bi-hydrated
(gypsum) or calcium sulfate hemi-hydrated (plaster of Paris) in the ground layer
(Bacci et al. 2007). This information was also confirmed by XRF because no sulfur
was found in the preparation of the parchment. The gypsum was present only as a
preparatory layer for the application of the gold leaves (c.33v, c.86v, c.124r) in mix-
ture with iron oxide (hematite) based pigments (Fig. 1). In one case, XRF also found
the presence of mercury, together with iron, in the preparatory layer. This was due
to the presence of cinnabar, which gave a reddish tint to the layer. The gold leaves,
which were extensively used in the Graduale for background and aureole areas, were
made with pure gold. The XRF analysis did not show the presence of impurities such
as silver, tin, lead, or copper (c.9r, c.21r, Fig. 2).
fig.2 xrf spectrum of a gold leaf, made with pure gold. from the xrf data the goldleaves did not show the presence of impurities such as silver, tin, lead, or copper (f.9r)
As found by FORS spectra on about 30 different areas of the Graduale the painted
blue areas were made with ultramarine blue (lapis lazuli). Ultramarine blue was
also used in mixture with a red pigment, red lake mainly, at different concentra-
tions to depict violet-purple details (Figs. 3 and 4). Azurite was used only for the
watermarked letters. This second blue pigment was positively identified by the two
analytical techniques.
A copper based green pigment, such as malachite, mainly, created the green zones.
This pigment was used to depict both the cloths of the characters and the land-
scapes. Also, as illustrated by FORS measurements on 12 areas of the illuminated
manuscript, it was used to make frames and decorations surrounding the painted
scenes. Another green pigment, green earth, was only applied to paint complexion
(flesh tones) areas in mixture with lead white, iron oxide and hydroxide (yellow and
brown ochre or earth pigments) pigments, and cinnabar. In this Graduale the artist
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 2 3
n o n - i n v a s i v e x r f a n d u v - v i s - n i r r e f l e c t a n c e s p e c t r o s c o p i c
fig.3 detail of the folium 33v with reported some xrf and fors measurement
fig.4 fors spectra from blue areas made with ultramarine blue (lapis lazuli). spectrum a from folium 33v; spectrum b from folium 60v; spectrum c from folium 93r
fig.5 xrf spectra of yellow and brown areas obtained by using lead-tin yellow
pigment (red curve, f. 93r), iron oxide and hydroxide pigments (sienna earth,
black curve, f. 21r), and orpiment (green curve, f. 60v)
did not use mixtures of blue (azurite, indigo, lapis lazuli) and yellow (lead-tin yel-
low, orpiment) pigments to produce green hues/shades. In one case only, the FORS
acquired spectrum resembled a mixture of ultramarine and lead-tin yellow pigments;
but here the yellow pigment was painted as a glaze on the blue sky.
The yellow and brown colors were obtained by using lead-tin yellow pigment for
lighter areas and iron oxide and hydroxide pigments for darker and less saturated
hues. The first pigment was identified by the presence of contemporary lead and
tin in the XRF spectra (Fig. 5) and from its reflectance spectral shape (FORS); the
second pigments showed typical FORS, in which the characteristic absorption bands
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 2 4
of trivalent iron are easily detected, and XRF spectra. In the case of XRF data, the
presence of iron is usually linked to manganese, which usually is related to the oc-
currence of Sienna and, more typically, of umber earths.
In the folium 60v the dark yellow mantle of San Peter was depicted using orpiment
(Fig. 6). This material was only identified in this area of the Graduale by the presence
of arsenic in XRF spectrum and by its FORS spectrum, even though the reflectance
spectra of most of the yellow pigments could be easily modified when mixed together
or with red pigments (Fig. 5).
The red areas were created primarily by use of cinnabar and red lakes. In certain
cases red lead (minium) was found, even if most of the time it was associated with
cinnabar (Fig. 7). Cinnabar is easily detected by XRF due to the presence of mercury
in the paint layer. This pigment was extensively used for the main scenes, the decora-
tions, and the watermarked letters. The red lake, instead, was mainly used to paint
the purple-violet glazes and to produce hues from pink to purple. This pigment is
not seen by XRF, and its identification by means of FORS is certain only when red
lakes are used as glaze on a light substrate or in a mixture with a white pigment,
such as lead white. To date, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, there have been
no systematic studies to determine how preparation, ageing, and type of lake affect
the reflectance spectra. Many of the absorption features can vary depending on the
preparation of the dye into a lake (Bacci et al. 2001) as well as the preparation of
the paint (Bisulca et al. 2008). In some cases characteristic features are less intense
fig.6 detail of the the folium 60v with the dark yellow mantle of san peter depicted using orpiment (xrf measurement n. 92)
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n o n - i n v a s i v e x r f a n d u v - v i s - n i r r e f l e c t a n c e s p e c t r o s c o p i c
or absent altogether, which can cause misleading results in interpretation of spectra.
While it is sometimes possible to distinguish between these dyes or to broadly classify
them as of animal or insect in origin, in the analysis of real paintings identification is
complicated by the presence of other pigments, the nature of their application, and
the effects of natural ageing. These factors can mask or alter characteristic features
in UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectra (Fig. 8).
Finally, it was noteworthy to report that sometimes, such as in the folium 85v, the
ring shape bronze/light brown decorations of the letter were made by using mosaic
gold, a very fine powder made with tin and copper, as revealed by XRF (Fig. 9).fig.7 detail of the folium 13v where red lead (minium) and cinnabar were found
fig.8 fors spectra of red lead (solid line - a, f. 13v), cinnabar (dashed line – b, f. 13v), and red lake (dotted line – c, f. 93r)
fig.9 xrf spectrum from the ring shape bronze/light brown decorations of
the letter of folium 85v made by using mosaic gold, a very fine powder made
with tin and copper
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
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Conclusion
The combination of high fidelity site-specific methods (FORS and XRF) proved to
be a useful tool for the examination of illuminates and miniatures artists’ materials,
as already found in easel and mural paintings. Expanding the FORS range of analy-
sis further into the infrared, improving the XRF procedure in the detection of light
chemical elements, and adding Raman spectroscopy to the list of applied techniques,
would make possible more precise descriptions of the characteristics of the materials
found in this kind of artworks, in particular when organic materials, such as binding
media, need to be identified. •
Bibliography
Bacci M., Orlando A., Picollo M., Radicati B., Lanterna G. 2000. Colour analysis of
historical red lakes using non-destructive reflectance spectroscopy. Compatible Materials
for the Protection of Cultural Heritage, in PACT 58, 21-35.
Bacci M., Magrini D., Picollo M., Radicati B., Trumpy G., Tsukada M., Kunzelman D. 2007.
Modern white pigments: their identification by means of non-invasive ultraviolet, visible
and infrared fiber optic reflectance spectroscopy in Proceedings of the Modern Paints
Uncovered Symposium, Tate modern, London, May 16-19, 2006. Editors T.J.S. Learner, P.
Smithen, J.W. Krueger, M. Schilling. The Getty Conservation Institute, Los Angeles, 118-128.
Bacci M., Boselli L., Picollo M., Radicati B. 2009. UV, VIS, NIR Fibre Optic Reflectance
Spectroscopy (FORS) in Practical handbook on diagnosis of paintings on movable
support, Editors D. Pinna, M. Galeotti, R. Mazzeo, European Project ARTECH, Centro
Di, Firenze, 197-200.
Bisulca C., Picollo M., Bacci M., Kunzelman D. 2008. UV-Vis-NIR reflectance spectroscopy
of red lakes in paintings in Proceedings of the 9th International Conference on Non-
destructive investigations and microanalysis for the diagnostics and conservation of
cultural and environmental heritage, Jerusalem, May 25-30, 2008.
Clarke, M. 2001. The analysis of medieval European manuscripts, Reviews in Conservation 2, 3-17.
Brunello F. 1975. De Arte Illuminandi, Neri Pozza Editore, Vicenza.
Dran J.-C-, Laval E. 2009. X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) in Practical handbook on diagnosis
of paintings on movable support, Editors D. Pinna, M. Galeotti, R. Mazzeo, European
Project ARTECH, Centro Di, Firenze, 210-213.
Ricciardi P., Delaney J.K., Glinsman L., Thoury M., Facini M., de la Rie R. 2009. Use
of visible and infrared reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy to study
illuminated manuscripts: pigment identification and visualization of underdrawings in
Optical Methods for Arts and Archaeology – Aug. 2009 Proc. SPIE Vol. 7391, R. Salimbeni,
L. Pezzati Eds.
http://fors.ifac.cnr.it. Fiber Optics Reflectance Spectra (FORS) of Pictorial Materials in
the 270-1700 nm range.
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n o n - i n v a s i v e x r f a n d u v - v i s - n i r r e f l e c t a n c e s p e c t r o s c o p i c
Biographies
Marcello Picollo, geologist, is a Researcher at the Institute of Applied Physics «Nello Carrara»
IFAC-CNR, Florence. He has been working on spectroscopic investigations of works of art
since 1991. His main focus is on pigment characterization using non-invasive spectroscopic,
imaging and X-ray techniques. Address: Institute of Applied Physics «Nello Carrara» IFAC-
CNR, Via Madonna del Piano 10, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino (Italy). E-mail: m.picollo@ifac.cnr.it
Alfredo Aldrovandi received his Master in Science in Physics at the University of Modena.
He has been working from 1983 at the Restoration Laboratories of the Opificio delle Pietre
Dure in Florence. His main focus is on the development and application of non-invasive
diagnostic investigation techniques on artworks. Address: Opificio delle Pietre Dure, Via
degli Alfani 78, 50121 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: alfredo.aldrovandi@gmail.com
Alessandro Migliori received his Master in Science in Physics in June 2001 and his
PhD in «Science for the Conservation of Cultural Heritage» in December 2004, both at
University of Florence. He is an expert in techniques for compositional analysis using
ion beams (Ion Beam Analysis techniques: PIXE, PIGE, RBS, NRA) and X-ray radiation
(XRF), mainly in the field of Cultural Heritage. He has worked at CMAM laboratory in
Madrid and Opificio delle Pietre Dure in Florence. Presently he is working as researcher
at LABEC laboratory of INFN-Florence. Address: Dipartimento di Fisica e INFN
(Florence), Via Sansone 1, 50019 Sesto Fiorentino, Italy. E-mail: migliori@fi.infn.it
Sara Giacomelli received her Master in Humanities in 2004 with a thesis on History of Ancient
Book Illumination. She received a post Master specialization in Art history in 2008 with a thesis
on techniques and pigments used in miniatures. She has worked at the Museum of San Marco
for the exhibitions «Miniatura in Umbria del Rinascimento. Suggerimenti per un percorso
artistico» (2004); «Fra Giovanni Angelico. Pittore miniatore o miniatore pittore?» (2007-2008);
«L’Angelico ritrovato. Studi e ricerche per la Pala di San Marco» (2008-2009); «Beato Angelico.
L’alba del Rinascimento» (2009). Her publications dealt with Umbrian and Florentine illumination
artworks. Address: Società Internazionale per lo Studio del Medioevo Latino (S.I.S.M.E.L.),
Certosa del Galluzzo, Via della Certosa 1, 50124 Firenze, Italy. E-mail: saragiacomelli@gmail.com
Magnolia Scudieri received her Master in Humanities specializing in Medieval and Modern
Art history. She is the Director of both the Museum of San Marco and the Conservation
Laboratories of Soprintendenza of the Florentine area. She is actively involved in encouraging
and initiating study and research to further the knowledge on the permanent collection
of the Museum of San Marco. She is responsible for creating proficient collaboration with
prominent institutes dedicated to the investigation of, in particular, the artistic production
of Beato Angelico and his followers. She has organized several exhibitions and published
works on this topic. Address: Museo di San Marco, Piazza San Marco, 50100 Firenze, Italy.
E-mail: scudieri@polomuseale.firenze.it
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a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s
Resumo
A caracterização das paletas de cor utilizadas na iluminura medieval é tarefa impor-
tante de um ponto de vista histórico-artístico, mas árduo numa perspectiva cientí-
fica: é difícil recolher amostras, não é aconselhável utilizar técnicas que necessitem
de contacto (i.e., IR em modo de ATR) nem levar a cabo sessões de análise longas,
devido ao stress que se poderá causar aos manuscritos. Por estes motivos, é neces-
sário utilizar técnicas analíticas que sejam não-invasivas e rápidas; para além disso,
na maioria dos casos será necessário trabalhar in situ, utilizando instrumentação
transportável. De entre as técnicas possíveis, a espectroscopia de Raman será a
mais informativa, dado o seu potencial de diagnóstico; no entanto, requer tempos
de análise longos. A fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) é uma al-
ternativa poderosa, mas sendo uma técnica de análise elementar, nalguns casos não
permite chegar a conclusões precisas. A espectroscopia de UV-VIS-NIR, em modo de
reflectância com fibra óptica (FORS), pode ser considerada uma técnica preliminar
promissora, mas apresenta algumas limitações óbvias.
Neste trabalho é proposto um protocolo de análise para a caracterização de ilumi-
nuras em manuscritos, de forma não-invasiva, utilizando equipamento transportável
e efectuando análises in situ. Este protocolo permite a identificação de colorantes
através da aplicação sucessiva de técnicas complementares, explorando as vanta-
gens de cada uma delas. Antes de mais, preparou-se uma paleta com os diversos
pigmentos que se sabe terem sido utilizados na Idade Média; prepararam-se tintas
à base de goma arábica e clara de ovo, seguindo receitas antigas descritas em tra-
tados medievais tais como De arte illuminandi by anonymous, Compositiones ad
tingenda musiva by anonymous and Il libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. Esta paleta
constitui-se como ponto de partida para a construção de uma base de dados para
a análise espectroscópica, reproduzindo cenários semelhantes aos encontrados nos
manuscritos. É assim importante enfatizar o facto dos espectros obtidos com esta
paleta serem mais fiáveis que os obtidos a partir do colorante em pó. O protocolo
começa com uma análise global levada a cabo com FORS, sendo adquiridos espectros
em todas as áreas pintadas do manuscrito e comparados com a base de dados. Isto
permite a identificação de cerca de 60-70% dos colorantes presentes. De seguida,
procede-se a uma inspecção visual das cores com uma câmara digital acoplada a um
microscópio 10-80x, por forma a obter boas imagens das áreas onde se obtiveram
espectros de FORS inconclusivos, i.e., misturas de pigmentos, cores degradadas, etc.
Após o que se conduzem as análises de XRF que permite caracterizar os pigmentos
metálicos (i.e., pigmentos à base de ouro, prata e cobre), verificar a presença de
camadas sobrepostas, identificar mordentes em corantes e lacas, e ainda identificar
eventuais produtos secundários que, por sua vez, fornecerão informação útil para
estudos de proveniência das matérias-primas. Nesta fase cerca de 90% dos colorantes
presentes estarão identificados. Finalmente a espectroscopia de Raman será aplicada
a casos que ainda levantem dúvidas. Após a aplicação destas técnicas obtém-se muita
informação, causando pouco ou nenhum stress aos manuscritos analisados. •
palavras-chave
in situforsramanxrfiluminuras
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Abstract
The characterisation of palettes used in medieval manuscript illumination is an im-
portant task from the historical-artistic point of view, but a hard one from the scien-
tific point of view: miniatures cannot be sampled, it is unsuitable to use techniques
operating in contact (e.g. IR in ATR mode) and to perform long-lasting analytical
sessions, due to the stress that can be imparted to manuscripts. For these reasons
it is necessary to use analytical techniques both non-invasive and fast; moreover,
in most of cases it is necessary to work in situ with portable instruments Among
available techniques working in portable versions, Raman spectroscopy is the most
informative, due to its diagnostic power; it requires, though, long time of analysis.
XRF spectrometry is a powerful alternative but, being an elemental technique, in
some cases it does not yield accurate results. UV-visible-NIR spectrophotometry in
reflectance mode with fibre optics (FORS) can be promising as preliminary technique
with some apparent limits.
In this work a protocol of analysis is proposed for characterisation of miniature
paintings on manuscripts in non-invasive way, using only portable techniques and
performing in situ analysis. The protocol allows identification of colorants by suc-
cessive application of complementary techniques, exploiting the advantages of each
technique. First of all a palette with several pigments, dyes and lakes on parchment
has been prepared with colorants that were in use in Middle Ages; paints have been
prepared in gum Arabic and in egg white, according to ancient recipes described in
medieval textbooks such as De arte illuminandi by anonymous, Compositiones ad
tingenda musiva by anonymous and Il libro dell’arte by Cennino Cennini. This pal-
ette is the base on which to build a database of spectroscopic analysis, reproducing
a situation similar to the one present on manuscripts. It is important, therefore, to
stress the fact that spectra collected from this palette are more reliable than spectra
obtained from analysis of colorants in powder. The protocol is started with an overall
investigation with FORS, collecting spectra from all painted areas of the manuscript
and comparing them with the database. This allows to identify almost 60-70 % of
the colorants present. Then visual inspection of the paintings is performed with a
digital camera connected with a 10-80x microscope, in order to have a clear image
of areas that show uncertain FORS spectra, i.e. mixtures of pigments, altered paints,
etc. Then XRF spectrometry is performed in order to characterise metal pigments
(i.e. gold, silver and copper pigments), to verify the presence of overlapping layers,
to identify mordants for dyes and lakes and to identify contaminants in pigments
yielding information useful to study the provenance of raw materials for colorants.
At this stage almost 90% of colorants can be identified. Finally Raman spectroscopy
is used for the most uncertain cases. After application of these techniques a wealth
of information is obtained, causing little or no stress at all to the manuscripts under
analysis. •
key-words
non invasiveforsramanxrfminiatures
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 3 1
a protocol for non-invasive analysis of miniature paintingsmauriz io aceto Department of Environmental and Life
Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont
(Italy); Centro Interdisciplinare per lo
Studio e la Conservazione dei Beni Culturali
(CenISCo), Università del Piemonte
Orientale (Italy)
angelo agost ino Department of General Chemistry and
Organic Chemistry, University of Turin,
Italy; NIS (Nanostructured Interfaces and
Surfaces) (Italy)
monica gulmini
eleonora pell izz i
valentina b ianco Department of Analytical Chemistry,
University of Turin (Italy)
Introduction
The characterization of palettes used in miniature painting is an important task as
a great amount of information can be obtained at the disposal of art historians. It
is, though, a hard task since miniatures are among the most precious and fragile
artworks. Many problematic aspects must be considered:
– sampling from miniatures is usually not allowed by owners and institutions,
so that only in situ analysis can be performed;
– it is not possible to use analytical techniques working at contact with the
sample, such as ATR-IR;
– while performing analysis sessions, prolonged opening of manuscripts can
cause stress to painting layers and to parchment itself, so that after few
hours sessions must be closed.
Due to these drawbacks, it is clear that only portable, non invasive and fast analyti-
cal techniques must be used.
Another important consideration is the following: no analytical technique, when
used alone, can yield all information needed to characterize palettes. Several as-
pects support this statement. Information must be gained either on macroscopic
scale (1-3 mm spot) to identify the main components, and on microscopic scale
(0.1 - 0.001 mm) to identify single components in a mixture. Mixtures can be apparent
(brown ➮red + black; pink ➮ red + white; grey ➮ white + black) or less evident
(green ➮ blue + yellow; purple ➮ red + blue). Illuminators used sometimes a mixture
of indigo and orpiment called vergaut or vergant, to obtain a green hue.
Secondly, information must be gained either with surface techniques and with in-
depth techniques. Surface techniques (such as Raman spectroscopy) allow identifica-
tion of colorants in the last pictorial layer, of varnishes and protective layers and of
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
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alteration compounds, while in-depth techniques (such as XRF) allow identification
of underlying pictorial layers, information on preparation layers and on grounds.
This can be seen from the following example. In the miniature shown in fig.1, taken
from a XV century Book of hours by Antoine de Lonhy, held in the Museo Civico di
Arte Antica in Turin (Italy), the Virgin’s robe is painted in blue. XRF analysis on the
blue area shows the presence of copper, suggesting the use of azurite; Raman and
FORS analysis, though, both show the presence of ultramarine blue in the surface
layer, so that we can hypothesize that the author used the layering technique, that
is the superimposition of different pigments (Aceto et al. 2008).
fig.1 complementary analysis on the virgin’s robe from a xv century miniature
In the analysis of manuscripts, among the techniques available in portable version
Raman spectroscopy is with no doubt the one with the best diagnostic power (Ac-
eto et al. 2006; Bersani et al. 2006). It requests, though, lengthy times of analysis.
XRF spectrometry has a good diagnostic power (Bruni et al. 2008) but results are
sometimes not conclusive, due to the fact that it is an elemental technique; moreover
it cannot be used to identify organic compounds. IR spectrophotometry (Bruni et
al. 1999) and X-ray Diffraction spectrometry (Duran et al. 2009), though available
in portable version, are at present still difficult to be used in situ as self-consistant
techniques. A good alternative to these powerful but sophisticated techniques is
UV-visible diffuse reflectance spectrophotometry, whose acronym is FORS when it is
used with fiber optics (Bacci et al. 1997, 28; Bacci 2000). This technique is easy to
use, it requests short analysis times and it can be used in all geometrical situations.
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a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s
Truly portable instruments are available on the market. Its major drawback is that
results are hard to interpret in case of mixtures and when varnishes or patinas are
present, being a surface technique. Moreover, due to the present performances of
probes, it is not fit to analyze short painted areas (< 3 mm). It must be considered,
though, that in miniature painting the range of colorants is usually narrow and known
according to age and geographic zone, and that usually varnishes are not present.
The range of information available from the cited techniques is the following:
– Raman and IR can yield information on compounds present, such as color-
ants, ligands and varnishes;
– UV-Visible FORS can yield information on compounds present in the sur-
face layer;
– XRF can yield information on elements present in colorants as key-elements,
in order to identify the colorants, and as impurities, in order to have informa-
tion on the origin orf raw materials.
To resume, it is clear the need to operate with more techniques, due to fact that
these must be non invasive and portable, fast and with minimal impact on the
object being examined, to be executed on macro and micro scale, on surface and
in-depth. As said before, no analytical technique can fulfill all these requirements
when used alone.
Analytical protocolIn order to address these issues, we propose the development of an analytical pro-
tocol to optimize the number and type of analysis needed in the characterization of
miniature paintings. The protocol is composed by the following steps.
– preliminary analysis with UV-visible FORS
– chemometric treatment of spectral data
– visual inspection with digital camera
– XRF analysis
– Raman analysis
As it is obvious, the application of the protocol must be preceded by a proper knowl-
edge of bibliographic sources, in order to build spectral databases in proper condi-
tions. This is because it is much better to compare analytical results from unknown
samples with analytical standards prepared in similar conditions. A palette of color-
ants on parchment was therefore prepared, choosing colorants among those used
by medieval artists and following recipes of medieval technical treatises such as De
Arte Illuminandi (Brunello 1971a), Compositiones ad tingenda musiva also known
as Manoscritto di Lucca (Caffaro 2000) and Il libro dell’arte (Brunello 1971b). To
simulate the painting techniques used by ancient illuminators, paints were prepared
either in egg tempera and in gum Arabic. In fig.2 the resulting palette on parch-
ment is shown.
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 3 4
1st stageIn the preliminary stage, FORS analysis is executed on all painted areas of a manu-
script (fig.3). Identification of colored colorants (i.e. all but black, white and grey)
is performed according to their spectral features: reflectance or absorbance maxima
for blue, green and purple colorants, inflexion points for yellow, red and orange
colorants (fig.4).
fig.2 the complete palette of colorants on parchment
2nd stageMultivariate analysis is performed on FORS spectra in order to identify painted areas
obtained with similar pigments. Among unsupervised pattern recognition techniques,
Hierarchical Cluster Analysis (HCA) or Principal Components Analysis (PCA) can be
used. Upon classification of FORS spectra into different classes, identification per-
formed on a single painted area can be extended to all items, i.e. all painted areas
belonging to the same class. It must be noted that classification must be performed
fig.3 analysis of miniatures by fors fig.4 spectral features in the fors spectrum
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 3 5
a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s
separately on painted areas of a single hue: if all hues were classified simultane-
ously, the differences among hues would be stronger than the differences among
pigments of the similar hue.
In fig.5 a dendrogram is shown resulting from cluster analysis on blue painted areas
taken from a XII century Italian manuscript: painted areas are clearly grouped into
three classes, respectively made of azurite, indigo and ultramarine blue. In fig.6 a
similar result is obtained by red painted areas from a XV century Italian manuscript:
again, it is apparent the classification in distinct groups, in this case made of minium
and cinnabar.
fig.5 dendrogram from cluster analysis on blue painted areas from xii century italian manuscript
fig.6 dendrogram from cluster analysis on red painted areas from a xv century italian manuscript
3rd stageAfter performing FORS analysis, it is useful to carry out a visual inspection of
painted areas in order to better understand the result of FORS analysis. This can
be made through a digital camera connected with a zoom lens (in the present case
a 10x-80x zoom, fig.7), in order to have a look under the microscopic scale. Visual
inspection can yield useful information concerning the identification of mixtures,
which can help tuning the interpretation of FORS spectra; moreover identifica-
tion of altered areas and of particular features can be obtained. In the following
figures some examples are shown, taken from inspection on a XII century Italian
manuscript called Liber Evangeliorum, held in the Archive and Chapter Library of
Vercelli (Italy).fig.7 visual inspection on a manuscript with a digital camera and a zoom lens
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 3 6
In fig.8 a blue initial is shown. The corresponding FORS spectrum, shown in
fig.9, suggests the presence of azurite but we must note that the reflectance
maximum is red-shifted. An image at 80x magnification (fig.10) allows to clarify
this behavior: little red particles, later identified as made of cinnabar, are present
that cause the red shift in the spectrum; as a consequence we must think that
the blue initial was painted with a mixture of azurite and cinnabar, possibly due
to a dirty brush.
In fig.11 the miniature shows the Virgin’s and Saint John’s robes painted in a very
weak blue hue. The image at 80x magnification (fig.12) put into evidence that
residual particles of ultramarine blue are present: most probably both robes were
painted in blue but the painted areas were later subjected to a phenomenon known
as ultramarine sickness, in which ultramarine looses its color as a consequence of
interaction with acidic agents.
fig.8 a blue initial from a xii century italian manuscriptfig.9 fors spectra of the blue initial (blue line) and of a standard of azurite (black line)
fig.11 a highly degraded miniature from a xii century italian manuscriptfig.12 magnified image (80x) of the blue paint on the virgin’s robe
fig.10 magnified image (80x) of the blue initial
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 3 7
a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s
In fig.13 it is possible, at high magnification, to see the preparation layer underly-
ing a gold foil and to hypothesize that the preparation be of the flat gilding type,
that is with glue.
In fig.14 another gilding shows the presence of gold and silver foils overlapped (the
so-called oro di mistà).
Finally, in fig.15 a translucent layer of iron-rich paint is shown, which was later
identified as iron-gall ink used as pigment.
fig.13 magnified image (80x) of a gilding fig.14 magnified image (80x) of a oro di mistà gilding
fig.13 magnified image (80x) of a paint made from iron-gall ink
4th stageAfter FORS analysis, identification of colorants is followed by XRF analysis (fig.16).
Application of XRF is mandatory to address the following issues that cannot be ful-
filled by other techniques:
– characterization of metal pigments such as gold, silver, tin, etc. either in foil
or in powder form;
– characterization of uncolored colorants, i.e. white, black and grey pigments
that cannot be identified by FORS;
– identification of overlapping layers;
– identification of mordants used with dyes and lakes;
– identification of impurities in pigments, useful to yield information on the
provenance of raw materials.
The last issue is exemplified in fig.17 which shows the relationship among copper and
barium as determined by XRF on blue painted areas laid with azurite on a XV century
Italian manuscript. It is apparent the good correlation among copper (chromophore
in azurite) and barium (impurity in azurite). Same result is obtained for copper and
zinc in green areas laid with malachite. These results suggest a link among the pig-
ments and the minerals from which they were obtained: if large enough information
is available, the geographical origin of the minerals used can be determined.fig.17 relationship among copper and barium in blue paints
fig.16 analysis of miniatures by xrf spectrometry
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 3 8
5th stageAt this stage almost 80-90% of the colorants is already identified. Raman analysis
(fig.18), which is together the most sophisticated and the most cumbersome of the
cited techniques, can be used as far as uncertain cases are left and to confirm previ-
ous identifications. Its spatial resolution helps in fine-tuning identification.
Finally, to illustrate the application of the proposed protocol, results from char-
acterization of the palette of a manuscript are described. The manuscript is the
already cited Book of hours by Antoine de Lonhy, held in the Museo Civico di Arte
Antica in Turin (Italy) and dating to the XV century. The whole palette is reported
in tab.1.
Hue Colorant FORS XRF Raman
White lead white n.i. Pb X
Blue ultramarine blue on azurite X Cu X
azurite X Cu, Ba X
phtalocyanine blue X Cu, Ti X
Yellow gold foil n.i. Au n.i.
shell gold n.i. Au n.i.
mosaic gold n.i. Sn, S X
lead-tin yellow type I X Pb, Sn X
Grey gold on silver n.i. Ag, Au n.i.
Black carbon n.i. n.i. X
Red cinnabar X Hg, S X
minium X Pb X
Green malachite X Cu, Zn X
Violet lake (kermes?) with lead white n.i. Pb n.i.
table 1 palette of the book of hours by antoine de lonhy (xv century). x = colorant identified by the technique; n.i. = colorant not identified by the technique
In fig.19 a miniature taken from the Book of hours shows the presence of four dif-
ferent yellow pigments used by the author in order to obtain different effects. Iden-
tification was possible only by complementary application of analytical techniques,
following the protocol described.
The miniature in fig.20 shows a peculiar feature. Again, the application of the pro-
tocol allowed to put into evidence a later retouch in the background sky, in which
the original paint in ultramarine blue was reinforced with phtalocyanine blue laid
on titanium white, an intervention made later than 1935 when phtalocyanines were
patented. •
fig.18 analysis of miniatures by raman spctroscopy
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 3 9
a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s
fig.19 yellow pigments identified on a xv century miniature
fig.20 original and later added blue pigments on a xv century miniature
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 4 0
Bibliography
Aceto, M., Agostino, A., Boccaleri, E., Crivello, F., Cerutti Garlanda, A. 2006. Evidence for
the degradation of an alloy pigment on an ancient Italian manuscript. Journal of Raman
Spectroscopy, vol. 37: 1160-1170.
Aceto, M. Agostino, A., Gulmini, M., Pellizzi, E., Castronovo, S. 2008. Reconstructing
the palette used in a fifteenth century manuscript illuminated by Antoine de Lonhy.
Porceedings of the 37th International Symposium on Archaeometry, Siena, 12-16 Maggio
2008.
Bacci, M., Picollo, M., Porcinai, S., Radicati, B. 1997, Non destructive spectrophotometry
and colour measurements applied to the study of works of art. Techne, vol. 5: 28-33.
Bacci, M. 2000. UV-VIS-NIR, FT-IR and FORS spectroscopies. In: E. Ciliberto, G. Spoto
eds., Modern Analytical Methods in Art and Archaeology, Chemical Analysis Series, vol.
155: 321-361. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc.
Bersani, D., Lottici, P.P., Vignali, F., Zanichelli, G. 2006. A study of medieval illuminated
manuscripts by means of portable Raman equipments. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy,
vol. 37: 1012-1018.
Brunello, F. 1971a. De arte illuminandi. Vicenza: Neri Pozza.
Brunello, F. 1971b. Il libro dell’arte. Vicenza: Neri Pozza.
Bruni, S., Cariati, F., Casadio, F., Toniolo, L. 1999. Identification of pigments on a XV
century illuminated parchment by Raman and FTIR microspectroscopies. Spectrochimica
Acta Part A, vol. 55: 1371-1377.
Bruni, S., Caglio, S., Guglielmi, V., Poldi, G. 2008. The joined use of n.i. spectroscopic
analyses – FTIR, Raman, visible reflectance spectrometry and EDXRF – to study drawings
and illuminated manuscripts. Applied Physics A, vol. 92: 103-108.
Caffaro, A. 2000. Scrivere in oro. Salerno: Palladio.
Duran, A., Perez-Rodriguez, J. L., Espejo, T., Franquelo, M. L., Castaing, J., Walter, P.
2009. Characterization of illuminated manuscripts by laboratory-made portable XRD and
micro-XRD systems. Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry, vol. 395: 1997-2004.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 4 1
a p r o t o c o l f o r n o n - i n v a s i v e a n a ly s i s o f m i n i a t u r e p a i n t i n g s
Biographies
Maurizio Aceto graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a
PhD in Chemical Sciences (University of Turin, Italy), His research interests concern
characterisation of colorants of pictorial artworks with non-destructive and non-
invasive spectroscopic techniques. Currently he is research associate at the Department
of Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont, Italy; he is also a
member of Centro Interdisciplinare per lo Studio e la Conservazione dei Beni Culturali
(CenISCo), University of Eastern Piedmont, sede of Vercelli. Address: Department of
Environmental and Life Sciences, University of Eastern Piedmont, via T. Michel, 11 –
15100 Alessandria, Italy. Tel.: +39 0131 360265; Fax: +39 0131 360250; E-mail: maurizio.
aceto@unipmn.it.
Angelo Agostino graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a PhD
in Chemical Sciencs (University of Turin, Italy), His research interests concern application
of X-ray spectroscopic techniques to the characterisation of materials of artistic-
archaeological interest. Currently he is technician at the Department of General and
Applied Organic Chemistry, University of Turin; he is also a member of Centro di Eccellenza
NIS (Nanostructured Interfaces and Surfaces), University of Turin. Address: Department
of General and Applied Organic Chemistry, University of Turin, c.so M. d’Azeglio, 48
– 10125 Turin, Italy. Tel.: +39 011 6707585; Fax: +39 011 6707585; E-mail: angelo.
agostino@unito.it.
Monica Gulmini graduated in Chemistry (University of Turin, Italy) and obtained a
PhD in Chemical Sciences (University of Turin, Italy). His research interests concern
characterisation of glasses, ceramics and pictorial artworks with spectroscopic techniques.
Currently she is research associate at the Department of Analytical Chemistry, University
of Turin. Address: Department of Analytical Chemistry, University of Turin, via P. Giuria,
5 – 10125 Turin, Italy. Tel.: +39 011 6707618; Fax: +39 011 6707615; E-mail: monica.
gulmini@unito.it.
Valentina Bianco graduated in graduated in Sciences and Technologies for the Cultural
Heritage (University of Turin, Italy). Address: Department of Analytical Chemistry,
University of Turin, via P. Giuria, 5 – 10125 Turin, Italy.
Eleonora Pellizzi graduated in graduated in Sciences and Technologies for the Cultural
Heritage (University of Turin, Italy). Address: Centre de Recherche sur la Conservation
des Collections, Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, 36 rue Saint Hilaire – 75005
Paris, France.
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A fluorescência de raios-X por radiação de sincrotrão é uma técnica eficaz de análise
elementar, in situ e não-invasiva. O uso de novos detectores permite operar com
fluxos elevados sem perca de resolução. Apresentamos um estudo onde a SR-XRF
é utilizada, com um sensor CCD (thick fully-depleted), no estudo dos pigmentos
utilizados numa iluminura de um manuscrito produzido no círculo de Fra Angelico,
em torno a 1450. Os dados obtidos são utilizados conjuntamente com a análise es-
tilística e a pesquisa em arquivos para a interpretação do processo de decoração de
manuscritos no séc. XV em Florença. •
Abstract
Synchrotron-radiation induced X-ray fluorescence is an effective technique for non-
invasive, in-situ, elemental analysis. The use of new detectors enables operation at
large fluxes without loss of resolution. We present a case-study application of SR-XRF
with a thick, fully-depleted CCD sensor to the analysis of the pigments on the illumi-
nation of a manuscript decorated in the circle of Fra Angelico around 1450. Physical
data are integrated with stylistic analysis and archive research in the interpretation
of the process of manuscript decoration in XV century Florence. •
palavras-chave
sincrotrãofluorescência de raios-xdispersiva de energiasiluminurasfra angelico
key-words
synchrotronx-ray fluorescencemanuscript illuminationsfra angelico
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 4 3
the application of sr-xrf to the analysis of manuscript illuminationa case study 1
marco battagl ia University of California at Santa Cruz and
Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, CA
(USA)
laura al idori battagl ia University of California at Santa Cruz, CA
(USA)
richard celestre
peter denes
dionis io doering
tae sung k im
sarah zalusky
Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory,
Berkeley, CA (USA)
Introduction
The use of synchrotron radiation induced X-ray fluorescence (SR-XRF) is well suited
for the elemental analysis of pigments in artworks since the analysis is fast and
non-destructive, the beam can be made monochromatic and its energy changed to
fit the analysis requirements. The small spot size probes tiny regions and disentan-
gles individual pigments and small pitch scans can be performed to acquire detailed
pigment maps.
XRF 2 and PIXE 3 analyses have already provided us with fundamental data for the
study of the pigments used in the decoration of Medieval and Renaissance manu-
scripts. Here we discuss pigment analysis by SR-XRF to clarify the methods of work
and sharing of responsibilities among artists of the circle of Fra Angelico in mid-XV
century Florence. This case study is based on the analysis of the illuminated opening
page of a manuscript decorated by Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and another artist,
around 1450. The physical data are integrated with stylistic analysis and archive re-
search in the interpretation of manuscript illumination. This analysis introduces also a
novel detector for XRF. We employ a thick, high-resistivity, front-illuminated Charge
Coupled Device (CCD). CCD sensors offer several advantages over a conventional
Si(Li) detectors. Their active surface is large and the high pixellisation allows us to
operate with large X-ray fluxes without pile-up effects.
This paper is organized as follows. First we discuss some aspects of the organisa-
tion of manuscript decoration in Florence around 1450 as it emerges from archival
sources. Then we present the manuscript under study, the experimental set-up and
the CCD performance. Finally we discuss the results of the analysis of the red pig-
ment composition, in areas which appear to be due to different artists, and of the
1. In this article LAB has been responsible for the
sections on art history and archive research, the
other authors for the XRF analysis.
2. M Picollo et al., these proceedings and refer-
ences therein.
3. M Bernasconi et al., Analyse des couleurs dans
un groupe de manuscrits enlumines du XII au
XV siècle avec l’emploi de la technique PIXE, in
Ancient and Medieval Book Materials and Tech-
niques, Citta’ del Vaticano, 1993, pp. 57-101.
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 4 4
4. LB Kanter, Zanobi Strozzi miniatore and
Battista di Biagio Sanguigni, Arte Cristiana, 90
(2002), pp. 321-331.
5. ASF, Conv. Soppr. 234, San Gaggio, n. 77, c.
13v (1432): note of a credit with the monastery
of San Gaggio: «Batista miniatore dee avere per
insino a di’ primo di novembre 1432 per minia-
ture d’uno ynnario grande notato e per miniature
in uno salterio grande da coro e per miniature
negli antifonari nuovi»; ibid. n. 78, c. 35r (1435)
«Batista di … miniatore de avere a di’ 14 ottobre
(1435) lb. 33 s. 14 d. 2 per resto di sua ragione
per i libri miniati al munistero …»; ASF, Catasto
1433, vol. 482, c. 264r (1433): note of a credit
with Bardo de’ Bardi «per un libricciuolo gli fe’»;
published in W Cohn, Il Beato Angelico e Battista
di Biagio Sanguigni. Nuovi documenti, Rivista
d’arte, 30 (1955), pp. 207-216, in particular pp.
213, 215-216.
6. As it is well known, it was Battista di Biagio who
introduced Guido di Pietro (Fra Angelico) to the
Compagnia di San Niccolo’ di Bari in 1417 (ASF,
Compagnie Soppresse, vol 1549: Compagnia di
San Niccolo’ di Bari in Santa Maria del Carmine,
Elenco dei Confratelli c-c 17, n. 410 e a-c 18, n.
507) and lived near his house in S. Michele Vis-
domini. He later shared a house, located near San
Domenico in Fiesole where Guido di Pietro moved
after joining the Dominican order, with Zanobi
Strozzi from around 1430 until 1438; Cohn 1955.
7. A Dillon Bussi, Zanobi Strozzi istoriatore e non
miniatore (Indagine nel mondo della miniatura
muovendo dai quattro piu’ importanti corali
quattrocenteschi fiorentini), Rara Volumina, 13
(2006), 1, pp. 15-25.
8. A Dillon Bussi, Una «glorificazione di San Pan-
crazio» di Zanobi Strozzi, Paragone Arte, Anno
57, n. 69 (2006), pp 3-19.
9. ASF, Corporazioni Religiosi Soppresse dal
Governo Francese 88, San Pancrazio, vol. 63, c.
34r, published in M Levi d’Ancona, Miniatura e
Miniatori a Firenze dal XIV al XVI secolo, Firenze,
Olschki, 1962, p 107: «nel qual libro abbiavamo
speso insino nel 1437 in fare fare le figure del
minio della messa di san pancratio e piu’ altri
fogliami ed adorneza di detto minio. Il quale fece
rendering of the «incarnato», comparing it with that by other artists active in Flor-
ence in the same decade.
«Ad faciendum storias» and «ad miniandum»: the Sharing of Illumination Roles and the circle of Fra Angelico
Fra Angelico and the artists of his immediate circle enjoy a privileged role in the
landscape of manuscript decoration in XV century Florence, as they were responsible
for some of the most prestigious cycles of service books. This small group of artists
included Zanobi Strozzi and Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and they all worked both
as panel painters and as illuminators, at least according to the recent identification
of the so-called Maestro del 1419 with Battista di Biagio 4. The profile of Battista di
Biagio as illuminator, which still needs to be studied in detail, can be reconstructed
from few documented commissions from the 1430s 5. The choirbooks for San Gaggio,
now at San Marco, are the centerpiece for the identification of his style. Starting from
these works, a large corpus of illuminations has been assembled. Battista di Biagio
emerges as one of leading illuminators in Florence in the second quarter of the XV
century and his relationship to Fra Angelico and the other artists of his immediate
circle appears of special importance. Not only did he collaborate with Fra Angelico
and Zanobi Strozzi to the decoration of manuscripts, but he also developed close
personal relations to these artists 6. The analysis of documented commissions of
manuscript decoration by these artists has clarified the difference of roles between
«istoriatore» and «miniatore», as it has recently been pointed out 7. Three examples
are particularly pointing. The first is the 1437 commission for an illumination for the
monastery of San Pancrazio 8 to Zanobi Strozzi and Filippo di Matteo Torelli 9. The
second is the 1445 commission for the decoration of the antiphonaries of Santa
Maria del Fiore 10 to Zanobi Strozzi, Filippo di Matteo Torelli, Battista di Niccolo’ da
Padova and a not yet identified Bartolomeo 11. Finally, the «Libro delle Ricordanze
del Convento di San Marco, A» relates us details of the making of the choirbooks for
the Dominican foundation by Zanobi Strozzi and other artists from 1446 to 1454 12.
In all these documents the sharing of roles is clearly defined. Specific artists are
named as responsible for the «figure» in the main scene, or «storia», and others for
the leafy marginal decoration, «fogliami e oro e altri adornamenti». These roles are
generally respected: Filippo di Matteo Torelli is attributed almost exclusively the
role of «miniatore», while Zanobi Strozzi is documented to work on the same leaves
as «istoriatore». In at least one instance the exchange of leaves from one artist to
the next during the decoration process is documented 13. We know from stylistics
analysis that Battista di Biagio was similarly active as «miniatore», responsible for the
marginal decoration and the body of the letters, in the majority of the manuscripts
for which Fra Angelico painted the historiated initials 14. This collaboration may date
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 4 5
t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f s r -x r f t o t h e a n a ly s i s o f m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n
Zanobi degli Strozi cioe’ le figure et il resto Pippo
di Matteo che dacordo ebbono insino a di’ 17 di
maggio 1437 L.20 s.-».
10. Mss. Edili 148-151 in the Biblioteca Medi-
cea Laurenziana, see I libri del Duomo di Firenze:
codici liturgici e biblioteca di Santa Maria del
Fiore (secoli XI-XVI), L Fabbri and M Tacconi
(eds.), Firenze 1997, pp. 79-96 (Dillon Bussi)
and pp. 217-224 (Tacconi).
11. Archivio Opera del Duomo, I-1-4, c. 41t , 54
published in G Poggi, Il Duomo di Firenze, vol. II
(1988), p 39, n.1630: «Nobiles viri … operarii an-
tedicti omni modo etc. locaverunt Zanobio Ben-
edicti Carocii de Strozis ad faciendum storias de
uno ex antifanariis locatis ad scribendum Goro,
pro pretio, et remuneratione alias fiendis. Item lo-
caverunt magistro Batiste…ad faciendum storias
in alio antifanario predicto pro pretio alias fiendo.
Item locaverunt ad miniandum unum de dictis
antifanariis Filippo Mathei Torelli, miniatori, pretii
(sic) alias fiendo. Item locaverunt ad miniandum
alium antifanarium Bartolomeo minatori…».
12. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, Libro delle
Ricordanze di San Marco «A», San Marco 902, f
26v: «Ricordo come Zenobio degli Strozzi mini-
ature à auto da me frate costantino [da Nocera]
de san marcho per storie fan el primo graduale
delle feste florin dodici in duo partite» and fol-
lowing entries published in S Orlandi, Beato An-
gelico, Firenze, 1964, pp 116-117 and 194-195.
13. On 23 May 1447 Zanobi receives from Filip-
po Matteo Torelli two letters to be decorated,
San Marco 902 cit., f 23r published in M Levi
D’Ancona, Miniatura e miniatori a Firenze dal XIV
al XVI secolo, Firenze, 1962, p 265.
14. LB Kanter, ad vocem Guido di Pietro, in
Dizionario biografico dei miniatori italiani: secoli
IX-XVI, M Bollati (ed), Milano 2004, pp. 334-335.
15. See for example and references therein: A
Guidotti, Indagini su botteghe di cartolai e mini-
atori a Firenze nel XV secolo, in La miniature ital-
iana tra Gotico e Rinascimento, Atti del II Con-
gresso di Storia della Miniatura Italiana, E Sesti
(ed.), Firenze 1985, pp. 473-507; A Guidotti,
Nuovi documenti su Vespasiano da Bisticci la sua
bottega e la sua famiglia, in Federico da Mon-
as early circa 1425 in the work for the choirbook Ms 558 for San Domenico, now in
San Marco. It likely continued shortly afterwards in the decoration of Ms. Gerli 54 in
Biblioteca Braidense of Milano. We recognize again his hand in the decoration of the
two Psalters, Mss 530 and 531 of San Marco, which can be dated circa 1449 near the
end of his life and are very close in style to the miniature analyzed here. This peculiar
organisation of work, which sees two different artists working on the same initial is
further confirmed by the analysis of Missal Ms 534 from San Marco where one art-
ist, possibly Sanguigni himself, paints all the letters and their marginal decoration
leaving the space for the work of the «istoriatore». As the decoration of the missal
was left unfinished, today we see the spaces left for the «storie». Conversely, in the
choirbooks for San Gaggio, the main illumination, by Sanguigni, was completed, but
several foliated decorations were left unfinished. All these examples demonstrate
that the decoration of the letters and their marginal extensions and those of the
«storie» belonged to two distinct and possibly independent phases in the process of
manuscript decoration, thus confirming the evidence from the archival sources.
The organisation of artist workshops has been studied in details, 15 including the
relations between the workshop principal and his collaborators and the role of the
«cartolaio» in the distribution of the work of manuscript production and decoration.
Since the appearance of the finished manuscript does not reveal to us chromatic
inconsistencies, we are faced with the question whether different artists did work
side-by-side, sharing the same pigments, or the observed chromatic uniformity is
the result of a high degree of organisation of this process, which ensured the con-
stant quality of the final product 16. While archival sources are generally scarce on
such details of the process of manuscript production, in at few instances, documents
confirm that single leaves were brought to the artist for being decorated. One of
these is the case of a group of leaves for one of the antiphonaries being produced
for Santa Maria del Fiore and brought to Filippo Maria Torelli in 1450 17. Therefore,
we know about the effective organisation of manuscript production, which followed
the various stages of the work, from the acquisition of the parchment to the writing,
decoration and binding, dispatching the parts through the work chain. Responsible
for this was in general, probably, the «cartolaio» but in the specific case of the choir-
books of the Duomo this role was taken by the patron itself, i.e. the «Opera di Santa
Maria del Fiore». It is suggestive to assume that the same form of organisation could
also ensure the uniformity of the decorative work, even when «storie» and decorative
borders where painted by different hands at different locations. The sources do not
help us in clarifying this point. In fact, mentions of transactions of colours between
patrons and artists, in the surviving documents for XV century Florence, are mostly
limited to the gold and the «azzurro», possibly due to their high cost 18, even though
the quality of the colours to be employed is often mentioned in contracts 19. Now,
the identification of another manuscript where Battista di Biagio shares the decora-
tion work with an artist of the immediate Fra Angelico circle, provides us with the
opportunity to better understand their working practice and confirm the stylistic
evidence with physical data.
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 4 6
tefeltro: lo stato, le arti, la cultura, G Cerbeni
Baiardi et al (eds.), Roma, 1986, pp. 97-111; L
Indrio, Firenze nel Quattrocento: divisione e or-
ganizzzione del lavoro nelle botteghe, in Il colore
dell’antico, Ricerche di storia dell’arte, 38 (1989),
pp. 61-70; JJG Alexander, Medieval illuminators
and their methods of work, New Haven 1992;
Maestri e botteghe : pittura a Firenze alla fine
del Quattrocento, M Gregori et al. (eds), Firenze
1992, Organizzazione, componenti e ruoli della
bottega laica tra XIV e XV secolo, A Guidotti
(ed.), Firenze, 2006.
16. A Dillon Bussi, Rara Volumina (2006).
17. Archivio Opera del Duomo, VIII-4-1, Gior-
nale H, c. 54 pubblicato in G Poggi, Il Duomo di
Firenze, vol. II (1988), p 47, n.1672: «A Filippo
di Matteo Torelli, miniature, addi’ 6 di luglio gli
porto’ a chasa Martino manovale cho’ licenza
di Pazino operai 2 asse d’albero nero entrovi…
charte scritte e notate del primo antifanare si
fanno di nuovo perche’ lle minii … Rimando’
dette cose all’opera». Another case concerns the
Olivetan convent of «S. Bartolomeo alle Sacca» in
nearby Prato where leaves written in the convent
scriptorium were sent to an outside workshop for
being decorated, M Ciatti, Appunti e documenti
per la storia della miniature a Prato nel Quattro-
cento, in La miniatura italiana tra Gotico e Ri-
nascimento, Atti del II Congresso di Storia della
Miniatura Italiana, E Sesti (ed.), Firenze, 1985,
pp. 509-533, in particular p. 528.
18. For example, Battista di Biagio contracted a
debt with the friars of Santa Maria degli Angeli
for blue pigment in 1430 (ASF, Catasto 1430, vol
389, c . 354). Filippo di Matteo Torelli is paied for
blue pigment in 1437 «l. tre s. xi demo a Pippo
miniature per oncia 1 dazuro de la magna e per
¼ oncia dazuro ultramarino », ASF, Conventi Sop-
pressi 78, Badia vol. I, Giornale (1435-1441).
19. A Guidotti, Il mestiere del «dipintore»
nell’Italia Due-Trecentesca, in La Pittura in Ita-
lia. Il Duecento e il Trecento, E Castelnuovo (ed.),
Milano, 1986, pp. 529-540, in particular p. 535.
20. L Alidori Battaglia, An unpublished miniature
from the circle of Fra Angelico, The Burlington
Magazine, vol. CLI, n. 1277 (2009), pp. 518-525.
SR-XRF Analysis of a Miniature by Battista di Biagio Sanguigni and a Collaborator of Fra Angelico
The illumination analysed in this study is on the opening page of a manuscript con-
taining works attributed to St. Jerome, now in a private collection, decorated around
1450 20. The stylistic analysis indicates that its decoration is the work of two distinct
artists. One is responsible for the body of the initial and its foliated extensions and
can be doubtlessly identified with Battista di Biagio Sanguigni, while a second artist,
who expresses a style very close to that of Fra Angelico himself, paints the figure of
the St. Jerome in the initial.
This SR-XRF analysis was performed on beam line 5.3.1 at the Lawrence Berkeley
National Laboratory Advanced Light Source (ALS). Synchrotron radiation is produced
by the 1.9 GeV electron beam in one of the main ring bending magnets, which gives a
continuum X-ray spectrum up to ~20 keV. Upstream from the sample a mono-chroma-
tor selects the beam energy. A collimator eliminates the white beam and defines the
monochromatic beam geometry while a shutter controls the exposure time. For this
study the beam energy was chosen to be 12 keV. The beam spot at the sample surface
has a diameter of ~1 mm. The sample is mounted on a computer-controlled XY stage,
which allows us to perform automated scans of the surface of the manuscript. X-rays
are detected with a thick, front-illuminated CCD sensor developed at LBNL on high
resistivity Si. The CCD has an active surface of 118 mm2 with 1024x512 pixels arrayed
on a 15 μm pitch and two output channels. Under the operating conditions adopted
for this analysis the sensitive thickness is ~450 μm, which offers high spectral sensi-
tivity up to energies well above the beam energy. Thick, high-resistivity CCDs offer
high detection efficiency and an excellent energy resolution, matching or surpassing
that of conventional solid-state X-ray detectors. The single pixel noise is measured
to be (4.2±1.0) e— ENC. The energy resolution measured for reconstructed clusters
from a 55Fe source is 155 eV FWHM at 5.9 keV. The CCD response is calibrated in the
range 3-12 keV using thin metal foils in the same geometry used as for the manuscript
analysis. Data are saved in the fits format and subsequently converted to the lcio
format, while performing pixel-by-pixel pedestal subtraction and noise computation
from CCD exposure taken without beam. The offline analysis is performed using cus-
tom clustering processors in the Marlin C++ analysis framework. Beam back-scattering
from the sample is removed by subtracting a reference spectrum obtained with the
beam aimed at a non-decorated part of the parchment. The spectrum is reweighted
to correct for the effect of X-ray absorption in the kapton window and the inactive
detector surface. The final spectrum analysis and peak search is performed in ROOT.
Cluster shape analysis is helpful for rejecting spurious background signals, pile-up
clusters and scattered photons striking the detector at large angles. This is particu-
larly important when performing XRF on a high intensity primary beam, such as at a
light source. The XRF analysis sampled a total of twenty-six points on the decorated
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 4 7
t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f s r -x r f t o t h e a n a ly s i s o f m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n
surface of the manuscript (see Figure 1). Ten different pigments have been analyzed.
In some cases, the same pigment has been sampled at different locations to study the
effect of possible local in-homogeneities. Here we discuss the pigment composition
on those parts which appear to be due to two different artists and the technique for
the rendering of the «incarnato» of St. Jerome face.
fig.1 page with the initial l with st. jerome from the regula monachorum, c. 1r, tempera on parchment, 19 by 14 cm (private collection).
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 4 8
21. M Bagnoli, Amanuensi e miniatori in un De-
cretum Gratiani del Walters Art Museum di Balti-
mora, Arte Medievale, n.s. Anno VI (2007), 2, pp.
65-74 reports subsequent interventions on the
same initials; M Bernasconi et al., 1993 identi-
fies differences in pigment composition between
Florentine-style and Lucca-style artists working
on BML, Conv. Soppr. 298.
First, we study the composition of the red pigment at various locations on the foli-
ated decoration and on the book hold by the St. Jerome. The spectra are shown in
Figure 2. The analysis reveals Pb and a small amount of Cu in the red pigment on
the leaf protruding from the letter. This is consistent with what we would expect for
minium. Instead, the red pigment on the book is characterized by a large quantity
of Cu with Pb, Fe with traces of Zn and Ba. This composition indicates that the art-
ist mixed minium with another pigment, possibly an «ocra rossa». We sampled three
distinct spots on the leaf and two on the book. Results are consistent. Differences
in the pigment composition, associated to the work of different artists in the same
manuscripts have already been observed 21. The different composition of the two
pigments seems to support the indication from the stylistic analysis that there are
two artists working independently on the miniature.
The second part of this study attempts to elucidate the technique employed for
the rendering of the «incarnato». The deep shadows on the face of St. Jerome are
obtained with brushstrokes in an olive colour, possibly a «terra verde» which follows
the outline of the cheeks and the beard. The analysis of the beard shows that the
pigment has Fe, Cu, Pb and traces of Ba. Instead, on the forehead there are larger
brushstrokes beneath the final painted layer, revealed by infra-red photography. This
technique is adopted by Fra Angelico as well as Zanobi Strozzi. The XRF analysis
enables us to compare the pigment composition on the forehead, the breast and the
hand. The four spectra are shown in Figure 3. The composition of the pigment used
on the breast and on the hand appears to be identical. It is characterised by Fe and
Pb, with traces of Cu, Zn and Ti. On the contrary, we observe a much larger Fe and
fig.2 absorption- and efficiency-corrected xrf spectra for the red pigment on the book hold by the saint (black histogram) and on the marginal leaf (gray histogram).
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 4 9
t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f s r -x r f t o t h e a n a ly s i s o f m a n u s c r i p t i l l u m i n a t i o n
22. R Cambria et al, A PIXE analysis of Manuscripts
Illuminated bu Francesco di Antonio del Chierico,
Ancient and Medieval Book cit., pp. 103-119.
Cu content on the forehead, with traces of Mn and Cr. The rendering of deep shades
on the face by underlying a Cu-based green pigment has already been observed in
the PIXE analysis of ms. Plut. 66.22 of the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana 22. This
manuscript is dated 1455 in the colophon and was decorated by Francesco d’Antonio
del Chierico. Other pigments differ significantly in the two manuscripts. For example,
the analysis reveals only Ca, from the parchment preparation, in a pink-coloured
area in the miniature of Francesco d’Antonio, which suggests the use of a pigment
of organic origin. On the leaf by Battista di Biagio in our manuscript the pink is
characterized by Sb, Pb, Cu and Fe. These comparisons are particularly interesting
since they refer to two manuscripts decorated within a few years by two of the most
prominent workshops in Florence and highlight the variety of techniques and pig-
ments adopted by these artists.
fig.3 absorption- and efficiency-corrected xrf spectra for the pigment on the forehead in the region of the deep shadow (continuous black histogram) and away from it (continuous gray histogram), on the breast of the saint (dashed black histogram) and on the hand (dashed gray histogram).
Conclusions and Perspectives
This case study offered us with the opportunity to address some issues in the prac-
tice of manuscript decoration in mid-fifteenth century Florence. We attempted to
combine the results of SR-XRF analysis with stylistics analysis and archival research.
Even within the limitations imposed by data collected from a single manuscript, the
picture which emerges is very consistent and quite encouraging for the continuation
of such studies. Manuscript decoration was a well-organized and structured process
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m a n u s c r i p t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 5 0
23. J Absil et al., Study of color centers induced by
PIXE irradiation, Nuclear Instruments and Meth-
ods in Physics Research, B198 (2002), pp. 90-97.
24. E. Enguita et al., Damage induced by proton
irradiation in carbonate based natural painting
pigments, Nuclear Instruments and Methods in
Physics Research, B219-220 (2004), pp. 53-56.
with different artists contributing as «miniatori» and «istoriator». This seems to be
the case not only in the decoration of major cycles, but also on minor commissions
consisting of a single illuminated initial per manuscript. Results of physical elemental
analysis confirm the evidence from stylistic analysis and documents. The results of
this case study highlight the need to tightly integrate future campaigns of elemen-
tal analyses with well-defined art history problems which can be answered by the
knowledge of pigment composition. At the same time it is apparent that more data
on pigment analysis should be made available to support the work of art histori-
ans in the understanding of manuscript decoration practice and techniques across
chronological and geographical boundaries.
The effect of the intense X-ray beam from a light source on the pigment and the
parchment is an issue which is often raised by conservationists and curators and
deserves further studies. Proton irradiation is known to induce the so-called «dark
spot» phenomenon which appears to be related to the generation of colour centers 23,
but there is only limited understanding on the mechanisms responsible for pigment
damage and on their reversibility 24. Contrary to the case of protons, in SR-XRF, the
X-ray energy is often below threshold for displacement damage. We carried out some
observations on the pigments on a XV century bas-de-page after exposure to a 15
keV X-ray beam at the ALS. Observations were performed immediately after the ir-
radiation, after several months and after more than a year. No effect was detectable.
However, it would be important to further study the issue.
Finally the use of advanced pixellated sensors, as the high-resistivity CCDs adopted
for this case study, offer new opportunities for high resolution spectroscopy with
large photon fluxes, which will benefit the study of manuscript pigments both in
terms of the exposure time and sensitivity to trace elements. •
Agradecimentos por ajuda na configuração do texto e sugestões de Ana Catarina Sousa, Pedro Fialho
de Sousa, Justino Maciel, Felix Teichner e Heidi.
Resumo
A fragilidade e pequeno tamanho das iluminuras torna difícil a aplicação de méto-
dos químicos que requeiram pequenas amostras como é comum fazer em quadros.
Em alternativa, técnicas com boa resolução espacial e passíveis de aplicação in situ,
como a fluorescência de raios-X dispersiva de energias (XRF) e microscopia Raman
têm sido utilizadas para a identificação de pigmentos. Ainda que o número de téc-
nicas não-invasivas esteja a crescer, são todas de aplicação pontual e como tal não
são utilizadas para investigar a obra de arte por inteiro. Recentemente descobrimos
que combinando os dados obtidos através de técnicas de imagiografia multiespec-
trais, baseadas em reflectância de VIS-NIR e luminescência, com métodos pontuais
como a espectroscopia de UV-VIS por reflectância com fibra óptica (FORS) e XFR,
é possível identificar e mapear os pigmentos principais utilizados em iluminuras
bem como visualizar o desenho preparatório e eventuais alterações na composição.
Descrevem-se exemplos do procedimento experimental e dos resultados obtidos em
diversos fólios iluminados. •
Abstract
The fragility and small dimensions of illuminated manuscripts prohibit the use of
chemical methods that rely on small samples being taken from the artwork as is
typically done for paintings. Instead site-specific in situ techniques such as X-ray
fluorescence (XRF) and Raman spectroscopy are commonly used to identify pig-
ments. While the number of non-invasive analytical techniques is growing, all are
site-specific and thus cannot be used to survey the entire work of art. Recently we
have found that by combining results from multispectral visible/infrared reflectance
and luminescence imaging spectroscopy with those from site-specific methods such
as fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) and XRF, it is possible to successfully
identify and map the primary pigments on medieval illuminated leaves, as well as
visualize the underlying preparatory sketches and compositional changes. Exam-
ples of the experimental workflow and results obtained by using it to study several
illuminated leaves are presented. •
palavras-chave
imagiografia multiespectralfluorescência de raios-x dispersiva de energiasforsiluminuras
key-words
multispectral imagingx-ray fluorescenceforsmanuscript illuminations
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 5 3
combining visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy with site specific, in-situ techniques for material identification and mappingpaola r icc iardi , john k. delaney Scientific Research Dept., National Gallery
of Art, Washington, D.C. (USA)
paola.ricciardi@gmail.com
j-delaney@nga.gov
Introduction
The work being carried out at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC (NGA),
is aimed at adapting the imaging spectroscopy methods, originally developed for
remote sensing, for use in conservation science, and in particular to explore the
resulting synergy when these results are combined with in situ chemical methods.
Of particular interest is the study of illuminated manuscripts, which have a simpler
palette than many paintings and often cannot be sampled.
Among the many questions often addressed in the analysis of illuminated manu-
scripts, two are most relevant for conservation science. Namely, the identification
of the materials used, particularly the colorants, and elucidating the construction
techniques used such as layering and the use of preparatory sketches. Site-specific
analytical techniques, such as X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and Raman spectroscopy,
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 5 4
are usually employed to identify the pigments and possibly the binders used for the
illumination. While such methods are analytically powerful, they cannot be used to
survey the entire surface of a miniature. With both techniques, spectra are usually
acquired on visually identified sites thought to be representative of the pigments
and mixtures used for the illumination. Such visual inspection may not always ensure
an adequate representation of the pigment diversity present.
On the other hand visual imaging techniques such as microscopic observation, in-
frared reflectography (IRR), and UV-excited fluorescence, are employed to visual-
ize the preparatory sketches and understand the layer structure of the miniature.
Radiometric calibration of images acquired in numerous visible/infrared spectral
bands can be used to produce quantitative results, thus «transforming» the imaging
process into «imaging spectroscopy», which can provide chemical information about
materials. This is done by generating reflectance and luminescence spectra at each
pixel and thus over the whole imaged art object. In recent years, research carried
out mostly on paintings has proved that imaging spectroscopy techniques can be
effectively used for material identification and mapping on works of art (Casini et
al. 1999, Delaney et al. 2005, Delaney et al. 2009a, Delaney et al. 2010). However
such imaging spectroscopy methods have required light levels too high for works of
art on paper or parchment. Here we present some results regarding the use of a high
sensitivity multispectral visible/infrared camera system (400 to 2500 nm, 15 spectral
bands), which operates at illumination levels of approximately 150 lux. We have used
this camera system to acquire reflectance and luminescence images of several 14th
century Italian illuminated leaves in the NGA collection, notably, one attributed to
the workshop of Pacino di Buonaguida, representing «Christ in majesty with twelve
apostles», and another attributed to Niccolò da Bologna, representing the «Birth of
John the Baptist». Combining the imaging spectroscopy results with data from low
light fiber optics reflectance spectroscopy (FORS) and X-ray fluorescence, we have
found that the primary pigments on these medieval illuminated leaves can be identi-
fied and mapped, and preparatory sketches and changes can be visualized (Delaney
et al. 2009c, Ricciardi et al. 2009).
Summary of experimental techniques
Imaging spectroscopy involves the acquisition of spatially co-registered images in
many spectral bands in order to allow construction of a spectrum at each point in
the spectral image set (Fig. 1). In the case of reflectance imaging spectroscopy the
spectral features collected relate to the electronic transitions and some vibrational
modes of the artist’s materials. By grouping similar spectra maps can be made, and
the average spectra from each map can be compared to data-bases to help with the
identification. Luminescence imaging spectroscopy exploits the observation that a
subset of artists’ pigments, mostly organics dyes, is luminescent when excited with
UV/blue light. This is useful to help in the identification of pigments which have
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 5 5
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e s t u d y o f m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t e d m a n u s c r i p t s
fig.1 (top) schematic representation of the working principle of reflectance imaging spectroscopy, with the reconstruction of the reflectance spectra for a blue and a red area from the multi-spectral images of «christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of pacino di buonaguida (visible image detail at top left); (bottom) high-resolution reflectance spectra of the same areas collected with the fiber optics reflectance spectrometer. the gray gaussians and rectangles represent the wavelength ranges analyzed by the imaging cameras
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 5 6
reflectance spectra that lack unique features, as may be the case for organic dyes,
and it is for this reason that it is useful for the analysis of illuminated manuscripts.
As noted before, the use of imaging spectroscopy for the study of light-sensitive
materials such as illuminated manuscripts can be problematic; to date in fact, many of
the multi-spectral imaging (MSI) camera systems having high spatial fidelity require
high light levels. The study of works of art on paper and parchment requiring low
illumination (about 150 lux, comparable to a few times gallery light levels) is cur-
rently carried out at NGA with an optimized low-noise, high-sensitivity 4 mega pixel
Si-CCD imaging camera. This system is used to collect 12 narrow-band reflectance
and luminescence images in the visible to near infrared range (400 to 950 nm, 40
nm FWHM). While multispectral imaging spectroscopy in this spectral range (visible
to near infrared) is a powerful tool to spectrally separate and cluster similar materials
it is not robust enough to identify directly most artist’s materials. Thus site-specific
methods such as XRF and FORS can be used to aid in the identification.
Infrared reflectograms (IRR) in the 750 to 950 nm and 1000 to 2500 nm range can
be acquired using the Si-CCD camera (see above) and a highly sensitive InSb camera
equipped with infrared filters, allowing the observation of preparatory sketches and
compositional changes at the same low light level used for MSI. IRR is also useful
to distinguish between the materials used for underdrawings; most iron-based inks
are in fact totally transparent in the 1000-2500 nm range, while carbon-based inks
and most metalpoints remain visible throughout this range.
Fiber Optics Reflectance Spectroscopy (FORS) is used to collect higher resolution
reflectance spectra in selected areas in the 350 to 2500 nm range, allowing access
to the short-wave infrared region, which yields important information for the iden-
tification of certain materials such as azurite (easily recognizable by two absorption
bands at about 2285 and 2352 nm), lead white, and gypsum. Derivative spectra can
be used to distinguish for example between red lead and vermillion, thanks to the
difference in the position of the transition edge (~570 vs. ~595 nm, respectively).
The interpretation of spectra acquired on mixtures is, however, not always straight-
forward. The presence of numerous parchment-related absorption bands in the in-
frared range also makes it harder to separate which spectral features actually relate
to the pigment. In both cases, additional data treatment is required.
X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analyses are carried out using a Bruker ARTAX Pro instru-
ment equipped with a Rh tube and 75 μm capillary optics. A helium flush is used to
be able to detect light elements (> Na). Whenever possible, areas for analysis are
chosen so that no decoration is present in the corresponding area on the verso of
the manuscript leaf, in order to avoid confusing results due to the intrinsic limitation
of XRF which does not yield results spatially resolved in depth. It is worth noting
that XRF analyses of works of art on parchment are difficult due to the low density
of this material, which creates a large amount of inelastic scattering in the spectrum
compared with the small amounts of material actually being analyzed in the manu-
script. XRF data are interpreted using traditional methods, i.e. the combination of
elements identified in each spectrum is compared with possible pigment/mixture
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 5 7
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e s t u d y o f m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t e d m a n u s c r i p t s
compositions. This leads to several possible assignments and thus not always to a
unique answer. Comparing these results with those from the spectral methods can
help finalize the assignment to the most likely candidate.
Methodology
First, the multispectral reflectance image cube is constructed from 12 reflectance
images (400 to 950 nm). Second, the luminescence image cube (500 to 900 nm) is
constructed from images acquired while the manuscript is illuminated with blue light
(380 to 450 nm) to excite the fluorescence. Next, infrared reflectance images are
collected in three spectral bands: 1100 to 1400 nm, 1500 to 1800 nm and 2000 to
2400 nm, and added to the multispectral reflectance cube. The reflectance and lu-
minescence images are processed to correct for pixel and illumination non-uniformity
and calibrated to reflectance or emittance using standards. These calibrated images
are then spatially «registered», i.e. aligned together to remove lens and filter related
image shifts. Spatial maps of the primary spectral elements can be made directly by
probing the low-resolution reflectance image cube with a reference spectrum. The
reference spectrum can come from a spectral library, from a user selected site in the
image cube, or as result of principle component based analysis with software de-
signed to find the primary spectral components. The cube is probed with the spectral
angle mapper algorithm which finds pixels having similar spectra to the reference
spectrum. These maps are produced using all 12 spectral bands as opposed to cre-
ating false color maps from just three bands, ensuring more meaningful results. In
a similar manner the luminescence spectral cube can be probed and maps of areas
having the same emission spectra found. These maps then can be used to guide
selection of sites where more definitive in situ analysis can be performed, such as
XRF, Raman spectroscopy, or fiber optics reflectance and luminescence spectroscopy.
An example of the experimental workflow used during the study of the «Christ in
majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of Pacino di Buonaguida, is illus-
trated in Fig. 2. It should be noted that imaging in the 400-1600 nm range can be
easily performed with relatively inexpensive equipment, quite commonly found in
Conservation Departments.
Case Studies
In the case of the illuminated manuscript leaves analyzed at NGA, the described ana-
lytical methodology yielded distribution maps for several pigments typically used for
illuminations in the Middle Ages (Brunello 1975), i.e. regions of azurite, ultramarine,
vermillion, and brown earth, along with some indication of pigment layering in the
blue and red areas. In two separate cases (Delaney et al. 2009b, Ricciardi et al. 2009),
the use of imaging spectroscopy allowed, among other things, to map selected blue
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 5 8
areas not identified by other techniques, where a layer of ultramarine was painted
over azurite, a practice which was common in 14th century Italy (Bomford et al. 1989).
XRF and FORS analyses of selected sites, chosen following the indications provided
by the MSI maps, specifically showed the presence of lead white and «mosaic gold»
(tin sulphide). The presence of organic dyes was identified and mapped through
the analysis of the luminescence image cubes. The reflectance and luminescence
datacubes therefore allowed mapping the pigment distribution and layering on the
illuminated leaves in a totally non-invasive and relatively fast way, not requiring
a time-consuming detailed observation under the microscope. They also helped
«guide» the choice of the sites to be analyzed by XRF and FORS for more accurate
pigment identification.
During the analysis of «Birth of John the Baptist» by Niccolò da Bologna (Ricciardi et
al. 2009), infrared reflectograms revealed a few preliminary sketches, either executed
with a carbon-based ink on a fine brush, or with a metalpoint. The near infrared im-
ages also showed that the skin tones were loosely painted and do not always match
the finely detailed preparatory lines.
fig.2 experimental workflow used to collect and analyze the reflectance images followed by site-specific analysis, as carried out during the study of «christ in majesty with twelve apostles» by the workshop of pacino di buonaguida (rosenwald collection, accession number 1952.8.277, image courtesy of the national gallery of art, washington dc)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 5 9
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e s t u d y o f m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t e d m a n u s c r i p t s
Additional remarks
In order to produce results which are relevant from the point of view of art histori-
cal issues, scientific analyses are usually applied to many, if not all, the illuminated
manuscript leaves contained in one manuscript. The final goal is a comprehensive
characterization of the manuscript, obtained by the identification and mapping of
the primary pigments, and by the observation of preparatory sketches. The availabil-
ity of a relatively quick procedure would allow surveying a large number of leaves,
increasing the possibility to obtain significant results and providing a chance for
extensive comparisons. The analysis of each miniature, including data acquisition
and treatment, following the methodology presented in the previous sections, at
the moment requires two days for the MSI and IRR, at least one day each for XRF
and FORS. Significant, if preliminary, results on a single illuminated manuscript
leaf can thus be obtained in about a week. This is therefore a «quick» and effective
methodology compared to the time (and effort) which would be required to obtain
pigment identification and mapping at a comparable level using only site-specific
methods, such as Raman spectroscopy and XRF, which would have to be performed
on hundreds of spots.
In the future starting with the MSI-derived maps improved results could be obtained
by combining XRF, FORS, and Raman spectroscopy into a single setup, which would
allow acquiring different kinds of information on the same sites, yielding a complete
characterization of the materials in situ (e.g. identification of the binding media and
organic pigments).
Conclusions
The combination of reflectance and luminescence imaging spectroscopy, FORS, and
XRF has proved useful for the identification and mapping of the primary pigments
on medieval illuminated manuscript leaves. Imaging spectroscopy, even in only a few
bands, has shown its utility for pigment mapping; the imaging was made «quantita-
tive» thanks to calibration and this allowed reconstructing reflectance and emission
spectra. This approach of combining high fidelity site-specific methods (FORS and
XRF) with the mapping capability of multispectral reflectance and luminescence
imaging spectroscopy appears thus to be a useful tool, providing improved in situ
mapping and identification of pigments on illuminated manuscripts in a relatively
short time. This methodology can be further refined, for example by improving the
correlation between the luminescence and reflectance images in order to improve
the characterization of organic dyes and yellow pigments. Finally, the identification
of the organic binding media could be attained by adding Raman spectroscopy or
mid-IR spectroscopy to the list of analytical techniques. •
n e w t r e n d s i n t h e a n a ly s i s o f m e d i e v a l m s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 6 0
Acknowledgments
The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Andrew W. Mellon
Foundation and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation. They also wish to thank their colleagues
Michelle Facini, Lisha D. Glinsman, Doug Lachance, Mathieu Thoury and René de la Rie
for their respective roles during the experimental part of this work.
Bibliography
Bomford, David, Jill Dunkerton, Dillian Gordon, Ashok Roy. 1989. Art in the Making –
Italian painting before 1400, London: National Gallery Company Ltd.
Brunello, Franco. 1975. De Arte Illuminandi e altri trattati sulla tecnica della miniatura
medievale. Vicenza: Neri Pozza Editore.
Casini, Andrea, Franco Lotti, Marcello Picollo, Lorenzo Stefani, and Ezio Buzzegoli. 1999.
Image spectroscopy mapping technique for non-invasive analysis of paintings. Studies
in Conservation 44: 39-48.
Delaney, John K., Elizabeth Walmsley, Barbara H. Berrie, Colin F. Fletcher. 2005.
Multispectral imaging of paintings in the infrared to detect and map blue pigments. In
Scientific examination of art – modern techniques in conservation and analysis, 120-136.
Washington D.C.: The National Academies Press.
Delaney, John K., Mathieu Thoury, Michael Palmer, Jason G. Zeibel, Roy T. Littleton, E.
René de la Rie. 2009a. Visible and infrared imaging spectroscopy of paintings: pigment
mapping and improved infrared reflectography. In O3A – Optics for art, architecture and
archaeology II, Proceedings of SPIE Vol. 7391, ed. Luca Pezzati and Renzo Salimbeni,
739103. d.o.i. 10.1117/12.827493.
Delaney, John K., Michelle Facini, Lisha D. Glinsman, Mathieu Thoury, and Paola Ricciardi.
2009b. Application of imaging spectroscopy to the study of illuminated manuscripts.
Poster presented at the 37th AIC annual meeting, May 19-22, in Los Angeles, USA (and
manuscript in preparation).
Delaney, John K., Jason G. Zeibel, Mathieu Thoury, Roy Littleton, Michael Palmer, Kathryn
M. Morales, E. Rene de la Rie, Ann Hoenigswald. 2010. Visible and Infrared Imaging
Spectroscopy of Picasso’s Harlequin Musician: Mapping and Identification of Artist
Materials in situ. Applied Spectroscopy, 64(6): 584-594.
Ricciardi, Paola, John K. Delaney, Lisha D. Glinsman, Mathieu Thoury, Michelle Facini,
and E. René de la Rie. 2009. Use of visible and infrared reflectance and luminescence
imaging spectroscopy to study illuminated manuscripts: pigment identification and
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n e w t r e n d s i n t h e s t u d y o f m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t e d m a n u s c r i p t s
visualization of underdrawings. In O3A – Optics for art, architecture and archaeology
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10.1117/12.827415.
Biographies
Paola Ricciardi has been at the National Gallery of Art, Washington DC, since 2008 as the Samuel
H. Kress fellow in imaging science. Her research focuses on the application of in situ analytical
methods to the study of light-sensitive works of art. She received her undergraduate degree
in Physics from the University of Rome La Sapienza in 2003 and her PhD in Conservation
Science from the University of Florence in 2008 with a thesis on the application of Raman
spectroscopy to the analysis of ancient pottery, porcelain, and glass. Address: DCL, National
Gallery of Art, 2000B South Club Drive, Landover, Md. 20785; paola.ricciardi@gmail.com
John K. Delaney is the senior imaging scientist at the National Gallery of Art, Washington
DC, where his research focuses on the development of in situ imaging methods for
art conservation and the understanding of the optical properties of varnishes. He is
also a research professor in the School of Engineering and Applied Science at George
Washington University in DC. He received his PhD from the Rockefeller University
and completed post-doctoral studies at the University of Arizona and the Johns
Hopkins University School of Medicine. Address: as for Ricciardi; j-delaney@nga.gov
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 6 4
r e c e n s õ e s · n o i r . h i s t o i r e d ’ u n e c o u l e u r
michel pastoureaunoir. histoire d’une couleur éditions du seuil, 2008
maria adelaide miranda
rita carvalhoInstituto de Estudos Medievais e Instituto de História da Arte, Faculdade de Ciências
Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)
«Noir. Histoire d'une couleur» (2008) marca um etapa importante nas publicações
mais recentes sobre a cor. No seguimento de «Bleu. Histoire d'une couleur» (2002),
obra decisiva para a introdução desta temática na História e da História da Arte,
Michel Pastoureau brinda-nos com mais um volume em que a cor é apresentada do
ponto de vista do historiador, mas cujo impacto recai sobre variadíssimos ramos de
conhecimento.
Muito embora se trate de um estudo monográfico sobre o preto, o autor mantém-
-se fiel aos princípios enunciados nas suas obras pioneiras, das quais não podemos
deixar de citar «Couleurs, images, symboles» (1989), alertando-nos para a necessi-
dade de o estudar num contexto social, cronológico e simbólico, não esquecendo a
sua dimensão científica, material e técnica. Confessa-nos igualmente que esta obra se
insere num desejo mais vasto de construir uma história das cores nas sociedades euro-
peias, da Antiguidade romana até ao séc. XVIII. Com efeito, longe de estudar o preto
isoladamente, o autor aborda-o enquanto parte integrante de um sistema de cores.
A este respeito, afirma (2008, p. 12): «Une couleur ne vient pas seule; elle ne prend
son sens, elle ne fonctionne pleinement du point de vue social, artistique et symbo-
lique que pour autant qu´elle est associée ou opposée à une ou plusieurs couleurs.»
Pastoureau chama a atenção para a importância da consciência das dificuldades
inerentes ao estudo da cor, nomeadamente as alterações que esta sofre através dos
tempos e a especificidades dos meios através dos quais se transmite. Descodificar o
documento, ponderar a procura de significados, não caindo na armadilha de aceitar
passivamente a forma de nomear as cores, será um trabalho árduo mas profícuo para
o historiador.
Neste sentido, Pastoureau (2008, p.15) dá-nos um exemplo bem claro:
«Croire, par exemple, qu'une porte noir prenant place dans une miniature du XIIIe
siècle ou dans un tableau du XVIIe représente une porte véritable qui a réellement
été noir, est à la fois naïf et anachronique. C’est une erreur de méthode. Dans toute isbn 9782020490870 – 39 €
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 6 5
image, une porte noire est d'abord noir parce qu'elle s'oppose à une autre porte, ou
à une fenêtre, voire à une autre objet, qui est blanc, rouge ou d'un autre noir.»
Dotada de grande clareza, esta obra evidencia uma notável erudição, expressa na
riqueza das notas e vasta bibliografia. Revela um profundo conhecimento histórico,
particularmente da história social do vestuário e da pintura, que são sem dúvida os
grandes eixos nos quais o preto toma lugar na ordem das cores.
O carácter transdisciplinar deste estudo está patente na relação que estabelece com gran-
de agilidade, por exemplo, no período medieval, entre o bestiário, a heráldica e o preto.
Também relevante é a ligação que vai tecendo, ao longo do texto, entre a construção
material do preto e a sua carga simbólica e social.
No caso do vestuário, as dificuldades na obtenção de um preto brilhante, homogéneo
e duradouro deviam-se aos materiais a partir dos quais era produzido – cortiça, raízes
de árvores ou partes de plantas ricas em taninos que, mordentadas com o ião ferro 1,
produziam tons acastanhados ou acinzentados, ou seja, um «mau preto». Seria preciso
que letrados, burgueses e príncipes adoptassem o preto como cor do vestuário para
que se divulgasse o preto obtido à base de noz de galha, produto dispendioso, já que
o de melhor qualidade era importado da Europa Oriental ou do Norte de África.
No entanto, o «mau preto» também podia ser apanágio de virtude e austeridade,
caso do hábito dos monges cluniacenses e mendicantes.
No que respeita à estrutura da obra, o autor optou por uma organização cronológico-
-temática (ditada pelo próprio percurso do negro no mundo ocidental), desenvolvendo de
forma coerente e estimulante aquilo a que se propunha, em quatro períodos. Mergulhamos
na perspectiva histórica de longa duração, concepção sempre presente nas suas obras.
Na Antiguidade e até ao ano mil, o preto assumia-se como uma cor positiva porque ligada
a terra fértil. Inseria-se num sistema triádico em combinação como o branco e o vermelho.
Contudo, a sensibilidade judaico-cristã aliou, desde cedo, o negro às trevas (a luz é
condição para a vida), à morte e progressivamente ao inferno. É esta caracterização
do negro que marcará o período seguinte.
Com efeito, a cristianização do mundo ocidental e a oposição ao paganismo e ao
mundo islâmico, leva a que o negro adquira todas as conotações maléficas. Aplica-se
ao demónio, e a todas as formas animais que lhe estão associadas.
Esta atitude face ao preto não é uniforme. Devemos ter em conta, por exemplo, que
o hábito negro dos cluniacenses em oposição ao hábito branco dos cistercienses,
antecipa em muito o carácter moral do preto associado à pobreza e austeridade que
irá dominar o vestuário laico e religioso protestante.
É através da heráldica e dos seus códigos que Michel Pastoureau nos apresenta
uma nova ordem das cores, em que o preto se desvincula do seu sentido negativo,
fazendo-se representar no leão das armas do conde da Flandres e na águia do im-
perador do Sacro-império.
Para a mudança de atitude face ao negro, contribuem ainda, por um lado, o clima aus-
tero decorrente da Peste Negra, e por outro, as leis sumptuárias que, vedando à bur-
guesia cores como o azul e o vermelho, permitiram a escolha do negro para o vestuá-
rio de uma classe social abastada. Assim, a partir da 2.ª metade do séc. XIV os negros
r e c e n s õ e s · n o i r . h i s t o i r e d ’ u n e c o u l e u r
1. Um mordente liga-se simultaneamente à fibra
têxtil e ao corante, conferindo assim resistência
à cor quando da lavagem do tecido. O ião ferro
poderia ser introduzido através de compostos
como o sulfato de ferro, também utilizado para
obter tintas de escrever ferrogálicas.
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r e c e n s õ e s · n o i r . h i s t o i r e d ’ u n e c o u l e u r
produzidos nas tinturarias vão adquirindo uma qualidade superior, já que mercadores
e legistas o exigiam. No séc. XV, príncipes como Filipe o Bom vestem-se já de negro.
Com a Reforma Protestante o preto, agora uma cor valorizada, é contudo excluído
da ordem das cores. Uma nova sensibilidade propicia o que Pastoureau designa por
cromofobia (sendo as cores associadas à sedução, ao luxo e ao pecado), o que irá ge-
neralizar o uso do preto, afirmando-o como negação da cor, ou como uma cor à parte.
A descoberta da imprensa vem inaugurar um mundo a preto e branco, reforçando a
oposição entre «cores» e «preto».
De facto, esta cor, nos sécs. XVI e XVII assume um papel histórico na cultura ocidental
através da sua utilização sistemática no texto impresso e na gravura. Valoriza-se nesta
época o papel intelectual do livro, sendo por esta razão desprestigiadas as imagens
coloridas tão características do livro iluminado.
Toda esta atitude face ao negro é confirmada pela descoberta do espectro das cores
de Newton que o exclui da ordem das cores ao demonstrar que a luz branca é uma
mistura de todas as cores (violeta, indigo, azul, verde, amarelo, laranja e vermelho).
Na sequência desta descoberta, o século das luzes assiste a um recuo dos negros.
O vestuário apresenta cores alegres e luminosas, de tons pastel, principalmente na
gama dos azuis, rosas amarelos e cinzentos. O preto perde terreno, vindo apenas a
revalorizar-se no final de século, no contexto de um exotismo literário.
A difusão e a criação de uma nova paleta de cores vivas justificam esse recuo do
negro, que só vai ser valorizado no séc. XIX com o romantismo, que trás consigo o
culto da melancolia, noite, da morte e mesmo do macabro.
Se valorizado nos meios intelectuais, particularmente na literatura, o negro recebe
igualmente a conotação negativa provinda dos sombrios meios operários da II revo-
lução industrial, com os quais os outros grupos sociais não se queriam identificar.
No entanto, o preto torna-se omnipresente na vida quotidiana, mesmo em ambientes
financeiros, numa atitude ética em parte herdada pelos protestantes.
A fotografia e o cinema contribuem em muito para o já mencionado mundo em preto
e branco, mas são os pintores e designers, que explorando tons e texturas, produzem
pretos excepcionais e expressivos, promovendo-o como uma das cores emblemáticas
da modernidade.
O significado desta cor não se esgota no universo das artes: socialmente o preto
está presente nas bandeiras das ideologias contemporâneas, é a cor utilizada pelos
totalitarismos mas também pelos movimentos de libertação, não deixando de estar
igualmente associado a superstições e mesmo por vezes a um bestiário do diabo. Tal
como nos primeiros tempos, os múltiplos significados do preto (ou dos pretos) só
podem ser entendidos nos seus contextos sociais.
Não se poderá ficar indiferente à apresentação gráfica do presente volume, cujo
design honra o estudo e a cor que apresenta. Tal como num manuscrito medieval,
a construção do volume é cuidada, criativa e funcional, quer na encadernação es-
colhida quer na ligação entre o texto e as excelentes imagens. Não estaremos face
a um objecto produto do design contemporâneo, que nos fará tomar uma posição
afirmativa face à interrogação: O preto é uma cor? •
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r e c e n s õ e s · m e d i a e v a l p a i n t e r s ’ m a t e r i a l s a n d t e c h n i q u e s
mark clarke mediaeval painters’ materials and techniques: the montpellier liber diversarum arcium archetype, london, 2011
stefanos kroustall isstefanos.kroustallis@gmail.com
Mark Clarke en su libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The Mon-
tpellier Liber diversarum arcium ofrece una edición crítica (con el estudio codicoló-
gico del manuscrito) del tratado medieval de tecnología artística Liber diversarum
arcium, junto con la primera traducción al inglés del texto en latín. El autor acompaña
la traducción de las prescripciones con extensos comentarios históricos, técnicos y
artísticos y, además, realiza un estudio comparativo de estas recetas con otras simi-
lares de otros tratados.
Los tratados medievales de tecnología artística se han convertido en las últimas dé-
cadas en una importante herramienta de trabajo para varios campos de estudio, como
la historia del arte y de la tecnología o la conservación, al describir los materiales y
técnicas empleados por los artistas y artesanos en el pasado. Hoy en día se conocen
más de 400 tratados medievales de tecnología artística (desde textos extensos hasta
recetas singulares), cuya recopilación ya llevó a cabo el autor en su obra (The art
of all colours. Medieval recipe books for painters and illuminators, 2001, Archety-
pe). En el presente trabajo el autor se centra en el estudio de uno de estos tratados
(o recetarios) el Liber diversarum arcium que forma parte del manuscrito Ms H 277,
folios 81v-101v, de la Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire, section medecine, de Mon-
tpellier (Francia). El tratado es un texto extenso de alrededor de 580 prescripciones
técnicas agrupadas en cuatro secciones (o libros) y dedicadas, principalmente, a las
técnicas pictóricas (preparación y mezcla de pigmentos y aglutinantes, barnices,
soportes, dibujo, témpera, pintura al óleo, pintura mural, pintura sobre vidrio y ce-isbn 9781804982647 – 50 €
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 6 8
rámica, así como otras técnicas decorativas auxiliares). El Liber diversarum arcium
es anónimo, data aproximadamente de 1430 y fue escrito en latín, en Venecia o sus
alrededores. Mark Clarke en su estudio argumenta, de manera convincente, sobre un
núcleo original del tratado que fue escrito cerca de 1300 y refleja prácticas artísticas
del norte de Europa. A lo largo del siglo XIV, a este tipo de prescripciones, corregidas
y aumentadas, fueron añadidas prácticas de influencia italiana, bajo la mano de un
compilador y revisor experto en las técnicas descritas.
En la introducción del libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques el autor
explica de manera breve y concisa la historia del tratado Liber diversarum arcium, su
uso como fuente de tecnología artística, su importancia dentro del esquema de la
transmisión de los conocimientos técnicos y su relación con el resto de los tratados
medievales. El resto del libro se organiza en dos capítulos, con varias secciones cada
uno. En el primer capítulo se contextualiza el Liber diversarum arcium dentro de la
tratadística medieval de tecnología artística y se resaltan las similitudes textuales con
algunos de ellos. En la siguiente sección se estudia la manera en la que el tratado fue
compuesto y compilado, así como la manera en la que sus recetas técnicas fueron
reelaboradas, reincorporando material nuevo y actualizado. En el segundo capítulo
se exponen las principales características de la técnica pictórica coetánea al tratado
de Montpellier y se resaltan las analogías tecnológicas entre ellas (propias del siglo
XIV). Además se hace hincapié en la importancia del Liber diversarum arcium en la
historia de la pintura al óleo y se argumenta sobre las razones que hacen el tratado
tan importante e interesante para el estudio de las técnicas pictóricas medievales.
Sigue la traducción al inglés del texto, jerarquizando las recetas para facilitar las re-
ferencias y las llamadas cuando es necesario. A continuación, el autor ofrece exten-
sos y detallados datos y comentarios técnicos e históricos sobre los procedimientos
descritos que, aparte de su valor documental, sirven como argumentos a las tesis
propuestas por el autor anteriormente. Un vocabulario inglés-latín de términos téc-
nicos sirve como puente entre la traducción y la nueva transcripción del texto (fue
transcrito por primera vez por Libri, 1849, en Catalogue général des manuscrits des
bibliothèques publiques des departaments, v. I). El libro se complementa con varios
apéndices donde se reúnen el estudio codicológico del manuscrito, prescripciones y
referencias a otros tratados de tecnología artística que facilitan la comprensión del
texto y, sobre todo, una muy interesante lista de referencias modernas sobre el Liber
diversarum arcium y la manera en la que fue considerado y utilizado por la historio-
grafía especializada.
Tal como señala Mark Clarke la publicación del libro Mediaeval Painters’ Materials
and Techniques se debe al hecho de que el Liber diversarum arcium constituye el
tratado medieval de tecnología artística más interesante y exhaustivo que sintetiza
el estado del arte y la técnica de la pintura en la Europa del siglo XIV. Además, la
estructura y el contenido del tratado muestra un claro afán práctico, estrechamente
relacionado con el aprendizaje de la técnica de la pintura, propio de un manual de
taller. Las prescripciones técnicas del tratado y su organización en la preparación de
pigmentos, dibujo y técnicas pictóricas avalan, precisamente, la propuesta del autor y
r e c e n s õ e s · m e d i a e v a l p a i n t e r s ’ m a t e r i a l s a n d t e c h n i q u e s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 6 9
r e c e n s õ e s · m e d i a e v a l p a i n t e r s ’ m a t e r i a l s a n d t e c h n i q u e s
lo sitúan al mismo nivel de interés que el célebre Il libro dell´arte de Cennino Cennini.
El Liber diversarum arcium permite sacar conclusiones más generalizadoras sobre la
historia y la técnica de la pintura en la Europa de los siglos XIV-XV. Mencionaré sólo
dos de los casos que Mark Clarke ha sabido resaltar en su estudio: en primer lugar, el
tratamiento que se da a la pintura al óleo, no como una novedad sino como un co-
nocimiento tecnológico subyacente que estaba a punto de eclosionar estéticamente,
al darse cuenta los artistas de las posibilidades que ofrecía tal técnica. En segundo
lugar, toda la información técnica que ofrece para los juegos de luces y sombras y la
imitación de texturas, como las famosas telas tornasoladas que aparecen con mucha
frecuencia en la pintura de la época.
Otro elemento a destacar es la metodología de trabajo en la traducción y transcrip-
ción del texto, que incluyen elementos como la incorporación en la traducción de
los términos en latín para los materiales cuando el autor considera que es necesario
para facilitar la comprensión y evitar equívocos. De este modo se consigue evitar
o mitigar el problema en la traducción de términos técnicos del latín vulgar y en la
identificación de un nombre con una sustancia concreta. Otro punto que el autor ha
sabido gestionar muy bien es la transcripción del texto latín, adaptando los principios
de la crítica textual a la realidad de un texto tecnológico, sin pretensiones literarias y
al que no se puede atribuir a un único arquetipo: el texto de las prescripciones técni-
cas se ha cotejado con similares en otros manuscritos y se han señalado los pasajes
adicionales o divergentes. Finalmente, me gustaría destacar el hecho de incorporar
en la publicación el estudio codicológico del manuscrito entero y no simples refe-
rencias a los folios del tratado concreto, un hecho que permite sacar conclusiones
interesantes sobre la transmisión de la tecnología técnica e indagar sobre sus autores,
su finalidad y su público.
En definitiva, la publicación del Mediaeval Painters’ Materials and Techniques: The
Montpellier Liber diversarum arcium de Mark Clarke explora al máximo los posibles
enfoques (históricos, artísticos, técnicos, estéticos, lingüísticos) de un tratado de
tecnología artística y estoy seguro que pronto se convertirá en una referencia obli-
gatoria a la hora de tratar estos textos como una fuente para la historia del arte y
disciplinas afines. •
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 7 2
1. Le texte a été édité et traduit en anglais par
Willene B. CLARK, The Medieval Book of Birds:
Hugh of Fouilloy’s «Aviarium», Binghamton,
Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Stu-
dies, State University of New York (Medieval
and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 80), 1992.
Ce livre s’accompagne d’une étude introduc-
tive, d’un catalogue des manuscrits illustrés
recensés par l’auteur, et d’une liste des autres
exemplaires connus à l’époque.
Signalons également l’édition à partir des trois
manuscrits concernés par cette étude et ac-
compagnée d’une traduction en portugais par
Maria Isabel REBELO GONCALVES, «Livro das
aves» Hugo de Folieto: Tradução do latim et
intradução por Maria Isabel Rebelo Goncalves,
Lisbone, Colibri, 1999. Pour la liste des manus-
crits voir Baudouin VAN DEN ABEELE, «Trente
et un nouveaux manuscrits de l’Aviarium: re-
gards sur la diffusion de l’œuvre d’Hugues de
Fouilloy», Scriptorium, 57-2, 2003, p. 253-271
(ici p. 264-267). Il faut y ajouter l’exemplaire de
Sevilla, Biblioteca Colombina, 7-2-21 (XIIIe s.),
cat. Y. F. SAEZ GUILLEM, Catalogo de manos-
critos de la Biblioteca Colombina de Sevilla, Se-
ville, 202, notice 390, p. 467-468 – qui m’a été
signalé par B. Van den Abeele que je remercie
chaleureusement; et l’exemplaire de Bruxelles,
Introduction
Le corpus des manuscrits de l’Aviarium de Hugues de Fouilloy est riche de 128 ma-
nuscrits dont une soixantaine sont illustrés de tout ou partie du programme icono-
graphique 1. Ces illustrations ont été conçues par l’auteur lui-même si l’on en juge
par le contenu de la dédicace et du prologue du traité 2. Le fait que l’auteur du texte
soit également le concepteur des illustrations confère à ces dernières un statut par-
ticulier. Hugues explique en effet que, dans la mesure où il destine son ouvrage à
un lectorat peu cultivé, les images ont pour fonction de faciliter la transmission de
l’information à ceux qui auraient des difficultés à saisir la subtilité du texte. C’est
probablement cette valeur didactique qui a valu au Traité des oiseaux de connaître
une telle diffusion à travers toute l’Europe médiévale 3, y compris au Portugal où ont
sont conservées trois prestigieuses copies dont au moins deux furent réalisées dans
une abbaye lusitanienne 4:
• Lisboa, Arquivo Nacional Torre do Tombo, ms. Lorvão 5 (anc. 90), Portugal,
Saint-Mamede de Lorvão (OSB puis OCist. vers 1200), 1184 (Era 1222 –
colophon) 5.
• Porto, Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto, ms. 43, Portugal (Santa-Cruz
de Coimbra ?), déb. du XIIIe s., Santa-Cruz de Coimbra (Aug.) 6.
• Lisboa, Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, ms. Alc 238, vers 1200-1210, Santa-
Maria d’Alcobaça (OCist.) 7.
Ces trois manuscrits, tous illustrés du cycle iconographique complet 8, comptent parmi
les plus beaux exemplaires du corpus. Quant à celui qui provient de Lorvão, il est
le plus ancien Aviarium daté à ce jour. S’il y a de fortes chances pour que ces trois
manuscrits aient été copiés au Portugal, cette question n’est pas encore entièrement
des interactions entre scriptoria portugais au xiie siècle rémy cordonnierartuslemerle@gmail.com
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 7 3
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
KBR, ms II 2313 (XVe s.) que j’ai découvert lors
de mes recherches doctorales, voir Rémy COR-
DONNIER, «Un 128e exemplaire de l’Aviarium
de Hugues de Fouilloy: Bruxelles, KBR, ms. II
2313», Revista Signum, 2010, 11-1, p. 358-411.
2. Charles DE CLERCQ, «Le rôle de l’image
dans un manuscrit médiéval (Bodleian, Lyell
71)», Gutenberg-Jahrbuch, 37, 1962, p. 23-
30 et du même: «Hugues de Fouilloy, imagier
de ses propres œuvres?», Revue du Nord, 177,
1963, p. 31-43.
3. Voir la carte donnée par B. VAN DEN ABEE-
LE, 2003 (art. cit. notre note 1), p. 269.
4. Il existe également une version partielle
de l’Aviarium en ancien portugais réalisée au
XIVe siècle et actuellement conservée à Brasi-
lia: Livro das aves. Reprodução fac-similar do
manuscrito do séc. XIV; introdução; leitura crí-
tica; notas e glossário. Edição preparada por
Jacira Andrade MOTA, Rosa Virgínia MATOS,
Vera Lúcia SAMPAIO e N. ROSSI, s. l., Insti-
tuto nacional do livro, Ministério da educação
e cultura (Dicionário da língua portuguêsa.
Textos e vocabulários, 4), 1965. Voir aussi: Se-
rafim DA SILVA NETO, Textos medievais por-
tugueses e seus problemas. Rio de Janeiro,
MEC / Casa de Rui Barbosa, 1956, p. 40-45 ;
Pedro de AZEVEDO, «Uma versão portuguesa
de historia natural das aves do sec. XIV», Re-
vista lusitana, 25:1-4, 1925, p. 128-147; Maria
Adelaide VALLE CINTRA, Bibliografia de textos
medievais portugueses, Lisboa, Publicações do
Centro de estudos filologicos, 1960, p. 68-69
et Rosa Virgínia MATTOS E SILVA, Américo
Venâncio LOPES MACHADO FILHO, «Fontes
para o conhecimento da língua portuguesa de
trezentos: Os mais antigos manuscritos por-
tugueses existentes no Brasil», Série Estudos
Medievais, 2: Fontes, 2009, p. 189-202 5URL:
http://www.fclar.unesp.br/poslinpor/gtmedie-
val/interno.php?secao=fontes).
5. Mário MARTINS, «O Livro das aves», Brote-
ria, 77-5, 1963, p. 413-416, brève description
codicologique du mansucrit; Firmino CRESPO
et Frade FERNANDO, «Anotações e comen-
tários sobre o Livro das aves», Geographica,
III-9, 1967, p. 20-39, qui décrivent le manuscrit
clarifiée. Les chercheurs qui se sont penché sur la question auparavant n’ont pas
put donner de réponse définitive 9. Je ne prétends pas non plus pouvoir le faire à ce
stade de mes recherches. Mais dans le cadre d’un récent séjour au Portugal 10, j’ai eu
l’occasion de travailler directement sur ces manuscrits et d’y faire des observations
qui me permettent de proposer de nouvelles hypothèses de recherche.
Le traité des oiseaux
Le De avibus fut rédigé au milieu du XIIe siècle par Hugues de Fouilloy, prieur d’une
communauté de chanoines réguliers augustiniens, installée entre Amiens et Corbie 11.
Ce traité est dédié à un certain Rainier, ancien chevalier devenu frère convers, à qui le
Prieur de Saint-Laurent se propose d’enseigner les principes de la vie régulière 12. Les
deux principales sources doctrinales du traité sont d’ailleurs la Règle bénédictine qui
donne sa structure thématique au traité, et le Pastoral de Grégoire le Grand auquel
Hugues à largement puisé. L’Aviarium est organisé de façon binaire afin de refléter
les deux aspects de la vie religieuse au Moyen Âge: la vie contemplative et la vie
active – la vie contemplative étant principalement consacrée à la lectio divina, et la
vie active à la pratique des bonnes actions et de la prédication. Le choix du symbo-
lisme des oiseaux est motivé d’abord par le fait qu’Hugues s’adresse à des religieux,
traditionnellement représentés par des oiseaux dans la symbolique chrétienne 13.
Dans la mesure ou il écrit pour des lecteurs qui ne sont pas formés «es lettres», Hu-
gues a pris soin d’adapter son propos en l’enrichissant de figures peintes destinées
à en faciliter la compréhension à ceux qui ne sauraient pas se contenter du texte.
Son Traité des oiseaux est donc illustré de miniatures qui forment des compositions
complexes reliées de façon étroite pour relayer le message de l’auteur auprès des
illiterati 14. Le cycle iconographique complet de l’Aviarium comprend trente miniatu-
res, toutes sont annotées. La miniature de la dédicace, le diagramme de la colombe,
le diagramme des trois colombes, le diagramme de l’autour, la miniature du palmier,
la miniature de la tourterelle et la miniature du cèdre et des passereaux, illustrent
la premières partie du traité. Ce sont les compositions les plus originales. Les vingt-
trois autres miniatures illustrent la seconde partie du Traité des oiseaux. Elles sont
beaucoup plus simples car elles ne font que représenter l’oiseau en question dans le
chapitre qu’elles accompagnent. Mais elles sont aussi accompagnées d’une inscrip-
tion placée soit en incipit du chapitre, soit dans la bordure du cadre de l’illustration
s’il y en a un, soit simplement autour de la miniature.
Ces compositions picturales s’inscrivent dans la tradition de l’exégèse visuelle 15. Les
diagrammes et les miniatures de la première partie du traité expliquent la signification
allégorique des oiseaux concernés et les figures idéalisées de la seconde partie ont
pour fonction de mettre en évidence la dimension signifiante des autres oiseaux décrit
par Hugues. L’importance du rôle des images dans l’économie du sens de l’Aviarium
explique le grand nombre d’exemplaires illustrés qui nous sont parvenus, même si la
tradition n’est pas exempte d’erreurs de copies ou de réinterprétations 16.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 74
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
et surtout ses enluminures; voir aussi la notice
de Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, dans A iluminura
em Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa,
BN, 1999, p. 190.
6. Johana LENCART, notice dans A. A. NASCI-
MIENTO, J. F. MEIRINHOS, Catálogo dos códi-
ces da Livraria de Mao Do Mosterio de Santa
Cruz de Coimbra na Biblioteca Pública Munici-
pal do Porto, Porto, Biblioteca Pública Munici-
pal do Porto, 1997, p. 199-203.
7. Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, notice dans A ilu-
minura em Portugal, Identidade e Influências,
Lisboa, BN, 1999, p. 184.
8. L’exemplaire de Santa-Cruz est hélas lacu-
naire du premier feuillet, qui devait compren-
dre la miniature du prologue et le diagramme
de la colombe.
9. A Iluminura em Portugal: Identidade e In-
fluências, catálogo de exposição, orientação
cientica Adelaide Miranda, Lisboa, Ministério
da Cultura/Biblioteca Nacional, 1999, p.184-
191; W. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p.
41-50, cat. n.° 23, 24, 47; Antonio CRUZ, «O
Livro das Aves. Um Códice Ignorado Idêntico
ao de Lorvão», Revista de Ciências Historicas,
1, 1986, p. 161-174; Maria Adelaide MIRANDA,
A Iluminura Românica em Santa Cruz de Coim-
bra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça. Lisboa. Fa-
culdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, 1986
p.181-184; Mário S. J. MARTINS, «O Livro das
Aves», Broteria, 77-5, 1963, p. 413-416.
10. J’ai plaisir à remercier à cette occasion
l’équipe du projet FFCT/FCT/UNL «Color in
medieval illuminated manuscripts: between
beauty and meaning» et tout particulièrement
Adélaïde Miranda, pour son chaleureux accueil.
11. Sur Hugues de Fouilloy, en plus de ce qu’en
dit W. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p.
5-10, voir notamment: Jean BRIAL, «Hugues
de Fouilloi, prieur de Saint-Laurent de Heilli»,
dans Histoire Littéraire de la France, XIII, Paris,
Victor Palme, 1879, p. 492-507; Henri PEL-
TIER, «Hugues de Fouilloy, chanoine régulier,
prieur de Saint-Laurent-au-Bois», Revue du
Moyen Âge latin, 2, 1946, p. 25-44; Ivan GO-
BRY, «Hugues de Fouilloy», Dictionnaire de spi-
Spécificités iconographiques des exemplaires portugais
Les diagrammes et les miniatures de la première partieLes trois exemplaires portugais sont, dans l’ensemble, assez fidèles à la principale
tradition iconographique du traité 17. Ils présentent néanmoins quelques variations in-
téressantes à signaler pour l’étude de la tradition portugaise du Traité des oiseaux.
Ainsi, dans l’aviaire de Lorvão, un arbalétrier et un archer sont représentés sur la
page en regard de celle du diagramme de la colombe (f. 5v.). Ils ne font pas partie
du cycle originel du traité. Peut-être est-ce une évocation du Psaume 90, 3-5: «C’est
lui-même qui m’arrachera au filet de l’oiseleur et d’une parole meurtrière. Il te mettra
à l’ombre sous ses épaules, et sous ses ailes tu espèreras. Sa vérité t’environnera de
son bouclier, et tu n’auras pas à craindre d’une terreur nocturne, d’une flèche volant
le jour». L’assimilation de ces personnages à des figures négatives voir démoniaques
est corroborée par la mutilation apotropaïque des visages dont ils ont fait l’objet 18.
La thématique du Psaume 90 est par ailleurs très proche de celle des premiers cha-
pitres de l’Aviarium et du diagramme de la colombe dont les inscriptions évoquent
la recherche de sécurité et l’espoir du repos éternel. Comme le suggère W. Clark 19, il
se peut aussi qu’il s’agisse simplement de figures destinées à combler l’espace vide
du feuillet créé par le rejet du diagramme de la colombe sur la pleine page en regard.
L’enlumineur s’est peut-être inspiré d’archers représentés dans d’autres manuscrits du
scriptorium d’Alcobaça (Clark donne l’exemple de Porto, BM, ms 31, f. 207v.) 20.
Les miniatures du cycle traditionnel de la première partie du traité présentent quel-
ques modifications plus ou moins importantes par rapport au cycle originel. Les
termes clericus et miles qui identifient les oiseaux de la miniature du prologue n’ont
pas été reportés. Dans le diagramme de la colombe il manque les inscriptions pennas
vitutum et volabo desiderio dans les écoinçons supérieurs, et les mots timor, desi-
derio, spes et amor autour de l’oiseau dans le médaillon central. Dans le diagramme
des trois colombes, la colombe du christ est dissociée des deux autres mais les trois
oiseaux restent visibles en même temps car ils sont figurés sur deux pages en vis-
à-vis. Le rubricateur a oublié le mot nigra entre anima et formosa dans l’inscription
de la bordure du médaillon de la colombe de Noé. Le diagramme de l’autour, sensé
représenter une rose des vents, est ici remplacé par un médaillon contenant la figure
de l’oiseau. Les inscriptions habituellement placées sur les bras de la croix servent
de rubrique aux chapitres 12, 13 et 14 21. La miniature du palmier est partiellement
inscrite dans un médaillon dans le cadre duquel est reportée la rubrique du chapitre
24 déjà inscrite de part et d’autre du tronc. La miniature de la tourterelle perd son
apparence cruciforme. Le médaillon central avec l’oiseau est ici encadré par les ru-
briques inscrites normalement dans le stipex de la croix. Les inscriptions du patibulus
servent quant à elles de rubriques aux chapitres 25 et 27. La miniature du cèdre et
des passereaux est un arbre stylisé. Des rinceaux s’enroulent autour de son tronc.
Son feuillage dessine une mandorle losangée à fond rouge, au centre de laquelle est
figuré un jeune Christ imberbe au nimbe crucifère 22, revêtu d’une robe et enveloppé
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 7 5
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
ritualité, Paris, t. 7, 1969, col. 880-886; Cosimo
Damiano FONSECA, «Hugues de Fouilloy entre
l’ordo antiquus et l’ordo novus», Cahiers de ci-
vilisation médiévale, 16, 1973, p. 303-312.
12. Jacques BERLIOZ et Rémy CORDONNIER,
«Le convers et les oiseaux. Monde animal, mora-
le et milieu monastique: le De avibus d’Hugues
de Fouilloy (XIIe siècle)», dans L’homme-ani-
mal, histoire d’un face à face, Strasbourg, Adam
Biro/Musées de Strasbourg, 2004, p. 72-81.
13. Voir Rémy CORDONNIER, «La plume dans
l’Aviarium d’Hugues de Fouilloy: sénéfiance(s)
d’une «propriété» aviaire», dans F. POMEL
(dir.), La corne et la plume dans la littérature
médiévale, Rennes, Presses Universitaires de
Rennes, 2010, p. 167-202.
14. Willene B. CLARK, «The Illustrated Me-
dieval Aviary and Laybrotherhood», Gesta, 21,
1982, p. 63-74; Rémy CORDONNIER, «Haec
pertica est regula. Texte, image et mise en page
dans l’Aviarium d’Hugues de Fouilloy, dans B.
VAN DEN ABEELE (éd.), Bestiaires médiévaux.
Nouvelles perspectives sur les manuscrits et les
traditions textuelles, Louvain-la-Neuve, Insti-
tut d’études médiévales, 2005, p. 71-110.
15. Sur l’exégèse visuelle voir notamment: Anna
C. ESMEIJER, Divina quaternitas, a preliminary
study in the method and application of visual
exegesis, Assen, Van Gorcum, 1978; Patrice
SICARD, Diagrammes médiévaux et exégèse
visuelle: le Libellus de formatione arche de Hu-
gues de Saint-Victor, Paris-Turnhout, Brepols
(Bibliotheca Victorina 4), 1993; E. MAGNANI et
D. RUSSO, «Histoire de l’art et anthropologie,
3. Exégèse textuelle, exégèse visuelle», Bulle-
tin du centre d’études médiévales d’Auxerre [En
ligne], Histoire de l’art & Anthropologie. Sémi-
naires, mis en ligne le 22 octobre 2009 (URL:
http://cem.revues.org/index11323.html); Na-
tasha F. H. O’HEAR, Contrasting Images of the
Book of Revelation in Late Medieval and Early
Modern Art: A Case Study in Visual Exegesis,
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.
16. Rémy CORDONNIER, «Enluminure et spiri-
tualité: le sens du signe et ses difficultés», His-
toire et images médiévales, Thématique 15: les
arts de la couleur, février 2009, p. 24-29.
dans un pallium. Il bénit de la main droite et de la gauche maintient un livre posé sur
sa cuisse. Il est assis sur un arc de cercle tandis qu’un autre arc lui sert de repose-
pieds. Six médaillons à fond bleu sont dessinés dans le tracé du feuillage de part et
d’autre du Christ et un septième au sommet de la mandorle qui se termine par une
palmette fleurdelisée. Chaque médaillon comprend un oiseau.
L’aviaire de Santa-Cruz est enluminé dans un style très élégant et coloré. Le pre-
mier feuillet a été hélas découpé (l’onglet est encore clairement visible), il devait
comprendre à n’en pas douter le prologue et la dédicace ainsi que la miniature du
prologue et le diagramme de la colombe qui sont donc perdu à ce jour. Comme dans
l’exemplaire de Lorvão, la mise en page du diagramme des trois colombes isole la
colombe du Christ de celles de Noé et David. Mais cette fois, l’une est sur le recto
du feuillet et les deux autres sur le verso et de ce fait l’unité visuelle de l’ensemble
est entièrement perdue. Le rubricateur a fait le même oubli que celui de Lorvão:
le nigra entre anima et formosa. Il avait en plus inscrit nigra au lieu de nivea dans la
bordure du médaillon de la colombe du Christ, mais cette erreur a été rectifiée par le
correcteur au Moyen Âge. Les autres miniatures de la première partie du traité sont,
iconographiquement et du point de vue de la composition, identiques à celles de
l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Les inscriptions du digramme de l’autour et de la miniature
de la tourterelle sont, là aussi, devenues les rubriques des chapitres 12, 13 et 14 sur
les vents et 25 et 27 sur le palmier. Le rubricateur, qui n’était décidément pas brillant,
a fait une troisième erreur. Dans l’inscription du médaillon de la tourterelle il a inscrit
in nido pour in nidulo, corrigé par le relecteur monastique. Les modifications les plus
importantes apparaissent finalement dans la miniature du cèdre et des passereaux.
Le Christ y est désormais barbu et moustachu. Il tient un sceptre crucifère au lieu
d’un livre dans la main gauche. Il n’est plus assis sur un arc et ses pieds reposent
désormais sur une extension des rinceaux du tronc. La miniature est aussi plus colo-
rée. L’enlumineur a peint en vert l’intérieur du tronc, la bordure centrale du losange
et la hampe du sceptre, des rehauts de vert servent à modeler les plis du pallium.
La robe du christ, certaines parties du corps des oiseaux ainsi que les bras de la croix
du nimbe et la bordure extérieure du feuillage sont en jaune pâle. Les décorations
de la ceinture du Christ et certaines parties des rinceaux du tronc sont en rouge.
Le nimbe du Christ est bleu.
Enfin, l’aviaire d’Alcobaça est d’un style beaucoup plus fruste que ceux de Lorvão
et Santa-Cruz et a vraisemblablement été illustré par le scribe lui-même ou en tout
cas par un peintre qui n’était pas artiste de formation. La miniature du prologue y
est néanmoins complète. Dans le diagramme de la colombe, les inscriptions pennas
vitutum et volabo desiderio dans les écoinçons supérieurs sont absentes à l’exception
du mot penne inscrit dans l’écoinçon supérieur gauche. Il n’y a pas d’inscriptions non
plus dans le médaillon central. Le diagramme des trois colombes reçoit la même mise
en page qu’à Santa-Cruz et reproduit le problème du recto-verso. Le diagramme de
l’autour est là encore transformé en un simple encadrement situé non plus au centre
de la page mais aux deux tiers de la colonne de texte de droite. Le rubricateur a placé
les inscriptions de la croix en tête des chapitres 12, 13, 14, 15. La miniature du pal-
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 7 6
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
17. Voir R. CORDONNIER, 2005 (art. cit. notre
note 14), p. 76-79 et du même, L’illustration du
«De avibus» de Hugues de Fouilloy: symbolisme
animal et méthodes d’enseignement au Moyen
Âge, thèse en 4 vol., non éditée, Université
Charles de Gaulle, Lille, 2007, vol. 1 p. 121-174.
18. Sur le thème du diable oiseleur voir: B. G.
KOONCE, «Satan the Fowler», Mediaeval Stu-
dies, 21, 1959, p. 176-184.
19. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 45.
20. Il a également été suggéré que ces person-
nages pourraient évoquer le «miles» du prolo-
gue, voir A. MIRANDA, A . LEMOS, C. MIGUEL,
M. J. MELO, «On Wings of Blue: The history,
material and technique of the Book of Birds in
Portuguese scriptoria», dans L. U. ALFONSO
(ed.), The Materials of the Image/As Matérias
da Imagem, Lisbonne, Universidade de Lis-
boa, 2010, p. 171-184 (ici p. 175). Toutefois
l’agressivité de ces archers rend cette interpré-
tation difficilement recevable dans la mesure
où le miles du prologue est présenté comme
quelqu’un s’étant converti à la vie religieuse.
21. D’après la numérotation de l’édition de
CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1).
22. Comme le signale M. A. MIRANDA, 1999
(art. cit. notre note 5), p. 190, on retrouve
ce Christ jeune à la croix dans l’exemplaire de
Bordeaux, BM, ms. 995, f. 67v. Elle mentionne
aussi l’exemplaire de Valenciennes, BM, ms.
101, f. 176, mais si le Christ y est jeune et gla-
bre, en revanche il tient une sphaera mundi à
la place de la croix.
23. Cette lacune n’est pas mentionnée par W.
B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286-
287, mais elle est signalée par M. I. REBELO
GONÇALVES, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 50.
24. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 42.
mier est au milieu de la colonne de texte de gauche. Et sa rubrique est aussi portée
deux fois: entre les branches du feuillage et sous le tronc en tête du chapitre 24. La
miniature de la tourterelle est transformée en un simple médaillon placé au milieu de
la colonne de texte de droite, en regard de la miniature du palmier. Les inscriptions
du patibulus sont placées dans l’entrecolonne et les inscriptions du stipex servent de
rubriques aux chapitres 25 et 27. Comme dans l’aviaire de Lorvão, le cèdre est stylisé
pour devenir une mandorle losangée. Outre le style, on note les différences suivan-
tes: disparition des arcs sur lesquels le Christ était assis, ce dernier tient un sceptre
crucifère au lieu d’un livre dans la main gauche, et on ne compte que six médaillons
au lieu de sept. En revanche, l’enlumineur a figuré les plaies des pieds du Christ qui
reposent sur un escabeau. Le tronc et le feuillage sont teints en vert.
Les portraits d’oiseaux de la seconde partieLes portraits d’oiseaux qui illustrent la seconde partie de l’aviaire de Hugues ne pré-
sentent pas de différences notables dans les exemplaires portugais par rapport à la
principale tradition du corpus.
Il faut mentionner cependant l’absence de la figure du hibou dans le manuscrit de
Lorvão en raison d’un arrachement de la moitié supérieure de la page où se trouvait
la miniature 23. Dans les manuscrits de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz tous les oiseaux sont
figurés dans un médaillon dont la bordure comprend à chaque fois la sentence rimée
qui résume le trope principal du chapitre. Les deux manuscrits présentent par ailleurs
une certaine parenté formelle. Dans l’ensemble les figures présentent les caractéristi-
ques du groupe d’Heiligenkreuz déterminées par W. Clark 24. On retrouve notamment
dans ces deux exemplaires l’un des petits du pélican mystique dessiné à l’horizon-
tale sur la droite de la composition. Il y a aussi cette manière particulière de figurer
l’autruche avec son croupion emplumé de touffes presque «pileuses». Dans le manus-
crit de Santa-Cruz l’autruche s’éloigne de l’échassier de Lorvão pour s’apparenter à un
rapace palmipède. L’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz l’a en outre affublée de deux petites
oreilles qui caractérisent habituellement les rapaces nocturnes. Dans l’aviaire de San-
ta-Cruz l’enlumineur a fait déborder les plumes de la queue de la grue sur l’inscription
du médaillon et a reporté en bleu dans la marge adjacente le mot que sa peinture
avait occulté: viuent. L’hirondelle de Santa-Cruz a l’aile droite relevée, ce qui n’est pas
le cas dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão. On peut aussi relever la position particulière de la
cigogne dans ces deux manuscrits, où elle est représentée en train de craqueter, c’est-
à-dire la tête renversée en arrière sur le dos et claquant du bec. Dans l’exemplaire de
Santa-Cruz elle lève en plus la patte gauche. Le héron de Lorvão tourne la tête vers
l’arrière alors que celui de Santa-Cruz regarde devant lui, mais l’un et l’autre présen-
tent la même ondulation du cou. Les caladres sont figurés comme des palmipèdes.
Dans l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça seul le corbeau, le coq, le vautour et l’hirondelle sont
dans un médaillon. Pour les figures du corbeau et du vautour, le médaillon a visible-
ment été rajouté après dans la mesure où il passe par-dessus le dessin de l’oiseau.
Le coq et l’hirondelle posent un autre problème car leur style est nettement différent
du reste du manuscrit, mais je reviendrai sur ce point plus bas.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 7 7
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
25. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 41-51.
26. Le premier comprend l’aviaire d’Heiligen-
kreuz plus les exemplaires de Zwettl, StiftsB,
ms. 253, v. 1200, Bruxelles, KBR, ms. 8536-43
(Flandres ou France du Nord?, v. 1250, et Ox-
ford, BL, ms. Lyell 71 (Lombardie?, v. 1300).
Le second réunit nos trois manuscrits portugais
plus les exemplaires de Troyes, BM, ms. 711 (fin
de XIIe s.), Rome, B. Cansanatense, ms. 444 (v.
1220-1230), et Paris, BNF, ms. 2495 (XIIIe s.).
Le troisième sous-groupe réunit les manuscrits
de New Haven, Yale UL, Beinecke ms. 189 (v.
1200), Bordeaux, BM, ms. 995 (2e moit. XIIIe)
et Cambrai, BM, ms. 259 (région parisienne, v.
1230-1235).
27. B. VAN DEN ABEELE, (ar t. cit. notre
note 1), cat. 11, p. 258. Sur ce ms. voir Mar-
tine SAINTE-MARIE, «Note sur un “traité des
oiseaux” conservé parmi les manuscrits de la
Société archéologique de Montpellier», Mé-
moires de la Société archéologique de Mont-
pellier, 21, 1993, p. 393-401.
28. B. VAN DEN ABEELE, (art. cit. notre note
1), p. 264.
29. M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note
5), p. 190 donne DEN[TUR].
30. Comme le souligne W. B. CLARK, 1992
(op. cit. notre note 1), p. 286-287, l’ordre des
cahiers a donc vraisemblablement été inver-
sé l’ors d’une reliure antérieure et les cahiers
contenant le texte d’Isidore de Séville sur la
création de l’homme et de la femme devait
initialement se trouver avant l’Aviarium et les
extraits de l’Exameron sur les animaux. Cette
hypothèse est corroborée par la coïncidence
entre le trou situé à coté du genou du Créa-
teur dans la miniature de la création d’Ève et
une tache brune que l’on observe à peu près au
milieu de la page d’incipit de l’Aviarium. L’en-
semble constituait une suite logique décrivant
la signification des créatures vivantes en com-
mençant par l’homme et en poursuivant par les
oiseaux et les mammifères.
31. Saint Mamède de Lorvão est passé sous
plusieurs obédiences depuis sa fondation. Ini-
Relations entre les manuscrits
État de la questionSelon le classement proposé par Clark 25, les trois manuscrits portugais appartiennent
au groupe des aviaires illustrés dit d’Heiligenkreuz, du nom de l’Abbaye autrichienne
où est actuellement conservé le manuscrit type du groupe (Heiligenkreuz, StiftsB,
ms. 226, France ?, fin du XIIe siècle). Les quatorze manuscrits qu’il comprend se-
raient issus d’un modèle dit «modèle A», qui était soit l’original soit très proche de
ce dernier. Du point de vue textuel, l’aviaire d’Heiligenkreuz est l’exemplaire qui
possède le plus de points communs avec le reste du corpus. C’est le groupe le plus
nombreux et qui comprend les plus anciens témoins de l’Aviarium, ce qui en fait le
meilleur représentant potentiel du traité originel. La majorité de ces manuscrits sont
d’origine cistercienne, et ils semblent rattachés de près ou de loin au scriptorium de
l’abbaye de Morimond. Clark distingue trois ensembles au sein de ce corpus 26, mais
les différences textuelles qui les distinguent sont minimes. Plus récemment B. Van den
Abeele a ajouté un manuscrit au groupe, celui de Montpellier, Société archéologique,
ms. 8 (fin XIIe - déb. XIIIe s.) 27, dont il souligne la parenté des illustrations avec les
exemplaires portugais en précisant: «il pourrait donc s’agir d’un chaînon entre les
manuscrits français et ceux du Portugal» 28.
Les aviaria de Lorvão et Santa-Cruz sont très proches stylistiquement et les cher-
cheurs qui s’y sont intéressé sont tous d’accord pour situer leur production au Por-
tugal. Pour le premier la chose est évidente grâce aux deux colophons présent dans
le manuscrit: ad honorem Dei et sancti Mametis in Monasterio laurbanense est scri-
btus [sic] liber iste. In diebus Johannis abbatis FINITO LIBRO DONA DEN[IQUE] 29
LARGIORA magistro. Era M.C.C.XXII (f. 67) et: Scriptus est liber este ad laudem et
honorem Dei omnipotentis et sancti Mametis laurbanensis monasterii temporum regis
Alfonsi, in diebus Johannis abbatis. Era M.CC.XXI (f. 90v.) 30. Pas de doutes donc sur
son lieu de production ni sur la datation qui le situe dans la période bénédictine de
l’abbaye 31. La date est donnée selon l’Ère espagnole, dont le point de départ cor-
respond à l’application de la loi romaine en Espagne en 38 av. J.-C., ce qui donne
1184 pour le premier colophon et 1183 pour le second 32. Or Lorvão, ne devint une
abbaye cistercienne de femmes qu’en 1206, sous l’influence de Dona Teresa, fille du
roi Sanche I, et confirmée dans ses statuts en 1213. Le scribe a été identifié comme
étant Egeas, celui du fameux Beatus de Lorvão 33. Les enlumineurs de l’Aviarium
sont également les deux mêmes qui se sont chargé d’illustrer le Beatus. Le plus doué
des deux étant cependant moins présent dans l’Aviarium que dans le Beatus 34. Bien
qu’étant le plus ancien manuscrit daté du corpus, l’exemplaire de Lorvão a été copié
au moins dix ans après la mort d’Hugues de Fouilloy (survenue probablement vers
1173) et plus de vingt ans après la rédaction probable du traité que je situe entre
1130 et 1160. Certes au XIIe siècle les voyages prenaient plus de temps que de nos
jours, mais en vingt ans un texte avait bien le temps d’être largement diffusé y com-
pris jusqu’au «lointain Portugal» pour reprendre les mots de Charles de Clercq 35. Par
ailleurs, les modifications apportées au digramme de l’autour et à la miniature de la
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 7 8
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
tialement créé sous une version remaniée de la
regula communis de saint Fructueux. L’abbaye
devint progressivement bénédictine entre 1064
et 1109, sous l’influence de l’abbé réformateur
Eusèbe. Voir J. M. GOMES DA SILVA ROCHA,
L’image dans le Beatus de Lorvão, thèse en 4
vol., non éditée, consultée sur place, Université
Libre de Bruxelles, 2008, vol. 1 p. 71-72. (Je
remercie chaleureusement Alain Dierkens et
Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx pour m’avoir signalé
et prêté un exemplaire de cette étude).
32. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
n. 2 p. 45.
33. Voir W. NEUSS, O Comentário do Apocalip-
se do Lorvao e Suas Iluminuras, Coimbra, 1929;
Anne DE EGRY, Um estudo de O Apocalipse do
Lorvao e sua relação com as ilustrações medie-
vais do Apocalipse, Lisbonne, 1972.
34. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 45.
35. Charles DE CLERCQ, «La nature et le sens
du De avibus d’Hugues de Fouilloy», dans A.
ZIMMERMANN et R. HOFFMANN (éds.),
Methoden in Wissenschaft und Kunst des Mit-
telalters, Berlin, de Gruyter (Miscellanea Me-
diaevalia, 7), 1970, p. 279-302, ici p. 302. W.
B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), n. 1 p.
46, a mal interprété les propos de Charles de
Clercq et lui fait dire que l’aviaire de Lorvão
aurait été copié d’après le premier exemplaire.
Or de Clercq ne fait qu’affirmer l’existence du
cycle iconographique dans l’exemplaire originel
à partir du constat de la transmission relative-
ment stable de ce cycle au sein du corpus, y
compris dans des exemplaires produits loin de
la région d’origine du traité.
36. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 286 – transcrits par M. I. REBELO GONÇAL-
VES, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 1), p. 76 et 78.
37. Ambroise de Milan, Exameron, VI, 26-29
(PL 14, c. 123-273 - Paris, 1845). J’ai rendu le
texte comme il apparait sur le manuscrit sauf
pour l’organisation sur deux colonnes, choisie
ici pour gagner de la place, dans le manuscrit le
texte est à longues lignes. M. MARTINS, 1963
(art. cit. notre note 5), p. 413; F. CRESPO et F.
tourterelle montrent quand même une nette divergence par rapport au cycle origi-
nel. La suppression de la composition cruciforme de ces deux miniatures les ampute
d’une grande part de leur signification exégétique. De même, la séparation de la
colombe du Christ de celles de Noé et David dans le diagramme des trois colombes
rend impossible la lecture ascensionnelle de ce dernier et en supprime la dimension
anagogique. Contrairement à ce que suggérait Ch. de Clercq, l’exemplaire de Lorvão
témoigne plutôt de ce que vingt ans après la rédaction du traité, son cycle icono-
graphique avait déjà subit d’importantes modifications et déperditions de sens. En
outre, les miniatures ne sont pas les seuls éléments du traité à avoir subit des modi-
fications. En effet, le texte a aussi été augmenté par l’interpolation de deux passages
de l’Exameron d’Ambroise de Milan (V, 21, 74) entre les chapitres 15-16 et 16-17 36.
Il est en outre suivit sans transition d’une dizaine d’autres passages du même texte,
auquel le scribe s’est contenté d’ajouter une série de rubriques indiquant de quel
animal traite le passage adjacent:
[fin de l’Aviarium] De infantulo
Vix infantulo coeperunt dentes prorumpere,
et iam novit sua arma tentare. De catulo
Nondum catulo dentes, et tamquam ha-
beat, ore proprio se quaerit ulcisci. De cervo
Nondum cervo cornua, et tamen fronte praelu-
dit, atque ea quae nondum expertus sit, tela
¶minitatur.
[f. 145] Lupus si prior hominem viderit De lupus,
vocem eripit, et despicit eum tamquam vocis
ablatae victor. Idem si se praevisum senserit,
deponit ferociam, non potest currere. De
Leo gallum et maxi leo fortitudine
Me album veretur. De medicamine capre
Capra vulnerata dictamnum petit, et
de vulnere excludit sagittas. De remediis
Norunt et bestiae remedia sua. bestiarum
Leo aeger simiam quaerit, ut devoret;
quo possit sanari.
Leopardus capreae agrestis sanguinem
bibit, et vim languoris evitat. Omnis fe-
ra aegra canis hausto curatur sanguine.
Ursus aeger formicas devorat.
Cervus oleae ramusculos mandit.
Ergo ferae norunt ea [ex]petere quae sibi
prosint ; tu ignoras, o homo, remedia tua!
Tu nescis quomodo virtutem eripias adversario,
ut te tamquam praeventus lupus effugere non pos-
sit, ut oculo tuae mentis eius perfidiam deprehendas,
[f. 145v.] et prior cursum verborum eius impedias, in (sic)-
pudentiam eius et acumen disputatio-
nis obtundas. Quod si te ille praevenerit,
vocem tibi aufert: et si obmutueris, sol-
ve amictum tuum, ut sermonem resol-
vas. Et si in te insurrexerit lupus, petram
cape, et fugit. Petra tua Christus est. Si ad
Christum confugias, fugit lupus, nec terre-
re te poterit. Hanc petram quaesivit Pe-
trus, cum titubaret in fluctibus, et in-
venit; quia dexteram amplexus est Christi.
De leone pardo quod alia odorem refugiat
Quid dicam allio homines delectari,
et illud ad escam sumere, quod et
leopardus fugit ? Denique sicubi allium
aliquis confricandum putaverit, leopardus
inde exsilit, nec resistit. Cuius venenata fe-
ra odorem non potest sustinere, id tu pro
cibo sumis, et visceribus infundis in-
ternis ? Sed medicatur interdum doloribus. Su-
matur pro medicamento, non pro cibo: sumatur
[f. 146] ab aegrotantibus, non ab epulantibus.
Medicamentum Ieiunium salubre est coporis
quaeris, et ieiunium fugis; quasi maius
aliud remedium reperire possis. serpens
Ieiuni De sputo ieuni hominis moritur
hominis sputum si serpens gustaverit,
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 7 9
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
FRADE, 1967 (art. cit. notre note 5), p. 30 et
M. I. REBELO GONÇALVES, 1999 (art. cit. no-
tre note 1), p. 33 donnent la liste des rubriques
ajoutées dans le manuscrit. W. B. CLARK, 1992
(op. cit. notre note 1), n. 2 p. 45, identifiait
ces passages à des extraits la seconde famille
du Bestiaire latin tout en soulignant par ailleurs
que cette famille du Bestiaire, d’origine an-
glaise, n’est connue par d’autres sources sur le
continent qu’à partir du milieu du XIIIe siècle.
38. A. G. DA ROCHA MADAHIL, «Os códices
de Sant Cruz de Coimbra», Boletim de Biblio-
teca da Universidade de Coimbra, 8, 1927, p.
386-391; A. CRUZ, Santa Cruz de Coimbra na
cultura Portuguesa da idade média, Porto, Ma-
rânus, 1964, p. 130-136; Maria Adelaide MI-
RANDA, A iluminura românica em Santa Cruz
de Coimbra e Santa Maria de Alcobaça, Lisboa,
1996, p. 409-442.
39. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 46; J. LENCART, 1997 (art. cit. notre note
6), p. 199, le situe dans la première moitié du
XIIIe s. et (p. 200) mentionne une note au f.
117 avec la date «Era 1312», soit 1274, ce qui
nous donne un terminus ante quem. Le codex
contient en outre un catalogue des manuscrits
de l’abbaye qui débute avec la mention d’un
don fait en 1207 (Era 1245) par Pierre Vincent,
chanoine de Saint-Vincent de Lisbonne.
40. M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre note
5), p. 135-139.
41. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 46-47.
42. En grande partie reprises par M. A. MI-
RANDA, 1999 (op. cit. notre note 5), dans ses
notices sur les aviaires de Lorvão et Alcobaça,
p. 184 et 190.
43. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 47.
44. Hugues de Fouilloy, De avibus. Traité des
oiseaux (extraits). Fac-similé du manuscrit 177
de la Médiathèque de l’Agglomération troyen-
ne, extraits trad. en fr. par Rémy Cordonnier,
Paris, 2004. Ce manuscrit est mentionné en
1472 dans le catalogue de l’abbaye composé
par Pierre de Virey, voir Françoise BIBOLET,
Le scriptorium de Santa-Cruz était bien actif à la fin du XIIe et au début du XIIIe
siècle 38. Il est donc très probable que l’aviaire y ait été produit. Toutefois, bien que
leur style soit différents, l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz, nous l’avons dit, est iconographi-
quement très proche de l’exemplaire de Lorvão. Clark a relevé de nombreux points
de contact entre l’iconographie des deux exemplaires, mais situe la production de
l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz après celui de Lorvão 39. Selon Clark, son style plus nerveux
éloigne l’enlumineur de Santa-Cruz de la production traditionnelle locale et le place
sous l’influence de l’art roman français.
Le monastère Sainte-Marie d’Alcobaça, fondé en 1153, est la 53e fille de Clairvaux.
Sa construction ne débute effectivement qu’en 1178, mais son scriptorium est déjà
pleinement en activité à la fin du XIIe siècle. En témoigne un ensemble de manuscrits
de grande qualité produits à cette époque et qui se démarquent nettement de la
production de Lorvão 40. Pourtant, W. Clark, a relevé une caractéristique stylistique
commune à certains oiseaux des manuscrits de Lorvão et d’Alcobaça, ce qui lui fait
dire que l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça aurait pu avoir été copié à Lorvão. Il s’agit du motif
en forme de soleil radiant (sunburst) que l’on trouve sur les genoux du Christ de
Lorvão et sur les épaules de plusieurs oiseaux du même manuscrit ainsi que sur les
figures du coq et de l’hirondelle d’Alcobaça. Parallèlement, Clark a relevé la présence
d’une initiale au début du premier chapitre de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça, donc le style est
très proche, mais pas identique, de celui d’une Bible produite à Santa-Cruz (Porto,
BP, ms. 31, SC 2) 41.
Au vu des ressemblances et des divergences entre les trois exemplaires portugais, W.
Clark avait émis des hypothèses de localisation sans pouvoir se prononcer avec certi-
tude quant à leurs interrelations ni sur le lieu de production de l’aviaire d’Alcobaça 42.
Pour elle, si les trois manuscrits ont été réalisés dans la région de Coimbra, le scrip-
torium le plus susceptible d’en avoir possédé le modèle commun serait Santa-Cruz
dans la mesure où il s’agit d’une maison augustinienne, soit l’ordre auquel appartenait
Hugues de Fouilloy 43. Mais l’enquête se complique avec l’inclusion nécessaire dans le
corpus d’un quatrième témoin illustré. Il s’agit de l’exemplaire actuellement conservé
à Troyes (Médiathèque municipale, ms. 177), daté lui aussi de la fin du XIIe siècle ou
du début du XIIIe siècle, et qui a appartenu à l’Abbaye cistercienne de Clairvaux 44.
Les miniatures des aviaires d’Alcobaça et de Clairvaux sont virtuellement identiques
à l’exception, là encore, des miniatures du coq et de l’hirondelle. Leurs textes sont
très proches également, bien que celui de Clairvaux soit moins fautif que celui d’Al-
cobaça 45. Clark considère donc comme possible que l’aviaire d’Alcobaça ait été copié
moritur. Vides quanta vis ieiunii sit; ut et
sputo suo homo terrenum serpentem inter-
ficiat, et merito spiritalem. Quantam Dominus etiam
minusculis infudit prudentia[m]! ris
Turtur nido suo, ne pul- De nido turtu-
los suos incurset lupus, squillae folia
superiacit. Novit enim quod huiusmodi folia lu-
pi fugere consuerint. Novit vulpecula
quomodo posteritatem foveat suam: et tu igno-
ras, tu negligis quomodo adversum lupos
nequitiae spiritalis posteritatem vitae huius ha-
beas tutiorem? 37
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 8 0
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
«Portraits d’oiseaux illustrant le De Avibus
d’Hugues de Fouilloy (Manuscrit de Clairvaux,
Troyes 177)», dans Benoît CHAUVIN (éd.), Mé-
langes à la mémoire du Père Anselme Dimier,
présentés par Benoît Chauvin, [II (Histoire
cistercienne), vol. IV (abbayes)], Beernem, B
Chauvin, 1984, p. 409-447, ici p. 409.
45. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 47-48.
46. F. BIBOLET, 1984 (art. cit., notre note 42),
p. 411, ne partage pas son avis et considère que
le style de l’aviaire correspond à la production
claravalienne de la fin du XIIe siècle.
47. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
cat. 43, p. 301-302; R. CORDONNIER, 2009
(art. cit. notre note 11), p. 27-29 et du même
«Le coq et les cloches dans l’iconographie»,
dans Fabienne POMEL (éd.), Cloches et Horlo-
ges: le Temps au Moyen Age, Rennes, Presses
universitaires de Rennes (sous presses): «On
sait simplement qu’il fut offert aux Célestins
d’Avignon au XVe siècle, par le cardinal Jean
Allarmet de Brogny (1342-1426) évêque d’Os-
tie, puis archevêque d’Arles. Ce dernier ayant
terminé sa formation cléricale à Avignon, il est
probable qu’il ait fait don du manuscrit aux
Célestins de la ville à ce moment là. Mais on
ne sait pas comment il est entré en possession
du livre auparavant. C’est une compilation des
traités d’Hugues contenant outre l’Aviarium: Le
cloître de l’âme, La médecine de l’âme, Les no-
ces spirituelles et charnelles et une Visio cuius-
dam monachi, également attribuée à Hugues
de Fouilloy».
48. Ada DI MORICCA CAPUTI (dir.), Catalogo
dei Manoscritti della Biblioteca Casanatense,
Roma, Libreria dello Stato, Istituto Poligrafico
dello Stato, 1949-1978, vol 5, p. 73-74 ; W. B.
CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1), cat. 49
p. 306. Vincenzo DE GREGORIO, La Biblioteca
Casanatense di Roma, Napoli, Edizioni Scienti-
fiche Italiane (Pubblicazioni dell’Università de-
gli Studi di Salerno. Sezione di studi Filologici,
Letterari e Artistici, 23), 1993.
49. Anne-Marie TURCAN-VERKERK, Les ma-
nuscrits de la Charité, Cheminon et Montier-
en-Argonne. Collections cisterciennes et voies
d’après celui de Clairvaux, mais les différences entre les deux manuscrits ne lui per-
mettaient pas de l’affirmer. L’inverse est également envisagé par l’auteur, qui argue
du caractère plus portugais que claravalien de l’exemplaire de Clairvaux. Il aurait pu
alors avoir été la copie et non le modèle. Les deux manuscrits cisterciens peuvent
aussi, selon Clark, avoir été réalisés à Alcobaça d’après un même modèle et l’un des
deux offert ensuite à Clairvaux 46. W. Clark conclue en proposant sans l’affirmer une
origine portugaise pour les aviaire de Lorvão, Santa-Cruz, Alcobaça et Clairvaux.
Tous les quatre auraient alors été copiés indépendamment mais à partir d’un même
modèle aujourd’hui perdu. Elle ajoute pour finir que nombre de variantes textuelles
et certaines des caractéristiques iconographiques que l’on trouve dans ces manuscrits
se retrouvent également dans deux autres exemplaires illustrés : L’aviaire d’Avignon
(Paris, BNF, ms. lat. 2495, déb. XIIIe s., dont l’origine est pour le moment indétermi-
née 47) et celui de Rome (Bibliothèque Casanatense, ms. 444, v. 1230-1240 48, ayant
peut-être appartenu à l’abbaye cistercienne de Montier-en-Argonne 49) 50.
Nouvelles découvertesDe nouvelles données codicologiques peuvent désormais être ajoutées au dossier,
et devraient permettre de faire avancer la problématique de l’interrelation entre les
manuscrits concernés.
Lorsque j’ai consulté le manuscrit d’Alcobaça, j’ai en effet pu faire des observations
intéressantes sur les miniatures du coq et de l’hirondelle qui posaient problème en
raison de leur nette différence stylistique avec les autres illustrations du manus-
crit. En y regardant de plus près, j’ai pu constater que la portion de parchemin qui
a reçu les deux miniatures était plus sale et plus veloutée que le reste de la page,
comme s’il avait été gratté. En outre, l’un des cercles du médaillon du coq est nette-
ment estompé comme si lui aussi avait subit une tentative d’effacement. Finalement,
l’inspection de ces deux miniatures à l’aide d’une lampe de Wood a confirmé mon
hypothèse en révélant les traces légères mais bien visibles d’un dessin sous-jacent
différent de celui des miniatures actuelles. Le coq et l’hirondelle de l’aviaire d’Alco-
baça sont donc des repeints. Pour l’hirondelle, le dessin de la tête de l’ancien oiseau
est encore visible à droite de l’aile de la figure actuelle et il correspond au dessin
de la miniature de Clairvaux. Pour le coq, le cercle intérieur du médaillon qui a été
gratté dans le manuscrit d’Alcobaça correspond à celui présent dans la miniature du
coq de Clairvaux. On distingue aussi la trace d’une ancienne rubrique grattée sous le
médaillon du coq d’Alcobaça, qui pourrait correspondre à celle qui encadre le même
médaillon dans l’aviaire de Clairvaux. Le dessin sous-jacent de l’oiseau est en revan-
che trop effacé pour que l’on puisse objectivement le comparer à celui de Clairvaux.
Il me semble donc que l’on peut désormais considérer les aviaires de Clairvaux et
d’Alcobaça comme des exemplaires jumeaux. Les deux miniatures qui empêchaient
cette affirmation jusque là ont été ajoutées a posteriori d’après un des deux autres
exemplaires portugais, ce qui explique que l’on y retrouve certains motifs typiques
de ces scriptoria – comme les soleils radiants sur les épaules. Cette hypothèse est
par ailleurs corroborée par les nombreuses corrections textuelles qui ont été faite
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 8 1
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
de transmission des textes (IXe - XIXe siècles),
Paris, CNRS éditions, 2000, p. 250.
50. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 49.
51. W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit. notre note 1),
p. 47.
52. Ces observations ont pu être faites à l’aide
d’un éclairage spéciale à la lumière rasante
(selon un angle de 30 à 15 degrés) qui révèle
nettement les irrégularités du manuscrit et dé-
voile les trous de pochoir ainsi que les traces de
poinçon pour la réglure et pour certains tracés
de dessins préparatoires. Voir notamment l’ar-
ticle d’Inês CORREIA, «Highlight manuscripts
third dimension – access, document and dis-
play micrometric details. Some examples shown
at ms. ANTT, Lorvão 5 – De avibus», dans ce
même ouvrage, p. 284.
53. Cette méthode a été observée dans un
autre aviaire par W. B. CLARK, 1992 (op. cit.
notre note 1), p. 57, 93 voir aussi de la même:
«The Aviary-bestiary at the Houghton Library
Harvard», dans Willene B. CLARK et Mera-
dith T. MCMUNN (éds.), Beast and birds of
the Middle Ages, the bestiary and its legacy,
Philadelphie, 1990, p. 26-43; Dorothy MINER,
«More about Medieval Pouncing», dans Hel-
mut LEHMANN-HAUPT (éd.), Homage to a
Bookman: Essays on Manuscripts, Books, and
Printing Written for Hans P. Kraus on his 60th
Birthday, Berlin, Gebr. Mann, 1967, p. 87-107;
Mojmir FRINTA, Punched Decoration on Late
Medieval and Miniature Painting, 2 vol., Pra-
gue, Maxdorf, 1998-2000.
dans l’exemplaire d’Alcobaça. Ces corrections sont clairement repérables car l’encre
d’écriture qui a servit à les inscrire est beaucoup plus sombre, presque noire, que
l’encre brune du manuscrit. Or W. Clark, qui mentionne ces corrections, souligne que
cette encre noire est typique d’Alcobaça et Santa-Cruz 51.
On peut se demander pourquoi l’on a souhaité reprendre seulement deux miniatures
du cycle. Pour le coq il semble que la réponse se trouve dans les sentences rimées et
rubriquées qui accompagnent lesdites miniatures. En effet, dans l’aviaire de Clairvaux,
le rubricateur a inscrit la sentence rimée du coq autour du médaillon: gallus alis se
percutiens est doctoris aliis exemplum praebens, et dans la bordure de celui-ci il a
reformulé une des idées principales du texte courant: Intelligentia galli prudentia
magistri. Or dans le manuscrit d’Alcobaça, seule la sentence rimée est inscrite dans
la bordure du médaillon. Il n’y a plus de rubrique autour du médaillon, il a du y en
avoir une mais elle a été visiblement grattée. Pour faciliter son travail le correcteur
du manuscrit d’Alcobaça a probablement gratté entièrement l’ancienne miniature,
son médaillon et les rubriques pour les remplacer par la composition actuelle. On ne
peut hélas pas en dire autant de la miniature de l’hirondelle car la rubrique qui en-
cadre l’oiseau est correcte et les traces de grattage sur le parchemin ne concernent
que la figure de l’oiseau. Il n’est pas non plus possible pour le moment de déter-
miner lequel des aviaires de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz fut l’exemplaire de référence
du correcteur d’Alcobaça, si tant est que ce soit l’un de ces deux là. Toutefois, une
autre découverte codicologique récente tendrait à désigner l’exemplaire de Lorvão.
Les recherches menées par l’équipe de conservateurs et de chercheurs en charge de
la restauration du manuscrit 52 ont en effet montré que le contour de trois miniatures
de ce manuscrit a été piqueté pour servir de pochoir (le merle, le phénix et le paon)
– une technique largement utilisée au Moyen Âge pour faciliter la copie des enlumi-
nures 53. Il me semble en outre que l’aviaire de Lorvão a peut-être servit de modèle à
celui de Santa-Cruz. Sur certaines des miniatures de ce derniers on distingue en effet
un tracé sous-jacent léger mais qui est encore visible ça et là, notamment entre les
pattes de l’autour (f. 92) ou la queue de la cigogne (f. 104). Or ce tracé ressemble
beaucoup à celui de la miniature idoine dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão.
Nous avons donc là une poignée de nouveaux indices qui permettent, sinon
d’apporter des réponses définitives, du moins de réorienter les recherches et de
proposer de nouvelles hypothèses concernant les interactions entre ces quatre
manuscrits.
• L’aviaire de Lorvão a été utilisé comme modèle, mais est-ce pour celui de
Santa Cruz ou pour un tout autre manuscrit ?
• Les aviaires de Clairvaux et d’Alcobaça étaient bel et bien des manuscrits
jumeaux à l’origine, mais ont-ils été copiés l’un sur l’autre ou à partir d’un
modèle commun, et était-ce au Portugal ou en France ?
• Les aviaires d’Alcobaça et de Santa Cruz ont fait l’objet de corrections tex-
tuelles et iconographiques, mais est-ce à partir de l’exemplaire de Lorvão ou
d’un autre manuscrit ?
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 8 2
54. M. MARTINS, 1963 (art. cit. notre note 5),
p. 413; M. A. MIRANDA, 1999 (art. cit. notre
note 5), p. 190.
55. François AVRIL, L’enluminure à l’époque
gothique 1200 - 1420, Paris, Famot, 1979,
rééd. Bibliothèque de l’Image, 1995, p. 8.
56. M. A. MIRANDA et al., 2010 (art. cit., notre
note 20), p. 174.
57. A ce sujet on consultera M. A. MIRANDA et
al., 2010 (art. cit., notre note 20).
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
Conclusion
Si le manuscrit de Lorvão a servit de modèle pour celui de Santa-Cruz, l’enlumineur
de Santa-Cruz s’est réapproprié le programme iconographique du Traité des oiseaux
et en a adapté l’expression à son propre style. Il se détache des influences mozarabes
encore fortement présentes dans l’exemplaire de Lorvão 54, pour se tourner vers le
nouveau courant stylistique qui fleurit en Europe de l’ouest autour de 1200, mar-
quant le passage du roman au gothique dans l’enluminure. Un style qui se caractérise
notamment par abandon progressif du «formalisme plastique des artistes romans» 55
par un assouplissement de la ligne et une multiplication de plis serrés dans les dra-
pés. Cela se remarque notamment dans les vêtements du Christ de la miniature du
cèdre, qui abandonne par ailleurs le type lusitanien jeune et imberbe pour un Christ
barbu plus «français». Dans les figures animales cette nouvelle expression se traduit
par une plus grande attention aux détails, des figures plus animées, plus mouve-
mentées, plus vivantes 56. On observe également un abandon progressif de la mise
en couleur par aplats couvrants au profit d’une technique plus «impressionniste»,
constituée de petites touches multicolores destinées à rendre le détail du plumage.
Enfin les techniques de dessin évoluent. Le fameux motif en soleil radiant utilisé à
Lorvão pour dessiner les épaules des oiseaux est nettement moins présent dans les
enluminures de Santa-Cruz dont l’artiste semble préférer un motif de palmette pour
dessiner l’articulation des ailes.
Toutefois, je suis tenté de voir deux mains dans la réalisation des miniatures de
l’aviaire de Santa-Cruz en raison du contraste qualitatif que l’on observe dans certai-
nes miniatures. Ainsi le diagramme des trois colombes et les miniatures de l’autour,
du palmier, du cèdre et des passereaux, du pélican, du nictocorax, du corbeau, du
coq, de la grue, de l’hirondelle, de la cigogne, du hibou, du geai, de l’oie, du héron,
du phénix, me semblent moins abouties et plus maladroites dans leur dessin et leur
mise en couleur que les autres miniatures du manuscrit. Je les attribuerais donc à
un enlumineur plus proche de l’ancienne tradition romane locale. Alors que les mi-
niatures de la tourterelle, de l’autruche, du vautour, du milan, du merle, du caladre,
de la perdrix, de la caille, de la huppe, du cygne, du paon et de l’aigle, montre une
plus grande sureté et une plus grande finesse du tracé ainsi qu’un sens plus aigüe de
la couleur 57. Toutefois je dois admettre que la distinction n’est pas évidente et que
pour certains oiseaux tels que l’autour, l’autruche ou la caille l’attribution à l’une ou
l’autre main est loin d’être évidente.
Les connections entre les scriptoria de Lorvão et de Santa-Cruz peuvent aussi en
partie s’expliquer par leur histoire. Outre une grande proximité géographique, en
1109 l’abbaye de Lorvão a été confiée aux autorités ecclésiastiques de Coimbra par
Henri de Bourgogne (1066-1112 comte de Portugal à partir de 1093). Elle retrou-
vera néanmoins son indépendance dix ans plus tard. Il est évident que cette période
d’affiliation temporaire a renforcé les liens entre les deux maisons et probablement
occasionné des échanges importants entre les scriptoria. De son coté, Santa-Cruz
est un produit conjoint de la Réforme Grégorienne et de la nouvelle monarchie. Sa
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 8 3
58. J. M. GOMES DA SILVA ROCHA, 2008 (op.
cit. notre note 28), vol. 1 p. 73-74.
59. José MATTOSO, Portugal Medieval. Novas
Interpretações, Lisboa, INCM, 1992, p. 111.
60. Maria Adelaide MIRANDA, «A iluminura
Românica em Portugal», dans A iluminura em
Portugal, Identidade e Influências, Lisboa, BN,
1999, p. 139.
v a r i a · d e s i n t e r a c t i o n s e n t r e s c r i p t o r i a p o r t u g a i s a u x i i e s i è c l e
fondation en 1131 coïncide avec le déplacement de la cour royale à Coimbra. La ville
devient alors le centre du pouvoir de la nouvelle monarchie et permet à Alphonse I
d’affirmer son autonomie face au pouvoir des puissants laïcs du nord 58 et de renfor-
cer sa position en se rapprochant de la zone de conflit avec les musulmans. Dans ce
contexte particulier, le choix des chanoines augustiniens était stratégique en raison de
leur réputation d’érudition, de leur vaste diffusion dans toute l’Europe et de la mixité
de leurs vœux qui leur permet de bénéficier de l’aura de piété propre aux religieux
réguliers tout en cultivant le contact avec les populations laïques. Ils étaient alors bien
placés pour diffuser la réforme et appuyer le pouvoir royal nouvellement instauré 59.
Toutefois, venant juste de s’installer dans la région, même s’ils avaient apporté des
manuscrits avec eux, les chanoines de Coimbra ont certainement eu besoin d’enrichir
leur fonds initial. La présence d’une grande, riche et ancienne abbaye bénédictine
non loin de là, faisait de Lorvão le lieu tout désigné où trouver des manuscrits sus-
ceptibles d’aider les religieux de Santa-Cruz de combler les lacunes de leurs armaria.
Les différences stylistiques s’expliquant alors par l’influence française (languedo-
cienne ou aquitaine 60) des chanoines de Coimbra qui ont réalisé leur exemplaire et
certainement contribué au développement du gothique lusitanien dans l’enluminure.
En dépit des ces nouvelles découvertes, plusieurs questions majeures restent en sus-
pend pour le moment. Elles concernent essentiellement le doublon Clairvaux-Alco-
baça, pour lequel je ne suis toujours pas en mesure de trancher au sujet de leur lieu
de production. Ces manuscrits proviennent-ils tous-deux du scriptorium de Clairvaux,
de celui d’Alcobaça ou chacun de leur scriptorium d’origine où ils auraient alors été
copiés d’après un modèle commun? J’espère qu’une étude comparative plus pous-
sée de ces deux témoins et notamment de leurs textes permettra de faire avancer la
question. Il faudra également se pencher sur le cas des aviaires d’Avignon, de Rome
et de Montpellier, afin de déterminer comment ils s’intègrent au corpus, et tenter
d’affiner la situation des aviaires portugais au sein du groupe d’Heiligenkreuz. •
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 8 4
v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n
highlighting manuscripts’ third dimensionaccess, documentation and display of micrometric details
inês correiaDGARQ – National Archives of Torre do Tombo
and IEM, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas – UNL, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal)
ines.ineia@gmail.com
Introduction
Medieval scribes complained of the difficulty and physical effort of the long and hard
labour of illuminating or copying manuscripts with the dim light coming through
the windows of the monasteries 1. We can make some interesting reflections on the
characteristics of that light. It would reach the working table at an extreme angle 2,
similar to a raking light, modelled by the orientation of the room and time of day.
The position of the scribe and the angle of incidence of the light source are not
clearly attested by written sources, but may be found in iconography 3. It is not rare
to find the scribe or copyist monk depicted as seated in profile at their working table,
sometimes framed by the arches of the cloister 4. When illuminated in the same way,
with light from the side as it would have been in a Scriptorium, i.e. more parallel to
the parchment (‘grazing’ or ‘raking’ light), a manuscript can expose an extraordinary
dimension – texture. If this seems redundant, imagine the difficulty in following lines
ruled with a punctorium (blind ruling) without such raking light (Figure 1). Such light
could also help when painting, where overlapping strokes can be better controlled
because of similar lighting. In modern reading rooms the lighting is generally more
diffuse and homogeneous, and in consequence the surface texture of a manuscript
is not perceived in the same way. Therefore there is increasingly a danger that the
evidence of the manufacturing processes and later uses of a medieval manuscript
that are detectable within its third dimension (subtle surface deformations, sub-
tle surface textures, such as blind ruling, stylus markings, pricking) will be lost (at
worst) or not appreciated (at best). Conservation treatments can remove or reduce
this evidence through flattening. Furthermore, increasing reliance on digitised im-
1. Glenisson, J. (dir.). 1988. Le Livre au Moyen
Âge. Paris: CNRS, 40-41.
2. We are not considering the cases in which the
light enters through the roof.
3. Metzeger, B. 1968. When did scribes begin
to use writing desks? in Historical and literary
studies, Pagan, Jewish and Christian (New Tes-
tament Tools and Studies, 8). 2 éd. Leyde: BNF,
123-132; III-XIX.
4. Azevedo Santos, M.J. 2001. As condições
técnicas e materiais da cópia de manuscritos
na Idade Média in Catálogo da Exposição Santa
Cruz de Coimbra: A cultura portuguesa aberta à
Europa na Idade Média. Porto: BPMP.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 8 5
5. Sequence of images obtained with a different
type, intensity and orientation of light in order
to obtain specific information.
6. Clark, W. 1992.The Medieval Book of Birds.
Hugh of Fouilloy’s Aviary. Bringhamtom: Medi-
eval & Renaissance texts & studies. p 41; Clark,
W. 1982. The Illustrated Medieval Aviary and the
Lay-Brotherhood. Gesta. 21(1): 63-74.
ages of manuscripts by scholars means that these clues can be overlooked (because
these features are rarely visible under the types of illumination used for photography
and scanning).
Within this framework, we propose the revaluation of digital objects created from the
transfer programs of medieval manuscripts, in which the gradual increase in resolution
does not compensate, yet, for the bi-dimensional perception of the folio. We propose
to improve the access-preservation of these manuscripts based on a recovering of
optical effects by variable and raking-light as a result of manipulating the orientation
and intensity of a proper light source, during direct physical access.
We propose the use of raking-light, not as an optional or secondary procedure, but
as an essential and routine measure, which simultaneously improve our perception of
important details in the manuscript. The illumination of objects from a light source
at an oblique angle or almost parallel to the surface reveals significant information
on the codex production, and can thus help improve the understanding of the rela-
tions between monastic institutions, theological and doctrinal influences, author’s
receptivity, migration of models or illuminators and several other contextual mat-
ters. Some of these relations are revealed in, on or beyond the surviving material of
a unique cultural heritage.
From a ‘low tech’ method to ‘high tech’ possibility
v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n
In this context, we deal with a so-called ‘low tech’ method based on a specific lighting
plan, (LP) 5 applied to particular manuscripts. Direct access to the manuscript itself
would be justified to assess three-dimensional surface details that are not recorded
on digital format. The method proved to be useful for the study of an important
medieval manuscript, De Avibus from Lorvão Monastery (Lorvão 5), both in terms of
assessing its conservation status, and helping the interpretation of marks left by copy
processes, habits from handling or owner censorship (Figure 3b). Dated, by colophon
to 1184, it is known (Clark, 1992) as the earliest surviving dated copy of Hugh of
Fouilloy text 6. In this fully illustrated manuscript the depiction of the twenty-two
figs.2 crow in f. 33, left, and, right, detail captured with raking-light (optic fibre). the effect of a deliberate mutilation is recognized in the marks left by a tool tip
fig.1 illuminating the folio with cold light at a sharp angle, highlights the ruling marks of a blind tool, lorvão 5, f. 12
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 8 6
v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n
7. Miranda, M.A., Lemos A., Claro A., Miguel C.
and Melo M.J. 2010. On Wings of Blue: The his-
tory, materials and techniques of the Book of
Birds in Portuguese scriptoria. in Afonso, L.U.
(ed.) The Materials of the Image. As Matérias da
Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Comunicação.
8. Clark, W., Ib idem, p.40. For further informa-
tion about Portuguese «Book of Birds», see Re-
belo Gonçalves, M.I. 1999. Livro das aves / Hugo
de Folieto. 1st edition. Lisboa: Edições Colibri.
9. Projects: 1) «An interdisciplinary approach to
the study of color in Portuguese manuscript il-
luminations», POCTI/EAT/33782/2000; 2) «The
identity of Portuguese medieval manuscript il-
lumination in the European context», PTDC/
EAT/65445/2006; 3) «Colour in medieval illumi-
nated manuscripts: between beauty and mean-
ing», PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008.
10. http://digitarq.dgarq.gov.pt, Reference
code: PT/TT/MSML/B/5.
11. Michael Douma, «Visible & Beyond», from
http://www.webexhibits.org/pigments/, public
service of the Institute for Dynamic Educational
Advancement (IDEA).
birds is very natural; the illuminator combines in his drawings the classical tradition
of the representation as nature and as allegorical symbol 7, (Table 1). Its importance
in medieval art justifies its presence in numerous thematic exhibitions 8.
Five years have elapsed since a conservation treatment, which was carried out be-
cause of the risk of structural collapse. Intervention included disassembly of the
structure, stabilization and restoration of parchment support and binding. Interdis-
ciplinary projects had been developed since then, revealing much about this Portu-
guese manuscript’s production 9 and suggesting that there is more to be revealed.
Simultaneously, the dismantling of the codex, freeing the folios of the structure, has
also facilitated the scanning of high resolution (300dpi), which is currently available
on-line 10 (Figure 6).
We will focus on lighting of type B, which is, as mentioned before, a ‘low tech’ easy
to manipulate source of light. At very sharp angles to the surface of the manuscript,
details such as surface defects or distortions can be easily revealed, mapping not only
physical changes but also dimensional phenomena like retracting, curling or slight
undulations, Table 1-B. At a closer look, we can observe depth of thick paint layers,
tool incisions and even subtle scribal corrections 11.
A – Stereoscopic Light B – Raking Light C – Standard Light
Macro for lapis lazuli, f. 16, Hawk.
Parchment distortion produced by over tension of sewing, f. 58v-46.
General view, displaying text, data on colour, opa-city and gloss, f. 54.
This blue pigment area will be characterized at the molecular level by microRaman and micro FTIR.
System of optic fibre with rheostat, which re-veals information about macroscopic texture and planar distortion 1.
Standard lighting from scanning technology, optical recording is con-verted into digital image with variable resolution.
Table 1Manuscript Lorvão 5, observed through the microscope with optic fibre lighting, raking-
light and a standard homogeneous source
1. Michael Douma, «Visible & Beyond», from http://www.webexhibits.org/pigments/, public service
of the Institute for Dynamic Educational Advancement (IDEA).
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 8 7
v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n
12. Inês Correia, «What Image physical distur-
bance can tell?» (in progress).
13. Articulated optic fibre was used with rheo-
stat supply.
14. Michael Arnott and Ian Bevan, «Pouncing».
The Aberdeen Bestiary. http://www.abdn.ac.uk/
bestiary/codicology.hti#pounce. 12/04/2003.
15. IDAP, «Improved Damage Assessment of
Parchment». Assessment, data collection and
sharing of knowledge 2007, European Commis-
sion, Directorate-General for Research. Final re-
port, 2008.
Figures 3 and 4, show three examples of LP application to Lorvão 5, which became
the basis of a current research in image damage and its relation with transmission
and censorship 12. Images indicated ‘A’ were digitized using standard lighting from
analogue capture, which was not enough to reveal micrometric details of texture.
It also shows some interference coming from verso side writing, which is increased
by the high intensity of the lighting. On the other hand, when the manuscript was
observed under filtered natural light (35 lx), eyes easily adapted to this low levels
of light intensity and, at the same time, more was revealed on the texture surface
with an additional raking light source 13. The first example, Figure 3b and Figure 4b,
shows the possibility of surface assessment by reducing the translucent character
of parchment, revealing even subtle creases. If light direction is changed during ex-
amination we can understand the causes of mechanical damage such as shrinkage
or local distortion. This example is also significant because it enabled detection of
the fine holes along the bird contour, just as in the Aberdeen Bestiary, where such
holes can be found on several of the images, and which have been largely studied
as pouncing, one of most popular copying techniques. 14 To better document the im-
pact of the pricking tool, the verso side was documented (Figure 3b) as well as the
next folio, f.62, where no holes were found. During the last conservation treatment
(2005), while backlighting was used to help parchment infill, all the images with this
kind of contour prick were documented on the conservation report, but it was never
contextualised as an artistic or historic issue. The studies on this manuscript did not
fig.3: a), c) details acquired with a standard homogeneous light source
(>800 lx) for the Phoenix and the Partridge, respectively; b), d) texture
revealed by raking-light at 300 (50 lx)
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 8 8
v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n
proceed to a systematic texture examination. Looking at the next examples it is easy
to agree on the importance of the details unveiled. The Ostrich (Figure 4) seen under
raking light at 200 reveals two distinct, previously unnoticed, types of physical dam-
age: a deep incision along the contour made with some sharp tool, which is clearly
seen under 50 lux and a deliberate scratching on the image. A blind trace, not so
abrasive, is documented for the Partridge, f.62v, but this time, out of bird contour,
suggesting two different drawing options.
The indications detected on the surface of Lorvão 5 thus can increase our knowledge
on its reception and transmission. Medieval manuscripts are full of significant tex-
ture – maybe due to the light angle, with which they were written and illuminated.
Raking lighting is shown to be a shortcut to bring this past to light.
Conclusion - Texture conservation and displayParchment is particularly sensitive to relative humidity and temperature changes.
Even a small variation induces changes in its dimensions such as curling and waving.
Conservation procedures, such as cleaning, even with a small amount of moisture,
may increase the stiffness, accelerate chemical reactions and produce irreversible
shrinkage, even at room temperature. Also, flattening and pressure with heavy load
on moist parchment may cause considerable change of colour and transparency. 15
These treatments have a direct impact on appearance: decreasing surface texture they
may decrease or remove the evidence related to the manufacturing processes and
Fig.4: a) detail acquired with a standard homogeneous light source (>800 lx) for the Ostrich (f. 40); c), d) texture revealed by raking-light at 300, with 35 and 50 lx, respectively; b) stilus incisions, in f. 61v, revealed by raking-light at 150, 50 lx
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 8 9
v a r i a · h i g h l i g h t i n g m a n u s c r i p t s ’ t h i r d d i m e n s i o n
later uses of the codex. Reducing the level of information should always be avoided,
but the risk is higher if information at the micro level is not even acknowledged. This
evidence may be disclosed with raking-light, applied with a low light intensity to
avoid photodegradation. We propose that this lighting may bring us closer to what
might have been the medieval conditions of its manufacture and use. It is concluded
that, for an accurate recording of medieval manuscripts, namely to assess the con-
servation status, raking-light examination is an indispensable tool.
As far as we know, digital scanning is not carried out systematically under raking
light; this could be easily achieved, in order to preserve and highlight manuscripts’
third dimension. Selected manuscripts, with relevant micrometric details noticed by
conservators or researchers, should be also digitized with raking light. One of those
manuscripts should be, undoubtedly, The Book of Birds from Lorvão. •
Acknowledgements
The National Science Foundation, FCT-MCTES, is gratefully acknowledged for the PhD
grant SFRH/BD/44192/2008 and for funding the project PTDC/EAT-EAT/104930/2008.
The author would like to thank the Director of Torre do Tombo, Silvestre Lacerda, and to
Mark Clarke, Maria João Melo and Adelaide Miranda for helpful suggestions; the author
is also grateful to Mark Clarke for his generous assistance in the text editing.
Bibliography
Azevedo Santos, M.J. 1998. A Ars Scribendi: Textos e Imagens. Coimbra: Universidade de
Coimbra (Humanitas). Vol L.
Batori, A. 2003. Innovation in Preserving and Conserving Book Heritage. Rome: Instituto
Centrale di Patologia del Libro.
Brownrigg, L. 1995. Making the Medieval Book: Techniques of Production. Oxford: The
Red Gull Press.
Driscoll, M.J. and Ragnheiour, M. (editors) 2008. Care and Conservation of Manuscripts 11:
Proceedings of the Eleventh International Seminar Held at the University of Copenhagen
24th-25th April 2008 (Paperback). Conpenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, University
of Copenhagen.
Gilissen, L. 1977. Prolégomènes à la codicologie – Recherches sur la construction des
cahiers et la mise en page des manuscrits médiévaux. Gand: Éditions Scientifiques Story-
Scientia S.P.R.L.
Miranda, M.A. 2001. A produção do livro: do monge ao artesão. A iluminura e o iluminador
no contexto de produção do códice. Coimbra: Câmara Municipal: INATEL: ADDAC.
Rebelo Gonçalves, M.I. 1999. Livro das Aves. Lisboa: Edições Colibri.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 12 9 0
v a r i a · à v o lt a d e u m v e r m e l h o
à volta de um vermelhoapresentação de edição d’o livro de como se fazem as cores, sob o olhar da ciência e tecnologia
maria joão melo e catarina miguelDepartamento de Conservação e Restauro and Requimte, Faculdade de Ciências e
Tecnologia, FCT, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)
maria adelaide mirandaInstituto de Estudos Medievais and Instituto de História da Arte, Faculdade de Ciências
Sociais e Humanas, FCSH, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (Portugal)
O processo de preparação da síntese de um vermelho medieval que a seguir se apre-
senta é o resultado de muitos anos de investigação em torno de um dos mais inte-
ressantes tratados técnicos medievais, O livro de como se fazem as cores 1. Para este
contribuíram, com inúmeras tentativas de reprodução da receita, os muitos alunos de
História e Técnicas de Produção Artística do Mestrado em Conservação e Restauro
da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, e mais recentemente, Catarina Miguel no âmbito
do seu projecto de doutoramento, Le vert et le rouge.
A presente edição distancia-se em muitos aspectos de outras excelentes deste tra-
tado, pois deseja actualizar práticas e materiais vindos de um passado longínquo.
O que significa reproduzir, com sucesso, a receita descrita pelo praticante medieval.
Se numa receita culinária, o sucesso é medido aferindo se o produto final é estetica-
mente apelativo e saboroso, no nosso caso, o sucesso é medido pela beleza (e dura-
bilidade) da cor obtida. O desafio intelectual foi grande e podemos afirmar que este é
um trabalho em aberto e novas descobertas na história e arqueologia do passado na-
cional permitirão maior rigor na reconstrução destes pigmentos e corantes medievais.
Assim, optamos por uma edição on-line 2, de modo a permitir uma rápida partilha
e discussão com outros investigadores e curiosos; o que, esperamos, levará a uma
actualização eficiente.
Centramo-nos neste número especial no caso do vermelhão 3, talvez a reprodução
mais complexa de todo o tratado, para que o leitor participe na história do vermelho
dos vermelhos, o mais utilizado na iluminura medieval, HgS.
1. A edição crítica pioneira foi a de Blondheim,
a que neste momento se junta a mais recen-
te tese de Devon Strolovich. A datação deste
tratado tem intrigado estudiosos tendo sido
reavaliada recentemente por um grupo de in-
vestigadores portugueses, em que se destaca a
participação de Luís Afonso, Ivo Cruz e António
João Cruz. Nas palavras de Luís Afonso, O livro
de como se fazem as cores das tintas, translated
into English as The book on how to make the
colours of the paints, is a Portuguese technical
text written during the Late Middle Ages deal-
ing with the preparation of artists’ materials. It
is composed by forty-five chapters of differ-
ent lengths, most of them concerning materials
and techniques to be used in the illumination
of manuscripts. (...) The text on colours is writ-
ten in Portuguese language but using Hebraic
script, making it an example of the practice of
Iberian aljamia writing, that is the use of Arabic
or Hebrew script to write a text in an Iberian
romance language.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 9 1
v a r i a · à v o lt a d e u m v e r m e l h o
Para mais informação consultar a bibliografia
abaixo elencada.
– Blondheim, S.1928. An old Portuguese work
on manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly
Review. 19: 97-135.
– Strolovitch, D. 2005. Old Portuguese in Hebrew
Script: convention, contact, and convivência.
PhD Dissertation. Cornell University. 116-184;
– Cruz, A.J. and Afonso, L.U. 2008. On the Date
and Contents of a Portuguese Medieval Tech-
nical Book on Illumination: O livro de como se
fazem as cores. The Medieval History Journal.
11: 1-28.
– Strolovitch, D.L. 2010. Old Portuguese in He-
brew script: beyond O livro de como se fazem
as cores, in -Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials
of the Image. As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa:
Campo da Comunicação, 29-43.
– Afonso, L.U. 2010. New developments in the
study of O livro de como se fazen as cores das
tintas, in L. U. Afonso (ed.) The Materials of
The Image: As Matérias da Imagem, Série Mo-
nográfica «Alberto Benveniste» 3.º Volume.
Lisboa: Cátedra de Estudos Sefarditas «Alberto
Benveniste» da Universidade de Lisboa, 3-27.
– Castro, I. 2010. Notas sobre a língua do Livro
de como se fazen as cores (ms. Parma1959) in
Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image.
As Matérias da Imagem, Lisboa: Campo da Co-
municação, p.87.
2. www.dcr.fct.unl.pt/LivComoFazemCores, e aí
seleccionar arquivo digital.
3. O vermelhão é um sulfureto de mercúrio de
fórmula química, HgS.
Figure 1. Main steps in the reproduction of the process of making vermilion.
"To make vermilion, take five pounds of quicksilver,
that is mercury, and place it in a bottle or large
glazed bowl, and take a pound of very fine virgin
sulphur. And pour the powdered sulphur over the
quicksilver little by little until it is well incorporated,
always stirring it with a dog's foot that has its hair
and wool, until the fire turns to ashes. [10r.] And
once the fire has thus died down, place it in two
new pots that are made like bottles, broad below
and narrow above. And seal them, leaving only a
small hole through which the vapor will escape.
And place the pots on the fire on their holders and
cover them well with clay, and place a bowl over
the holes. And when you see the smoke coming out
red and not malodorous, place a thin spit in it.
And if anything sticks to the spit, remove the pots
from the fire and let it cool. And once it is cool
break the pots and you will find the vermilion made.
With these measures you ill made as much
vermilion as you wish: for a terça of mercury take
five pounds of sulphur, and for five pounds of
mercury take one pound of sulphur. And regulate
the first in such as way that it does not [10v.] burn,
and keep the fire moderate, neither quick nor slow.
On this note, if by chance the vermilion burns,
break the pots and grind it and incorporate it and
mix it with another measure of mercury and
sulphur, and place them in other pots and proceed
as described. And pay attention to the vapours that
escape, thus you will never ruin anything." [1]
Reproduction
The olhas (clay container) were designed, hand-
made using white or red clays, and fired as
necessary to obtain a ceramic pot. In this
reproduction, we used a white crucible made of two
parts: a base where metacinnabar is heated and a
cover.
The proportion present in the treatise was followed:
1.047g of mercury and 0.1674g of sulphur were
weighed and ground in an agate mortar with a
pestle.
To improve the incorporation of both compounds,
sulphur was slowly added and mixed with mercury,
until all were bound and a silver-black-greyish
compound was formed. What is observed may be
described as in the treatise "until the fire turns to
ashes" [1]. This step takes time and patience.
Black mercury sulphide, was then transferred into
the base of the clay crucible, which was covered
and sealed with fresh clay.
Experiments placing the pot directly into the fire
were carried out. When needed, small amounts of
water were dropped over the necessary areas to
avoid flames or lowering the temperature. For
maintaining the embers, combustion air was
introduced with the aid of a wooden air blower.
In a successful experiment, after two and a half
hours, the pot was taken from the fire and cooled to
room temperature. Afterwards, the olha was
opened and vermillion was found inside its base.
Rationalization / Chemical reactions
In the first step, mercury and sulphur are ground to
produce metacinnabar, a silver-black compound
with a cubic crystal structure, which is the kinetic
product of this reaction [2, 3, 4], being
thermodynamically stable only for high
temperatures, above about 370ºC. The
thermodynamic stable form at room temperature is
the hexagonal mercury sulphide (vermilion). For
more details please see [2-11].
Chapter 15. To make vermilion
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v a r i a · à v o lt a d e u m v e r m e l h o
In a second step, metacinnabar is heated at 350-
370ºC, and will rearrange into the hexagonal form
that corresponds to the red product, vermilion.
It is important to stress that, for our experimental
conditions, the production of red mercury sulphide
– vermilion – is a solid-state reaction and not a
sublimation process [12, 13]. When sublimation
occurs, for
temperatures higher
than 580ºC, a black
product, not yet
characterized, is
formed. This
product can be a
mixture of meta and
hipercinnabar [3].
Key aspects
Reaction stoichiometry: one mole of sulphur
reacts with one mole of mercury.
Mixing mercury with sulphur to produce black
mercury sulphide may be achieved by a thorough
grinding, heating or using amalgam. In our
reproductions we tested both thorough grinding and
amalgam formed by heating sulphur: both worked
in the same way, although in the text grinding is
described and with very specific details.
Temperature at which black metacinnabar is
converted into red vermilion is "the crucial"
parameter. To transform the black mercury
sulphide form (α’-HgS) into the red form (α -HgS), it
is necessary to avoid temperatures above about
400-450ºC. On the other hand, the higher the
temperature the more efficient will be the solid state
reaction that enables the conversion of the cubic
black form into the red one. To test the influence of
temperature control over reaction yield, sand baths
were used and temperature was measured over
time in the sand. For our experimental conditions,
starting with about 0.5 g of black metacinnabar, we
found that introducing the pot in the sand bath heat
at 285ºC for 2h30 and afterwards rising the
temperature (heating rate of 15ºC/min) until circa
350ºC for 2h30 produced the best results.
Missing / Obscure indications
Pot design: There is no precise information about
the shape of the olha. Strolovitch in his translation
refers to it as a vessel “like bottles, broad below
and narrow above", [1].
Heating temperature and time: the only
information given is “place the pots on the fire” and
"keep the fire moderate, neither quick nor slow", [1].
Usually, embers’ temperature fall between 620-
670ºC. We do not know if the pots should be placed
directly on the fire neither for how long (a couple of
hours? all day?). Where was this fire made? In a
special apparatus or just on the ground? How was it
maintained and controlled? We infer, from the lack
of information, that the experiment time was to be
expected more in the 1-2h range than in the 3h-6h.
Heating time and red smoke: The information
present in the treatise says “and when you see the
red smoke coming out red and not malodorous,
place a spit in it. If anything sticks to the spit,
remove the pots from the fire and let them cool” [1].
However, no red smoke was observed in any of the
many experiments conducted. The only smoke
observed was black, probably the result of
metacinnabar sublimation.
Figure 2. Reaction scheme for vermilion synthesis.
Comments
heating temperature: The reference of “red
smoke” as a signal for the complete transformation
of metacinnabar into cinnabar, prompt us to
considerer that a sublimation process could be
present. In fact this smoke colour was never
observed. Only a black smoke was seen due to the
overheating of the bottle (olha).
heating time: Although there is no specific
information about the heating time, it is clear that
this reaction takes hours and not days.
pot design: The olha’s base thickness is essential
on the inset temperature control, namely on
allowing a controlled heating rate and on
maintaining constant temperature inside the olha,
undoubtedly the two most determinant parameters
of this recipe.
the dog's foot: "always stirring it with a dog's foot
that has its hair and wool until the fire turns to
ashes" is possibly one of the most beautiful
instructions found in a medieval treatise. Those
who have tried to mix sulphur with mercury know
how "fugitivas" the small drops of mercury may turn
to be. The use of a fluffy surface could help in
capturing Hg, facilitating the grinding and reaction
of big amounts of Hg and S, as those described in
the text. Also, the description "until the fire turns to
ashes" not only conveys a beautiful image but it
also depicts accurately what is observed; indeed,
during the grinding, the yellow sulphur and the
bright mercury are transformed into a greyish
colour that may be described as "ash colour".
Vermilion in Portuguese medieval
illuminations
Vermilion red is an important colour in Portuguese
Medieval manuscripts; it was used both to paint the
rubricae and in the illuminations, displaying a very
good conservation condition. Vermilion as a
proteinaceous paint was applied as a pure pigment
or mixed with red lead or/and calcium carbonate
and white lead. The later compounds were added
as extenders as they did not affect the final colour.
In the Lorvão collection, we found pure vermilion in
the lettering and mixtures of vermilion with variable
percentages of red lead (from 5% up to 40% wt) or
other additives in big size illuminations. To produce
dark reds, it was mixed with an organic dye, as
found in Santa Cruz 20.
Works cited
[1] - Strolovitch, D. 2005. “Old Portuguese in
Hebrew Script: convention, contact, and
convivência”, PhD Dissertation, Cornell University,
116-184.
[2] - Dickson, F.W. and Tunnel, G. 1959. The
stability relations of cinnabar and metacinnabar.
American Mineralogist. 44: 471-487.
[3] - Pattrick, R.A.D., Bell, A.M.T. and Vaughan,
D.J. 2010. Structural evolution of aqueous mercury
sulphide precipitates: energy-dispersive X-ray
diffraction studies. Mineralogical Magazine. 74: 85-
96.
[4] - Sharma, R.C. and Chang, Y.A. 1993. The Hg-
S (Mercury-Sulfur) System. Journal of Phase
Equilibria. 14:100-109.
Figure 3. Examples of vermilion in Portuguese medieval illuminations. From left to right: Santa Cruz 20, f.137v: pure vermilion paints for the red and a mixture with an organic dye for the dark red; Alcobaça 419, f.91v: pure vermilion paint; De Avibus (Lorvão 5), f.25: vermilion is found in mixture with the extender calcium carbonate; Lorvão Apocalypse, f.210 with red lead.
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 9 3
v a r i a · à v o lt a d e u m v e r m e l h o
[5] - Melo, M.J. and Miguel, C. 2010. The making of
vermilion in medieval Europe - Historically accurate
reconstructions from The book on how to make
colours, in Kroustallis, S. and Del Egido, M. (eds.),
Fatto D’Archimia: history and identification of
artificial pigments, Madrid: IPCE.
[6] - Miguel, C; Miranda, A.; Lopes, J.A.; Melo, M.J.
and Clarke, M. 2011. A Study in Scarlet – vermilion
red and colour paint formulations in medieval
illumination, in Preprints of the XVI ICOM-CC
Triennial Conference, Lisbon.
[7] - Miguel, C., Clarke, M., Melo, M.J., Miranda, A.
and Oliveira, M. The “book on how one makes
colours of all shades in order to illuminate books”
Revisited, in “Technology and Interpretation
Reflecting the Artist's Process”. London: Archetype.
[8] - Charnock, J.M., Moyes, L.N., Pattrick, R.A.D.,
Mosselmans, J.F.W., Vaughan, D.J., and Livens,
F.R. 2003. The structural evolution of mercury
sulfide precipitate: an XAS and XRD study.
American Mineralogist. 88: 1197-1203.
[9] - Munir, Z.A., Kashkooli, I.Y. and Street, G.B.
1973. Sublimation of IIB-VIA compounds. V.
Relative thermal stability and heat of transformation
of blackmercury sulfide (metacinnabar). High
Temperature Science. 5: 8-15.
[10] - Potter II, R.W., and Barnes, H. L. 1978.
Phase relations in the binary Hg-S. American
Mineralogist. 63: 1143-1152.
[11] - Rodic, D., Spasojevic, V., Bajorek, A. and
Onnerud, P. 1996. Similarity of structure properties
of Hg1-xMnxS and Cd1-xMnxS (structure properties
of Hg-MnS and Cd-MnS). Journal of Magnetism
and Magnetic Materials. 152: 159-164.
[12] - Gettens, R., Chase, M., and Feller, R. L. May
1972. Vermillion and Cinnabar. Studies in
Conservation. Vol. 17, 2: 45-69.
[13] - Rinse, J. 1928. The vapour pressure,
dissociation, and transition point of mercury
sulphide. Recueil des Travaux Chimiques des
Pays-Bas. 47: 28:32.
Further reading
Written Sources
Blondheim, S. 1928. An old Portuguese work on
manuscript illumination. Jewish Quarterly Review.
19: 97-135.
Moreira de Sá, A. 1960. Revista da Faculdade de
Letras, 4: 210-223.
Cennini, C. 1960. The Craftsman's Handbook –
The Italian “Il libro dell’arte”, translated by D.V.
Thomson. New York: Dover Publications.
Theophilus. 1979. On Divers Arts. Smith, C.S. and
Hawthorne, J.G. (eds). New York: Dover
Publications.
Plinio. 1985. Histoire Naturelle, Livre XXXIII. Paris:
Belles Lettres.
Merrifield, M.P. 1999. Medieval and Renaissance
Treatises on the Art of Painting: original texts with
English translations. London: Dover Publications.
Other
Garcia-Moreno, R. and Thomas, N. 2008. Cinnabar
or vermilion?, in Art Technology- Sources and
Methods. London: Archetype.141-143.
Bruquetas, R. 2010. El bermellón de Almadén: de
Plinio a Goya, in Kroustallis, S. and Del Egido, M.
(eds.), Fatto D’Archimia: history and identification of
artificial pigments, Madrid: IPCE.
Afonso, L.U. 2010. New developments in the study
of O livro de como se fazem as cores das tintas, in
Afonso, L.U. (ed.) The Materials of the Image. As
Matérias da Imagem. Lisboa: Campo da
Comunicação. 3-27
Appendix
Vermilion characterization. Produced following "The book on how to make colours"
Colour
Table 1. Colour coordinates, Lab*, for vermilion paint reconstructions using two different binders (arabic gum
and parchment glue) applied over filter paper and parchment.
Spectroscopic characterization
XRD diffractogram acquired with a Philips
X’Pert diffractometer using monochromatised
CuKα radiation.
Raman spectrum acquired with a Labram
300 Jobin Yvon spectrometer with λexc=
632.8nm; characteristic bands @ 253, 285
and 343 cm-1
EDXRF spectrum acquired through ArtTAX
spectrometer, with a molybdenum anode.
Support Binder L a* b*
Filter paper Parchment glue 49.72 36.97 19.96
Arabic gum 49.64 38.30 22.68
Parchment Parchment glue 46.64 36.18 26.30
Arabic gum 46.56 37.24 27.77
15 25 35 45 55 65
a.u
.
2 teta (º)
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v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s
interactive technology to explore medieval illuminations
andré r icardo, nuno correia , tarquínio motaCentro de Informática e Tecnologias de Informação, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia,
Universidade Nova de Lisboa
rita carvalhoInstituto de Estudos Medievais, Faculdade de Ciências e Sociais e Humanas, Universidade
Nova de Lisboa
Introduction
The main goal of the installation is to allow wide dissemination and awareness about
color in Portuguese medieval illuminations, the theme of the project within which
these components are being developed 1. This theme, as well as the historical con-
text surrounding it, was already the object of some dissemination to non-scientific
audiences, namely in several workshops where illuminations and color paints were
produced using techniques similar to the original ones. The installation builds on
this previous work.
The design and development process was carried out by a multidisciplinary team
from areas including computer engineering, design, illustration, art history, history,
chemistry and conservation sciences, with several iterations on the content and
technology.
It also works as a trial for interaction experiments regarding innovative computational
interfaces and how they can be developed and used in a cultural heritage setting.
The installation has three components that can work independently or as a full in-
stallation. The following sections describe each of these components and how they
contribute to the overall experience.
Virtual Scriptorium
This component aims to provide an individual experience of producing an illumina-
tion, using a digital platform. It works as an extension of a real workshop on medieval
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 9 5
v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s
illumination which takes place regularly at the University, attracting participants with
several ages and backgrounds (fig. 1). Their challenge is to reproduce an image from
the «Book of Birds» or «Apocalypse of Lorvão», both romanesque manuscripts from
the Monastery of Lorvão. The session includes the production of paints, based on
medieval recipes (fig. 2).
Similarly to the workshop, this digital component aims to support the construction
of an illumination from the «Book of Birds». Using a tablet PC and a pen instead of
parchment and brushes, the user is guided through several steps in order to construct
an illumination (fig. 3). Details such as the brush thickness, or the running down of
the ink/paint in the pen brings a certain manual feeling to the application.
As in the real workshop, users can produce their own paints (fig. 4), through actions
like grinding carefully a lapis-lazuli stone in order to have a proper pigment (as in
the color blue), or mixing it with the binder.
The application contains also information concerning each illumination from the
«Book of Birds» as well as the corresponding texts.
The goal is not to create an experience equivalent to a real workshop (differences,
such the ones regarding touch and smells are obvious), but to provide a new approach
to the production of an illumination, with its own specificities.
Being easy to set up, this application can be placed in cultural sites with broad audi-
ences such as museums, public libraries and archives, helping to divulge the ancient
art of illuminations through a playful and engaging experience.
fig.1 e 1a image creation. workshop of medieval illumination
fig.3 image creation. virtual scriptorium
fig.2 paint production. workshop of medieval illumination
fig.4 paint production. virtual scriptorium
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v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s
Interactive Panel
The interactive panel provides an overview of color from a scientific, social, artistic
and historical point of view. Special relevance is also given to the illuminated codex
production process and to its historical context.
Users may explore several items such as «colors», «scriptorium», «codex» or «Roma-
nesque Portugal», visible in a playful initial panel (inspired by medieval genealogical
diagrams) (fig. 5). Some of those items will now be described.
Besides a brief scientific explanation of color, the item «colors» (fig. 6) explores the
way paints of different colors were made in the Middle Ages. It also shows their ap-
plicability at that time and their possible social meaning(s).
The item «codex» also plays an important part, showing the enormous importance of
the book at that time (in spite of its limited access), and displaying how the page layout
of an illuminated manuscript was carefully designed regarding its different functions.
It will display virtual versions of the codices «Book of Birds» and «Apocalypse of
Lorvão» that the user may flip as in a real codex.
Since the monks were the agents of codex production at that time, the item «mon-
astery» provides an important overview of the site where the workshops or scriptoria
were placed, showing also a glimpse of a monk´s life at that time. In «scriptorium»
the user can explore the instruments and materials used by the copyist or by the il-
luminator during the process of production of the codex, and also acknowledge the
different tasks involved.
«Romanesque Portugal» (fig. 7) is an item in which the user can find concise infor-
mation about the context of the Iberian Peninsula between the second half of the
12th century and the first of the 13rd century, namely the multicultural Portuguese
society, its organization, and the art that was produced.
fig.5 initial diagram. interactive panel fig.6 color diagram. interactive panel
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 2 9 7
v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s
fig.7 e 7a Romanesque Portugal. interactive panel
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v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s
The panel contains also a gallery of existing illuminations that were previously done
with the tablet. All these items contain images largely based on illuminations ana-
lyzed within the research project.
This panel has the advantage of allowing access by multiple users at the same time and of
establishing a connection with the tablet, relating practical and theoretical knowledge.
Augmented Book
The augmented book is the most innovative component of the installation in terms
of interface device.
In opposition to the other two components, it provides a physical experience of the
book while the digital content augments this experience. All of the electronics are
hidden within the covers of the book, to make the book as similar to a real codex
as possible (fig. 8).
While manipulating a real codex (a reproduction of a Portuguese medieval one) con-
taining sensors that detect its orientation, a model of that same book is displayed,
accompanied with information relating to its binding, that is, to the actions and ele-
ments that turn a gathering of folios into a book as a functional object.
For instance, as the user turns the book, facing its spine, visual and written infor-
mation will be provided about the way quires were sewed. Information concerning
the parchment and some relevant elements of the folios are also accessible through
actions like opening the book or turning pages.
The book can detect when specific pages are open, enabling the display of virtual
content related to that page. Within each page, it is also possible to navigate through
the content performing swipe gestures with the hand in front of the book. All of
fig.8 e 8a testing prototype for the augmented book
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v a r i a · i n t e r a c t i v e t e c h n o l o g y t o e x p l o r e m e d i e v a l i l l u m i n a t i o n s
these actions can be performed whether the book is standing on the table or is be-
ing held by the user.
Conclusions and future work
Prototype versions for the three components were developed, and testing with good
results was achieved, specially the Virtual Scriptorium component. The development
process is iterative and the different members of the team contribute at each itera-
tion in the content, technology and desired user experience. Current and future
work includes content development to add additional contextual information in the
Interactive Panel and information about the book as an object in the Augmented
Book component. Better integration of the three components regarding the software
is also a relevant issue for future work. The ultimate goal is to deploy the complete
installation in a museum, library or similar institution and for this preliminary contacts
have been carried out. Extended user tests will be conducted to assess the experi-
ence that is proposed. •
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 13 0 4
master and phd thesis from faculty of social sciences and humanities and faculty of sciences and technology, new university of lisbon (unl)
studies in medieval manuscript illuminations
v a r i a · m a s t e r t h e s i s
Master thesis (or graduate)
CLARO, Ana – Caracterização dos materiais e estudo de conservação de um manuscrito
iluminado, Apocalipse do Lorvão (1189). Caparica: FCT/UNL, 2004.
MOURA, Laura – Caracterização dos materiais e estudo de conservação da folha de rosto
do Foral manuelino de Vila Flor, (1512). Caparica: FCT/UNL, 2004.
SOUSA, Luís – Iconografia Musical Medieval. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, 2004.
LEMOS, Ana – Um Novo olhar sobre o livro de Horas de D. Duarte. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL,
2009.
CUSTÓDIO, Delmira – A Luz da grisalha. Arte, Liturgia e História no Livro de Horas dito
de D. Leonor – IL 165 da BNP. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, 2011.
Master thesis ongoing
ARAÚJO, Ana Rita – Os Livros de Horas (séc. XV) na colecção do Palácio Nacional de
Mafra: estudo e conservação. Caparica: FCT/UNL, ongoing
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 0 5
PhD thesis
CLARO, Ana – An interdisciplinary approach to the study of colour in Portuguese
manuscript illuminations. Caparica: FCT/UNL, 2009.
SOUSA, Luís – Speculum Musicae. Iconografia musical na arte do final da Idade Média
em Portugal. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, 2011.
PhD thesis ongoing
CASTRO, Rita – The Book of Birds in Portuguese scriptorium: preservation and assess.
Caparica: FCT/UNL, ongoing.
CORREIA, Inês – Estudo Arqueológico dos Códices Iluminados do Fundo Laurbanense
(Sécs. XII - XIII) – A recepção dos manuscritos no reflexo de intervenções passadas,
presentes e futuras. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, ongoing.
CUSTÓDIO, Delmira – Relações artísticas entre Portugal e a Flandres através dos Livros
de Horas. Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, ongoing.
LEMOS, Ana – Catálogo dos livros de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções
públicas portuguesas (primeira metade do século XV). Lisboa: FCSH/UNL, ongoing.
MIGUEL, Catarina – Le vert et le rouge: A study on the materials, techniques and meaning
of the green and red colours in medieval Portuguese illuminations. Caparica: FCT/UNL,
ongoing.
Pos-Doc projects ongoing
BILLOTA, Maria Alessandra – Juridical manuscripts production and illumination in Portugal
between 14th and 15th centuries and theirs connections with manuscripts production and
illumination in the French «Midi» (specially Toulouse, Avignon and Montpellier) and in the
North-Mediterranean regions (Italy and Cataluña). Lisboa: IEM, FCSH/UNL, ongoing.
MIGUÉLEZ CAVERO, Alicia – Análisis del lenguaje gestual en el Apocalipsis de Lorvão y
su comparación con otros beatos y obras artísticas românicas. Lisboa: IEM, FCSH/UNL,
ongoing.
CORDONNIER, Rémy – The bestiary of Portuguese medieval art and though. From the
expression of a multicultural aesthetic to the elaboration of a specific symbolism (12th-13th c.).
Lisboa: IEM, FCSH/UNL, submitted.
v a r i a · p h d t h e s i s a n d p o s d o c p r o j e c t s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 13 0 0
not
ícia
Colour In Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts: Between Beauty and Meaning
In this project, funded by FCT-MCTES,
we explore the issues related with the
symbolic and social meaning of colour in
medieval Portuguese illuminations, pro-
duced during the twelfth and first quar-
ter of the thirteenth century in Alcobaça,
Lorvão and St Cruz monasteries. Colour
use and production in Portuguese me-
dieval illuminations was a consequence
of the technology available as well as of
cultural and artistic options; by defining
the specificities of its use and produc-
tion we contribute to fingerprint the in-
fluences of the three different cultures
that coexisted in Portugal at that time,
Arab, Jewish and Christian.
We approach this subject from an art
history and molecular sciences point of
view, aiming to characterize the mon-
astery scriptoria and their evolution
during the twelfth and first quarter of
the thirteen centuries. We started by
quantifying the dominant colours and
its combinations, in national manuscript
collections; namely, in the manuscript
collections of Alcobaça, Arouca, Lorvão
and St. Cruz. We will afterwards proceed
to the comparison with other interna-
tional collections. Quantification is per-
formed by computer image analysis of
colour areas. As degradation processes
affect our perception of colour, exami-
nation at the molecular level is essential
in order to avoid misinterpretations of
the colour meaning and distribution. The
binding media, the invisible component
of a paint colour, may also have a funda-
mental influence on colour perception as
they play a key role in the colour chang-
es over time. Particular attention is de-
voted to their complete characterization
by using non-conventional techniques
recently applied in the field of cultural
heritage, such as ELISA- antigen-anti-
body assay.
We also explore new ways of sharing
our results with the general public, with
the main focus on children, contributing
to divulge the ancient art of illumina-
tions through the exploration of mod-
ern computer interaction technologies.
We intend to achieve an engaging, in-
tuitive and easy to use interactive sys-
tem, where physical objects similar to
the ones used in real life, when making
the illuminations, will be used. This in-
stallation will simulate the illuminations’
creation process in the medieval period,
addressing several aspects from the ma-
terials’ origin and production methods
to the painting process. It will also show
users the historical and social context of
that epoch and reveal the meanings of
the used colours and images depicted.
This interactive installation can be easily
deployed at cultural sites, enriching an
exhibition, or at institutions where the
books are preserved.
Finally, a book, describing the main find-
ings and breakthroughs of our research
is being prepared.
The tasks and objectives proposed with-
in this project will promote innovation
that will contribute to a better access
and conservation of medieval illumina-
tions .
v a r i a · n o t í c i a s
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 0 1
Lopes, and the multimedia interfaces by
Nuno Correia. Consultant Mark Clarke
contributes with his expertise to the
overall project as well as Augusto Aires
do Nascimento. Fruitful partnerships
are maintained with the BNP, for the
The team is constituted by 19 members,
including five PhD students and five re-
search fellows. The art history research
is coordinated by Adelaide Miranda,
the molecular characterization by Maria
João Melo, the image analysis by João
Alcobaça nucleus), BPMP, for the Santa
Cruz collection and DGARQ-ANTT, for
the Lorvão manuscripts). •Maria João Melo
DCR e Requimte, FCT-UNL
v a r i a · n o t í c i a s
team, from left to right: andré ricardo, eduardo dias, teresa romão, tarquínio mota, rémy cordonnier, nuno correia, ana matias, conceição casanova, teresa serra, mark clarke (consultant), maria joão melo, adelaide miranda, rita carvalho, inês correia, catarina duarte, catarina miguel, joão lopes and rita castro.team members not present in this photo: ana lemos, mafalda sagarruça and solange muralha.from citi and di/fct-unl; ibet-unl; requimte and dcr/fct-unl; iem and dha/fcsh-unl; iceta-ff-up; iict and dcr/fct-unl; vicarte-fct-unl
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v a r i a · n o t í c i a s
O projecto IMAGO
O projecto Imago 1, uma base de dados
sobre iconografia medieval (abrangendo
dois campos de estudo: o da iluminura e
o da escultura), visa colmatar a inexis-
tência, em Portugal, de um importante
utensílio de pesquisa para os estudiosos
da imagem, à semelhança dos existen-
tes nos restantes países da Europa. Foi
financiado pela FCT-MCTES, através do
projecto POCTI/EAT/45922/2002.
Sediada na página da Faculdade de Ci-
ências Sociais e Humanas da Universida-
de Nova de Lisboa e integrada no Insti-
tuto de Estudos Medievais e Instituto de
História da Arte, a base de dados sobre
iconografia medieval conta já com algu-
1. ver artigo de Joana Ramôa na revista
n.° 7, 2009 do IHA, p. 284.
mas fichas no campo da iluminura e da
escultura, elaboradas por um grupo de
investigadores, um bolseiro do projecto
(Joana Ramôa/escultura) e dois colabo-
radores (Ana Lemos e Luís Sousa/ilumi-
nura) sob a orientação dos Professores
Doutores José Custódio Vieira da Silva e
Maria Adelaide Miranda, coordenadores
do projecto.
Permitindo aos investigadores o acesso
a dados fundamentais no campo da in-
vestigação, tem por objectivo contribuir
para a construção de um centro de ico-
nografia medieval português. •Para sua consulta ir até http://imago.
fcsh.unl.pt
Ana LemosInstituto de Estudos Medievais
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 0 3
v a r i a · n o t í c i a s
the most important written heritage of
the Portuguese Art in the Renaissance.
With this project, a systematic analytical
(physical and chemical), paleographic
and codicological study of Manueline
foral charters will be performed by ap-
plying methodologies that will enable
the identification of materials (pig-
ments, dyes, fillers, binders, inks, parch-
ment) and methods used by the scribes
and artisans. The major outbreak is the
thorough analytical study of around fifty
charters by non-destructive techniques
either in situ (energy dispersive X-ray flu-
orescence analysis, diffuse reflectance,
optical microscopy) or by micro-sampling
(X-ray diffraction, Raman and Fourier
transform infrared analysis). This way,
the already fragile pieces, won’t have to
leave the controlled environment of the
archive where they are kept nowadays.
Transcription and high resolution digital
color photographic documentation of all
the foral charters will be made, to enable
online access, and preventing further
The awakening of the Manueline Foral charters
The awakening of the Manueline Foral
charters: science and technology in-
sights into the masterpiece is a three
year project (2011-2014) financed by
Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia
carried on by a multidisciplinary team
including experts from Centro de Físi-
ca Atómica da Universidade de Lisboa
(CFAUL), Instituto dos Museus e Con-
servação – laboratório José de Figuei-
redo (IMC) and Arquivo Nacional da
Torre do Tombo (ANTT).
A Foral charter was a royal document in
Portugal and its former empire, whose
purpose was to regulate the juridical
relation between a master, such as the
king, and a collective entity, such as
a village. In the beginning of the 16th
century, King D. Manuel I of Portugal
promoted a large restructuration of the
historical written memory of the realm.
Within this restructure, Foral charters
produced since the 12th century – were
copied into renewed codices in the con-
temporary language and adjusted to the
present community rules. This was one
of the most ambitious works carried out
by D. Manuel for whom the esthetic of
the charters was as important as the
message they carried in. In this context
they were written on parchment in goth-
ic style characters and illuminated with
precious ornaments such as the coat
of arms and the armillary sphere used
to express the authority of the realm.
These Foral charters became known as
Manueline foral charters and represent
damages to this heritage. Whenever nec-
essary, the foral charters, whose state of
deterioration would not recommend their
manipulation, will be restored beforehand.
The project will invite other research
teams working on related subjects to
participate in workshops where results
on the Manueline foral charters will be
also divulged. Information regarding
the project will be available in http://
manuelin.cii.fc.ul.pt/ForaisManuelinos.
Coordination team: Ana Isabel Seruya
(CFAUL) and Maria Luísa Carvalho (CFAUL)
Other team members: Marta Manso
(CFAUL), Sofia Pessanha (CFAUL), Ag-
nès Le Gac (DCR/FCT-UNL and CFAUL),
Mário Costa (CFAUL), Isabel Cabaço
(CFAUL), Marcel Besnard (CFAUL), An-
tónio Candeias (IMC), Filipa Roldão, José
Manuel Garcia (CML), Teresa Figueiredo
(ANTT), Sónia Domingos (ANTT), Ariana
Webb (ANTT). •Maria Luísa Carvalho
Centro de Física Atómica (UL)
fig. charter of sintra, 1514
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v a r i a · s e m i n á r i o e e x p o s i ç ã o
organizaçãoinstituto de estudos medievais
palácio nacional de mafra
comissão institucionalmário pereira (pnm)
teresa amaral (pnm)
comissão científicaaires augusto do nascimento (fl-ul)
maria adelaide miranda (iem/fcsh-unl)
maria joão melo (dcr/fct-unl)
curadoria da exposiçãoana lemos (iem/fcsh-unl)
comissão executivaana lemos (iem/fcsh-unl)
ricardo naito (iem/fcsh-unl)
rita carvalho (iem/fcsh-unl)
teresa amaral (pnm)
informaçõesfrequência no seminário mediante
inscrição
limite de inscritos: 50 participantes
período de inscrição: de 1 a 24 de
novembro
propina do seminárioestudantes | 10 euros
outros | 20 euros
informações adicionais / inscriçõesinstituto de estudos medievais
faculdade de ciências sociais e
humanas
av. de berna 26-c, 1069-061 - lisboa
217908300
coloquios.projectos@fcsh.unl.pt
http://iem.fcsh.unl.pt
os livros de horas do palácio nacional de mafra e a cultura artística do século xv
Seminário e exposição
No âmbito da tese de doutoramento em história da arte intitulada «Catálogo dos
livros de horas iluminados de origem francesa nas colecções públicas portuguesas
(primeira metade do século xv). Análise estilística e iconográfica», desenvolvemos
o estudo de um conjunto de 8 manuscritos conservados na biblioteca do Palácio
Nacional de Mafra.
Resulta este seminário das questões surgidas da problematização sobre os manus-
critos em termos artísticos, culturais e sociais bem como da ponderação de cada um
deles enquanto obra de arte singular.
Pretende-se, assim, ao juntar alguns dos especialistas nas diferentes áreas do saber,
apreender a cultura artística portuguesa do século xv de forma a tentar perceber, do
conjunto de manuscritos deste período existentes em Portugal, os que foram adqui-
ridos na época quatrocentista e quinhentista, por razões devocionais e de gosto, e os
que resultam de uma aquisição posterior por coleccionadores portugueses. Importa
esclarecer o que até à data se tem vindo a dizer sobre o assunto, isto é, o facto de
no nosso país se ter dado preferência a livros de horas oriundos da escola flamenga,
e determinar, se possível, a data em que os manuscritos chegaram até nós.
Desenvolvendo, por outro lado, o estudo das relações com os manuscritos ilumina-
dos da época, numa tentativa de determinar a sua datação mais rigorosa, bem como
a caracterização estilística da arte dos iluminadores, visa este seminário um debate
sobre toda a problemática envolvente.
E porque o estudo deste núcleo de manuscritos não seria possível sem a colaboração
de alguns dos especialistas da área, gostaria de aqui deixar uma palavra de reconheci-
mento aos que não poderão estar presentes, Roger Wieck (Pierpont Morgan Library,
Nova Iorque), Lieve Watteeuw (Centro Illuminare, Universidade de Louvaina, Bruxe-
las), Michel Pastoureau (EHESS, Paris) e Patricia Stirnemann (IRHT/CNRS, Paris).
Ana LemosIEM/FCSH-UNL
r e v i s ta d e h i s tó r i a d a a r t e s é r i e w n.º i - 2 0 1 1 3 0 7
v a r i a · s e m i n á r i o e e x p o s i ç ã o
10h00
AberturaMário Pereira (Palácio Nacional de Mafra),
Maria Adelaide Miranda (IEM/FCSH-
UNL) e Ana Lemos (IEM/FCSH-UNL)
10h30
Problemática dos livros de horas: As particularidades da colecção de MafraAires Augusto do Nascimento (Academia
das Ciências e CEC/FLUL) e Ana Lemos
(IEM/FCSH-UNL)
11h00 - Pausa
11h20
O uso do livro em conventos e mosteiros femininos portugueses visto através das marcas de posseFernanda Maria Guedes de Campos (BNP)
11h40
A biblioteca do Palácio Nacional de Mafra - os catálogos de 1755 e 1819Teresa Amaral (Palácio Nacional de Mafra)
12h00
Os livros de horas e a devoção dos leigos na baixa idade média: novas questõesMaria de Lurdes Rosa (IEM/FCSH-UNL)
12h20
A iluminura quatrocentista e a noção de espaço pictórico segundo Pierre Francastel. Uma problemática histórica revisitadaCarlo Moura (IHA/FCSH-UNL)
12h40 - pausa para almoço (livre)
14h00
La dévotion aux saints dans les livres d´heures: l´exemple de Paris au XVème siècleClaudia Rabel (Institut de Recherche et
d´Histoire des Texts - CNRS)
14h20
A pintura mural portuguesa do século XVLuís Urbano Afonso (FLUL)
14h40
A iluminura hebraica portuguesa do século XVLuís Urbano Afonso (FLUL) e Débora
Matos (FLUL)
15h00
A heráldica portuguesa do século XV: propostas para o seu estudoMiguel Metelo de Seixas (CHAM-IEM/
FCSH-UNL) e João Bernardo
Galvão-Telles (CLEGH-ULL)
15h20
A reencadernação de manuscritos – características e significadosInês Correia (IEM/FCSH-UNL)
15h40
Willem Vrelant/Juan de Carríon: elaboração de um percurso através da comparação de modelos para o livro de horas dito de D. Leonor da BNPDelmira Custódio (IEM/FCSH-UNL)
16h00 - pausa
16h20
Os livros de horas iluminados do Palácio Nacional de MafraAna Lemos (IEM/FCSH-UNL)
25 NnovembroSeminário «Os livros de horas do Palácio Nacional de Mafra e a culturaartística do século xv»
16h40
O que nos dizem os materiais da cor sobre os livros de horas do PNM?Maria João Melo (DCR/FCT-UNL),
Ana Rita Araújo (DCR/FCT-UNL) e Ana
Lemos (IEM/FCSH-UNL)
17h00
Debate e conclusões
26 novembroExposição
«Os livros de horas iluminados do Palácio Nacional de Mafra»
Inauguração pelas 16h00
(Entrada livre)
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