al hiris kifayat al tafsir a rare manuscript on exegisis

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Page 1: Al Hiris Kifayat Al Tafsir a Rare Manuscript on Exegisis

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AL-ḤĪRĪ'S "KIFĀYAT AL-TAFSĪR": A RARE MANUSCRIPT ON EXEGESIS OF THE QUR'AN

Author(s): MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTARReviewed work(s):Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 16, No. 2 (SUMMER 1977), pp. 117-130Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, IslamabadStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20847032 .

Accessed: 04/12/2011 18:54

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of 

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

 Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad is collaborating with JSTOR to

digitize, preserve and extend access to Islamic Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

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AL-HIRl'S KIFAYAT AL-TAFSIR

A RARE MANUSCRIPT ON EXEGESIS OF THE QUR'AN

MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTAR

Abu 'Abd al-Rahman Ismail ibn Ahmad ibn 'Abd Allah al-HIrl

al-Darir al-NIshapurii (orNisaburi orNaysaburl)2 (361-431/9714038),was one of the most outstanding commentators on the Qur'an in 4th/5th centuryHijra. He wrote many books on Islamic sciences,3 especiallyinthe ield fHadith (TheTradition ofProphet)andTafsir* Exegesis ftheQur'an). A voluminous work of this savant, under the titleKifdyat

al-Tafsir5 (The Sufficiency ofCommentary), is a proof of his vast eruditionand profound knowledge of Qur'anic interpretation. Unfortunately,this Tafsir exists, at least partly, in a raremanuscript form and no study,so far as is known, has yet been made on it. Naturally, thiswork merits

our special attention as itwas originally written about one thousand years

ago and still exists today as one of the earliestmanuscripts.

In the following paragraphs, we have endeavoured to examine

it,giving comparison, ifnecessary, with the Tafsir of Tabarf,6 on certain

points,to

judgethe

standingof the

author, HM,in the field of

Tafsirliterature. TabarFs great Tafsir is chosen for the purpose of comparison

because it is the only easily available, comprehensive and authentic

commentary produced before HM.

Description of theManuscript

The titleKifdyat al-Tafsir speaks for itself that it is an "exhaustive"

and "sufficient" commentary on the Qur'an. It is difficult to ascertain

ifany complete copy of thework survives. However, a considerable por

tion of the work ispreserved in the Istanbul University Library (No. 350A1787, under the aforementioned title and also under Tafsir al-Nisdburi).7

Fortunately, we have obtained a microfilm of this unique copy from the

said library. According to Brockelmann,8 a copy of the book is preser

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118 MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTAR

ved in theAstane Chods Library atMeshhed, Iran (under theNo. "Mesh.Ill, 56, 75"). W. Ahlwardt records9 that a copy of the Tafsir is also keptin theKoniglichenBibliothek (Berlin),No. 939(3), under the titleAl

Kifdya by Isma'Il ibn 'Abd Allah al-Hlrl al-NIsaburl. But the

authorities of these two latter libraries were unable to confirm its

existence.

As just mentioned, we have received a large number of Suras

(chapters) from the latterportion of his Tafsir which contains from Sura

Sadup

to the end ofal-Nas,

the lastchapter

of theQur'an.

The Istanbul

MS. starts as follows:10

.Lri*J Jlf <jW^ tft> 1 jUyausL jb U ui? V JUkSUl

It is apparent that theMS. begins at a point in the commentary

on the 22nd verse of Sura ?ad, the 38th chapter of the Qur'an. It is,

however, not complete from here on, because a cursory glance at the

work shows that some chapters are missing here and there. For instance,

one finds that in folio 20a Sura al-Dukhdn11 ends and in the same folio

Sura Muhammad12 begins, and in between two chapters13 are missing.

In addition to the commentary on larger part of theSad, altogether there

are 65 chapters (Suras), along with the commentaries, to be found in the

present manuscript.

The MS. in its present state comprises 193 folios, 280 x170 mm,

19 lines to the page. The transcript, in a scholar's naskh, is undated;

and the name of the scribe is also not mentioned. Obviously theMS.

has no title-page, because it is the last portion of thewhole work and morethan two-thirds of the commentary ismissing from the beginning. The

arrangements of the chapters in some particular folios14 show that the

missing Suras, subsequent to ?ad, are intentionally omitted: because

there are no gaps or signs of missing folios between existing and non

existing Suras. It appears that theMS. was not originally paginated;

and the present pagination is presumably by a cataloguer. He has num

bered the folios serially and sometimes in an unclear manner.

As a whole thework is legible though in some points it is obscureand puzzling. It is not carefully copied and is replete with errors.

Diacritical points are not properly used. Occasionally a later hand has

inserted vowels or made a correction on themargin, not always properly.

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kifayat al-tafsir 119

To mark the distinction between commentary andverses

the copyist hastranscribed the former in small letters and the latter in overlined thick

letters. In folio 193a, the author or the scribe has insertedmany lines

of poetry, in alphabetical order, which seem to have no connection with

the particular chapter; but generally offering advice to the readers. At

the end of the MS. we have the following colophon, where our author's

name is clearly mentioned:15

.v* ~? MjAjI^U

J?-Jl*JI

^ ?*?xJI^Uaj

So, it is certain that theTafslr was originally written by our author,

Hiri. From what he says in thepreface to his work Wujuh al-Qur'dn16itappears that he finished thisKifdyat al-Tafsir before the former.

Itmay be recalled that though theMS. is not carefully copied, we

can still form a general idea about it and put forward some comments

on it. We shall now proceed to evaluate the contribution of the author in

this book. With this aim a general review of thework with short citations

on certain points, and then two longer examples with comments and com

parison will be presented.

An estimation and review of the work

It is observed that by and large therewere three categories of com

mentaries in circulation during Hiri's time (1) Traditional commentary

(Tafsir bi-al-Ma'thur) with Isndd (or Sanad, the chain of authorities on

which a Tradition is based), (2) Traditional Tafslr without Isndd, and (3)

rational commentary (Tafsir bi-al-ra'y).17 Hiri's Exegesis falls under

the second and the third headings. It is Traditional, we believe,

because he offers the relevant commentaries from the Prophet, if any,

his Companions, the Followers of the Companions, Followers of the

Followers of the Companions (TabV aUTabi'in), etc. There may be a

dozen authorities or more for a single difficultword or phrase.18 At

some points the sources differ, and when this is the case, the author, after

expounding the opposing view and giving the supporting statements,

puts forward his own view and the reasons for it. Let us here examine

some aspects of his Traditinal commentary:

(1) Asbdb al-Nuzul (The Reasons of Revelation) has an important

bearing on understanding the Qur'an. Without proper knowledge of a

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120 MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTAR

particular occasionon

whicha

particularverse was

revealed, it becomesdifficult to follow the real sense of theQur'an. In this commentary the

author narrates the authentic Asbdb al-NuziiL19 In other words, the

background of a chapter, or parts thereof, is recorded in its appropriate

place. His presentation admirably discloses the view that the Qur'anwas not revealed for a particular occasion only, but for all time; the particular occasion is now past. His chief interest is to see how the Qur'ancan be a guide for all time to come.

(2) The Qur'anic stories are important for thepurpose of guidanceand interesting from a historical point of view. In some cases the stories

are brieflymentioned; in this connection the author has collected amplematerial from the early sources to establish the purpose of the Qur'an.

(3) In Tafsir literature a special place is given to the science of

Qur'an reading {Him al-qira'a).20 In his commentary, the author

records various ways of reading (certain words) and gives preferenceto one possible reading over another. He gives the variation of punctua

tion, vowel, etc. In connection with this science, he quotes from the

earliest authorities and also from the seven famous Qur'an readers.

Among themAbu 'Amr d. 154/770), A?im d. 158/774)and Hamza

(d. 156/772) are frequentlymentioned.21 We may present two citations

of variant readings. The first is as follows:

Ja\jLftil <s*y lil. . . . .

<l-Jl5JL (joiu Jtf j fAjJL \yu*W ?<ob$ Jtfj <?iX?Jb (j* l_^a-?Uj ^yuJI ^*

\3fj\3c?! .^Jl Ijj-ij i***JI 2Ua^J| | (^I J! . fjiyij iijCJL \}*J&%JJ j

&\J"*

Jl\yuM jV! ^Vlj

.Uj/^

dJi j?J?b

.e>V!

jl^l3*3

<u'^I JUj

^Jl.Vjf^t/*'

In this passage the author provides us with different readings offas'aw

(hasten) and records the opinion of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, the second

Caliph, and Qatada (d. 117/735), the authorities on the commentary of the

Qur'an. The second quotation reads:23

l* 0* : *5 J 6W Ua jj 3 ^xaJijgjb ijj^ 3 &31 ^ J...,

JlxM :^j 3j*?-3^ JU jX^JI 3t* J'-01 t-^ij ^yj JloJI^

.p?u *Uc.Vl ?3Uji jjSG v >kJI JIjJI 3 (/-uJIfJbt Jjua c^jJI

In these lines the author furnishes us with variant readings of the

word dula (a change of time or fortune) and the opinion ofAbu 'Amr, a

leading authority on theQur'an reading.

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122 MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTAR

Abu IJanlfad. 150/767)nd Shafi'i d. 205/820); ndfinally iveshisownin favour of the Shafi'i school of thought.

(4) With regard to scholastic theology ('Urn aUkaldm),he

refutes the Mu'tazilites' view and supports the Ash'arites. The

former profess theDivine creation of theQur'an and the latterbelieve that

it is uncreated.26 On this point our author's view is expressed as

follows:.2?

^hjUj jTjiJIJob &\ jTjiJI jjb cJUJIj . . ,'iT/Jb JL?^.MJU*^ iUa^JI^liJfj ;.*sJJU*

.JijUi! Sfttf UcLSi\ jU . LJVl JjikJUJ ir jli jtfdb iUJ^I j

The above citation may be rendered thus: "The Merciful (Allah)

taught theQur'an"? on this (verse) there are three views: thefirst is that

theMerciful taught Jibra'il the Qur'an and Jibra'il taughtMuhammad,

and Muhammad taught his community; the second is that theMerciful

taughtMuhammad theUnity of Allah through theQur'an;... the third

is that "He taught theQur'an" means the innermeaning of theQur'an,

its explanation, interpretation, and meanings by inspiration. "He created

man" ? in this (verse) there is an indication that theQur'an is uncreated,

because He specified theQur'an as being taught and specifiedman as be

ing created. If itwere created He would have said "He created the

Qur'an". "He created man" ? on this there are three views: the first is

that insan means Adam

With the above interpretation the author tries to prove that the

Qur'an is not created. It remains to be noted that he seems to be careful

on the topics of theology and jurisprudence. He discusses these points

occasionally and avoids unnecessary controversies. His primary concern,

as mentioned earlier, is illustration of the Qur'an and all the rest is

secondary. It is obvious that the author departs from the traditional

method and applies reason and opinion and in this sense his work falls

partly under the head of Tafsir bi-aUra'y (commentary by opinion).

Some other features

He invariably paraphrases basmala at the beginning of each

chapter in accordance with its subject matter. In support of this point,

we may quote the following line:28

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kifayat al-tafsir 123

Following the theme of the Sura, the author explains the basmala

thus: "In the name of Allah, the Sovereign King, theHoly One, Who

makes theworshippers steadfast in their attendance (at the prayers) and

punishes the unbelievers for their denial (of the prayers). Another cita

tion reads as follows:29

Considering the subject matter of Surat al-Nas, where men are taughtto seekrefugenAllah from he vilwhisperings f the slinking devil),the author paraphrases basmala thus: "In the name of the Lord of

thewhole universe,Who forbids the following of the devil, the stoned."

A notable method ofHIrl may also be mentioned. He does not record

chain of narrators (sanad) forTraditions, but generally refers to final

authorities. This was a common practice during his time among the

scholars; the reason perhaps being that authenticity of ffadlth through

the systematic arrangement of both sanad and matn (text) had alreadybeen established earlier by famous Muhaddithun (Traditionists).

His style of presentation can be judged by the following oft

repeated phrases throughout thework: Fihi qissa is an introduction to

some story. In otherwords, itmeans that theMufasslr isgoing to record a

story or some historical background for the passage concerned. Flhi

sudl means that there is a controversy on the point under consideration.

Al-jawab means that "the following would be the answer to the problem".

Ikhtalafu flhiindicates that there is a difference of opinion among the au

thorities. Hadha ?ahih? "this is the genuine one". The phrase qad marra

dhikruhufi Sura kadha is used for the purpose of reference,which means

that he never repeats a point if it has once been discussed. Fa4l al

Sura means that the author is going to state the excellent quality of the

chapter concerned. This may be the proper place to examine two longer

passages:Example I

4jL?jtj

vJjt fijj* ^JLe . \fXf*j . u^iaJlj O^-^i u*l*JSjj*J!

....ObT

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124 MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTAR

^-Jl*Os^1 J u?V U tf' ?*U>'I Ul" Ajfj^ ^ ftl'.JUT j cTjUT

vjU&Ij" <aa* ?uil cr^r6- 0* ."u^ v^'j p*". ^* Jtfj0^'

^iio ?1>~JI v^'j" :OUX* JJUuJli . j^ fj aJ^ j aJ}U aJ ^voou ?tj~JI

r%J\<uUjJl^ j! dLJi . iTjU ay ^ o?>l Ujif Ultff Uyf UlJbJ Ajy . jjj* *jf

JsjixJ!JUl ^ jT/ji ^ AjUJjl ^51 Jl aJI U aTjUJ! iLu!J j\>

p_j?JIliJjf i>JI c~j aJJUb J aC^J! ^ J* c)Uj a^UJIj

VI oT/JI j>*pLj aJx*>l ^1 Jl *u *^ ,0*wJIUl Jjl^ Jjjl. ^Jj . jL^JIj S^iJIay J>? AJy. . j ij^o ^ j uO~* ^ Cx* s0^

Jblii^Ct Vl I^AJ* ?jj*JLJI 'iUa^j ^^-2 ^i^^^UJIjLJI jOaJ! y" ^ybj A^jUt

Job>Jtj i>dijoUJl iT^Ji . JyJi lAfj j <ju*s ^ ui^ji ay

.ayjU ay j ju

Example II

JU3' jc5jLT aJ^3 . ui-ju^iJI (Jjj^> jt^r^ *uj' . j^jwJ ajj

c-?W1 trjf f^jj ^* Vfjj1 <Ulli

aJlaIpJI^ jl^JiJI j jlfJiUfJUj i'jfJ l^bii* U^&j U^JIdJi j c~?l*JI iiL?

1^ liT j U^lki f^l ^JiT oil' Ai'l^V J*^l J^j j! jl^JiJIJii)r^UVl

*U \3-^>

jju-jAjUJjl ^.M cjjSj ^-t^i ^ ^' ^1 J' U-Tbcj'j US^

a^ujip? aj^sL ojUJ

. i^r^'j*^i (jj^j v-jjaj ajjA o-uJ*. j

?^9cj?3 4 ^<^-f j dU^bci*^1 Jj9 *u)l AcUJI JUj J_)JliLLi

^^JlV^JJ Obi ^ aJ_^ ^Lio (SjsXtS j <d+43\su adJ^bcj'^ . . . .AjVI aAa Jj^j ac^hJ AiJU

^1 jfAif J^ cJI' ^'l^-V (^t lj^-? ^ 0>l*y 3 pt-^jt Lk*Jf^^J

<U)|lj bJLTljjjj jl^JaJI J^JI . AiJI Vj A^yiJI Jjju VtfUl/^Jl :<rU ^1 Jli

jl^JaJI j\JS5^i a^l^j j a^j* JJ^- . *^l (J^l ^Jj>:Xj -^ibu 131fjjbtijixJ

:Jf^1 ^ jA ^UJIJUt*JI . IjJli . (Jj^JaJIcTyJbeJI jljJaJI ^^Jlj

dJJoiIfJllaj ui?y jl^JaJl^j^ ^ ^f^i jf ?^bJ! JZJ lili j^-kTJ^ c^P All^ V

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KIFAYAT AL-TAFSIR 125

a-Uc^j *aU ijUT jljJiJI J blj il^l

aJijUftl aJ^ . jyJI

Sl^J! aJci*j i'jU?)l AjUc^Jj ^jJ! J*^) ?*bo j! ;*j Ai^ ^| j

.SJ/JI aJ Jo.j ajUC3! ^)L ^Uu^ b^* j^5C V jtfJiJIUjaII^I lit

The above two examples are cited from Hiri's Tafsir ff. 12b

13a and 55a-55b respectively. These are clear enough to present a pictureof his contribution; so a word for word translation seems unnecessary.

Comments, however, on some important points, giving comparison, as

mentioned earlier, with Tabari's Tafsir will be useful here to estimate the

positionof Hiri's work. Before we embark upon this delicate task, it

should be noted that as the subject matter and the sources of commentaryare the same, basically Tabari and HIrl have some common ground and a

similar approach; but in some minor aspects naturally they have different

methods of presentation.

The main difference between them is with regard to the sanad.

While transmitting Traditions, Tabari includes entire chain of

narrators?from himself up to the final authority? but IJIri records the

final authority or only the substance of the Traditions. Briefly, Tabari's

commentary is based on direct Traditions, while HIrl uses both Traditions

(directly or indirectly) and reason. On some points Tabari transmits

a large number of Traditions and HIrl quotes few, or vice-versa. Tradi

tions in this context mean not only Prophetic Traditions, but those goingback to theCompanions or Followers etc.

Comments on Example I

Under the title of the chapter (Surat al-Dukhdn), IJIri includes, as

usual, an introduction mentioning the essential elements of the Sura;

while Tabari perhaps considering it to be a common knowledge, remains

silent. According to his persistent method, HIrl paraphrases basmala

at the commencement of this chapter.

With regard to al-ffuruf al-Muqatfa'at31 (mysterious letters),HIrl

always tries to give a meaning of his own. For instance, in the present

Sura, Ha Mini are interpreted thus: "Allah is the Judge of all existing

things". Tabari32 however, does not record any meaning for these parti

cularletters;

but on other occasions hepresents

some kind ofmeaning.For example, in connection with Alif Lam Mim at the beginning of the

second chapter, Tabari33 records many opinions of early commentators,

but not his own. Often he remains silent on thispoint.

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126 MUHAMMAD ABDUS SSTTAR

Layla Mubaraka. The first verse evidently points out that theQur'an was revealed on a "Blessed Night". Which particular night in the

year is meant? On this there is some difference of opinion among the

authorities.Most of themmaintainthat twas Laylat al Qadr (theNightof Divine Decree), the Night between the 26th and 27th of Ramadan.

On the other hand, one of them says that Layla Mubaraka in this verse

means Laylat al-ni?f min Sha'ban (the Night between the 14th and 15th

of Sha'ban).

Presenting both opinions, HM says that all commentators agreethat itwas Laylat aUQadr, but,Tkrima (d. 105/723-4), a student of Ibn

'Abbas, disagrees with this view. He considers that itwas Laylat al-ni?f

min Sha'ban, and he is alone inmaintaining his own view.

With respect to the above point, Jabarfs Tafsir isbetter documented

than Hlri's. Jabari34 quotes from three authorities that the "Blessed

Night" means theLaylat al-Qadr inwhich theQur'an was revealed. Brie

fly, Tabarl confines himself to recording the commentaries of his prede

cessors who were authorities on the subject and adds little of his own.For the second opinion he offers no particular reference. On the other

hand, Hiri includes both opinions, as we have seen, and records the text

or substance of theTraditions; further adding his own views.

Comments on Example II

Here in Surat al-Mujadila, after presenting the usual introduction,

Hiri records the Asbab al-Nuzul of the first few verses. The event,

according to IJIrl,was that once Aws ibn

al-?amit (brotherof 'Ubada

ibn al-?amit) and his wife Khawla (bintTha'laba ibnMalik) quarrelled

badly, and as a result a Zihar took place. Aws said to his wife: Anti

'alayya ka-?ahri umml*5 (you are tome likemy mother's back). This

practice was called Zihar, a form of divorce in pre-Islamic days. After

a painful controversy they put the matter to the Prophet for a final

judgement. On this occasion the first few verses were revealed as a

solution to the problem.

It is remarkable inHlri's statement that he does not record any

direct Traditions; only a summary of the incident is given in his own

words without any reference. Jabar I's commentary on thispoint is also

better documented and fully based on Traditions. He records, for the

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KIFAYAT AO-TAFSIR 127

same incident,more than a dozen Traditions.36 Different versions of thename and lineage of the woman (Khawla) are cited by him, but Hiri's

account of her is short.

Various readings of the word yu?ahirun are given by Tabari, whereas

Ijfiridoes not mention any variant readings of it. HM, however, gives a

different reading of waladnahum as ar4atnahum. This is not his own opi

nion, but he records another opinion, indicating this with theword qila

(it is said). According to HM munkar means qabiht (disgraceful thing),

i.e. %ihar is an ugly utterance. He quotes the explanation of 'AbdAllah ibn 'Abbas (d. 68/687), theRa'is al-mufassirtn, thatmunkar is some

thingwhich is not recognized by the Sunna and Sharl'a.

Both Tabari and HM give differentmeanings of the term 'awd.*1

HM says that 'awdmeans return from tafjrtm to taiilil. Tafyrimmeans

utterance of the ugly words of Zihdr and talylllmeans refraining from the

final divorce after Zihdr. HM includes the opinion of al-Shafi'I?'awd

means that a man says to his wife: "You are to me like my

mother'sback",

but aftersaying

this hestops

for a whileduring

which

he could divorce her, nevertheless he does not do so, and this practice is

"awd. Now if the husband gives the obligatory kaffara (i.e. penance,

i.e., either freeing a slave, or twomonths' fast, or feeding sixty persons)then his wife is halal (lawful) for him; but if he divorces her after the

Zihdr, no kaffara is required of him and thewoman ultimately becomes

fiaram (unlawful) for him.

According toAbu Flanifa, as HM puts it, 'awdmeans that theman

has sexual intercourse with her. HirFs presentation of Abu Hianlfa's

opinion is not clear. Tabarsi38 (the author of Majma* al-bayan ft

Tafslr al-Qur'dn), however, clearly records the view of Abu Hanifa

al-azmu 'aid wafihd, i.e. if the husband, after uttering thewords Zihdr,wants to take her back to resume the conjugal life, he should have

firm sexual desire for her. When he does so expiation must be paid be

fore sexual intercourse in order to restore a normal relationship.3*

Jabari also provides us with the similar opinion on themeaningof 'awd, but with differentwords. He does not mention Abu IJanifa

or al-Shafi'i by name for the point at issue but refers to other early authorities.*0

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128 MUHAMMAD ABDUS SATTAR

Conclusion

We conclude with a final remark that Isma'fl al-HIri's Kifdyat

Tafsir may be regarded as his masterpiece and a rich repository in the field

of Qur'anic Exegesis- We consider that this early commentator, by

digesting the works of his predecessors and enriching them with his own

studies, lefta lasting mark on the subsequent development of Tafsir

literature.

NOTESGAL? Brockclmann, C, Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur, with Supplcmcntband,

5 vols.,Leiden, 1943&c.

HK? Ismail al-NisabOri al-IJiri, ifdyat al-Tafsir, stanbulUniversityLibrary,MS.

No. 350A 1787 (Karatay, F., 1st. U. Kutup Arapca. ..Katalogu, Cilt, I, Tafsirler,

Istanbul, 1953).

HW?- The same author,Wujuh al-Qur'an,CmabridgeUniversityLib., MS. Or. 1283

(Arberry, Hand-list.. Muhammadan MSS., Camb. 1952).

KM? Kabhala, Mu'jam al-Mu'alliftn, 15 vols., Damascus, 1957-61.

LL? Lane (E.W.), Arabic-English Lexicon, 8 vols., Beirut, 1968.

SA. or Sattar? Muhammad Abdus Sattar, "Al-IJiri's life and works with an edition of

hisWujuh al-Qufdn, Ph.D. Dissertation, Cambridge UniversityLibrary, 1974.

1. For Biri's biography,onemay consultKhafib Baghdadi, Ta'rikhBaghdad, vi, 313

(Cairo, 1931&c); IbnMakula, Ikmdl, iii,42-44 (Hyderabad, 1963); Farisi,Muntakhabmm al-Stydq li-Ta'rikh lsdbur, selectedby Sarifini,f27b, oprulu Library,

MS. No. 1152, stanbul (facsimile, ondon, 1965);Subki,Jabaqat, iv, 65-6 (Cairo,

1965);GAL, S, i,729; Sattar,8-85.

2. Cf. Sam'ani, Ansdb, f574a-b (facsimile, ondon, 1912); Yaqut, Bulddn, viii, 356

(Leipzig, 1866-73); IbnKathir, Biddyat xii, 47 (Cairo, 1932.); Ibn al-Jawji,

Muntazam, viii, 105 (Hyderabad, 1938.);HW, f4a;KM, ii, 60; SA, 46-52.

3. For his works -JJajji halifa, Kashf al-Zunun, i, 442: ii, 1498 (Tehran, 1967);

Dhahabi, 'lbar9 iii, 171 (Kuwait, 1960); Ibn al-'Imad, Shadhardt, iii,245 (Cairo,

1931); Safadi,Nukat al-himydnf, 117 (Cairo, 1911); Yaqut, Mu'jam al-Udabd\

ii, 56 (London, 1907-26);GAL, S, i, 729; SA, 86-177.

4. Cf. Suyutf,Tabaqdt al-Mufassirin,i, 7 (Tehran, 1960); Dhahabi, Tadhkira, iii,1097 (Hyderabad, 1958); Zirikli, A'ldm, i, 303 (Cario, 1927); Isnawi, Tabaqdt,

fl20b (CambridgeUniversityLib. MS. Or. 842); Baghdadi, Idab al-Maknunt i,207-10 (Tehran, 1958); KM, ii,260;Khatib, vi, 313; SA, 69-73,93-126.

5. Dhahabi, Mushtabah, U 185 (Cairo, 1962); tfajji Khalifa, i, 442; ii, 1478; Subki,

Tabaqdt, iv, 65-6; SuyQti,Tabaqdt, i,7.

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KIFAYAT AL-TAFSIR 129

6. Muhammad ibn Jariral-Tabari (d.310/922),

JdmVl-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur'dn,Cairo, 30 parts, 1321/1923 or new ed. Shakir.., 15vols., continued, 1374/1955.

7. Karatay (Fehmi), Istanbul University Kutup, Arapca Yazmalar Katalogu, Cilt, I,

Tefsirler Istanbul, 1953), ii, 148.

8. GeschichtederAtabischenLitteratur, uppl. i, 729.

9. KoniglichenBibliothekArabischen (Berlin, 1887). i,377

10. HK, f a; Karatay, Katalogu (Istanbul, 1953). i, 148

11. SwraNo. 44.

12. Sura No. 47.

13. Jathiyaand Abqaf (No. 45 and 46 respectively).

14. Cf. HK, ffl2b, 20a, etc. (al-Fatband al-ffujrdtre omitted).

15. See f193b;Sattar,al-ffirVs ife ndworks.., 102.

16. HW, f4a-b. This book iseditedby thepresentwriter C.U.L.).

17. Cf. DhahabI (Muhammad ibn IJusayn), al-Tafsir wa-al-Mufassirun, i, 153-157

(Cairo, 1382/1961); bnKhaldOn,Muqaddima, 437-440 (Cairo, n.d.), tr. osenthal,ii, 39-447; Suyuti, tqdn, ii,190-91 Cairo, 1951);Qasim al-Qaysi,Ta'rtkhal-Tafsir,

(Baghdad, 1966); 20-23, 49-55, 122-144 Ibn Taymiyya,Muqaddima fi Usul alTafsir, 93-114 (Kuwait, 1971); Qattan, 'Ulum l-Qur'dn, 173-91 (Saudi Arabia,n.d.); Shah Wall Allah, al-Fawz al-Kabir, 107-117 (Urdu tr. Lahore, n.d.); Sattar,

93-99.

18. Cf. HK, fl88a, fl90b, etc.; Sattar, 103.

19. Cf.HK, ff55a,56b, 59b, 65b, 70a, 76b, etc.

20. See Suyuti, Itqdn, i,99 ;Qasim al-Qaysi, 86; SA, 76-78.

21. Cf. HK, fT12a, 61a,190b, etc.; GAL, S.i, 177-8; SA, 190-91.

22. This piece of commentary is quoted from his Tafsir of Surat al-Jum'a 62:7, HK,f76a; SA, 104.

23. HK, f61a (Surat al-Ifashr, 59:7). In the verse the word dula also means "a thing

that is taken by turns", and dawla means "predominance, mastery, victory", see

LL, iii,934f.

24. Cf. fT12b, 5a, 59a, 65b, 70a, 188a,etc.

25. Subki, Jabaqdt al-Shdfi'iyya, iv, 265-66; Sattar, 73-75.

26. Shahrastani,Milal (London, 1842-46),29-31; Aba Mantfir al-Baghdadi, al-Farq

baynal-Firaq, tr.bySeelye, (NewYork, 1966), 116,Watt

(W.M.),Islamic

Thought,(U. Edin. 73), 242, 303-11

27. HK, f41a (from isTafsirofSurat al-Rabmdn,55:1,2).

28. HK, f 4b (citedfrom isTafsirof Surat al-Jum'a62).

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130 MUHAMMADABDUS SATTAR

29.HK,

f192a(quoted

fromhisTafsirofSurat al-Nds,144).

30. Surat al-Dukhan,44:1; Surat al-Mujadila 58:1,2.

31. The abbreviated letterst the commencement f severalchapters,29 inall. Tabari(new ed. i, 67-73, 205-9) and RSzi (Mafdtih l-Ghaybwell known as al-Tafslral

Kabir, i, 153-60, airo, 1890-92)both reccrd Tradition fromAbQ Bakr as sayingAllan hasmystery n llHis books and themystery f theQur'an is the solatedletters in thebeginningof some particular Suras. See Zamakhshari, Kashshdf i,18-20;Bell's Introductonto theQur'dn, enl. byWatt, (Edinburgh, 0), 61-65

32. JamV l-Baydn,xxv,58-60 (old ed.); Baydawi (Cairo, 1939),655

33. Also see JamV al-Baydn, i, 205-9 (new ed.); Bay<fawi, Anwar, 6.

34. JamV al-Baydn, xxv, 58-60 (old. ed.); Tabarsi, Majma't v, 60-63.

35. Tabarsi,Majma', v, 245-48 (Beirut, 1959);Zamakhshari,Kashshdf, iv, 84f (Beirut,new ed. n.d.); QudQri, Mukhtasar, (Kanpur, India, n.d.), 206-208 LL, v, 1926-30;

Sattar, 120-121.

36. JamV al-Baydn, xxviii, 2-6 (old. ed.); Razi, Kabtr, viii, 108-25.

37. LL, v,2188-2192;HK, f55a-56b;Tabari, xxviii, -6.

38. Tabarsi, v, 247-48; Ibn al-Jawzi, dd al-Mastr (Beirut, 1967), viii, 183;QudQri,

206-208;Hughes, Dictionaryof slam, 702-703.

39. See Marghinani, tr., C. Hamilton, The Hedaya, (Lahore, 1957), 117-123. Wensinck,

Handbook ofMuhammadan Tradition (Leiden, 1971), 56-58, 121,etc.Rahim(A),Muhammadan Jurisprudence (Lahore, 1970), 338.

40. Tabari, JamV al-Baydn, xxviii, 2-6 (old. ed.).