african union vmun 2016 background guide 1african union vmun 2016 background guide 7 2014 -...

African Union VMUN 2016 Background Guide 1


Dear Delegates, My name is Anna Yang and it is my distinct pleasure to welcome you to Vancouver Model United Nations 2016’s African Union. Having joined the Model United Nations club in my school at the beginning of my freshman year, it is without a doubt that I can proclaim that Model UN was one of the best choices I have made thus far in my education. The staff and I are excited to direct a committee that has such tangible impacts on the global community. We are excited to meet you all, and are looking forward to seeing the invigorating debate that is sure to take place over the course of this conference. The topics to be discussed this year are ones that seem to be on opposite ends of the spectrum, but are both integral to the success of all nations in the Union. They contain a variety of different spectrums, and require extremely impactful, precise resolutions. They are multi-faceted, and require the cooperation of all countries participating to have any substantive progress. I can only hope that you enjoy debating these topics as much as I did researching them. One of the largest issues in Africa today is the recent insurgency of radical religious terrorist groups, and so it is to no surprise that one of the most pressing conflicts in the AU and Africa as a whole is currently the group known as Boko Haram. Sustaining Nigeria’s sovereignty, military reputation, and newly emerging democracy is difficult when faced with daily assaults on all fronts. It is important that delegates remember all actors when trying to fix the structural problems with Nigeria’s government – though they may seem unrelated, the fate of Nigeria is tied into the African Union’s fate as a whole. On the topic of democracies, there arises a whole array of issues. Though many countries in the AU have made progress towards becoming democracies, there have been mountains of corruption and violence. From the fledgling democracies to the almost developed, to the totalitarian governments that still exist today, it is without a doubt that there is no black and white perfect democracy. Delegates must therefore create infrastructure and solutions that are all encompassing and self-sustainable. The staff and I wish you luck in your research and preparation for this committee. Should you have any questions or concerns about these topics, please don’t hesitate to email us at [email protected]. We look forward to seeing you! Sincerely, Anna Yang African Union Director l VMUN 2016

Jake Hauser Secretary-General

Jason Liu

Director-General

Andrew Tsai Chief of Staff

Claudia Wang

USG General Assemblies

Chris Pang USG Committees

Alvin Tsuei

USG Delegate Affairs 1

Eva Zhang USG Delegate Affairs 2

Ashley Ng

USG Conference

Evan Johnson USG Finance

Isabelle Cheng

USG Sponsorship

Sunny Cui USG Marketing

VANCOUVER MODEL UNITED NATIONS the fifteenth annual conference | January 22-24, 2016


African Union

Position Paper Policy What is a Position Paper? A position paper is a brief overview of a country’s stance on the topics being discussed by a particular committee. Though there is no specific format the position paper must follow, it should include a description of your positions your country holds on the issues on the agenda, relevant actions that your country has taken, and potential solutions that your country would support. At Vancouver Model United Nations, delegates should write a position paper for each of the committee’s topics. Each position paper should not exceed one page, and should all be combined into a single document per delegate. For the African Union, position papers are mandatory, especially for a delegate to be considered for an award. Formatting Position papers should: — Include the name of the delegate, his/her country, and the committee — Be in a standard font (e.g. Times New Roman) with a 12-point font size and 1-inch document margins — Not include illustrations, diagrams, decorations, national symbols, watermarks, or page borders — Include citations and a bibliography, in any format, giving due credit to the sources used in research (not included in the 1-page limit) Due Dates and Submission Procedure Position papers for this committee must be submitted by midnight on January 8th, 2016. Once your position paper is complete, please save the file as your last name, your first name and send it as an attachment in an email, to your committee’s email address, with the subject heading as your last name, your first name — Position Paper. Please do not add any other attachments to the email or write anything else in the body. Both your position papers should be combined into a single PDF or Word document file; position papers submitted in another format will not be accepted. Each position paper will be manually reviewed and considered for the Best Position Paper award. The email address for this committee is [email protected].


Table of Contents

Combatting the Rising Influence of Boko Haram ........................................................................ 5 Overview ............................................................................................................................................................ 5 Timeline ............................................................................................................................................................. 6 Historical Analysis ............................................................................................................................................ 7 Current Situation .............................................................................................................................................. 8 Past UN/International Involvement ............................................................................................................... 9 Possible Solutions and Controversies ........................................................................................................... 10 Bloc Positions .................................................................................................................................................. 11

Western Powers ................................................................................................................................................... 11 Eurasian Powers .................................................................................................................................................. 12 Africa .................................................................................................................................................................... 13

Discussion Questions ..................................................................................................................................... 13 Additional Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 13 References ........................................................................................................................................................ 14

Democratic Values in the African Union .................................................................................... 17 Overview .......................................................................................................................................................... 17 Timeline ........................................................................................................................................................... 18 Historical Analysis .......................................................................................................................................... 19 Current Situation ............................................................................................................................................ 21 Past UN/International Involvement ............................................................................................................. 22 Possible Solutions and Controversies ........................................................................................................... 24 Bloc Positions .................................................................................................................................................. 25

Liberal Democracies ........................................................................................................................................... 25 Relatively Transparent Democratized Nations ............................................................................................... 25 Semi-Transparent Democratized Nations ....................................................................................................... 25 Authoritarian/Dictatorial Nations .................................................................................................................... 26

Discussion Questions ..................................................................................................................................... 26 Additional Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 26 References ........................................................................................................................................................ 27


African Union Topic A

Combatting the Rising Influence of Boko Haram Overview

Figure 1: Red areas indicate the areas in Nigeria where Boko Haram is most active1.

Boko Haram is a militant Islamic group based primarily in northern Nigeria. Its name literally translates to ‘Western education is forbidden’2, which symbolizes its core ideology of the rejection of Western values. It was founded in 2002 by a group of young Islamic radicals in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno state with the goal of creating an Islamic state in Nigeria. The group believes that politics in Northern Nigeria have been overtaken by a group of corrupt, false Muslims. Thus, it wishes to wage a war against the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in an attempt to create a “pure” Islamic state ruled by Sharia law. The group has been responsible for multiple attacks and hundreds of casualties in its years of operations, but was only recently named a terrorist organization by the US Department of State in November 20133. The insurgents' main goal is to overthrow the Nigerian government by means of destabilization, and they attempt to do this through regular attacks on local populations and the targeting and kidnapping of unarmed civilians. Although Boko Haram has ties with Al-Qaeda and shares many similarities in its structure, the differentiating factor is that Boko Haram has very few interests outside of Nigeria. The success of the insurgency has been exacerbated by the largely ineffective efforts of the Nigerian government and military in combating Boko Haram; institutional challenges and corruption still serve as major blocks on the road to pushing back the rogue Islamic

1 Boko Haram activity in Nigeria. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.britannica.com/topic/Boko-Haram/images-videos/Areas-in-Nigeria-where-Boko-Haram-was-most-active/187346 2 Ross, K. (2014, May 16). Why Boko Haram Wages War Against Western Education - USNI News. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://news.usni.org/2014/05/16/boko-haram-wages-war-western-education 3 A threat to the entire country. (2012, September 29). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/node/21563751


terrorist group. Despite these obstacles, however, small glimmers of hope can be seen on the horizon. Since February 7th, 2015, it has been allegedly reported by the Nigerian army that over 30 villages have been reclaimed from Boko Haram forces on the back of renewed regional cooperation with Nigeria's neighbors and the overall replenishing of demoralized Nigerian forces. Additionally, the recent election win by APC party leader and former military commander Muhammadu Buhari signals to many onlookers that change in Nigeria may be right around the corner; President Buhari has promised to continue the Nigerian counter-insurgency with vigor4, and the ousting of previous incumbent Goodluck Jonathan through a fair and democratic election has renewed onlookers' beliefs that Nigeria's chances at both realizing its economic potential and defeating the Northern insurgency that has claimed thousands of lives may not be out of reach after all. Timeline July 26th - 29th, 2009 - Years of religious conflict in Northern Nigeria culminate in three days of clashes between Boko Haram militia and Nigerian forces, officially sparking the Boko Haram insurgency. September 7th, 2010 - Hundreds of inmates are freed from a prison in Bauchi5. May 29, 2011 - Bombings in several northern villages claim 15 lives as President Goodluck Jonathan is inaugurated in the other side of the country. December 25th, 2011 - A year's worth of near-monthly bombings culminates in a series of Christmas attacks on Catholic churches all across the country. January 20th, 2012 - A series of bombings on Christian institutions and businesses kills over 150 civilians and police officers. January - December, 2012 - A headcount by the Associated Press shows nearly 800 lives claimed by Boko Haram throughout 2012. September 12th - 18th, 2013 - A Nigerian army offensive kills over 150 Islamic insurgents6. October 29th, 2013 - Boko Haram raids on the Yobe state capital of Damataru leave over 100 Nigerian policemen and soldiers dead. April 15th, 2014 - Islamic terrorists capture over 200 schoolgirls in the town of Chibok in Borno state. The kidnappings spark an international outrage and the ineffective response by the Nigerian government is followed with scrutiny. As of May 2015, despite the reclamation of many Boko Haram controlled territories by the Nigerian military, Nigerian forces have found none of the Chibok girls. A handful of captured girls that were able to independently escape tell horrific stories of rape and murder7.

4 Cummings, R. (2015, June 22). New Nigerian President Inherits Same Boko Haram Violence. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://theglobalobservatory.org/2015/06/nigeria-boko-haram-buhari/ 5 Muh'd Sani, S. (2010, September 8). Nigeria: Attack On Bauchi Prison - Boko Haram Frees 721 Inmates. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://allafrica.com/stories/201009090034.html 6 Africa - Raid kills 150 Boko Haram Islamists, Nigeria says. (2013, September 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.france24.com/en/20130918-raid-kills-150-boko-haram-islamists-nigerian-army 7 Boko Haram freed Nigerian women tell of captivity horror. (2015, May 4). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32574777.


2014 - President Goodluck Jonathan reports that between the years of 2009 and 2014, Boko Haram extremists killed over 13,000 civilians. January 3rd - 7th, 2015 - Large-scale destruction in Bogo state results in heavy casualties. Estimates on the overall headcount range from 200 civilians to over 2000 lives lost. The lack of both response and basic acknowledgement of the situation by then-President Jonathan draws heavy backlash from the international community8. January 31st, 2015 - The African Union pledges to send 7,500 troops to Nigeria to help combat Boko Haram, marking the beginning of a strong Nigerian counteroffensive. Additionally, Chadian forces claim the lives of over 100 Boko Haram forces during fighting in neighboring Cameroon9. February 7th, 2015 - The Nigerian government elects to postpone its general election for 6 weeks in order to launch an offensive against Boko Haram intended to reclaim most of the territory gained by the insurgency. March 28th - 29th, 2015 - Muhammadu Buhari wins the Nigerian presidency in an open and democratic election, pledging to continue the recent counter-insurgency on Boko Haram. April 24th, 2015 - Boko Haram's presence in Nigeria is allegedly reduced to the Sambisa Forests after months of city recapturing led by Nigerian forces. Historical Analysis Although Boko Haram has only recently been featured in international news, the group is not a new arrival on the scene. It has been a growing threat in Nigeria for over a decade and its deep roots in the country’s social development goes back even further. Its growth is not something we can overlook and signals the emergence of a dangerous, militant religious movement that threatens Nigeria’s survival on a whole. Boko Haram’s story commences with a preacher named Mohammed Marwa, born in 1927. Although the British had originally exiled Marwa from Nigeria during colonial rule, he returned from exile in 1972 and gradually began to build his followership as a priest. His sermons were extreme and mostly focused on condemning Western culture and its popularity in Nigeria. He became so vehemently opposed to Western ideology that he became known as Maitatsine, meaning “The one who damns.” While the Nigerian government first ignored him, as his sermons grew increasingly anti governmental, the government decided to crack down. This culminated in an uprising in 1980, where Maitatsine’s followers rioted against the government in a conflict that claimed over 4,000 lives, including that of Maitatsine. At the same time, Sharia law, a legal framework and system of those living under Islamic law, became increasingly buried as Nigeria moved towards independence in the 1960s. Under the settlement of 196010, Nigerian Muslims legally traded away their right to practice under Sharia law in return for 8 Segun, M. (2015, January 14). Dispatches: What Really Happened in Baga, Nigeria? Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.hrw.org/news/2015/01/14/dispatches-what-really-happened-baga-nigeria 9 Chad army says kills 120 Boko Haram militants in Cameroon. (2015, January 31). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/31/us-nigeria-violence-chad-idUSKBN0L40X920150131 10 Ostien, P., & Fwatshak, S. (n.d.). Sharia Implementation in Northern Nigeria. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.sharia-in-africa.net/media/publications/sharia-implementation-in-northern-nigeria/vol_1_5_chapter_1_part_II.pdf


compensations of other sorts. In the years to follow, especially reaching a turning point in 1999, support for Sharia law and an anti-settlement movement gained fervor in Muslim communities in the north. These dissatisfaction leads to uprisings like that of Maitatsine, and it was the culmination of these ideas that lead to the birth of Boko Haram in 2002. Mohammed Yusuf, a passionate supporter of Sharia law, officially founded Boko Haram in 200211. Boko Haram’s original mandate was to impose Sharia law throughout the country, thus transforming Nigeria into an entirely Islamic State. Although Boko Haram has always been radical, it only recently turned violent in 2009 following a clash with Nigerian police in riots that left over 800 civilians and Boko Haram members dead. Following this incident, Yusuf was detained by Nigerian security forces and executed without a trial by the government. Since gaining its new leader Abubakar Shekau, Boko Haram has taken a turn into aggressive terrorism12 and furthered its connections with international terrorist organizations, like Al Qaeda. The connection between Boko Haram and Al Qaeda has grown increasingly strong as they receive training and tactics in terrorist attacks from one another. Additionally, with their newly careless attitude, Boko Haram has been able to strengthen their financial front. They employ increasingly radical tactics to rob banks and farm illegal underground activity, and have since 2009 been able to acquire much more sophisticated weaponry and artillery. In the past decade, Boko Haram has become incredibly radical and extremely well funded. Current Situation

Figure 2: Chart delineates multiple different international terrorist bodies and their movements in Africa13.

11 Hare, J. (2014, March 15). How Northern Nigeria's Violent History Explains Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://news.nationalgeographic.com/2015/03/150314-boko-haram-nigeria-borno-rabih-abubakar-shekau/ 12 Hafiz, Y. (2014, May 9). Boko Haram: Facts, History, Leaders, And Origins Of The Terrorist Group. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/05/09/boko-haram-facts-history_n_5295563.html 13 A rising tide. (2015, July 20). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2015/07/daily-chart-jihadists-africa?zid=304&ah=e5690753dc78ce91909083042ad12e30


Considering the culture of distrust towards the government that has been deeply ingrained within Nigeria's cultural and political landscapes throughout its post-independence existence as both a military state and allegedly democratic republic, it is of little surprise that most of the efforts by the Nigerian government to quell Boko Haram’s uprising to date have been as ineffective and corrupt as Nigeria's institutions themselves. All past history aside, however, today's Nigeria does in fact look significantly different from the earlier republics of years past, and progress has been made in creating democratic and accountable institutions in the state's government. Perhaps the best indicator of this movement towards a more accountable state is the recently held March election, where for the first time in Nigeria's history a serious opposition party in an open and fair election unseated an incumbent president. While Nigeria has certainly been yet to achieve the lucrative potential offered by its vast reserves of oil, the newly anointed President Buhari has already taken steps to get the country off its feet and move forward in the process of cracking down on corruption and creating economic development and market diversity14. In a recent visit to the United States, Buhari reiterated that Nigeria was not in need of significant foreign aid, and the best way for the international community to help Nigeria was to help the country plug the porous loopholes through which various unaccountable officials have been able to siphon the country's great wealth of oil money. In regards to the conflict with Boko Haram specifically, Nigeria has also made significant ground in the fight to push back the radical Islamic group. The military offensive launched by the Jonathan administration in early February was successful in recapturing the majority of the Northern lands taken by Boko Haram, and in April, it was reported that the only territory still controlled by the Islamic insurgency was the isolated regions of the Sambisa forests15. Despite these major losses in occupied land, however, Boko Haram has responded by reverting to guerrilla tactics. Recent analysis has shown that most of the organization's 6000 militants are still active, and may even have regrouped in the mountains along Nigeria's borders, and while Nigeria's army has been successful in retaking captured territory, it has found far less success in the field of counterinsurgency. Despite all of these positive changes, an increasing concern culminating in recent years is Boko Haram’s ties with other international terrorist organizations, specifically ISIS and Al Qaeda. Though Boko Haram’s attacks are centrally focused in Nigeria, with no interest in expanding internationally, Al Qaeda has sent in training and shared tactics with the group, causing many to fear the collaboration between the two groups. Boko Haram has recently pledged allegiance to ISIS, sharing similar views and goals. ISIS has responded by sending out a video purporting to welcome the support16, and the potential of terrorism becoming more international and collaborative becomes increasingly likely with the widespread social media and internet access all around the globe. With these influences, as well as a steady increase in radicalization within the internal structure of the group, the amount of violence that has taken place in the past 3 years alone is more than triple that of the last three decades17. Past UN/International Involvement

14 Nigeria: Economic priorities are clear – here is what Buhari needs to do. (2015, April 7). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://theconversation.com/nigeria-economic-priorities-are-clear-here-is-what-buhari-needs-to-do-39547 15 Inside Nigeria's Sambisa forest, the Boko Haram hideout where kidnapped school girls are believed to be held. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/29/nigeria-sambisa-forest-boko-haram-hideout-kidnapped-school-girls-believed-to-be-held 16 Ostebo, T. (2015, March 20). Boko Haram's Allegiance to ISIS Isn't Nearly as Scary As It Sounds. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.newrepublic.com/article/121340/boko-harams-pledge-allegiance-isis-doesnt-mean-anything 17 Deaths reported in Boko Haram raid in Nigeria. (2014, July 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2014/07/deaths-reported-boko-haram-raid-nigeria-201471815049875196.html


In order to quell the rise of Boko Haram, the African Union has called for a regional five-nation force of 8,700 troops18. The force will be made up of the four directly affected countries - Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Nigeria - along with Benin, and has received international approval. United Nation’s Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, has expressed his approval for the force, stating that "[he] welcome[s] the decision of the AU and regional countries to establish an MJTF [Multinational Joint Task Force] against Boko Haram," leading to speculations that AU’s request for funding from the U.N. Security Council will be carried out. While the mission’s structure and mandate still remains unclear, countries such as Iran and the United States have already pledged support. However, while a strong force may temporarily deter the militants and aid to stabilize Northern Nigeria and it’s bordering countries, there are multiple issues with the regional plan. First, it runs the risk of regionalizing a largely domestic insurgency19. Second, it does not address the root of the issue, which are the conditions that gave rise to Boko Haram. Boko Haram (and other similar movements) had rampant success because of the large ethnic and cultural divides throughout Nigeria. Though there is currently a democratically elected president, a large part of the populace have completely different political and religious affiliations; therefore, there is still domestic support for Boko Haram. In addition to support from the African Union, since the April 2014 kidnapping of around 200 girls in Chibok, international support and attention has also been called20. Numerous international powers have offered to aid Nigeria find and free the captives. Nigeria has accepted help from the US, China, UK, France and Israel to deal with the crisis, but only in this specific circumstance.. The aid offered by these countries varies. Some of them have sent specialist teams, including hostage negotiators and soldiers, while others like the United States, have sent in communications intelligence and technology. Possible Solutions and Controversies While considering the numerous potential ways of dealing with the Boko Haram insurgency, it will be important for delegates to take into account both the effectiveness of the Nigerian government and the stability of the Western African region as a whole. Throughout its four-republic history, Nigeria has built its reputation on unaccountability. In its existence, the Nigerian military has been both ineffective and corrupt, and a general lack of discipline and training has characterized the long struggle that the Nigerian Armed Forces has faced against Boko Haram. Nigeria's problems run deeper than its Armed Forces, too; up until 2015, Nigeria's elections have been corrupt and unsupervised, human rights violations conducted both by Nigerian forces and international soldiers for hire have symbolized a multi-year struggle between the Royal Dutch Shell and the Nigerian citizenry, and to this day billions of dollars in oil revenue are swept up in the wind, inevitably ending up in the bottomless pockets of corrupt officials. In regards to foreign military aid against Boko Haram, the Nigerian government has outright rejected any potential offers. The only major instance of aid in this sector came in 2014, when several members of the international community pledged to join the search for the 200 schoolgirls kidnapped by Boko Haram forces in Chibok. In regards to cooperation between regional powers and bordering African states, however, Nigeria has been far more welcoming to the idea of military cooperation, especially in recent times. At the end of January, 2015, the African Union pledged to send more than 8000 troops to Nigeria for the sole purpose of combating Boko Haram, and both the late 18 Joselow, G. (2015, January 30). AU Endorses 7,500 Troops to Fight Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.voanews.com/content/african-union-endorses-thousands-of-troops-to-fight-boko-haram/2620479.html 19 Matfess, H. (2015, February 7). OPINION: African Union forces may exacerbate Boko Haram threat | Al Jazeera America. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/2/african-union-forces-may-exacerbate-boko-haram-threat.html 20 Boko Haram, Nigerian group that kidnapped schoolgirls, put on UN terror sanctions list. (2014, May 23). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=47874#.Vbb3-hNVh3-


Jonathan and current Buhari administrations have been welcoming to military forces from neighboring Chad and other closely located states in the fight against Islamic extremism. Foreign Aid The simple solution of foreign aid provides the benefits of respecting Nigeria’s national sovereignty, but lacks basic effectiveness. Although the newly instituted president Buhari looks towards correcting the corrupt government, the system as a whole has proven to be unprincipled; therefore, all foreign aid sent has a large possibility of being used corruptly or never even making it to the people. Because of this, the largest providers of foreign aid in the world, namely western powers are reluctant to send out aid. Nonetheless, foreign aid (regulated and controlled) is still a valuable possible solution to consider. When looking at aid, there is a plethora of different types of aid to consider; food aid, educational aid, development aid, and military aid all have varying effects in combatting Boko Haram. Food aid and development aid have the obvious effects of alleviating the responsibilities of the government, while military aid leads to more efficient and effective troops. The interesting card to note here is educational aid - a large part of Boko Haram’s narrative is making the government out to be incompetent and unable to provide for its citizens. Boko Haram makes itself out to be a legitimate alternative option for the governing of Nigeria. By providing foreign aid, specifically educational aid, the government is able to work towards destroying that narrative and start eliminating the Boko Haram propaganda that has been veiled over the citizens. Military Intervention Military intervention poses two major problems, both of which are large enough that there has been no such intervention on a large enough scale to date. The Nigerian government has indicated its distaste towards intervention and help from large western powers like the United States and allies. Thus, the only intervention they’d welcome with cooperation is intervention from surrounding African countries and the African Union. While the African Union has intervened and attempted to send in regional troops, this plan lacked efficiency and did little to make tangible differences in taking down Boko Haram. Evidently, the best-equipped intervention would come from western countries, as surrounding African countries generally don’t have the resources to successfully intervene. Largely, any intervention on the part of the international community would meet protestation and no cooperation from the military because of the violation of national sovereignty. Additionally, the implications of western intervention on democracy as a whole in Africa are important to remember. Nigeria is one of the few democratic countries in Africa; therefore, charging in with western troops and western guns has negative implications on democratization in the region as a whole. As Africa has been making progressions towards moving away from colonial governments and into democracies, this fragility needs to be noted and taken into consideration. Bloc Positions Western Powers As a general note, most western powers are reluctant to send in military aid because of the likelihood of corruption on a national level. Most western powers are for military intervention as an alternative, as that maximizes the potential for efficient resource allocation.


United States: Although the United States was one of the first foreign powers who offered intelligence and surveillance assistance to help find the abducted schoolgirls in April 2014, with the Islamist insurgency increasing in intensity and violence and the girls nowhere to be found, diplomatic ties have become strained. This is because the Nigerian government does not wish to accept the mediums of help that United States has offered, wishing only to receive help in forms of weapons. The Nigerian government has thus been persistent in demanding for weapons from the United States, feeling dissatisfied with the scope of the United States help. However, due to the horrid track record of human rights violations accumulated by the Nigerian army, the United States has found it difficult to acquiesce to the Nigerian government’s demands21. Because of this difference in opinions, the diplomatic connection between Nigeria and America has been put at risk, with Nigeria going as far as to refuse to accept further training of their troops by the United States. However, the United States has donated 5 million dollars to the Multinational Joint Task Force to boost the military operation against the Boko Haram insurgency. United Kingdom: Of the £1.7 m that United Kingdom allocated to humanitarian aid and civil protections programs in 2014, the budget for Nigeria was one of the biggest internationally, at around £250m. And after light of recent events, United Kingdom has only amped up their efforts to help quell the Boko Haram and find the missing schoolgirls22. The United Kingdom has started preparing to send "hundreds" of soldiers into Iraq to train Iraqi and Kurdish forces, accompanied by a military "protection" unit. France: While France may be the best-positioned Western nation to assist in the regional fight against Boko Haram, it is also the most vulnerable to being roped into an open-ended war. Therefore, despite it having the most opportune geographical location to help out, France insists it will limit itself to "indirect support" of the growing African movement to combat Boko Haram. Eurasian Powers China: Chinese Premier Li Keqiang has pledged to assist Nigeria in its fight against Boko Haram23, which is a departure from China's traditional stance in Africa of non-intervention in political or security matters. With China’s help, this could be a rare anti-terror operation jointly conducted by the United States, European powers and China. China has offered to provide satellite imagery and equipment such as night vision goggles that would greatly aid the Nigerian military to monitor nocturnal activity in the

21 Cooper, H. (2015, January 24). Rifts Between U.S. and Nigeria Impeding Fight Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/25/world/rifts-between-us-and-nigeria-impeding-fight-against-boko-haram.html?_r=1 22 Farmer, T. (2014, December 20). British troops to help fight against Boko Haram as SAS target Isil. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/11306242/British-troops-to-help-fight-against-Boko-Haram-as-SAS-target-Isil.html 23 China offers help against Boko Haram. (2014, May 9). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=1341796918&Country=Nigeria&topic=Politics&subtopic=Forecast&subsubtopic=International relations&u=1&pid=1933291777&oid=1933291777&uid=1


desert terrain of Nigeria. Other forms of help that China has offered includes military training and hardware. Russia:

As relations between Nigeria and Western states grow increasingly fraught, the government has turned towards assistance from Russia and China in training its troops and the acquisition of military hardware. Russia, not wanting to lose Nigeria as a large trading partner in oil, has shown its support for the anti-Boko Haram movement in arming Cameroon in the military field and providing “specialized military training24”. Enjoying much better relations than the previous bloc, Russia and Nigeria are cooperative in combatting Boko Haram. Africa Nigeria and its four neighboring nations, being the most heavily affected by Boko Haram’s actions, have pledged to deploy 8,700 troops, police and civilians as part of a regional effort to fight Boko Haram militants. This announcement came out of a three-day summit that focused on organizing the force that will battle Boko Haram. However, while the force has already garnered international support and funding, it may be some time before this goes into action as respective countries must settle budget and troop allocations. Fortunately, many international powers have pledged support to the joint force, promising to send troops and equipment as well as donating money. Discussion Questions

1. What measures can be taken to ensure that foreign aid to Nigeria will be used effectively?

2. What can be done to promote further regional cooperation between African states in the fight against Boko Haram?

3. What measures can be taken to ensure that the Nigerian Armed Forces will be both better armed and better disciplined in the fight against Boko Haram?

4. How can the Nigerian Armed Forces deal with the guerrilla warfare tactics that have been recently employed by Boko Haram?

5. What institutional changes can be made within Nigeria to achieve a greater level of accountability from the Nigerian government to its citizenry?

6. What measures can be taken by the Nigerian government so that a greater role can be played in being proactive in preventing future Boko Haram bombings and other terrorist activities?

7. How can Nigeria regain foreign interest in investment? Additional Sources Great general research guide, provides good and accurate overview of Boko Haram. http://www.cfr.org/nigeria/boko-haram/p25739- 24 Adamowski, J. (2015, January 20). Russia To Arm Cameroon Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.defensenews.com/story/defense/land/weapons/2015/01/20/russia-boko-haram-cameroon-equipment-ratsiborinski-biya/22056557/


More in depth look at Boko Haram’s structure and history. http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2014/05/140507-boko-haram-nigeria-borno-state-maiduguri-mohammed-yusuf-abubukar-shekau-goodluck-jonathan-world/ Very detailed analysis of the creation of Boko Haram. http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR308.pdf- Regularly updated current events specific to Boko Haram. http://zeenews.india.com/tags/boko-haram.html Analytical document discussing possible solutions to Boko Haram. http://www.academia.edu/3331715/A_CRITICAL_examination_of_the_BOKO_HARAM_INSURGENCE_ATTACKS_IN_NIGERIA_AND_POSSIBLE_SOLUTIONS References A rising tide. (2015, July 20). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2015/07/daily-chart-jihadists-africa?zid=304&ah=e5690753dc78ce91909083042ad12e30 A threat to the entire country. (2012, September 29). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/node/21563751 Adamowski, J. (2015, January 20). Russia To Arm Cameroon Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.defensenews.com/story/defense/land/weapons/2015/01/20/russia-boko-haram-cameroon-equipment-ratsiborinski-biya/22056557/ Africa - Raid kills 150 Boko Haram Islamists, Nigeria says. (2013, September 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.france24.com/en/20130918-raid-kills-150-boko-haram-islamists-nigerian-army Boko Haram activity in Nigeria. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.britannica.com/topic/Boko-Haram/images-videos/Areas-in-Nigeria-where-Boko-Haram-was-most-active/187346 Boko Haram freed Nigerian women tell of captivity horror. (2015, May 4). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32574777. Boko Haram, Nigerian group that kidnapped schoolgirls, put on UN terror sanctions list. (2014, May 23). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=47874#.Vbb3-hNVh3- Chad army says kills 120 Boko Haram militants in Cameroon. (2015, January 31). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/31/us-nigeria-violence-chad-idUSKBN0L40X920150131


China offers help against Boko Haram. (2014, May 9). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=1341796918&Country=Nigeria&topic=Politics&subtopic=Forecast&subsubtopic=International relations&u=1&pid=1933291777&oid=1933291777&uid=1 Cooper, H. (2015, January 24). Rifts Between U.S. and Nigeria Impeding Fight Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/25/world/rifts-between-us-and-nigeria-impeding-fight-against-boko-haram.html?_r=1 Cummings, R. (2015, June 22). New Nigerian President Inherits Same Boko Haram Violence. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://theglobalobservatory.org/2015/06/nigeria-boko-haram-buhari/ Deaths reported in Boko Haram raid in Nigeria. (2014, July 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2014/07/deaths-reported-boko-haram-raid-nigeria-201471815049875196.html Farmer, T. (2014, December 20). British troops to help fight against Boko Haram as SAS target Isil. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/11306242/British-troops-to-help-fight-against-Boko-Haram-as-SAS-target-Isil.html Hafiz, Y. (2014, May 9). Boko Haram: Facts, History, Leaders, And Origins Of The Terrorist Group. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/05/09/boko-haram-facts-history_n_5295563.html Hare, J. (2014, March 15). How Northern Nigeria's Violent History Explains Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://news.nationalgeographic.com/2015/03/150314-boko-haram-nigeria-borno-rabih-abubakar-shekau/ Inside Nigeria's Sambisa forest, the Boko Haram hideout where kidnapped school girls are believed to be held. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/29/nigeria-sambisa-forest-boko-haram-hideout-kidnapped-school-girls-believed-to-be-held Joselow, G. (2015, January 30). AU Endorses 7,500 Troops to Fight Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.voanews.com/content/african-union-endorses-thousands-of-troops-to-fight-boko-haram/2620479.html Matfess, H. (2015, February 7). OPINION: African Union forces may exacerbate Boko Haram threat | Al Jazeera America. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/2/african-union-forces-may-exacerbate-boko-haram-threat.html Muh'd Sani, S. (2010, September 8). Nigeria: Attack On Bauchi Prison - Boko Haram Frees 721 Inmates. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://allafrica.com/stories/201009090034.html Nigeria: Economic priorities are clear – here is what Buhari needs to do. (2015, April 7). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://theconversation.com/nigeria-economic-priorities-are-clear-here-is-what-buhari-needs-to-do-39547 Ostebo, T. (2015, March 20). Boko Haram's Allegiance to ISIS Isn't Nearly as Scary As It Sounds. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.newrepublic.com/article/121340/boko-harams-pledge-allegiance-isis-doesnt-mean-anything


Ostien, P., & Fwatshak, S. (n.d.). Sharia Implementation in Northern Nigeria. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.sharia-in-africa.net/media/publications/sharia-implementation-in-northern-nigeria/vol_1_5_chapter_1_part_II.pdf Ross, K. (2014, May 16). Why Boko Haram Wages War Against Western Education - USNI News. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://news.usni.org/2014/05/16/boko-haram-wages-war-western-education Segun, M. (2015, January 14). Dispatches: What Really Happened in Baga, Nigeria? Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.hrw.org/news/2015/01/14/dispatches-what-really-happened-baga-nigeria


African Union Topic B

Democratic Values in the African Union

Overview

Figure 1: Red areas indicate full democracies, dark orange indicate flawed democracies, light orange indicate hybrid regimes, yellow indicate authoritarian25.

Following the fall of the Soviet Union and the departure of imperialism in sub-Saharan Africa, the democratization of the continent has become an increasingly heated issue of debate across the global political sphere. The governmental instabilities brought by the post-Cold War era in the early 1990s offered western democratization ideals an opportunity to be imposed in all around the world, most significantly in Africa. The current weaknesses in African democracies can very possibly be linked back to the fragile premise under which democracy was established in the first place; many cases of foreign aid and loans, primarily from the IMF and the World Bank, came contingent on democratization26 therefore rendering the authoritarian-democracy switch inorganic and unsustainable. Nevertheless, democracy is seen as an international objective good; the African Union acknowledges the importance of civil society in a democratic state. 39 out of the 54 countries in the AU have signed the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG)27, a treaty created by the AU in 2007 as a guideline of sorts to facilitate democratization and legitimate elections.

25 Morgan, M. (2013, September 26). Can democracy deliver for Africa? - BBC News. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24228425 26 Elkin, M. (2012, March 1). Loans to Egypt Hinge on Democracy Issues. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/01/world/middleeast/01iht-m01-egypt-aid.html?_r=0 27 T. Ebobrah, S. (2007, May 1). THE AFRICAN CHARTER ON DEMOCRACY, ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: A NEW DAWN FOR THE ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.afrimap.org/english/images/paper/ACDEG&ECOWAS_Ebobrah.pdf


Amidst all the controversies, it is clear that there is an international trend towards democratization as a means of development, and sub-Saharan Africa is no exception to this. Since post-imperialism, the amount of African democracies has evidently augmented, but there are still long ways to go before they become as legitimate as those found in the western sphere. Despite valiant efforts, a majority of African states continue to be ruled by authoritarian regimes, a majority of which earning legitimacy through control of the state’s military power. With more than 148 billion dollars lost in corruption every year28, there are clear problems with the election process and governmental structure put in the so-called democracies. According to the Economist’s Democracy Index, there are only two (flawed) democracies in the entire continent29; the rest are either hybrid or authoritarian regimes. Exorbitant amounts of violence occur during electoral processes, and state coercion culminates in the legitimization of authoritarian regimes or illegal transfers of power. Lack of free speech, censorship, and police brutality all contribute to the democratic rollback and many hybrid regimes we see taking place, in lieu of tangible change. The African Union, despite having taken many steps to try and facilitate democratization, conclude that action must be taken to secure civil, political, and socio-economic rights for the safety of citizens. Timeline 1930 - White women are allowed to vote in South Africa, but people of color are still barred from elections30. 1951-1960 - European Countries find it difficult to continue justifying colonisation whilst African nationalists ramp up their efforts of calling for change31.

1951 - Libya is the first African Nation to gain independence from Italy’s colonial rule establishing a monarchy32.

1956 - Suez crisis; the UK and France try to regain control from Egypt but fail.

1957 - Ghana is the first South-Saharan African country to gain independence, gaining it from the United Kingdom33.

1963 - The Organization for African Unity is founded, setting the basis and foundation for the African Union.

June 30, 1975 - Paul Biya is declared Prime Minister of Cameroon, serving under president Ahmadou Ahidjo.

4 November 1982-Present - President Ahidjo resigns as President and Biya is declared President, he continues to serve as President to this day.

28 More than 148 billion dollars is lost to corruption-AU Report. (2013, March 11). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.ghananewsagency.org/social/more-than-148-billion-dollars-is-lost-to-corruption-au-report-57428 29 Kekic, L. (2007). The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/media/pdf/DEMOCRACY_INDEX_2007_v3.pdf 30 "African Timeline." Archives New Zealand. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. 31 "A Political History of Africa since 1900 - Interactive." The Guardian. N.p., 11 July 2011. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. 32 "African Timeline." Archives New Zealand. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. 33 "The Failure of Democracy in Africa." Taki's Magazine. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Aug. 2015.


1982 - Mauritius is the first African nation to have democratic elections leading to a change in perspective and leadership for the island nation34.

1991 - Soviet Union collapses and the Russian Federation becomes independent.

1990 - The Central African Republic hold its first democratic elections under intense pressure from the international community.

1993 - The Central African Republic holds a second round of elections destabilizing the current government and forcing the new government to be a coalition35.

April 27, 1994 - South Africa holds its first democratic election, moving the country closer to a new social and political system.

May 10, 1994 - Nelson Mandela, leader of the African National Congress party in South Africa is inaugurated as South Africa’s first democratically elected president36.

2002 - The Organization for African Unity is disbanded and is replaced with the African Union, with the aim of a unified and peaceful Africa.

2010-2011 - A movement commonly referred to as the “Arab Spring” takes place in Northern Africa leading to the fall of multiple dictatorships and setting the stage for new democracies. Historical Analysis In the late 1800s and early 1900s, European colonial occupation in Africa disrupted many of the natural political systems already held in place. At this point in history, systemic racism was still rampant throughout the world, and Europeans therefore debased African culture and innovation whether they believed that it fit into the approximated European ways or not. This wave of imperialism saw the establishment of colonial rule all over Africa; the governors were either military officials or career public servants, and they held little regard for African politico-cultural traditions and values37. These governors were permitted to use whatever means necessary to bring the African population under control, making the regimes extremely dictatorial and abhorrent to the people. With this unsustainable system of absolute rulers and foreign governors, any existing indigenous democratic values that may have grown into democracies in sub-Saharan Africa were completely destroyed and replaced by colonial dictatorial values. This also meant that governors could create random positions and officials if it suited them38, creating an extremely corrupt and arbitrary “election” process. As the campaigns for independence grew following the end of World War II, however, colonizers began to lean more towards democracy and free market/capitalist economies. There is no clear reason as to why this shift occurred; however, it is undeniable that the western need to battle against communism and neo-colonialism were large factors. As communism in Asia and Eastern Europe rose, the West combated this with the promotion of multiparty politics and free elections in their African territories. During the Cold War, the United States and its generally Western allies propagated democracy worldwide. Simultaneously, however, they turned a blind eye to the undemocratic practices carried out in Africa; ignoring the human rights violations made by regimes

34 "It's Progress, Even If It's Patchy." The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 01 Oct. 2011. Web. 30 Aug. 2015. 35 Ibid. 36 "Timeline 20 Years of Democracy 1994 to 2014." Leander. N.p., 17 Apr. 2014. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. 37 Bankole Ijewereme, O. (2015, June 4). Anatomy of Corruption in the Nigerian Public Sector. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://sgo.sagepub.com/content/5/2/2158244015581188 38 Nigeria. (2007). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Nigeria.aspx


such as Kenya and Sudan39, they made no large-scale attempts until the collapse of the Soviet Union to tackle colonialism in the region. Following the demise of the Soviet Union and subsequently communism in the 1990s, the attitude of the West shifted significantly. This era offered democratization its prime opportunity to spread throughout sub-Saharan Africa; many foreign aid and loans, specifically from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, came contingent on democracy and the reassessment of politico-economic crises. During this time period, we saw countries such as Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya become relatively successful in their new governments, and Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Lesotho, Guinea, and Malawi make great efforts towards democratization40, Sierra Leone and Cote d’Ivoire after civil wars that threatened the very existence of their states. It was made very evident during this era that democracy would never be as clear-cut and simple as it had seemed in the West; there were and are varying degrees of functionality to the seemingly stable democracies in the African Union. Regardless of their successfulness, this proliferation had much to do with the rapid democratization that would take place in the years to come. The second large wave of democratization to occur in Africa began on December 18th, 2010, with the rise of the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring brought many new democracies and subsequently many new challenges to Africa on a whole, but specifically in Tunisia, Morocco, Libya and Egypt. These nations toppled their oppressive dictatorships and have been trying ever since to install democracies, with, of course, varying degrees of success. Generally, the protests in these countries aim at receiving more legitimate elections and higher respect for democratic values; driven by a population dissatisfied by the democratic processes currently having taken place, the Arab Spring movement has been instrumental in constructing the democracies we see in Africa today. Egypt, for example, has voted in two presidential elections since the overthrow of former President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. Additionally, after the toppling of Col Muammar Gaddafi in Libya, the country experienced its first free elections in 2012.41

39 World Report l 2013. (2013). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/wr2013_web.pdf 40 Rakner, L., & A. Skage, I. (n.d.). The Legacy of Africa’s Pro-democracy Movements. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.cmi.no/file/?1322 41 Libya country profile - Overview - BBC News. (2015, June 9). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-13754897


Current Situation

Figure 2: Nigerian President Goodluck (left), and APC main opposition party’s presidential candidate Mohammadu Buhari (right) shake hands under the eyes of Chariman of the Abuja Peace Accord former Head of State General Abdulsalami

Abubakar (center), after signing the renewal of promises for peaceful elections42. Unfortunately, regardless of all of this progress, African nationalists and post-independence African leaders such as Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Arap Moi of Kenya, and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana adopted the dictatorship and brutality of the foreign colonial governors. Like the brutal reigns of the past, these leaders regarded any form of criticism against their governance as treason, and mass censorship was seen across the continent. Democracy is still not implemented sustainably, and a lack of a transparent multi-party system and governmental control of the opposition can still be observed. Compared to decades ago, however, much has changed. The pure numerical amount of democratized African nations has very evidently increased, yet not all of them can be considered full-fledged operative democracies. Worldwide, scales like the Economist’s Intelligence Unit (EIU) or the Freedom house Index (FHI) are currently measuring democracy. Disregarding the levels of subjectivity found in both units of measure, they have both conclusively found that in 2012, about half of AU member states were classified in the worst performing group, whereas on the other hand, less than ten qualify for the best performing group on both indicators43. Additionally, sustainability is mixed and no country shows consistency in improving democratic performances. Following the Arab Spring, many African nations are attempting to re-stabilize yet also take advantage of the wave of democratization that has descended through the Middle East and had reverberations in Africa as well. Mali experienced a military coup in 2012 wherein a democratically elected government was toppled, and the AU took steps to help establish a transition government, leading to free elections in 201344. Even with this progress, there are countries such as Zimbabwe and Cameroon that are still clinging to the ways of their old governments. Religious and ethnic conflicts tear through the new

42 Will Saturday’s Election Change Anything In Nigeria? (2015, March 26). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://hereandnow.wbur.org/2015/03/26/nigeria-elections-monitor 43 Kekic, L. (2007). The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/media/pdf/DEMOCRACY_INDEX_2007_v3.pdf 44 New Crises Seize Security Council's Attention in 2012 as Continuing Change around Arab World Sparks Second Year of Tumultuous Transitions | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases. (2013, January 14). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.un.org/press/en/2013/sc10881.doc.htm


nation of South Sudan, and the continent as a whole continues to suffer from lack of basic infrastructure and governmental transparency. One of the largest issues barring democratic reform, however, is the large-scale corruption and violence found pre, during, and post election processes. In the rich in resources yet still poverty-ridden nation of Equatorial Guinea, President Obiang was elected into office with 95% of the vote45. His party won 99% of seats in parliament46. In the country of Gambia, many opposition parties boycotted the elections all together, making the not entirely inaccurate assumption that they would be rigged. These instances show that democracy doesn’t necessarily bring about representative governments. In addition, increasing amounts of electoral violence have occurred in numerous countries, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, and Côte d’Ivoire, to name a few. Most commonly, more subtle forms of violence, such as coercion and intimidation tactics, assassinations, and imprisonments have been utilized in an effort to silence opposition groups. Attacks on parties’ headquarters and propaganda have not been uncommon either. Clashes and riots have also been present, between supporters or security personnel of opposition parties. Regardless of its type, electoral violence is an issue that must be addressed with the utmost urgency; politicians use these tactics to rig elections or further their own means, and the populace continues to lose hope for a transparent government as these instances keep occurring. There are still many issues to be dealt with, and thus the fundamental principle of African government, “that is, rule by consent of the ruled was all but destroyed by the imposition of colonial rule and was cynically distorted and mangled when the one-party state allowed the emergence of ambitious, corrupt, and dictatorial African leaders, many in military uniform, after independence.47” The many facets to this issue beg collaborative organized support from the African Union. Past UN/International Involvement Since the inception of the African Union, it has been the biggest contributor to progress in democratization in the region. In 2007, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance was created, and some 39 countries have now signed on to it48. It illustrates international guidelines and standards of functioning democracies, and is taken as a sort of roadmap to rule of law, free elections, and the condemnation of unconstitutional changes of government. In addition to the charter, the AU has been providing military support to states in the installation of democracies, and has not been sparing in their usage of peacekeeping troops and force in order to stabilize the continent. This military support can be seen in concrete actions like the interventions in Darfur and Somalia, where they mitigated large human rights abuses and political instability. In 2005, the AU suspended membership of Mauritania and Togo in order to ensure the sustenance of their democracies49. Recently, the AU has sent surveillance into Egypt and South Sudan, in regards to regulating possible disruptive electoral processes.

Concerning other UN bodies, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) have made

45 Scher, R. (2012, April 2). Africa: The Human Challenge. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2012/04/02/africa-human-capital-challenge/ 46 Ibid. 47 Owusu, “Domesticating Democracy,” 136 48 T. Ebobrah, S. (2007, May 1). THE AFRICAN CHARTER ON DEMOCRACY, ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: A NEW DAWN FOR THE ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.afrimap.org/english/images/paper/ACDEG&ECOWAS_Ebobrah.pdf NEW DAWN FOR THE ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30, 2015, 49 Birikorang, E. (n.d.). Coups d’état in Africa – A Thing of the Past? Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.kaiptc.org/Publications/Policy-Briefs/Policy-Briefs/KAIPTC-Policy-Brief-3---Coups-detat-in-Africa.aspx


significant process in foreign aid and research, respectively. The UNDP has, for the past decades, been supporting African countries in their transitions from dictatorial regimes to stable democracies, by means of monetary funding and military personnel50. They have ensured that support has been granted during all phases of an electoral process. The UNU-WIDER has made extensive progress in researches the influences and causes of democracy development in the region, and hopes to elaborate on domestic factors that may help or damage the impact of foreign aid51. The United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) has also made significant contributions in foreign aid.

International support in terms of foreign aid has not been sparse. Considering the incentives of the West to democratize Africa, it is no surprise that many large Western powers including Canada, the United States of America, France and Great Britain have contributed through national democracy aid funds in order to facilitate electoral processes. In recent years however, many studies have shown that just large amounts of aid were actually ineffective considering the corruptive natures of the receiving governments; therefore, the trend seen in recent years have been to send in military personnel, troops, and trainers for the amelioration of the current governments and militaries of the region.

50 The Role of UNDP in Supporting Democratic Elections in Africa. (2013, November 21). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/democratic-governance/electoral_systemsandprocesses/supporting_elections_in_africa.html 51 Resnick, D. (2011, November 3). Foreign Aid and Democracy in Africa - United Nations University. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://unu.edu/publications/articles/foreign-aid-and-democracy-in-africa.html

African Union VMUN 2016 Background Guide

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Possible Solutions and Controversies A notable fact to remember when evaluating possible solutions to upholding democratic values in the African Union is that the base cause of instability and problems with democracies in Africa are the colonial dictatorship roots that all African governments have had ingrained in them since the arrival of European colonies in the late 1800s. Millions in foreign aid have been poured into Africa to no avail precisely because of the corrupt ways in which that aid is being used; therefore, simply dumping money into the area is no longer a viable solution. Governance in Africa is not a problem that will solve itself; it is imperative that proactive and out of the box measures be taken to ensure the success of democratization. Election Process Security As seen in recent years, there has been no direct link made between democracy and representation. This is because of the corruptness and often rigged nature of existing elections in Africa, and violence and vandalism alike are present in nearly every African election. Violence ranges in many forms; from coercion and intimidation, to the theft of ballots and entire ballot boxes, to the murdering of entire villages supporting a certain political party52. The management of a fair and free election can bring both better representation and restore the people’s faith in democracy in Africa. This goal can be achieved in a variety of different factors; through increased military aid and personnel, foreign aid contingent on transparency, no matter what the means, a fair and free election process must be achieved before any tangible change can be seen in democracy in Africa. Mediating the Election Riots/Clashes In addition to making sure that the government conducts itself peacefully, the populace and opposing parties must also be held to the same rigorous standard of transparency. Not only is there violence from the government, but also riots and clashes are frequently present between opposing parties and angry civilians during election times. Increased security, or a forum for public debate should be established, so the populace no longer has to resort to violent measures in order to have their voice heard. Transparency and Anti-Corruption Institutions Used in collaboration to the previous solutions, the legitimacy and transparency of the newly elected government once election processes are over is also crucial in the achievement of a functioning democracy. Aid hinged on transparency and the upholding of human/civil rights is a viable solution, but there then lies the problem of making sure that the nations uphold their end of the bargain after aid has been dispersed. An alternative corruption monitoring system must be implemented should we hope to see any form of cooperation within the system. Neutral, third-party UN observers can be deployed to monitor these processes, or officers of the African Union specifically. Whoever the personnel, a way to uphold accountability must be cultivated. Education and the Enhancement of Political Culture The fact remains that there are large portions of the African populace that is not aware of the proceedings and functions of a legitimate democracy. In order to ensure that elected officials are fully

52 Political Violence. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/africa/nigeria0407/4.htm


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representative of their people, citizens must want to vote in the first place. Citizens must recognize the importance of elections and other political decisions in the effects of their everyday lives. General aid and quality of life must be improved first and foremost; in accordance with Maslow’s hierarchy of needs53, basic needs must be met before the citizens can even begin to self-actualize and care about their political processes. Following that, general education infrastructure needs to be implemented in order for the populace to understand when their government is being morally unjust and/or conducting undemocratic actions. The problem with this, of course, is that the government can very easily corrupt the education that they’re giving out; tailor the education in a way that the people will not learn about the atrocities the government is committing. Nonetheless, education must be implemented in order for the populace to push for change organically. Bloc Positions Liberal Democracies Pertaining to the blocs of countries outside of the African Union, the international community on a whole generally wishes to see the violence and corruption in African democracies end. Based on the fact that this issue is solely internalized within Africa, we can assume that for the most relevant blocs to this conflict are the ones within the AU. The United States’ partnership with Africa supports citizens that demand for democracy54, and many other Western nations also follow suit. Western liberal democracies on the whole wish to see Africa completely and fully democratized, and are willing to provide foreign aid wherever necessary. Relatively Transparent Democratized Nations For the majority of African nations, democracy still has a long way to go. In the 1990s, Freedom House reported only three African states with universal suffrage, corruption-free elections, and multiparty political systems. However, in recent years, most of Western Africa has set up relatively political systems, though still imperfect55. Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea, and Côte d’Ivoire have gotten over violent periods and established democratic rule. Nigeria and Niger have had record-breaking polls earlier this year. Guinea-Bissau had peaceful elections in March of 2014. Ghana has, since the beginning, retained a very stable democracy. Western Africa is one of the most stable regions in regards to democratization, and the majority of international aid isn’t needed here. Semi-Transparent Democratized Nations The vast majority of African nations are in this bloc: semi-transparent and in the process of democratization. These nations seem to be working towards democracy, but there is still a large lack in general infrastructure and large amounts of corruption in the elected officials. Election violence and ethnic rifts are very common in these countries, and they are nowhere near as successful as the aforementioned Western states. Concentrated in Southern Africa and Eastern Africa (though not without scattered countries as well), these nations need foreign aid and military officials in order to completely legitimize themselves and win the people’s faith and confidence. These countries include

53 Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs | Learning Theories. (2014, July 18). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.learning-theories.com/maslows-hierarchy-of-needs.html 54 Africa l Our Partnership. (2015, August 17). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.usaid.gov/where-we-work/africa 55 Scher, R. (2012, April 2). Africa: The Human Challenge. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2012/04/02/africa-human-capital-challenge/


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the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Zambia, Malawi, Gambia, Cape Verde, Botswana, Namibia, Benin, Lesotho, and many more. Authoritarian/Dictatorial Nations Although solid progress has been made in terms of civil rights in African nations, there remain a large number of authoritarian and dictatorial regimes in the country. These regimes completely disregard the waves of democratization occurring all over the continent, and retain their power through violence and intimidation. Additionally, they seek to cut off civil society group’s access to foreign aid, silence journalists and civil rights activists, and refuse the populace any access to democratic reform. Ethiopia, for example, has crippled democracy movements by creating legal framework within the nation legalizing such actions56. Authoritarian regimes all over Africa are using the same methods of loopholes and consequently preventing themselves from holding accountabilities. Some nations in this bloc include Ethiopia, Angola, Gabon, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Algeria, and Togo. Discussion Questions

1. What are possible ways to mitigate conflict, pre, during, and post-election processes?

2. Should the AU consider expanding its role as an interventionary body?

3. What are the influences of neighboring countries governmental practices on a nation’s ability to democratize?

4. Should Africa continue to democratize based off of Western democratic ideals or traditional political and cultural practices?

5. Are there economic, cultural, or political factors that make democracy in Africa inherently unsustainable?

6. Are elections worthwhile if they are used for the purpose of legitimizing coups or authoritarian/dictatorial regimes?

7. Are elections more helpful or damaging when conducted in violently ethnically divided

regions?

8. How can countries restore their people’s trust in the governmental system, given the amount of corruption and brutality constructed for decades?

Additional Sources Good general resources site, provides insight on the current situation in African politics. http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24228425 General overview of the history of African politics. 56 (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/print_2028.html


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http://exhibitions.nypl.org/africanaage/essay-colonization-of-africa.html In depth analysis of democracy in Africa and its roots in colonialism. http://upress.kent.edu/Nieman/Concepts_of_Democracy.htm Great analysis on the current hybrid/authoritarian/democratic regimes in Africa. http://www.economist.com/node/21551494 AU involvement spec knowledge, https://www.ndi.org/WAEON-symposium References "A Political History of Africa since 1900 - Interactive." The Guardian. N.p., 11 July 2011. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. Africa l Our Partnership. (2015, August 17). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.usaid.gov/where-we-work/africa "African Timeline." Archives New Zealand. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. Bankole Ijewereme, O. (2015, June 4). Anatomy of Corruption in the Nigerian Public Sector. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://sgo.sagepub.com/content/5/2/2158244015581188 Birikorang, E. (n.d.). Central Intelligence Agency. World Factbook (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/fields/print_2028.html Coups d’état in Africa – A Thing of the Past? Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.kaiptc.org/Publications/Policy-Briefs/Policy-Briefs/KAIPTC-Policy-Brief-3---Coups-detat-in-Africa.aspx Elkin, M. (2012, March 1). Loans to Egypt Hinge on Democracy Issues. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/01/world/middleeast/01iht-m01-egypt-aid.html?_r=0 "It's Progress, Even If It's Patchy." The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 01 Oct. 2011. Web. 30 Aug. 2015. Kekic, L. (2007). The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.economist.com/media/pdf/DEMOCRACY_INDEX_2007_v3.pdf Libya country profile - Overview - BBC News. (2015, June 9). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-13754897 Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs | Learning Theories. (2014, July 18). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.learning-theories.com/maslows-hierarchy-of-needs.html More than 148 billion dollars is lost to corruption-AU Report. (2013, March 11). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.ghananewsagency.org/social/more-than-148-billion-dollars-is-lost-to-corruption-au-report-57428 Morgan, M. (2013, September 26). Can democracy deliver for Africa? - BBC News. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24228425 New Crises Seize Security Council's Attention in 2012 as Continuing Change around Arab World Sparks Second Year of Tumultuous Transitions | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases. (2013, January 14). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.un.org/press/en/2013/sc10881.doc.htm


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Nigeria. (2007). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Nigeria.aspx Owusu, “Domesticating Democracy,” 136 Political Violence. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/africa/nigeria0407/4.htm Rakner, L., & A. Skage, I. (n.d.). The Legacy of Africa’s Pro-democracy Movements. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.cmi.no/file/?1322 Resnick, D. (2011, November 3). Foreign Aid and Democracy in Africa - United Nations University. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://unu.edu/publications/articles/foreign-aid-and-democracy-in-africa.html Scher, R. (2012, April 2). Africa: The Human Challenge. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2012/04/02/africa-human-capital-challenge/ T. Ebobrah, S. (2007, May 1). THE AFRICAN CHARTER ON DEMOCRACY, ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: A NEW DAWN FOR THE ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.afrimap.org/english/images/paper/ACDEG&ECOWAS_Ebobrah.pdf "The Failure of Democracy in Africa." Taki's Magazine. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Aug. 2015. The Role of UNDP in Supporting Democratic Elections in Africa. (2013, November 21). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/democratic-governance/electoral_systemsandprocesses/supporting_elections_in_africa.html "Timeline 20 Years of Democracy 1994 to 2014." Leander. N.p., 17 Apr. 2014. Web. 29 Aug. 2015. Will Saturday’s Election Change Anything In Nigeria? (2015, March 26). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://hereandnow.wbur.org/2015/03/26/nigeria-elections-monitor World Report 1 2013. (2013). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/wr2013_web.pdf

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