african art studies in the 1980s

African Art Studies in the 1980sAuthor(s): Marla BernsSource: African Arts, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Aug., 1979), pp. 15+17+19-20+23+90Published by: UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies CenterStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3335536 .

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AFRICAN ART STUDIES IN THE 1980s "African Art Studies in the 1980s: Three

Strategies," held last April 21, was a day-long symposium presented by the African Studies Center, the Museum of Cultural History, and the Art History Area of the Art Department, UCLA. The program consisted of three one- hour presentations given by Paula Ben- Amos, Mellon Fellow in the Humanities, University of Pennsylvania, and Editor of

Working Papers in the Traditional Arts; Herbert Cole, Associate Professor, Art Department, UC Santa Barbara; and Arnold Rubin, As- sociate Professor, Art Department, UCLA. The papers were followed by commentaries

by Cecelia F. Klein, Assistant Professor, Art

Department, UCLA, and by this author, Ph.D. Candidate, Art Department, UCLA. The objective of these papers and commen-

tary was to generate a discussion of the state of African art studies and its prospects for the future.

The year 1980 will mark over eighty years of

scholarly interest in the art of Benin. To un- derscore this occasion, Paula Ben-Amos, in her paper, "Benin Art in the 1980s," took the

opportunity to "assess what has been done and what still needs to be done." For the most

part, studies of Benin art have concentrated on questions of origin and stylistic development. These concerns have largely been aided by the facts that (1) Benin art is made of more

permanent materials, (2) that these objects constitute an extensive corpus of over 6,000 examples available for study outside Africa

(although removal of them by the British Punitive Expedition of 1897 has destroyed direct information as to context of use and

meaning), and (3) that there are written documents able to provide some historical

depth. Using these sources, scholars have endeavored to arrive at an absolute chronol-

ogy of Benin bronzes based primarily on formal criteria. Although these style sequences have been progressively refined, Ben-Amos feels that work conducted in the field pro- vides a different perspective for understand-

ing Benin art. Her field studies began in the mid-1960s, and through her own inquiries "it now becomes possible to expand the scope of issues and problems that can be dealt with in the study of Benin art from its historical and formal attributes to questions of symbolism and meaning." The ultimate objective of her research is a systematic interpretation of artistic symbolism. To this end, Ben-Amos has concentrated on "the relationship of art and cosmology" and "art as a system of communication." Her approach to these two main areas of interest has primarily been an- thropological, within the conceptual framework of the subfield called symbolic anthropology.

In her fieldwork, she has investigated arts of several media (wood, brass, mud and cloth) and arts produced in different contexts (court guilds, village religious cults and tourist-craft workshops). Through a series of slides, Ben-Amos demonstrated that Benin art is not now, and probably never was, restricted to the styles and forms of the royal court. In-

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stead, she proposed that rural traditions have continued to play a vital role, and that "art" may have been a primary mediating force between the court and the village. She has developed these ideas by exploring how the iconographic features of the arts relate to a pervasive conceptual system oriented toward a unified cosmographic and cosmological purpose.

On the basis of Ben-Amos's fieldwork, it is apparent that conventional art historical as- sessments of Benin have been far too restricted and that the material is actually neither un- derstood nor adequately appreciated. More research needs to be pursued, and she suggested some promising areas of concentration: metallurgic analysis of the Benin "bronzes"; rural artistic productions (masking cults, pottery and terracotta traditions, casting traditions now defunct); rural-urban artistic relationships; and a reassessment of the classification of various substyles of bronze production in the Lower Niger region.

In contrast to Ben-Amos's concentration on one geographic area, Herbert Cole's paper demonstrated the breadth of his interest in African art, involving work in Nigeria, Kenya, and Ghana. As a member of the Africanist academic community, he began by comment- ing on some of the difficulties of teaching and advising graduate students. One problem is the lack of an adequate text for courses on African art; today a lecturer must rely on de- tailed monographs that offer specialized information and that together inadequately cover the range of arts produced. Secondly, he wondered whether university professors should continue to encourage advanced candidates when it is possible that their research projects will not be financed or published, and that they will not find employment either in academia or in museums. These problems notwithstanding, the situation could be ameliorated by the organization of an African arts association which would sponsor sym- posia, organize a film and slide bank, and produce a scholarly journal.

After these general comments on the state of the field, Cole gave four short presentations covering the kinds of research he has undertaken during his career. The first, a slide illus- tration, concerned his interest in photo- graphy, or what he calls "taking visual notes." Cole felt that such photographs constitute an archive that can convey a sense of the "pervasiveness of aesthetic systems" in African life. By this means he has documented a wide range of artistic expres- sion within several geographic and ethnic zones in Africa.

Cole's second topic was the study of history and change in African art. He stressed that, contrary to certain popular notions, African art is not immutable, but rather has always assimilated new ideas and materials. We have not adequately explored such historical developments in areas other than those where archaeological antecedents have been found. He noted that in the preparation of the "Arts of Ghana" exhibition and catalogue, he and

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Doran Ross were able to reconstruct much of the history of Ghanaian art. Cole is also interested in tourist arts as an index of more recent changes in traditional art forms, and

presented a series of slides showing how Afri- can art has assimilated both introduced forms and objects made purely for the tourist market.

Cole next commented on his Mbari-house field research from the point of view of his main Ibo interpreter, using this first-person monologue to demonstrate how the Ibo people had reacted to his presence and how

they responded to his investigative approach. He concluded with a visual outline of his cur- rent research interests, including a cross- cultural study of body arts, a comprehensive Ibo archive, a survey of terracotta production and architectural decoration, and the investi-

gation of the mini-symbolic systems of such

complexes as Ashanti gold jewelry. Arnold Rubin's presentation was de-

veloped around some comments made by a former UCLA art historian, T. J. Clark, in a Times Literary Supplement article in 1974. Clark observed that art history was "in a state of

genteel disolution" and proceeded to ask, "Why should art history's problems matter?" Rubin suggested that Clark's insights are relevant to an assessment of the vitality and

prospects of African art studies. Rubin

pointed out that African art still flourishes on a nominal level in the academic and museum worlds. However, if one looks closely at the recent history of the field, it is clear that since the '60s, which was an era of strong commit- ment to research, there has been a gradual erosion of both human and monetary re- sources. Today, the importance of the arts and humanities in understanding aspects of Afri- can culture has been overlooked in favor of economic and political concerns.

In spite of the gradual recession of studies of African art within art history and African studies programs, there are still students who

present themselves as candidates for the fi-

nancially, intellectually and emotionally de-

manding ordeal of professional training in the field. They will join a tradition of scholarship that includes a pre-1960s phase, during which research focused on essentially undocu- mented objects considered outside their cultural context. Reacting to this pattern and

drawing upon developments in the social sciences, scholars came to regard field research as the only valid mode of investigation. Now, because of various political and financial ob- stacles, alternatives to this fieldwork require- ment may have to be explored.

In Rubin's opinion, African art studies have not yet adequately fulfilled their self-ap- pointed mission of integrating the humanities with the social sciences to show how art works in society. Attainment of this objective would have important ramifications for the broader discipline of art history. Instead, scholars have yielded to the accumulation of "academic capital" and have failed to find a balance between the generation of data and the resolution of those data in comprehensi-

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ble terms. As a result, art historians have di- vided themselves among various methodological and regional camps, with less and less to say to one another. Yet, in spite of the divi- sive patterns he discerns in African art studies, Rubin proposed that the field still offers a methodological basis for "understanding how art works and what it ac- complishes for human communities." His solution to parochialism is "to bring home these tools and techniques [developed by Af- fricanists] and test them in the larger arena" of art historical scholarship.

Rubin presented a chronicle of his research interests to amplify his projections for some future dimensions of African art studies. Al- though he has been involved in the delinea- tion of style regions and subregions for Afri- can art in general and the Benue River Valley in particular, he has concluded that "objects are not intrinsically important in themselves, but rather in terms of the work they do and of the meanings invested in them." Beyond such intracontinental art historical relationships, he has explored artistic evidence for African involvement in the wider world, such as those suggested by sixteenth-century screen paintings from Japan, and sub- Saharan parallels with the arts of the Mediter- ranean Basin during Antiquity. Finally, Rubin contends that students of the arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas can bring unique insights to the study of artistic phenomena in our own culture.

Rubin called for a revised definition of art history emphasizing "belief and behavior [as] the central objectives of discourse." It will be such a "re-defined art history, combining the methods and perspectives of anthropology with those of traditional humanistic scholarship" that will help elucidate how art per- forms the important task of mediating iden- tity and community.

After these three papers were given, Cecelia F. Klein, a historian of Pre-Columbian art, began her commentary by explaining her participation in a symposium dealing with Af- rican art. She had been involved in African art studies in the late '60s, when she felt that of the so-called primitive arts, African art presented the most potential for a number of reasons: (1) an ethographic present that in areas remained relatively unacculturated still existed in Africa; (2) the material itself was considered spectacular and not intellectually offensive in the way much of the Pre- Columbian material tended to be regarded; (3) African art history attracted the best prac- titioners; and (4) it made the first methodological breakthroughs and provided the first major theoretical insights. However, the work now being done in African art studies seems to her to be less vital and/or relevant to other historical disciplines.

Klein then discussed aspects of African and Pre-Columbian art studies that are held to be in common. In both areas scholars must meet the challenge of documenting a people's past, and in so doing justify the relevance of such pursuits, in the face of the closing of national

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borders to scholarly investigation, an expand- ing of the art market, a reduction in research

funding, and the academic fragmentation that follows increased specialization. African and Pre-Columbian studies also have followed a similar methodological sequence. Both began with an early formal preoccupation with

"high art" traditions, that is, those that served an elite class and were usually composed of ob-

jects made from permanent and/or precious materials, and both later shifted their focus to

iconographic analyses that attempted to iden-

tify the meaning of imagery. The functionalist

approach ultimately dominated in both fields, taking as its basic premise the study of art in its social context (which by definition helped to shift the focus from strictly urban to rural communities). After this stage, however, Af- rican and Pre-Columbian art studies di-

verged, Africanists moving further and further toward what Klein calls "mentalism," a predilection for symbolism, cosmology and aesthetics. Pre-Columbianists, in contrast, are beginning to relate aspects of cosmology and symbolism to those of native material

production. Africanists had shifted their attention to the objects without trying to inte-

grate the art-making process into overall patterns of human behavior. Like Rubin, Klein

challenges such sustained concentration on the intrinsic value of objects, a preoccupation that has led to an accumulation of data that cannot be adequately stored and that is in-

creasingly difficult to synthesize. To redress their parochialisms, Klein

suggested that Africanists realign and reor-

ganize their research goals and publication procedures. More conferences should be held where discussions focus on general theoretical premises relevant across cultures, across time, and across class distinctions. Together, historians of African and Pre-Columbian art, along with specialists in the art of all areas, can develop a framework for refining their research and generating more meaningful and efficient ways to communicate their find-

ings. In other words, scholars who commonly share an interest in understanding how

people make and use art should pool their

expertise and re-think the objectives of art

history. This author's commentary maintained that

in spite of the daunting circumstances facing future African art studies, graduate students should not feel dissuaded from pursuing in- dependent research. However, there are cru- cial choices that must be made concerning how and where such work ought to be accomplished. Africanists have sufficiently in- ventoried existing art complexes and should resist being seduced by beautiful forms. In- stead, students should explore the ways Afri- can art works as an aspect of human behavior. Toward these ends it has been encouraging to see the shift away from exclusive studies of sculptural and masking traditions toward those that consider architecture, body decoration and textiles as equally significant systems of visual communication. Accordingly, it would be valuable for us to revise our defini-

Continued on page 90

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tion of what is meant by "art," and make it a more inclusive category.

As a student, I feel that despite the viable

options suggested by Rubin, there is still much to be gained by field studies. Yet, it is incumbent upon the scholar to enter the field with more than pens and pencils, tape recor- ders and photographic equipment. We should equip ourselves with adequate theoretical guidelines to orient and direct our

inquiries. It seems possible at the present stage of scholarship to achieve a methodological interface between such fields as art his-

tory, anthropology and linguistics (to name

only three). I am not suggesting that an art historian master the skills of other disciplines, but rather that we become sensitized to the fundamental methods and accomplishments of each, and thereby develop a more holistic

understanding of art as an operative aspect of

society. In Cole's words, the study of African art is

still "wide open," and for this reason students can afford to carefully choose research areas where theoretical premises may be easier to test. It is my firm belief that projects dedicated to the discovery of impulses generating and

sustaining art production are now the respon- sibility of the next generation of Africanists.

The first question of the discussion, chaired

by Rubin, with the four other speakers form-

ing a panel, concerned the effects political circumstances have had on the kinds of questions that have been raised about African art. Did the more radical'60s precipitate the more

progressive art history, which, like the political climate, was short-lived? And does the

present retrenchment of the '70s in African studies reflect a more conservative political era? Although it is clear that political circumstances have affected area studies (as Klein admitted for Pre-Columbian research), Cole replied that he felt this pattern was less clear in the African field. He would charac- terize the field today as pluralistic and the studies very amorphous because of the great variety of projects being undertaken simul-

taneously. The next topic of discussion concerned

what was described as the "lugubrious" tone of the conference. In this commentator's opinion there are still interested students, a bur-

geoning art market, and an increased curios- ity about African art and its producers, lend- ing a note of optimism. Cole replied that although we may be facing a crisis point, he feels it will not be immobilizing and that people will work through this "doomsday" atmosphere according to their own interests and perspectives. Rubin disagreed with Cole and considered that research undertaken in

such separate "parochial domains" was po- tentially dangerous and that Africanists need to acknowledge that the impact of their investigations is like "social dynamite." Cole's re- joinder challenged whether or not scholars must be socially or politically aware. In his opinion, regardless of position, there are

those scholars who will continue to do what interests them. Rubin's reply was that not car-

ing about the "social dynamite" we work with is itself a political position.

The next question was a reaction to my suggestion that scholars resist the seduction

by beautiful objects. It was asked if there is not some place for the appreciation of the beautiful or for the appreciation of objects that con- tained spiritual dimensions in addition to their social or political utility. I explained that aesthetic considerations tended to be based on Western standards often not relevant in African contexts. Although aesthetic choices are made in the production of African art, it is more important that we focus our attention on the reasons why such choices are made. Ben-Amos added that, in fact, good work has been accomplished on traditional African aesthetics. Rubin ended by stating that al-

though we often get interested in forms because of their original affecting stimulus, this reaction is a starting rather than a stopping point.

The following question was raised by a member of the audience who had recently moved out of the business world into that of art. He asked if African art is valuable and if we could give it an equivalent in dollars. Rubin answered that African art can be priced from thousands to hundreds of thousands of dollars. However, the preoccupation with

monetary values is one of the biggest problems confronting Africanists. Much of this conference has attempted to show the often

negative and diverting impact commercial interests have had on African art studies.

A further comment on this subject came from an audience member who observed that whatever approach one took to African studies, it seemed to legitimize the art market and the interests of collectors. He asked whether taking a historical rather than

object-oriented approach would have any impact on the ways collectors responded to African art. Rubin replied that no matter how disinterested our approaches, in the end the work we do tends to foster the sort of com- mercialism that complicates the lives of Afri- cans as well as our own. Cole suggested that the reason his book on Mbari houses was never published was that these complexes are not collectable and therefore the book, like the

forms, would not be economically viable. Another audience participant proposed that if scholars moved from object-oriented to

process-oriented investigations they might be able to break this sort of incestuous relation-

ship with the market. The final point of discussion was generated

by a question that challenged the Western research-oriented priorities of African studies. Are Africanists taking into account what the African states have in mind? Can Africanists justify their pluralistic approaches and continue to study what they want? Ben- Amos led the discussion, explaining that there are a growing number of native scholars who are now defining their own priorities. Cole added that, in general, African states do not formulate research policies with regard to

the arts. Their concerns tend to be economic and political. A Ghanaian in the audience confirmed this observation by explaining that

present socio-economic problems dictated

priorities, and the preservation of traditional arts could not be considered as urgent.

Marla Berns Los Angeles, California

WORKSHOP-TOURS BY AFRICAN ARTISTS The Rockefeller Foundation has announced that it will underwrite a program of

workshop-tours in the United States for Afri-

can musicians, dancers, and theater artists. Howard Klein, the Foundation's director for

arts, explained that the arts have been under-

going an exciting evolutionary period in many African nations. "Traditional forms are being blended with contemporary styles," Mr. Klein said. "The originality and vitality of much of this cultural development is unknown to

Americans, including large numbers of Afro-Americans for whom the artists and per- formances might be of special interest."

To develop the program of workshop-tours by African artists, the Rockefeller Foundation has made a grant of $122,000 to the African- American Institute to use over the next eigh- teen months. "I hope this modest start will

pave the road for a broader program in the future by the Foundation and others," Mr.

Klein said. The first of the tours is expected to

begin in the fall of 1979. The proposal is for the AAI to bring about a

dozen African artists, either singly or in small

groups, in music, theater, and dance, from different nations for tours averaging 40 days. Emphasis in selection would be on perfor- mers who are versed in styles and traditions unknown to Americans but recognized and

respected in Africa. It is planned that the artists would perform in major urban centers as well as in smaller cities, conduct workshops involving American artists, and fulfill short- term residencies in educational or cultural or-

ganizations. The African Arts Project will be directed by

Andrew C. Gilboy, deputy director of the African-American Institute's Washington of- fice. For further information contact Howard Klein at (212) 869-8513, or Henry Romney at

(212) BU 8-4357.

SIEBER, Notes, from page 31 1. John Barbot, A Description of the Coasts of North and South Guinea ...(London, 1732), p. 38. 2. Chike Aniakor, "Igbo Architecture: A Study of Forms, Functions and Typology," (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana Uni- versity, 1978), p. 73 et passim. 3. Antonio C. P. Gamitto, King Kazemba and the Maraves ... and Other Peoples of Southern Africa, a translation of the 1884 publication of the 1831-32 diary of Gamitto (Lisbon, 1960), p. 142. 4. See R. Sieber, "Ede: Crafts and Surveys," African Arts, vol. 6, no. 4 (1973), p. 46. 5. British Museum, Handbook to the Ethnographical Collections, 2nd edition (London, 1925). 6. I. Dugast, Monographie de la tribu des Ndiki, Travaux et Memoires de l'Institut d'Ethnologie, 58 (Paris, 1955), pp. 607-623. 7. Marcel Griaule, Folk Art of Black Africa (Paris, 1950), p. 81.

MAQUET, Bibliography, from page 36 Balandier, Georges and Jacques Maquet, eds. 1974. Dictionary

of Black African Civilizations. New York: L. Amiel. First pub. 1968.

Biebuyck, Daniel, ed. 1969. Tradition and Creativity in Tribal

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african art studies in the 1980s

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