acculturation as customary implementation as a source of

REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION

ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(5), SPRING, 2021

www.rigeo.org Research Article

Acculturation as Customary Implementation

as A Source of Law: Study of Magical-Sacred

Based Hodo Dance Rituals in Situbondo, East

Java- Indonesia Nawawi1

Ibrahimy Universitas Situbondo Indonesia [email protected]

Rifa’i2

STAI At-Taqwa Bondowoso Indonesia [email protected]

Abdul Haq AS3

STAI At-Taqwa Bondowoso Indonesia [email protected]

La Mahidin5

STITA Bondowoso Indonesia [email protected]

Ubaidillah4

STAI Al-Utsmani Bondowoso Indonesia [email protected]

Corresponding author: Department of Mathematics, Faculty of Science and Mathematics, Universiti

Pendidikan Sultan Idris, 35900 Tanjong Malim, Perak, Malaysia Email: [email protected]

Keywords Acculturation, Customary, Source of Law, Hodo Dance, Magical-Sacred

To cite this article: Nawawi.; Rifa’i.; Haq, A.; Ubaidillah.; and Mahidin, L. (2021) Acculturation as Customary

Implementation as A Source of Law: Study of Magical-Sacred Based Hodo Dance Rituals in Situbondo, East Java- Indonesia.

Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(5), 4393-4406. doi: 10.48047/rigeo.11.05.318

Submitted: 02-10-2020 ● Revised: 04-12-2020 ● Accepted: 06-02-2021

mailto:[email protected]






© RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(5), Spring 2021

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Abstract

This article describes the Hodo dance as a ritual that has sacred and magical values to ask for rain. This

dance is a process of blending Islam and local culture (Hinduism) in the arts that influence each other

but local culture is still strong. The approach of this research is qualitative with a sociological approach.

When this dance is considered a contradiction with Islam, community leaders dialogue this dance with

Islam which gives birth to cultural acculturation as the implementation of custom as the basis of Islamic

law (al-‘adah muhakkamah). The implication of this acculturation has led to a shift in the meaning of the

media and symbolic meaning into Islamic meaning, even though it remains formally Hindu. Therefore,

Islam Vis, a Vis tradition consists of two parts, a grand tradition, and a little tradition, which always holds a

dialogue between the two. This is a dialectical-creative blend between the universal values of religion

and local culture so that it can present a style of Islamic teachings in spiritual unity with cultural diversity

(unity and diversity). This is the meaning of the axiom that ritual is a product of society, where a ritual will

always reflect the configuration of a religion.

Introduction

In Indonesia, before Islam came, people had embraced a religion that developed evolutive both

from the indigenous population (animism, dynamism, veteism, etc.) and from outside influences

(Hindu-Buddhist). According to Shihab (2002), the existence of Islam in the archipelago was very

specific, where its intellectual, cultural, social, and political expression could be, and in fact, it was

different from the expression of Islam in other parts of the world. Indonesian Islam is a formulation

of Islam in the socio-cultural context of the nation which is different from the Islamic centers in the

Middle East. This fact is not a new event but it has taken place since the beginning of the entry of

Islam in the archipelago (Sumpena, 2012). The fact proves that several research results found

various shades and characters of Islam in various places. Clifford Geertz found that Moroccan

Islam is puritanism and Indonesian Islam is syncretic. Therefore, Geertz divided several variants,

namely Abangan, Santri, and Priyayi. (Geertz, 1989).

In the development of Islam in Indonesia, there are two main streams, namely the flow of wisdom

and the flow of kejawen. The flow of wisdom developed in Islamic boarding schools with a

characteristic prayer/mantra in Arabic. The Javanese tradition has mixed with Islamic tradition.

Most of the mantras used to begin with basmalah followed by Javanese mantras. The Javanese

culture before Islam liked mystical activities and performed rituals to obtain supernatural powers.

Therefore, Walisongo did not reject the Javanese tradition but instead used it as a da'wah

instrument so that it would be easily accepted (Shodiq, 2013).

In pre-Islamic Javanese culture, which originated from Hindu teachings, there was a belief in gods

such as Brahma, Lord Vishnu, and Lord Shiva. Likewise, there is a belief in holy books, sages, and

evil spirits, and so on. In Buddhism, there is a belief in the four kasunyatan (eternal truths), namely

dukha (suffering), Samudaya (cause of suffering), nirodha (cessation of desire), and marga (path

of release). Hindu, Buddhist, and dynamism-animist beliefs in the process of Islamic development

are interrelated with beliefs in Islam (Amin, 2000). The spread of Islam in Java uses two approaches,

namely the Islamization of Javanese culture and Javanization of Islam. The Islamization of

Javanese culture is the process of incorporating Islamic elements into Javanese culture, both

formally and substantially. Thus, the second approach is the Javanization of Islam by incorporating

Javanese cultural values into Islam (Shodiq, 2013).

However, not all of these things are done by Islam without being selective. For example, Islam

offers a burial process that is different from Hindu-Buddhist culture. During the Hindu Buddhist era,

the burial system was carried out by burning (cremating) the body, while Islam did not allow the

burning of the corpse. Islam teaches that people who come from the land must return to the

ground. So humans who have died must be buried in the ground. Of course, this concept is

different from the concept before the entry of Islam. The process of entering Islam affects all

aspects of life without exception, including the cultural system. This is cultural acculturation, where

Islam entered Indonesia is tolerant and peaceful so that many people convert to Islam

(Suryanegara, 1995).

Islamization began in the eighth century, where Islamic elements played a significant role in

building communication networks between coastal kingdoms and inland kingdoms that were still

Hindu-Buddhist. The process of Islamization in Indonesia does not go in one direction, but in various

directions, namely art, puppetry, marriage, education, trade, mysticism, mysticism, and Sufism.

This has resulted in the local culture being included in the Islamization process in Indonesia.

Nawawi.; Rifa’i.; Haq, A.; Ubaidillah.; and Mahidin, L. (2021) Acculturation as Customary Implementation as …

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Included in this category is the Hodo ritual dance, where this dance is a tradition of asking for rain

originating from Hinduism which has been carried out from generation to generation for up to five

generations. This tradition is still practiced by the people of Pariopo, Bantal Village, and Situbondo

Regency. Dukuh Pariopo is a very barren area and often experiences drought, so the Hodo dance

is a medium to ask for rain so that God will send it down to defend the life of the Pariopo people.

Research Method

The data approach of this research is qualitative with a sociological approach (Bryman, 2016;

Mudzhar, 1998; Northcott, 2009; Ritzer, 2004). Qualitative methods can be used to reveal and

understand something behind a phenomenon that has not been revealed at all (Muhadjir, 1996;

Nasution, 2003; Strauss & Corbin, 2003; Sugiyono, 2009). The data is a data source that directly

provides data to data collectors obtained through observation, in-depth interviews, and

documentation (Creswell & Creswell, 2017; Emzir, 2010; Maanen, 1980; Sugiyono, 2014). While the

analysis is carried out both in the field (within site, in the field) and after leaving the field (Flaherty,

2012; Furchan, 1992; Muhadjir, 1996; Mulyana, 2003). Therefore, this paper focuses on the study of

the Hodo dance which is based on the assumption that this dance consists of two basic elements,

namely the core (core) and the outer boundary (periphery) between local culture (Hinduism) and

Islam. These two elements are very important to be studied as a unique and complex entity, how

the process is to exist today in Muslim societies with various shifts and transformations.

A Theoretical Framework: Islam and Local Culture

Suprayogo (2012) stated that Islam has five missions, namely: first, Islam leads its adherents to be

rich in knowledge. Second, Islam builds a superior personality. Third, Islam builds an equal and just

social order. Fourth, Islam provides ritual guidance to enrich the spirit. Fifth, Islam promotes

righteous deeds. Perhaps Suprayogo's opinion needs to be added again, namely that Islam can

dialectic with local culture so that it can fertilize a repertoire of thought which includes theology,

fiqh, Sufism, and philosophy. Islam without a dialectic with culture, Islam will be difficult to develop

and impossible to be accepted outside of Arabia. For this reason, Islam can dialectic with local

culture, so that it can be accepted by the community wisely. Religion is a universal culture

(universal cultural) found in every culture wherever it is (Machasin, 2011). One of the principles of

the functional theory states that everything that doesn't function will disappear by itself. This means

that every culture has a function so that culture that has no function will disappear because from

the past until now religion has had some roles and functions in society (Nawawi, 2014).

Sociologically, Islam is a socio-cultural phenomenon. In the dynamics of space and time, Islam,

which initially functions as a subject at the real-life level, acts as an object and at the same time

applies to various social laws. Islam is very much influenced by the social environment in which it

grows and develops (Morris, 2003). The values of universal Islamic teachings are that they can

apply at any time and place and for all groups or groups of humans, they cannot be limited by

formalism, such as formalism facing east or west” (formalism-ritualistic) (Madjid, 1992). Shari'ah

reflects Islam as a religion, while fiqh reflects Islam as a culture. According to Khaled Abu El-Fadl,

shari'ah is God's will in an abstract and ideal form, while fiqh is the result of human efforts to

understand God's will” (Basyir, 2014).

Islam brought by the Prophet SAW is a religion that contains a fundamental meaning. Islam is not

only an individual or designated for a particular group or country. Islam is a universal religion, which

is a form of realization of the concept of "Rahmatan li al-'Alamin" (mercy for all people) (Amin,

2010). Thus, the spread of Islam has adapted to the environment and local civilization and culture

(Hariwijaya, 2006; Khaldun, 1999). In the context of Indonesia, history shows that the development

of Islam in Indonesia accepted the accommodation of local culture. Islam as religion provides

many norms of life compared to previous religions.

Sociologically, religion is not only an abstract doctrinal-ideological character, but it is part of

material culture (Mannheim, 1936). Islam and culture are two fields that can be distinguished but

cannot be separated. Religion has absolute value, does not change according to changes in

time and place. In contrast to culture, even if it is based on religion, it can change from time to

time and from place to place. Most cultures are based on religion, but never the other way around

is a religion based on culture. Religion is primary, and culture is secondary. Culture can be an

expression of religious life because it is the sub-coordinate of religion (Istiqlal, 1993). In the context


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of national culture, the role of Islam in the formation of insights of national unity and integrity has

been proven in history. Islam can be a link for various regional cultures, most of which are Muslim

(Djojonegoro, 1996).

Islam as a socio-cultural concept and as a cultural reality. Islam as a conception of culture by

experts is called the great tradition, while Islam as a cultural reality is called the little tradition or

local tradition or also Islamicate, fields that are "Islamic", which are influenced by Islam (Azra,

1999). In this context, although various rituals have local cultural product values, they contain

Islamic nuances. Acculturation does not eliminate the fundamental value of religious teachings.

Islam as a religion in Java is involved in the struggle with local Javanese culture. As a

consequence, Islam in Java is different from other regions (Sutiyono, 2014). In expressing mystique,

the Javanese have certain rites as a container for mysticism which is most visible in the tradition

carried out by the community is the slametan tradition. There are several forms of slametan

ceremonies, including birth, circumcision, marriage, and death (Murtadho & Jawa, 2002).

Results and Discussion

Hodo dance is an artistic legacy of our ancestors which until now has reached five generations

and still exists. This activity, which is carried out every year, is not only carried out and visited by

residents of this village but also by people outside the village, but the implementation is still carried

out around the Pariopo hamlet of Bantal village, the arts have the potential for tourism to be

maintained so that historical values still sustainable. It is not only the department but all members

of the community who love the cultural heritage of our ancestors, especially the local art called

Hodo.

Hodo Dance: Ritual Asking for Rain Based on Magical-Sacred

Ritual is a system built culturally from the symbol of communication. Rituals are patterns and

sequences of words and actions that are often expressed in the media (Stanley, 1980; Stanley,

1979). The strange thing is that until now the Hodo dance remains a tradition that is carried out

every time there is a lack of rain and usually after the traditional procession it does rain. Meanwhile,

the people of Pariopo depend heavily on the rain because they live farming and grazing without

water irrigation, so their lives are very dependent on nature. Thus, the Hodo dance is used as a

medium to ask God for rain for soil fertility to meet the necessities of life following the field of

experience.

Dukuh Pariopo is one of the hamlets located in the mountains of Bantal Village, Asembagus

District, Situbondo Regency. Their lives depend on nature, where rain is a source of water to sustain

life (survival):

“This village is classified as a village with a moderate level of succession, the annual rainfall is

relatively small, but behind these shortcomings, Bantal Village has enormous tourism potential.

Especially what is found in the Pariopo Village is the existence of typical folk arts in the area.

According to stories that exist until now, this area was once very arid and barren, many plants and

animals died due to lack of water, then several powerful people gathered in this place to perform

a ritual in the form of Hodo, namely the recitation of prayers together accompanied by dances

to ask for rain.” (Disperindag, 2005).

Indeed, historically the Hodo dance originated from the Hindu Raden Damar Wulan, as follows:

“While Raden Damar Wulan himself was the nephew and patih legendaries of a royal official, so

Raden Damar Wulan was sent to fight the Blambangan Duchy which was mbalelo (betraying) to

the center of power, namely the Majapahit kingdom. After successfully conducting the

Blambangan duchy, Raden Damar Wulan's entourage returned to Majapahit; while the royal

route taken was the north coast. To summarize the story, Raden Damar Wulan's group arrived in a

dry and barren place, which was flanked by two hills which were later known as "dukuh Pariopo".

This is where Raden Damar Wulan's group felt thirsty and hungry, so Raden Damar Wulan made

stones tomang (stove) as a place for cooking. After the stove was made, a problem arose, namely

water difficulty” (Situbondo, 2005).

Raden Damar Wulan's power is undoubtedly where he meditated in a cave to the north of the

Tomang rock about 200 meters to ask Gusti the Ruler of this universe. At midnight Ratu Damar

Wulan received instructions, namely: first, to slaughter the sacrificial animal in the form of a black

goat at the foot of Mount Masali. Second, to make offerings around the stone tomang (stove) as

a means of begging and praising to God for the rain (Situbondo, 2005). The type of goat must


4397

come from the village of origin or one district because it is a symbol of the black cloud that will

descend on Pariopo and its surroundings.

After receiving instructions from God Almighty, Raden Damar Wulan and other powerful people

after undergoing semidi (meditate) in the Macan cave performed a sacrifice in the form of

slaughtering a black goat. Then they brought it as an offering at a place called tomang stone.

Stone tomang (kitchen stone) is a place as the center of the Hodo ritual. The fact is that according

to the people in this area, in a certain month within a year there is a spring of aeng se cap cap (a

drop of water) which sometimes has a reddish color. The water flow was clear and mixed with a

red color like the color of blood. This is a sign that the residents who live in the Pariopo hamlet must

immediately carry out the sacrifice. Some elders and villagers think that this matter should not be

ignored, because they believe that what has been passed down by their ancestors must be

obeyed. However, this belief that has been passed down from generation to generation has a

very deep understanding that the Hodo ritual is related to survival.

After the procession was carried out, Ratu Damar Wulan gave thanks to Gusti the Ruler of Arasy

who had granted his wish in the form of rain, so that they survived thirst and drought. Thanks to

Damar Wulan's request, plants become fertile, look fresh and life becomes prosperous, in Pariopo

and its surroundings, namely: "Gemah Ripah Loh Jinawi Subur Makmur Kerto Raharjo." On this basis,

they feel obliged to give thanks and put their trust in Allah SWT who sends rain (Situbondo, 2005).

Furthermore, tomang stone, qurbani, aeng secap-cap, (a drop of water), tiger cave are very

important things in the ritual procession of the Hodo dance which cannot be separated from the

myths or magic that influence it. Ritual in the opinion of Levi-Strauss has a structural relationship

with myth. After all, myths and rituals are genuine, which can be seen with two reciprocal

approaches that myths exist at the conceptual level and rituals exist at the level of action. The

relationship between myth and ritual can be seen in two ways, namely dialectics and causation,

both of which require structural relationships (Strauss, 1963). The Hodo ritual still survives today

because according to Tutur Tinular or a story that lives in the community around Pariopo, Bantal

village, which in ancient times, this area was the "footprint" of officials, the ruler of the Majapahit

kingdom, namely Raden Damar Wulan. He was the husband of Ratu Kecono Wungu as the ruler

of women in the Majapahit kingdom at that (Situbondo, 2005). Majapahit is a king who has

adopted feudalism and Hinduism previously as the main symbol (Hilmy, 1998).

In the realm of society, religion can be a strong legitimator through granting abashes ontological

status, namely by placing these institutions in a sacred and cosmic frame of reference. In history,

human life is an institutional arrangement that embodies the divine structure of the cosmos by

involving the relationship between the microcosm and the macrocosm (Berger, Suci, & Sosial,

1990). One of the beliefs of the Pariopo people at that time was that there was a sacred power in

the form of the magic found in the originator of the Hodo dance. Supernatural powers occur

when humans have a strength that is believed to be more powerful than other humans. Raden

Damar Wulan's supernatural powers performed semidi (meditate) in the Macam cave which is

adjacent to the tomang stone as a symbol of a sacred place. The result obtained by Damar Wulun

during his meditation was that there was guidance from God. First, the order to slaughter the

sacrificial animal in the form of a black goat at the foot of Mount Masali. Second, to make offerings

around the tomang stone (stove) as a means of begging and praising the Lord's God for the rain.

Now the tomang stone is very large and very high where before the transformation of this dance

was considered a sacred stone and full of blessings.

Both clues are mystifications that require space to survive. One of the ways to maintain

mystification is through the process of institutionalizing the superior stories of tomang stones and

animal sacrifices. Both are symbols of sacredness as a medium for rain to sustain life for the Pariopo

people who live in the mountains. For this reason, both in the Hodo dance procession have been

preserved until now, even though they experience desacralization when there is a transformation

according to Islamic teachings.

The placement of tomang stone, Mount Masali, and Macan cave as sacred locus is a thought

based on mythology. Myths are stories that people perceive as events that really happened in

the past, even if they are not supported by critical facts. The sacredness of the locus is mitigated,

where it is mystified as a sacred entity. An object becomes sacred if it deserves to be sacred and

the sacredness has been attached to it. Meanwhile, the label of myth to humans or objects

generally goes through a process constructed by the elite. Thus, the Tomang stone, Macam cave,

and Mount Masali became sacred through the Pariopo figure who had an interest in preserving

the tradition.

Pariopo people also have a mystified view of nature, where nature has uniqueness, mystery, and


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power that imply nature as a sacred phenomenon. One of the mystifications in Pariopo is the

perception of the community that there is a spring of se cap-cap (dropping water) which has a

reddish color at a certain time. The water flow was clear and mixed with a red color like the color

of blood. This is an indication that the people of Pariopo must immediately perform qurbani;

otherwise, it will result in a disaster. Taylor Marett, as quoted by Syam (2005) thinks that every object

has magical powers that can affect human life. In this context, nature as a subject has power as

a medium for sacredness to obtain blessings.

Hodo dance procession as a form of cause motive to obtain happiness and safety. Therefore,

historically, I am very grateful to Lord’s Throne who has granted the request of Queen Damar

Wulan by giving her blessings in the form of rain, so that they are safe from thirst and disaster of

drought. Finally, in Pariopo the plants become fertile, seem to be fresh and life becomes

prosperous, "Gemah ripah Loh Jinawi Subur Makmur Kerto Raharjo" as described by the Qur'an,

"Baldah thayyibah wa rabb ghafur" (good country and God who forgives).

Thus, this Hodo dance is a religious activity related to the supernatural for the safe fall of rain from

all-natural disasters known as religion-magic. Magical is something that is believed to generate

supernatural powers and can dominate the natural environment, including the mind and

behavior of humans. As recognized by the people of Pariopo, if you don't do this dance, then

natural disasters and drought will occur. According to Madjid (1995) that in popular religion there

is a religious act known as religion-magic. This action is based on a person's desires about

supernatural events, such as healing, security, wealth, and so on. The main base of the act of

magic is the belief about miracles and the sacred as has been experienced by Damar Wulan and

other powerful people.

The description above is clear that the Hodo dance is a ritual of mountain people asking for rain

for soil fertility in maintaining life. This is not much different from Woodward's view that rituals are

related to agricultural fertility and give Javanese religious motifs a Muslim touch. This process was

passed, where pre-Islamic customs were brought in, and structurally it was dominated by Islam.

The Hindu kings said to get this ritual accustomed to the welfare of the people, meanwhile, the

Islamic kings accepted it as an important custom but used ritual performances based on Islamic

tradition. Thus, the Hodo dance is a series of rituals that have become pre-Islamic (Hindu) habits

which are then modified with a touch of Islamic teachings.

Acculturation as Customary Implementation as a Source of Law (al-ʻAdah

Muhakkamah)

According to Freire (2002), humans must be conceptualized as practical beings, namely beings

that are aware of the relationship between awareness of direction and processes which form the

basis for the creation of action plans that require methods, goals, and choice of values. The

human technique to achieve a life goal is not something neutral (Freire, 2002). In this context, the

Hodo ritual is a fundamental process for the creation of several changes, especially with the entry

of Islam, which by the guardians at that time; the Hodo ritual was still not prohibited but instead

used as a medium for religious propagation. The Hodo ritual has Islamic breath, although one or

two are still preserved to maintain its authenticity by not contradicting Islamic law. Until now, the

Hodo ritual continues to be carried out every year by residents around the village and residents

outside the village whose ritual activities are still carried out in the dukuh Priopo (the name of sub-

village) (Situbondo, 2005).

According to Mark R. Woodward (2008), scholars have begun to explore how the universal and

transcultural aspects of Islam are interpreted and implemented in cultural and historical contexts.

Existing religious patterns, along with the configuration of local socio-economic forces, influence

the way of interpreting universal texts, including the Qur'an and hadith. The debated problem in

trying to explain the existing character of local Islam is not simple. Moreover, we must determine

how local Islam becomes a religious system. Local Islam as a religious and social system is based

on the use of a limited set of concepts or axioms which are used to interpret the elements of

accepted tradition and cultural knowledge and local religious knowledge.

Of course, local rituals that have taken root in society will clash with new religions, such as Islam.

However, according to Durkheim (2001) even though rituals sometimes cause conflict, they also

contain positive aspects. For religious figures, Pariopo saw the reality of the Hodo dance which is

rooted against Islam, because in Islam there is a recommendation to pray istisqa' (pray for rain).

The majority of scholars agree that the legal sunnah comes out to perform istisqa prayers (ask for

rain) except for Abu Hanifah's opinion (Rusyd, 1989). However, on the other hand, the Hodo dance


4399

has very unique cultural values as an annual entertainment. Pariopo's religious leaders responded

in a moderate way, namely the approach to Islamic law which was considered flexible. These

figures come from the Madurese santri ethnic group and can even be said to know, especially

the science of fiqh which is very thick with Syafi'iyah minded. In general, Indonesian Islamic

typology, especially Javanese, follows the Syafi'i-Sunni tradition (Djajadningrat, 1958).

In contrast to Muhammadiyah which has almost no cultural field in common with the abangan

group, the NU group has a cultural field that connects two different interests but is united in a

cultural arena (Syam, 2005). However, when Muhammadiyah was in the hands of peasants, they

gave rise to various Islamic actions, some of which were preserving local Islamic traditions that

were very different from the puritanical Muhammadiyah base. The Muhammadiyah movement

was originally intended to eradicate superstition, khurafat, and bid'ah (Mulkhan & Kuntowijoyo,

2000). Therefore, the Hodo dance still exists in Pariopo because the majority of the people are NU.

In line with the changing cultural climate, the Hodo dance until now has shown a positive

indication in Pariopo society. The cultural approach can create social institutions that can open

up the transformation of local culture to Islamic teachings. Therefore, the Hodo dance in Pariopo

is an implementation of adat to become the basis of Islamic law (al-'adah muhakkamah) (Al-

Hariri, 1999; Ar-Ruki, 2004; As-Sayuti, 1998; As-Subki, 1996; Az-Zarqa, 1995) as long as it does not

conflict with sharia. Rahaman (1979) stated that the Qur'an should be viewed primarily as a

prescriptive text, so that it can tell mankind how a person, as an individual or a group, should obey

it. An indication of obeying the Qur'an is connecting the Hodo dance with Islamic law whether it

is following Islamic teachings or not.

Rahman's opinion is important as a tool of analysis to find out how the legal status of the Hodo

dance is from the perspective of Islamic law. The Hodo dance is a special and true tradition

according to the shari'ah that must be maintained because it has taken root. According to (Al-

Ghazali, 2003; Husari, 1981; Muhammad, 2014; Satria, 2005; Sya’ban, 1988; Syafei, 2007; Zaidan,

1998; Zuhaili, 1999) al-'urf al-Khass (special customs) are customs that apply to certain

communities. Khallaf (1978) stated that the correct tradition must be maintained in the process of

sharia and the courts because what is a human habit, including their needs and according to

their benefit, immersion does not contradict the Shari'ah. Even the scholars stated that the

requirement of ijtihad is the necessity of knowing human traditions because there are so many

different laws according to different conditions (Zahrah, 1958).

In the aspect of civilization, it appears that the Pariopo character has a dialogue between culture

and shari'ah. Islam as a religion of civilization has been able to dialogue two aspects, between

sacred shari'ah and profane culture following the principles of fiqh, "al-'Adah muhakkamah" (Al-

Lahaji, 1999; An-Nadawi, 2005; Izzuddin, 2003) (Habits can be used as legal guidelines). As-Syathibi

(1985) states that there is a causal relationship between adat and Islamic law. Adat is the sabab

(cause) of the emergence of musabbab (law). As-Syathibi (1985), formulated the rules of the

proposal of fiqh, "Ikhtilaf al-ahkam 'inda ikhtilaf al-'awa id" (Differences in law when there are

differences in traditions). Without culture, Islam will find it difficult to touch the world of reality, so

Islam only displays doctrinal aspects. If Islam is like that, then the world of social reality is not

accommodated which implies that Islam does not have local wisdom and is not following the

dynamic human civilization. In fact, according to H.A.R. Gibb: "Islam is indeed much more than a

system of theology, it is a complete civilization" (Islam is more than just a doctrine, it is a perfect

civilization) (Yatim, 1994).

For Islamic groups who reject local culture (Hindu-Buddhist), it is logical, because they see Islam

as limited only as a concept of doctrine and belief that does not need to be involved in concepts

outside religion, such as traditions prevailing in the society. Underdeveloped Islamic law will make

it rigid, rigid, and not accommodating to social changes in society, even resulting in the

stagnation of scientific discourse in Islam. Coulson (1969) views that Islamic law is divided into two

parts, namely the law of God (divine law) and the law of jurists (jurist law). If the first is related to

laws that have been established by Allah and are absolute, then the second law is the result of

human understanding of the source of Islamic law and is relatively historical. In this context, Hodo

dance in the view of Islamic law is included in the second category of law, where the truth is

relative. Through the fiqh approach, the santri often position asymmetrical local culture with Islam

as a dialogical product.

This view is a form of local wisdom, where it is local knowledge that has been integrated with belief

systems, norms, and culture and is expressed in traditions and myths that have been adhered to

for a long time (Sunaryo & Joshi, 2003). According to Keraf (2002) local wisdom or traditional

wisdom is all forms of belief, understanding, insight, and customs or ethics that guide human


4400

behavior in life in an ecological community (Keraf, 2002). In this case, the Hodo dance is a ritual

asking for rain which has become a tradition since Damar Wulan, who is a Hindu until now, still

exists as a form of local wisdom that is guided by adat as the basis of Islamic law. Woodward

stated that Islam's acceptance of local culture is related to the universality and essential

categories of today, especially with the local context (Woodward, 1999). As a result, tradition or

custom in Pariopo is very much preserved as was done by its predecessors, but through

transformation to conform to Islamic law.

Hodo dance is a local culture that is against Islam because of its Hindu religious heritage. This is

where there is a fusion with Islam so that there are several changes in the container and contents

in the form of additions, subtractions, or modifications. Changes in the proposed fiqh were

influenced by the existence of mafsadat and developments (Az-Zuhaili, 1986). For this reason, the

Hodo dance experiences acculturation as a form of local wisdom carried out by elite Pariopo

figures with the approach of Islamic law, namely additional transformation, reduction

transformation, and modification transformation.

First, additional transformations, namely; Hodo dance from Hindu rituals turned into Islamic rituals

that generally worshiped the spirits of their ancestors. This change can be seen from the text of

praise that is a mixture of Javanese and Madurese with tawassul to the Prophet Muhammad

(PBUH), the angels, and the wali Allah. The Hodo dance derived from the Hindu heritage is logically

altered because it is not following Islam. Similarly, in the Hodo dance, there is an addition in the

form of a pilgrimage to the grave on Mount Masali by reciting tahlil, al-Qur’an, salawat, and

barzanji for one day and one night. The purpose is to recall the services of the elders in Pariopo as

a form of inner friendship. The addition in this dance reflects the nuances of the traditional Islamic

configuration, namely NU as an organization that still retains the treasures of previous scholars

(Hamim, 2004; Marijan, 1992; Nakamuru, 2010; Qomar, 2002; Rahmat, 2002; Sitompul, 2010). Also,

in this dance, there are no female dancers at all, but after the transformation, there are three

female dancers dressed in Muslimah. What attracts the woman is still defending Islamic values.

The involvement of women is a symbol that women have the same rights as men. Three women

as a symbol of the odd number that is indeed pleasing to Allah SWT.

The addition of this woman shows affection so that after the procession of this dance ritual is

completed it must have friendly and affectionate characteristics for both humans and the

environment so that Allah SWT sends His love to the Pariopo community and its surroundings. Even

though this dance originates from Raden Damar Wulan who is Hindu, but what is interesting is the

transformation from Hinduism to Islam, namely, the existence of praise or songs with Islamic

nuances in two languages, namely Old Javanese and Madurese. The Javanese language usually

comes from Hinduism, while the Madurese language is synonymous with Islam which belongs to

the expert Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah (NU). This change is a configuration of Islamic characteristics in

Pariopo that is moderate or a balance between shari'ah and local culture. This moderation is in

line with the characteristics of NU as the majority organization in Dukuh Pariopo.

Second, reduction transformation, namely; The Hodo ritual, in the form of meditating in the cave

for three days and three nights, is now no longer being practiced, but instead, the cave is being

cleaned with the hope that its value is not much different from that of meditating. Likewise, the

Hodo ritual consists of Sembelian magic people, but now there are enough ordinary people who

are important to remain consistent with religion and numbering sixteen people from the Pariopo

dukuh. Indeed, in the past, there was a requirement to cook offerings on tomang stone as a holy

place and full of blessings, but nowadays cooking rice is no longer done in Tomang stone,

because the stone is very large, so it is not possible to cook anymore but cook goats on the Masali

Mountain. This subtraction transformation is the desacralization of the belief that the locus is

sacred.

The Hodo ritual is transformed into Islamic teachings with a reduction because, before the

implementation of Hodo, three days of meditation and cooking had to be done on the stone

Tomang. However, when Islam entered Dukuh Pariopo, it has turned out to be not sacred. This

change is desacralization because it is not following Islamic teachings. According to Max Weber,

social change is a change in the situation in society as a result of the mismatch of several elements

in society.

Substantial reduction in the Hodo dance is a change from sacralization to desacralization. In the

practice of this dance procession, the use of the greatness of the dance actors, pengrawit and

spiritual leaders immediately goes to the tomang stone, a place where the worship procession is

carried out. Meanwhile, the banners carried by the successor generations of this traditional

ceremony continue to fly along the way to the ceremony venue. Even though this dance form is


4401

the same as before, it is no longer sacred as it was done when they were still Hindus.

Third, modification transformation, namely; in the Hodo dance, there is a procession of purification

according to Hindu teachings as practiced by Damar Wulan and his followers, but when Islam

entered the Pariopo Hamlet, it finally turned into sunnah bathing and ablution 'as the teachings

of Islamic sharia. They have the belief that by purifying, Allah will grant prayers. In the past, the

Hodo dance had the belief that ancestral spirits were found in Masali and Batu Tomang caves as

a helper in accelerating the rain. However, after Islam entered Pariopo, this belief changed to

Islamic belief as to the teachings of the tauhid Ahli Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. Previously, offerings

were sacred which had mystical values and were offered to the spirits of their ancestors by placing

these offerings on Mount Masali, but now the offerings have turned into ordinary tumpeng rice

that can be eaten by everyone.

In religion, each individual has a role in the formation, preservation, and alteration of traditions

according to the capacity and effectiveness of the methods used. Individuals catch problems

within the framework of the tradition, internalize them, reflect on them, think about reactions, and

so on before acting and expressing opinions. It could be that changes occur quickly or very slowly

(Machasin, 2011). The transformation of the Hodo dance from Hinduism to Islam is the role of

individuals (religious leaders) who have local wisdom which is then followed by the Pariopo

community in general.

In this context, the Hodo dance is a moderate process of Islamization in the archipelago; namely,

the spread of Islamic religion and culture without eliminating local culture because the process of

Islamization was carried out peacefully through the arts. The results of Islamization in this way

resulted in broad acculturation practices. One indication is that the Hodo dance maintains Hindu

teachings by changing its content based on Islamic values. Thus, the acculturation of these

teachings then developed into a culture that was dominated by Islamic culture, namely the

acculturation between two Islamic and Hindu cultures, but the most prominent was Islamic culture

through the transformation of addition, addition, and addition. Furthermore, the influence of Islam

on the life of the Indonesian nation is between two possibilities. First, Islamic teachings have a very

strong influence on the lifestyle of the community. Second, Islam and national culture are

balanced, so that a harmonious blend is formed.

Implications of Acculturation on Media and Symbolic Meanings

The meaning of ritual is closely related to the context where and when it is done. In general, rituals

are often directly related to the supernatural existence which Rudolf Otto termed with another

powerful force (Otto, 1958). The symbolic meaning of the Hodo dance is related to the context of

the Pariopo, which was previously Hindu. Religious mythology can be transformed into symbols,

allegories, and symbols. Religious symbols should not only be grasped by literally because literal

interpretation will make religious issues absurd (Arifin, 2015).

In the context of religious rituals, symbols can be considered to be part of the metaphysical

language used by a person to think about the world in various ways that transcend extraordinary

language boundaries (Schubel, 1993). Even through culture, mankind can advance science and

share it in life. Their knowledge is often manifested in religious activities and rituals, whereas a

symbol system through people's views of the world (Sanusi, 2010). According to Geertz (1989),

culture is not within, but between the human mind, and something that is understood through the

analysis of symbols and social discourses (Woodward, 1999). In addition to the acculturation of

the Hodo dance with the implementation of custom as the basis of Islamic law, this dance has

also changed a media and symbolic pattern of Islam, as follows:

First, aeng secap-cap (a drop of water) is a medium for washing (ablution 'and bathing). In this

traditional ceremony, the performers of the dances, medics, and ritual stakeholders are required

to purify them first. Namely bathing and ablution 'in a spring which is better known as the "se

capcap" (drop of water) spring which is located in a valley quite far from the center of dukuh

Pariopo. The journey to the spring is quite difficult and tiring because you have to go through a

steep, steep and winding road. This purification activity aims to cleanse oneself both physically

and mentally, which is an absolute moment before conducting semedi (meditate), the ritual

leader as the leader of this event to spread incense or incense to all followers of the traditional

ceremony. The fragrance of the incense or incense that was burned must fill the air around the

location of the Pesucian spring. Then one by one the followers of the ritual are bathed in purified

water that comes from se capcap. Purification in this dance is a mystical path that is articulated

in a drop of water (aeng secapcap) related to the search for the cleanliness of the soul to reach


4402

a high degree before Allah SWT. In Sufism, the cleanliness of the soul will lead humans to become

perfect humans (al-insan al-kamil) (Al-Hasani, 1999). For this reason, perfect humans differ from

ordinary humans only in terms of speed to perfect the journey to Allah SWT. In Sufism, cleanliness

of the heart is the key to uncovering the veil towards Allah SWT.

Second, Atapha (meditate) as a medium for seeking guidance from Allah. In the Hodo dance,

there is a procession of meditation as a form of isolation from the general public, as was once

done by the pioneer of this dance, namely Damar Wulan. He meditated in a cave to the north of

the Tomang rock about 200 meters to ask for guidance from Gusti, the Ruler of Nature. At midnight,

Raden Damar Wulan received instructions, namely: first, to slaughter the sacrificial animal in the

form of a black goat at the foot of Mount Masali. Second, making offerings around the tomang

stone is a means of begging, praising God for the rain. The two points, both cutting sacrifices and

making offerings, are preserved but are no longer sacred nowadays because Islamic values have

entered into them. Even though the two directions are maintained, they are not like the beliefs

that Damar Wulan, who is a Hindu, has ever practiced. According to Masdar Hilmy, this is where

there is a connection with the history of Islam in Java as a continuation of the previous Hindu-

Buddhist tradition. Of course, this is not surprising since Javanese Islam was tightly mixed with

previous cultures (Hilmy, 1998).

Bersemidi is a medium to obtain guidance to find the truth of the truth that departs from the

anxiety of conscience, as was once done by the Prophet SAW in the Cave of Hira '. Meditation

that was once done by Damar Wulan in a cave north of the Tomang stone has similarities with

Islamic teachings, especially between Hindus and Muslims alike have a form of mystical teachings.

Thus, Damar Wulan is the queen of spiritual guidance to obtain God's guidance of rain. This seems

to be similar to the teachings of the Buddhist system that is Theravada as quoted by Woodward

there are four guards to fill the power of the Sultan (Woodward, 1999).

Nasution (1995) stated that the influence of Hindu teachings on Islamic mysticism also encouraged

a man to leave the world and draw closer to God to achieve the unity of Atman with Brahman.

According to Chittick (2000) every religion has the potential to give birth to a mystical form of

religion. This fact can be traced back to some religions such as Christianity, Buddhism, Hinduism,

and Islam. In Islam this mystical religious model (mysticism) is known as tasawuf or zuhd in early

Islam. Meditating in the concept of Sufism is almost the same as khalwat or ‘uzlah, i.e. isolating

oneself from the crowd (Ajibah, 2011; Al-Kurdi, 1998; Al-Makki, 2014; Al-Qusyair, 1998; Jauziyah,

1998). According to Rahaman (1979)‘uzlah is a fugitive from socio-political reality and has no

responsibility to do socially. Contrary to the opinion of asy-Syathibi that there is no need for ‘uzlah

but must interact socially, socially caring and pour out the system to achieve their ideals (Asy-

Syaibai, 1982). So, they do not do uzlah but always think innovatively, until they reach the level of

suluk.

Semidi is one of the most important instruments of Javanese historians as well as a source of

inspiration and a medium for imbalance in historical records. According to Javanese

epistemology, information obtained through semidi is often more reliable than oral and written

traditions. This basic theory of knowledge is equally used in the historical traditions of ancient,

medieval, and modern Javanese. In the Indian philosophical tradition, knowledge of ultimate

reality can be obtained through semidi and studying metaphysics (Woodward, 1999). In

connection with the semidi procession in the Hodo dance as a very effective source of inspiration

to obtain guidance from God.

Third, kidung is as a medium of contemplation (tafakkur). The sound of an old song sung by one

of the Hodo actors and followed by dancers, the sound of the flute infiltrating; accompanying the

song creates an even more solemn atmosphere. The sound of kidung is intended so that the Hodo

dance becomes a special one that delivers true contemplation to the great substance, namely

Allah SWT. At the end of the song, all the Hodo actors sound old voices like the sound of harping

each other. The sound of kidung will add to the specialism of the participants and also visitors with

full of solemnity. Then the highlight of the event was the dancers dancing a joyful dance which

depicted that their request felt granted by Allah SWT, even the dancers invited the invitees who

were present to join in dancing rejoicing. The dancers even danced a trance dance; finally, the

spiritual leaders sprinkled fragrant flowers as a sign of the completion of the entire Hodo ritual

procession.

Based on the above description, it is clear that in Hodo dance there is a medium or tawassul that

is following Islamic principles. In Islam, tawassul not only from the prophets but also from the

waliyullah can also be used as tawassul. This Tawassul was once performed by Umar ibn al-Khattab

when there was a drought, where he asked for rain to Allah through the mediator Abbas ibn Abd


4403

al-Mutallib. According to Al-‘Asqalani (2003) tawassul shows that there is an encouragement to

ask for help through intermediaries of people who have the virtues and family of the Prophet.

Likewise, the transformation in the Hodo dance has implications for symbolic meanings. Not only

is symbolism in a multivocal way, but the meaning is also multi symbolic. Because the number of

interpretations of the meaning of a symbol constructed by the symbolization process is

innumerable, the number of symbolic interpretations is inherent; a very wide range of

interpretations can be constructed into a small number of symbols and conceptual categories

(Woodward, 1999). The Hodo dance has a symbolic meaning which from the beginning

originated from Hindu teachings then turned into a symbolic pattern of Islam, as follows:

First, is the sacrifice as symbolic of the black cloud. After meditating, they have received

instructions from the Almighty God, which is to make a sacrifice by slaughtering a black goat and

will later be used as an offering in the performance of this Hodo ritual. The sacrifice with a

scapegoat symbolizes the black cloud. With this black color, Hodo dancers pray to Allah that they

feel guilty with black stains as a barrier to prayer granted by Allah SWT. This slaughter is not an

offering provided by the spirits but a form of alms that will be given to those present at the Hodo

ritual event. A goat is a symbol of the sacrifice of a servant to God as done by the Prophet Ibrahim

AS. The purchase of a goat aims to make Hamlet Pariopo a center of blessings from Allah SWT. This

is similar to the slametan process usually accompanied by traditional Javanese food. The food

ritual is known as the center of occurrence of every slametan in Java as a prayer (Geertz, 1989).

In general, all religions have an important meaning for humans which consists of two basic

concepts for life, namely religion in the meaning of "what religion does" and "what is a religion".

The first definition refers to the aspects of the function of religion for human life, while the second

definition is what religion means for human life. The sacrifice of the goat in this dance has a

substantial meaning that Allah SWT will send rain if humans make sacrifices first. The symbolic

meaning of sacrifice is closely related to philanthropy as well as the value of worship to Allah SWT.

The implication of this indicates that religion has meaning in human life.

Second, the star has a symbol of monotheism. In the Hodo dance, there is a symbol of the star

image as a form of the call of God (monotheism) and a reflection of the form of the pillars of faith.

The star symbol which means monotheism has three important roles in life. First, free humanity from

mental slavery and worship to all beings. Until now there are still many people who tend to worship

positions, property, and positions, as a result, many people justify all means to achieve a goal.

Second, it teaches the emancipation of man from false values derived from lust. Third,

monotheistic human beings carry out the task of freeing human beings from fellow human

worshipers. That is monotheism in Hodo dances as religious principles. In this case, this symbol is a

form of deep faith in God who sends rain. Without true monotheism, they believe that rain is

unlikely to fall.

This is where the importance of the meaning of this symbol in the Hodo dance is related to

monotheism for the Pariopo community as the foundation of knowledge that protects all other

sciences. In theological philosophy, the entire Pariopo community is Muslim and his life depends

on nature as a form of total surrender to Allah SWT in the divine philosophy is called theodicy

(theos; god, and dico; justification) (Ghazalba, 2014). Thus, if a ritual as a sub-system of society

changes dynamically, then its symbolic meaning also changes, because the ritual always

changes following the dynamics of belief or religion of society.

Conclusion

Based on the information above, it can be concluded that the inheritance of the Hodo dance is

a ritual of asking for rain for the fertility of the land for mountain communities. When it is considered

that the originator of this dance, mountains, caves, water, and stones as means have sacred and

magical values to ask for rain; therefore, there is a contradiction with Islam. This is because in Islam,

to ask for rain, there is a teaching of the Shari'a in the form of istisqa” prayer '(prayer for rain). As a

result, the Pariopo community leaders from the santri thought that the Hodo dance was a custom

that was difficult to eliminate. Then they made dialogue between this dance and Islam which

gave birth to acculturation with the implication of changes, addition, subtraction, or modification

as the implementation of custom as the basis of Islamic law (al-ʻadah muhakkamah). As a result

of the dialogue carried out by the santri, the local culture is often in a symmetrical position with

Islam. The implication of this acculturation has led to a shift in the meaning of media and symbolic

meaning into Islamic meaning, even though it remains formally Hindu in style, such as aerng


4404

secap-cap (water drop) as a medium of purification or ablution, semidi ('uzlah) as a medium of

guidance, sacrifice as a symbol of clouds, black and kidung as a medium of contemplation

(tafakkur), the star as a symbol of tawhid to Allah SWT.

In this context, the Hodo dance is a process of fusing Islam and local culture in the arts as a process

of interaction between Islam and local culture that influences each other. However, in the

interaction process, local culture is still strong, so that there is a combination of the two which is

called cultural acculturation. Therefore, the concept of Islam Vis a Vis tradition consists of two

parts, a grand tradition, and a little tradition, which always holds a dialogue between the two. This

is a dialectical-creative blend between the universal values of religion and local culture so that it

can present a style of Islamic teachings in spiritual unity with a pattern of cultural diversity (unity

and diversity). This is the meaning of the axiom that rituals are a product of society, where a ritual

will always reflect the configuration of a belief or religion.

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