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THE LEGACY OFMALCOLM X

AND THE STRUGGLETO DEFEAT

THE KU KLUX KLANa speech by

Ahmed ObafemiNational Committee to DefendNew Afrikan Freedom Fighters

... if we are talking about defeating US imperialism,liberating the colonized nations within the borders, ifwe are truly talking about building alliances between

oppressed nationalities and anti-imperialist forceswithin the white oppressor nation, then at the center

of anything we do, must be the attack againstwhite supremacy.

published by

Inhn Brown Anti-Klan Committee $1.00

Why does the Klan exist? It should be clear that theirexistence is based upon the oppression of Black people.

Their existence is based upon the continuedsubjugation of the New Afrikan nation.

MALCOLM X AND THE STRUGGLE TO FREE THE LAND

On behalf of the National Committee to Defend New AfrikanFreedom Fighters, on behalf of the New Afrikan IndependenceMovement and on behalf of New Afrikan Freedom Fighters, membersof the Black Liberation Army, those who are presently incarcerated asPrisoners of War and those who are still struggling in the field, Igreet you with the New Afrikan Independence Movement battle-cry:Free the Land!

It's a honor to be here today to represent the National Committeeat a program dedicated to Brother Malcolm X and New AfrikanFreedom Fighters. I think there's a direct relationship betweenMalcolm X and New Afrikan Freedom Fighters. For those of us whoare in the struggle today, Malcolm X has played an instrumental rolein defining the direction that we take today. Malcolm X, eighteenyears after his death, still leaves us a legacy and gives us a cleardirection forward for liberation of Afrikan people colonized inside ofthe borders of the United States of Amerikkka.

Malcolm was a Black nationalist freedom fighter, that is what hecalled himself. Malcolm developed through a process. Malcolm wasbom on May 19, 1925. When he was bom he was known as MalcolmLittle; then he became Detroit Red, then he became Malcolm X andfinally El-Hajj Malik Shabazz. What these names represent inMalcolm's life are changes that he made, a process that Malcolm wentthrough.

The Black Liberation Movement, the struggle of Afrikan people inthis country for <fOO years, has gone through many, many changes, butfundamental to all of those changes was the question of land andindependence and self-determination.

There is afoot a well organized plan to distort who Malcolm was.Manv of you have read a lot of things about Malcolm, many of youhave seen alot of films about Malcolm or books like "By Any MeansNecessary" and "Malcolm Speaks". You get a distorted view of whoMalcolm actually was. A number of organizations are going aroundsaying that if Malcolm was alive today he'd be an integrationist. Youhave a number of organizations and people going around saying that ifMalcolm was alive today he would be trying to organize a

multinational party to overthrow the U.S. ruling class and bring insocialism. This is very important because the same way that peoplehave distorted what Malcolm is about, they attempt to distort whatthe movement is about today. The same way that people distort whoMalcolm was and what his philosophy was and what his direction was,they will attempt to mislead the direction of an anti-Klan movementtoday that can only exist tied to self-determination of the NewAfrikan Nation.

I want to read something that Malcolm said after one of his tripsto Africa in 196k He was talking about Black people in this countryand he said:

"We must have a permanent solution, a temporary solutionwon't do, 20,000,000 ex-slaves must be permanently separatedfrom our former slave-master and placed on some land thatwe can call our own and then we can create our own jobs,then we can control our own economy, then we can solve ourown problems instead of waiting for the American white manto solve our problems for us. On our own land we can setup farms, on our own land we can set up factories, on ourown land we can set ip businesses, we can establish our owngovernment and become an independent nation and once webecome separated from the jurisdiction of this white nation,we can then enter into trade and commerce for ourselveswith other independent nations. This is the only solution, wemust have an independent nation."

This is what Malcolm said in 1964 and I believe definitely thatMalcolm would have made great changes, that Malcolm's views wouldhave gotten broader, his worldview would have gotten moreconsolidated, his attack upon U.S. imperialism would have becomemore directed. Definitely Malcolm would have made changes, thesame changes that you and I have made over the last 5, 10, 15 and20 years.

There are a number of Freedom Fighters who havetaken up this legacy of Malcolm. There are a numberof New Afrikans who understand that the solution to

our problem of 400 years of oppression andattempted genocide is the liberation of our nation on

independent land.

One of the things that Malcolm understood after he came fromAfrica was that his view could not be as narrow as his view had beenwhen he was in the Nation of Islam — that he had to have aninternational perspective. So when Malcolm came back from Africa,Malcolm talked about the situation he saw in Mecca and he had a

country to the colonized Afrikan nation. But if we really want tounderstand what Malcolm was about, we should think about whathappened in 1968 at the founding convention of the ProvisionalGovernment of the Republic of New Afrika, three years afterMalcolm's death. One of the people represented at this conferencewas his wife, Sister Betty Shabazz, who, after 1965, attempted torepresent the thoughts and the philosophy and the direction of herdeceased husband. At the founding convention of the ProvisionalGovernment of the Republic of New Afrika she was elected the FirstVice-President of the Provisional Government of the Republic of NewAfrika. For us that makes it very clear that Malcolm was, at hisdeath, what he said a number of years before then, that he was aBlack Nationalist Freedom Fighter. And that he was about strugglingfor land, independence and a sovereign nation.

This is the legacy that Malcolm has left us. All over the countrythis week there were no doubt numerous programs honoring andcommemorating Malcolm. Not commemorating his birth, or his death,but in fact commemorating his life, an exemplary life, a life thatshowed total commitment to the liberation of his people; that wasuncompromising in the struggle for the liberation of his people.

Malcolm left a legacy which has been taken up by a number ofpeople. One of those people who have taken up that legacy is a NewAfrikan Freedom Fighter by the name of Sister Assata Shakur. Weall remember November 2, 1979. (EDITOR'S NOTE: Assata Shakurwas liberated from Clinton Prison by forces of the Black LiberationArmy on this date.^ In fact 1979 was a pretty good year for us —not only was Assata liberated, but also William Morales (Puerto RicanFreedom Fighter) was liberated. It could have been a much betteryear but somehow we missed Leonard Peltier (Native AmericanFreedom Fighter), but I think that in the near future, that situationwill change. Assata sent a message to the Human Rights Coalitionfor the November 5th Black Solidarity Day demonstration (at theU.N.\g about her dream and the different dreams that peoplehad. She was talking about the fact that Garvey had a dream, andhis dream was to go back to Africa. And she talked about MartinLuther King's dream, and his dream was to see young Black and whiteboys and girls walking hand in hand in a changed amerikkka. Andthen she said Malcolm had a dream, and his dream was land andnationhood, and she said that has become my dream.

Not only was that legacy taken ip by Assata Shakur, but also justrecently by Sekou Odinga, a New Afrikan Prisoner of War who ispresently involved in a trial in New York where the US government isattempting to criminalize the New Afrikan Independence Movement —the RICO (Racketeering Influence and Corrupt Organizations Law)conspiracy case — the federal Brinks case entitled the U.SL

Government v. Sekou Odinga, et al. Sekou Odinga stated in hisopening statement to the jury, to the court and in fact to the world,

because the news got outside the borders of this country, that he wasnot a criminal, that he was a Freedom Fighter, that he was a citizennot of amerikkka, but of the Republic of New Afrika and he wasstruggling for the liberation of the colonized New Afrikan nation.

When we talk about land, we talk about the land inthe Black Belt South, these five states that we claim

as our national territory (Alabama, Georgia,Mississippi, Louisiana and South Carolina).

There are a number of Freedom Fighters who have taken up thislegacy of Malcolm. There are a number of New Afrikans whounderstand that the solution to our problem of 400 years of oppressionand attempted genocide is the liberation of our nation on independentland. When we talk about land, we talk about the land in the BlackBelt South, these five states that we claim as our national territory(Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, Louisiana and South Carolina). Whenwe talk about the fact that we had lived there for a long time, wehad built upon this land, worked upon this land and struggled on thisland — this land is the national territory of the New Afrikan Nation.

THE KU KLUX KLAN - "BIRTH OF A NATION1'

Well if thafs the national territory of the Republic of New Afrika,how come so many New Afrikans are outside of the nationalterritory? They would probably have asked the same question of theZimbabweans: how come so many of the Zimbabweans were outsideof their national territory? What we have here is a situation whereNew Afrikan people who are outside of our national territory are infact refugees who have been run off our land. Well, how did we getrun off the land? Lefs just talk briefly about the situation after theCivil War.

After the Civil War where we were told by the Union, that if weparticipated in the defeat of the Confederacy, they would give useach 40 acres and a mule. After the war was over they reneged onthat promise. What they went on to do was to make us citizens ofamerikkka and tell us we had the right to vote, but while they weredoing this, and while many of our people had hopes that we would beable to integrate into this society, there was a conspiracy beingdeveloped.

There was a conspiracy being developed between the Union and theConfederacy. We all remember that Abraham Lincoln said hewouldn't want to free the slaves if it wasn't necessary. He didn't freeus because he thought it was righteous, because he thought it wassomething humane to do; he was trying to hold together the Union, hewas trying to hold together the white oppressor nation. And what the

Union did during this period, in one of the greatest conspiracies in thehistory of this country, was to sit down with a man named BedfordForrest, who had been a Confederate general. In fact, while he wasa general and before he was a general, he was major slave owner inthe South. They sat down and they hatched this conspiracy; whichwent like this:

"Listen, African people are a large majority in a number of theseplaces and if we allow them the right to vote, then they're going tobe able to take control over alot of these areas, particularlyMississippi and South Carolina. Well, we are going to have to give theillusion of democracy, we are going to have to make it look to themand to the world that we are allowing them to integrate into thesociety, but what we are really going to do is create a clandestineorganization called the Ku Klux Klan. And what this Ku Klux Klanwil l do is terrorize Black people so that they will be scared toparticipate in any kind of democratic activities. It will terrorizeBlack oeople so that it will run them off the land, make them leavethe South and go to the North. And in this conspiracy, the North willopen itself up and say that there are many opportunities for theex-slaves in the South to come North. And those that we can notterrorize and run off the land, we will, in fact, lynch and castrate andmurder."

What we have here is a situation where New Afrikanpeople who are outside of our national territory are in

fact refugees who have been run off our land.

And that is how the Klan developed back in 1866. Fundamentally,it was an organization to terrorize us and to keep us in our place.The Klan exists today but just like Malcolm, just like the New AfrikanIndependence Movement, just like those of us who sit here today whohave gone through a particular kind of process to reach the point weare at today, so has the Klan gone through a process.

THE KLAN TODAY

The Klan exists today but it is no longer simply a terroristorganization. It is not just simply a bunch of wild-eyed whitesupremacist lunatics. The Klan today is a well-organized, sophisticatedand fundamentally fascist organization. What do we mean by that?Well, let's look at the state of affairs in this country. It is clear thatthis country is moving to the right, moving more and more towardfascism. Fascism does have a number of characteristics and we cansay for the most part that all of the characteristics of fascism do notexist at this particular period in the society. But what we have tounderstand is the development of things, the tendencies that we see in

things. Why do we say that the Klan is fundamentally fascist today?Well firstly, one of the characteristics of fascism is that it has aparamilitary character. Have we looked at the Klan lately? Have weseen the newspaper articles? In Texas we know that they were downthere learning how to detonate bombs and all types of training. Whenwe look at their uniforms today, they're paramilitary uniforms,fatigues, they're not sheets any longer. When we look at theirtraining camps, they have sophisticated weapons, well-organizedtraining. And who's training them? Ex-Marines, no doubt CIA agents,FBI agents; and not only the men and women are training, they'reeven turning their youth into paramilitary formations.

But it is not only the Klan that is doing that, we also see theSurvivalist Movement and we have to ask: is there a differencebetween the Klan and the Survivalist Movement? What else do wesee? Those of you who have been to anti-Klan demonstrations,clearly see that there is a relationship between the cops and the Klan.In fact, if we were to scrutinize the police stations around thiscountry, it would not be hard to understand the slogan "Blue By Dayand White By Night." The Klan today is fundamentally fascistbecause the Klan is also developing concrete unity with the Nazis.We know the situation that happened in North Carolina in 1979 —which happened about a day after Assata was liberated — where theykilled five members of the Communist Workers Party who were on ananti-Klan demonstration. That was a coalition of Nazis and Klan.The Klan today is fundamentally fascist because a characteristic offascism is aggressive nationalism.

It is clear that the question of nationalism, white nationalism, isheightening under the guise of patriotism. That is one of the thingsthat Reagan is doing and it is done in many subtle ways. Anotherway it's done is when they say it's "unamerican" to buy aforeign-made car. In fact they'll tell you now that it's unamerican tobuy anything thafs not made in amerikkka. And then there's thequestion of organizing white people in this country to help thisgovernment protect the world from terrorism and from communism.All of these things represent aspects of aggressive nationalism.

Thai there's heightened indoctrination and the mobilization of themasses. I know that everyone in the 3ohn Brown Anti-KlanCommittee knows about that, because that's the work that you've beeninvolved in very concretely in the last year.

The Klan has had a number of the demonstrations. What are thepurposes of these Klan demonstrations? What is the purpose of themleafletting in the streets of Miami after the rebellion, after Blackpeople took to the streets to deal with colonial violence in Miami,Florida? What is the purpose of them going into Hartford,Connecticut, to leaflet? What is the purpose of them getting primetime on the t.v., radio and large coverage in the newspapers? It is toenforce their indoctrination upon the masses of white people. It is tosay that amerikkka is in the condition that it is in today primarily7.

because of Black and Third World people — and that if it were not- for Black and Third World people, the situation in this country would

not be like it is. Crime is blamed on Third World people. All of thebad conditions that exist in this society today are blamed on Black

• and Third World people. It is around this that the Klan attempts tomobilize people, and that is why we now see them week after weekcalling for demonstrations. In fact, I was talking to a comrade fromAustin today and she was telling me that in Houston they're goingback to the streets. They want to call another demonstration becausethey didn't accomplish what they were supposed to accomplish; in factthey are saying that they were denied their first amendment rights,their right to free speech.

... in history, at every point when the New AfrikanNation, when the New Afrikan Independence

Movement begins to heighten, when Black peoplebegin to organize themselves, to put forward the

struggle for self-determination, for land andindependence—you can see the Klan raise its ugly head.

The Klan today exists not only to terrorize us and run us off theland, but in fact to commit genocide. And that, comrades andfriends, is why the slogan "Death to the Klan" means so much. Whenwe say "Death to the Klan" it is not that we mean that they shouldsimply go away. We are sincerely, honestly saying "Death to theKlan." The Klan has no right to exist, it has no first amendmentright. It is ridiculous for anyone to say that the Klan has a right todemonstrate, that it has a right to free speech. There must be astruggle waged against the Klan, and we can be very dear that theKlan will die. It will be defeated, and the more that it continues toorganize, demonstrate, the more a movement against the Klan will bebuilt.

What is the material base for the Klan? Why does the Klan exist?It should be clear that their existence is based upon the oppression ofBlack people. Their existence is based upon the continued subjugationof the New Afrikan nation. If you look at history, at every pointwhen the New Afrikan Nation, when the New Afrikan IndependenceMovement begins to heighten, when Black people begin to organizethemselves, to put forward the struggle for self-determination, for landand independence — you can see the Klan raise its ugly head. Just aspeople attempt to distort Malcolm X and his life and what he wasabout, there are people who are attempting to distort this movementand what it should be about. Any anti-Klan movement must have asits most fundamental principle the right of self-determination of theNew Afrikan Nation. I repeat, must have as its fundamental principlethe right of self-determination of the New Afrikan nation.

Let us look at the anti-Klan movement in this country right now.

e.

There have been a number of anti-Klan organizations and when welook we see that some are descending and some are on theascendance. Some people came out with the position that the waywe're going to deal with the Klan is we're going to watch them. Ohyes, we're going to watch them. We're going to make sure that theydont have no more than the V) training camps that we know about.We're going to make sure that if they get any more sophisticatedweapons from the US government, we'll be able to write it in ournewsletter and let people know that they have them. We're going towatch them so that we can tell you everywhere that they're going todemonstrate. Well, that kind of organization is on the decline.

. . . if it's fundamentally fascist, if it's fundamentally apart of that which colonizes and oppresses the New

Afrikan Nation, then the Ku Klux Klan isfundamentally a part of US imperialism.

There are other anti-Klan organizations that said well the Klan isnot only attacking Black people, it's not only attacking the NewAfrikan nation, it's attacking white workers, it's attacking Jewishpeople, it's attacking everybody and so we just want to get rid of theKlan. And in them attempting to get rid of the Klan, which is awhite supremacist organization, they weren't even dealing with theirown white supremacy, with their own racism. They did notfundamentally understand that the only way that the Klan will bedefeated, because its material base is the oppression and colonizationof the New Afrikan nation — that the only way we can truly bring"Death to the Klan" is to liberate the New Afrikan nation.

And so we say here that if it's fundamentally fascist, if it'sfundamentally a part of that which colonizes and oppresses the NewAfrikan nation, then the Ku Klux Klan is fundamentally a part of USimperialism. This is what we must understand. Because if we do notunderstand this, then we will not know what kind of struggle we mustwage. We will not understand what kind of anti-Klan, anti-whitesupremacy organization we must build.

THE WHITE WORKING CLASS AND THE ANTI-KLAN MOVEMENT

Why is there no unity between the white workers, the proletariatof the oppressor nation, and oppressed nationalities within theseborders? What prevents unity? What prevents the kind of unity thatis going to be necessary to destroy US imperialism? Fundamentally itis because the white left is racist. The white left for the most partis supremacist; they have not dealt with their own struggle to ridthemselves of their racism. At each period in history when Blackpeople attempted to unite around some fundamental objectives withwhite people, white people sold us out. They sold us out. And today

they wonder why Black people don't see white workers as theirobjective allies. This is important because if we are talking aboutdefeating US imperialism, liberating the colonized nations within theborders, if we are truly talking about building alliances betweenoppressed nationalities and anti-imperialist forces within the whiteoppressor nation, then at the center of anything we do, must be theattack against white supremacy.

This is not only a bourgeois nation, this is a white supremacistbourgeois nation, isn't it? That is where our struggle must take us,and that is why the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee is so importantin this period. When we spoke of those who are going out ofexistence and those on the ascendancy, the John Brown Anti-KlanCommittee is on the ascendancy. The John Brown Anti-KlanCommittee has the potential to be the organization to lead the massanti-white supremacist movement. And how is it that we do that?

We have to talk about organization, we have to talk about thecharacter of an organization, and I think it's important that weunderstand some fundamental things. We have to first off understandthat the anti-Klan movement cannot be some moralistic movement.In other words, a movement that says: "We've got to fight the Klanbecause they're racists and because they attack Black people," is notsufficient. That cannot be the reason that you want to be a part ofthis movement, that cannot be the basis on which we build thismovement. Because one of the things that we have to understand,comrades and friends, is that all of us here are oppressed by USimperialism. And so just fighting the Klan and hoping that they goaway is not going to resolve the contradiction of imperialism. Sowhen we talk about an organization that is going to struggle againstthe Klan, that in fact is going to bring death to the Klan, then we'retalking about an anti-imperialist organization. But more than talkingabout a mass anti-imperialist organization, we're talking about anunderstanding that as we move and struggle against white supremacythat we are in fact moving and struggling against US imperialism. USimperialism's destruction comes about in many ways. Part of thestruggle that the John Brown Anti-Klan Committee must wage is astruggle to organize the white working class, yes, to organize thewhite working class. Not simply around "Death to the Klan," notsimply around struggling against white supremacy, or against racism,not simply around preventing the Klan from marching or

Fundamentally we understand that when thecontradiction heightens, what we are going to see isthe complete merger of the Klan and the state. You

will not be able to tell the Klan from the state,because they will in fact be the state.

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contradiction heightens, what we are going to see is the completemerger of the Klan and the state. You will not be able to tell theKlan from the state, because they will in fact be the state. And soultimately what happens is that our struggle against white supremacywill take the form of struggling against US imperialism directly.

ANTI-IMPERIALISM - DEATH TO THE KLAN

And what kind of character must we have to deal with that?Many of us here perhaps consider ourselves to be Marxist-Leninists,many of us here are struggling to be communists, many of us herestruggle, study and are going through a process to prepare ourselvesfor ultimately what we understand will be a revolutionary war in thiscountry. John Brown, as a mass anti-Klan committee or anti-whitesupremacist formation, must seriously begin to view themselves in aprocess of development. It must view itself in that process becausein the next year or two, or three or four, the conditions are going tochange and you must be prepared to meet those changing conditions.The demonstrations that we are involved in are becoming moreconfrontational, and what that means is that we must as anorganization, be prepared to defend ourselves, because clearly this isnot a non-violent movement here. Clearly we're not going to defeatthe Klan by letting them whip us, and allowing the police to waterhose us and put the dogs on us, thafs not what is going to happen.Malcolm said just before he died that we were in an era of revolutionand if we understand that we are in an era of revolution, then itmust be clear that if we are building any kind of organizationsultimately they must be revolutionary organizations. Ultimately theymust be fighting organizations. And so that is something that wemust do, we must begin to prepare to defend ourselves.

The anti-Klan movement must have an understanding of the state,an understanding of imperialism, because most of us come into thismovement from an emotional perspective. We know the Klan isrotten to the core and we know that we need to deal with them,we've got to struggle with them, but oftentimes alot of us who comein to fight against the Klan aren't clear that we have to fight againstimperialism. And so it is incumbent on the leadership in John Brownto make it clear that the Klan's and the state's strategies are one.And in making that clear, we must give people an understanding ofthe character and the infrastructures of the US imperialist state. Wemust begin to study. We must understand the role that white workersplay in the struggle against US imperialism and in the defeat of USimperialism. In struggling to improve John Brown, we will see atransformation in John Brown; that can give leadership to a massanti-imperialist movement in this country.

This is what is upon the shoulders of John Brown. I am veryconfident that it can be done. I am confident because I have watched21.

. . . the destruction of US imperialism is tiedfundamentally to the liberation of the Republic of

New Afrika and the other oppressed nations withinUS borders.

John Brown grow for the last five years and I have seen developmentunder some very intense situations. From October 20, 1981 (theattempted Brinks expropriation), until today John Brown has gonethrough some tremendous development, under extreme pressure fromthe state. People's lives have been threatened, automobiles sabotagedin an attempt to murder people. Yet John Brown has grown, it hasdeveloped, it is becoming stronger. It is playing an instrumental rolein the struggle with other organizations to look clearly at the questionof what is happening in this country, and it is putting forwardeverywhere that the destruction of US imperialism is tiedfundamentally to the liberation of the Republic of New Afrika and theother oppressed nations within US borders.

These street confrontations with the Klan and the cops have shownthat people can be mobilized. Austin, Houston, Kalamazoo,Connecticut, Washington, D.C. show us that the masses of people willbe organized. And I think that one of the things that we have tounderstand is that we hope that the Klan continues to march anddemonstrate. Because we believe that the Klan deserves some things— oh yeah, they do, they do. It is the fact that the Klan gets out inthe street that is pushing the movement forward. It is the fact thatthe Klan says that it sees as its primary enemy the New AfrikanIndependence Movement, the Republic of New Afrika, the May 19thCommuriist Organization, the Movimiento de Liberacion Nacional, theJohn Brown Anti-Klan Committee. When it begins to tell us that,then it begins to make dear what is its relationship is to the state; itbegins to point out again that the conspiracy started in 1866 betweenthe Union and the Klan still exists and that this is who should be intrial for conspiracy, not the New Afrikan Freedom Fighters and theirallies. And they will be put on trial. The masses of people will putthem on trial, and we will find them guilty because they are guilty:we will not frame them, we will allow history to speak for itself. Wewill give them just what they deserve and believe me, they deserve it.

"Death to the Klan" will become a reality, and when death to theKlan comes, we will see the independence of the New Afrikan nationand we will see the destruction of US imperialism. Then, comradesand friends, what we then will be able to do is what we all strugglefor, that is, to put all of our efforts, energies, resources, talents andcreativity into developing the kind of world that Malcolm wanted tosee — the kind of world that Martin Luther King wanted to see. I'mnot sure we'll be walking hand in hand through the valleys of

Mississippi but I can tell you that there wi l l be the kind ofrelationship between white people, and Puerto Rican people andChicano/Mexicano people and Native Americans and New Afrikans thatwe all desire because what we will be doing is struggling for a newand better world.

I want to close by saying that it is imperative at this time thatwe understand that we must heighten our struggle. We must intensifyour commitment, our training, our studying because the US imperialiststate is not playing. They are not playing. I raise that up because,you know, we have to clearly understand who the state is and whatthey are about. We have to understand that US imperialism is indecline; we have to understand that they are losing all around theworld. And that they want to survive and they will attempt to takeall of us out for their survival. Now in struggle alot of people die,needlessly, but it is because people die that we struggle and westruggle so that they may live a better life.

We are in a very serious period. Our work must heighten, wemust struggle vigorously against liberalism, we must struggle vigorouslyagainst opportunism. In the New Afrikan Independence Movement, wehave been struggling to unite with forces in our movement because wethink that the question of building a broad united front is how wemust go, and oftimes in trying to do that we get ripped off. Ourmovement gets misdirected, misleaders crop up and take themovement off in the wrong direction. Pm saying that you must stickto the principles that 3ohn Brown has, you must stick to themdiligently and in doing so, believe me, we will win and we will soonsee a new and better world. Thank you. Free the Land!

The Klan has had a number of demonstrations. Whatare the purposes of these Klan demonstrations? What

is the purpose of them leafletting in the streets ofMiami after the rebellion, after Black people took tothe streets to deal with colonial violence in Miami,

Florida? What is the purpose of them going intoHartford, Connecticut to leaflet? What is the purpose

of them getting prime time on the t.v., radio andlarge coverage in the newspapers? It is to enforce

their indoctrination upon the masses of white people.

Speech Delivered to John Brown Anti-Klan Committee Teach-inSan Francisco, CaliforniaMay 21, 1983

byAhmed ObafemiNational Committee to Defend New Afrikan Freedom Fighters

Published by the John Brown Anti-Klan CommitteeNational OfficeP.O. Box »06Stuyvesant StationNew York, New York 10009(212) 989 - 8898