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A Distinctive US Approach to Shale
Gas Development?
Local Responses to Complex Risks
Susan Christopherson
Department of City and Regional Planning
Cornell University
Production of Shale Gas in the United States
Production of natural
gas from shale in
the United States
has expanded
rapidly in the last ten
years, and is
projected to
continue through
2040 (EIA 2013a)
At a National Policy Scale, There is Strong
Support for Natural Gas Development
From policy makers because it will lower production
costs and increase the balance of payments
From scientists because it will lower CO2emissions
The Risks from Shale Gas Development are
Significant and Spatially Extensive
Environmental risks include water, air, and noise
pollution, effects on habitat, seismic risks from injection
wells.
Economic risks include the effects of a resource “boom-
bust” cycle on local and regional economies, the” crowding
out” of other industries -- tourism, organic farming, dairy
farming, manufacturing -- and loss of property value
because of proximity to industrial sites and activities.
Social risks include increasing crime, conflicts within
communities, and inability to provide housing or services to
boom period population.
Risks Levels are Affected By The Pace and
Scale of Development
Pace: How rapidly well development
occurs in a geographic area
Scale: The number of wells developed in a
geographic area
Pace and scale are determined by investment
strategies -- land speculation, offerings to
investors, relative prices for oil and gas etc.
Well Development: Each Phase Poses
Risks From Industrial Activity
Phase I: (months per well, years for entire region)
Construct access roads, well pad, local collection pipelines
Drill & fracture well
Construct supporting facilities and services
Phase II: (years or decades for region)
Truck water from well site, monitor natural gas production
Re-fracture well if necessary
Reclaim some disturbance
Phase III: (years)
Remove surface equipment, plug well
Restore landscape if possible
(Based on Jacquet, 2011)
What Do We See in HVHF Regions?
“Man Camps”
Water extraction sites
Compressor plants
Pipelines
Staging sites
Rail spurs
Gas storage sites and facilities
Processing facilities for
“produced” water or injection wells
Trucks, trucks, trucks
Risks and Benefits May Occur Far From the
Well Pad
Trucks carry drilling and fracturing inputs (sand, water,
chemicals) and equipment move into and out of the
region from distant points.
Gas development infrastructure (pipelines, gas storage
facilities, produced water facilities may be located far
from the drilling locations
Sand mining in Midwestern states and transport of
Bakken oil by rail to refineries in Canada and the US
creates risks for states and regions outside the shale
plays.
Rural drilling locations may experience risks while
expenditures occur in cities away from the drilling sites.
Case Studies Tell Us the Local Costs of
Shale Gas Drilling During Boom include:
Accelerated road maintenance
Traffic congestion from trucks
(An estimated 890 to 1,340 truck trips per well site)
Higher public safety costs
Increased demand for health and education services
Increased demand on public administrative services
(e.g. planning and zoning, permitting, assessments,
housing assistance)
New service requirements, such as emergency
response capacity and environmental monitoring and
remediation.
How Will Local Costs Be Paid?
An illustration: SR 3020 in Towanda Township, Bradford County, Pennsylvania
after a high volume of overweight drilling trucks and a Northeast winter (Photo: PennDOT Engineering District 4-0)
Local residents may have to absorb whatever costs are not covered through
state tax policy, local taxes and fees, or local agreements.
Public Safety Impacts
A study of Sublette County Wyoming found that public safety costs rose significantly with increases in drilling.
The question is the threshold at which communities cannot absorb new costs.
Unexpected Patterns/ Unanticipated
Consequences “Despite the influx of workers in the natural gas industry, the population of Bradford
County, as measured by the U.S. Census, actually dropped slightly from 2000 to 2010.”
From a Pennsylvania resident:
“I say good for the people who finally have a decent paying job, good for the people
who are seeing an influx in business, and good for those who saw the opportunity of
a move if so desired. Just remember, there are still those of us remaining who had
nothing to do with any of this. We deal with the traffic, destruction, fear of
contamination everyday. Some of us deal with it twofold. We dealt with the windmills
and gas industry at the same time. We benefit nothing from any of it. We get no
opportunity for natural gas and are still forced to pay premium prices for propane.
We get no electricity benefit from the windmills and are still forced to pay Tri
County's ridiculous rates. Our trucks are taking a beating every day we have to drive
to work. But are forced to deal with it just the same.”
Regions Dependent On Natural Resource
Extraction Frequently Have Poor Long-
Term Development Outcomes
Volatile revenue leads to poor government planning and lack of
accountability. Yet, demands on government rise.
Benefits are concentrated among a few land owners and
businesses. Both those who benefit and those who see little
benefit leave the region. Taxes may rise when the boom ends.
“Crowding out” increases the cost of doing business for firms in
other industries and leads to a decline in economic diversity.
Housing and labor costs rise, negatively affecting investment.
After the initial “ramp-up” construction phase, there are few jobs
and income inequality increases.
Cautionary Trends from New York and
Pennsylvania Gas Drilling Counties
In New York, when compared to adjacent counties or all
of non-metropolitan New York, counties with significant
natural gas drilling (1994-2009) are characterized by:
1. Population loss
2. Smaller increases in real personal income than
adjacent counties
In Pennsylvania, counties with conventional gas
production (1991-2005) show similar trends.
A Study of How Marcellus Shale Play
Communities Are Responding
Our database of 298 communities that have taken
some governmental action and interviews with a
stratified sample indicates:
A “wait and see” attitude, moratoria rather than bans
Adaptation through learning
Distrust of the oil and gas industry and of state policy
makers to address risks and public costs.
A commitment to local community sovereignty or
“home rule”
What Did Local Interviews Tell Us?
Learning and time to plan have increased risk
perception.
Community leaders are aware that risk of public
costs extends regionally, beyond the well site.
Costs are clearer than benefits to regional residents.
Local control is emphasized because of lack of
confidence in state level or industry ability to protect
resident interests.
Broader Policy and Theoretical
Implications
The initial protest movement against HVHF has matured through
the mobilization of strategic resources. In this way it resembles
other social movements that moved from protest to direct
engagement with political authority.
The drive for local action emerged in the context of a lack of
confidence in government capacity or will to address the full
effects of HVHF. It built on a longer-term loss of citizen confidence
in US state and federal government.
The absence of a US national energy policy has redistributed risk
to states and regions, leading to fragmented policy and increasing
lack of confidence in regulatory protections.
A Distinctive US Approach to Shale
Gas Development?
Local Responses to Complex Risks
Susan Christopherson
Department of City and Regional Planning
Cornell University