The Suburbs and Local Labour Market Integration:Work Segmentation in the Kingston-Galloway / Orton Park Area

Shawn Andrew Taylor Perron

shawn.perron@mail.utoronto.ca

SOCD21: Immigrant Scarborough

Professor Paloma Villegas

April 2, 2014

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The Suburbs and Local Labour Market Integration:Work Segmentation in the Kingston-Galloway / Orton Park Area

Introduction

Despite being accepted through Canadian immigration as skilled citizens, immigrants are increasingly

confronted by barriers keeping them from employment in their fields.1 Several scholars have pointed to

discrimination against forms of human capital as the major cause of concern here. They argue that

employers have devalued foreign credentials in favour of 'Canadian experience.'2 Others claim that the

social capital immigrants formulate when landing in ethnic communities is the main inhibitor of

economic stability. Strong connections in Chinese immigrant communities, for example, ensure quick

employment but these positions are often limited to the ethnic economy with low income and little

opportunity for upward mobility.3 These approaches of human and social capital are easy to generalize

and have been foundational for policy development to improve immigrant integration into the Canadian

labour market.

While issues related to human and social capital are evident, in this essay I utilize a spatial

approach by analyzing the local labour markets in immigrant neighbourhoods. In 2010 Three Cities

Within Toronto report found that the majority of low-income immigrants were concentrated within the

inner suburbs, otherwise known as City #3.4 In this way it is important to frame barriers related to

immigrant integration within the context of suburbanization and suburban sprawl. Here I apply this

frame of reference to perform a case study on the Kingston -Galloway / Orton (KGO) Park Area in

Scarborough which holds a considerable volume of subsidized housing occupied by immigrants. Drawing

on participant observation and research I will attempt to illustrate that a major economic barrier for

KGO residents is the lack of reliable job opportunities within the local Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and

along Kingston road labour market. This 'category killer' site segments local immigrants within

minimum-wage and part-time retail positions.

1 It has been reported in one study that only 3% of immigrants formerly in professional occupations were still working in their field. Five times that percentage work instead in customer service (15%). See: Nasima Topkara-Sarsu Akter and Diane Sevgul Dyson, “Shadow Economies: Economic Survival Strategies of Toronto Immigrant Communities,” Toronto East Local Immigration Partnership Workgroup, Toronto: Wellesley Institute, 2013 pg 1-452 Jeffery Reitz, "Immigrant Employment Success in Canada, Part II: Understanding the Decline," Int. Migration & Integration 8 (2007) pg 37-62.3 M. Reza Nakhaie and Abdolmohammad Kazemipur, "Social Capital, Employment and Occupational Status of the New Immigrants in Canada," Int. Migration & Integration 14 (2013) pg 419–437.4 J. David Hulchanski, " The Three Cities within Toronto: Income polarization among Toronto’s neighbourhoods, 1970–2000," Toronto: Centre for Urban and Community Studies Research Bulletin 41, 2007 pg 7-8

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The Suburbs and Labour Market Integration (Literature Review)

Several scholars have concluded that area of settlement has a significant impact on the economic

stability of immigrants. Karen King found that immigrants who resided in small urban or rural Census

Metropolitan Areas (CMAs) in Ontario (ex. Peterborough and Brantford) earned more or similar to the

Canadian-born population. Conversely, in larger urban centers such as Hamilton and Ottawa Canadian-

born residents typically earn 20% more than immigrants. Accordingly we find that in Toronto, the largest

'gateway' CMA in Ontario, immigrants on average typically earn 58.8% less than Canadian-born. In

other words, the credentials of immigrants have stronger agency in smaller communities making it

easier to find reliable work in their fields.5

How can we explain this contrast of labour market integration? We may begin by noting that

this income inequality in Toronto was less significant prior to 1961 and only began to escalate in 1970.

This time period correlates with a major trend sweeping across post World War Two North America:

suburbanization. To introduce this topic I will turn to some United States examples. Dolores Hayden has

illustrated that in order to accommodate the mass income of veterans the Federal Housing

Administration gave subsidies to real estate agents unionized by the National Association of Real Estate

Boards for the unregulated construction of cheap homes. Communities such as Levittown, NY and

Lakewood, CA quickly emerged. However, due to lack of incentives there was a significant lack of well

designed city centers, residential neighbourhoods, transit, or public space. Referred to as 'edge cities'

this construction expanded upon the edges existing downtown centers. Customary of these

neighbourhoods were the construction of 'category killers:' minimum-wage, part-time big box, and

chain retail stores designed to cover all needs and services at discount price. As less became local these

neighbourhoods were increasingly constructed for car-owners able to commute.6

However, as decades passed these cheap homes quickly became popular settlement

destinations for the massive immigration flows after the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965. This

was certainly the case for immigrant families living in the periphery of Long Island. However, Sarah

Mahler illustrated that this was accompanied by a trend in the 1980s local economy which produced a

large volume of low-wage and dead-end jobs ('category killers') few natives would take. Instead these

5 Karen King, "The Geography of Immigration in Canada: Settlement, Education, Labour Activity and Occupational Profiles," Toronto: Martin Prosperity Institute (March 2009) pg 1-33. Similar reports can also be found in these two studies: Kristyn Frank, "Immigrant Employment Success in Canada: Examining the Rate of Obtaining a Job Match," New York: International Migration Review 47:1 (2013) pg 76-105. Michael Haan, "The Place of Place: Location and Immigrant Economic Well-being in Canada," Popul Res Policy Rev 27 (2008) pg 751-771.6 Dolores Hayden, "Building the American Way: Public Subsidy, Private Space" (2004), in The Suburb Reader (eds. Becky M. Nicolaides and Andrew Wiese), New York: Routledge Publishing, 2006 pg 273-281

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positions were occupied by immigrants experiencing issues related to labour market integration, a

segregated housing market, and struggling to afford basic finances. These neighbourhoods originally

constructed for middle-class and car-owning resident capable of commuting downtown were now

occupied my low-income immigrants unable to afford transportation.7 Within these neighbourhoods

immigrants quickly became dependent on and limited to local 'category killer' retail stores for

employment.

While these are American examples, Toronto also has evidence of immigrant suburban

neighbourhoods. Similarly, S. Wang and J. Zhong have argued that these 'ethnoburbs' (suburbs heavily

populated by 'visible minorities') attract the majority of immigrant settlement in Toronto, rather than

downtown. These communities often develop their own ethnic economies, political institutions, and

cultural centers.8 Connections can also be made within J. Hulchanski's 2010 Three Cities report. He found

that in addition with high concentrations of low-income and immigrant demographic the Toronto

suburbs (City #3) are overwhelmingly dominated by blue-collar jobs with higher paying white-collar

positions located downtown.9

We can now hypothesize an answer to our original question in this section. It seems plausible

that there is more economic disparity amongst immigrants and native-born Canadians in large CMAs

because these urban centers have higher volume of suburban sprawl, wherein immigrants become

segmented to minimum-wage and part-time 'category killers' employment. Conversely, in smaller CMAs

the city center is more accessible to immigrants and there is less potential for spatial segregation. In

summary - studies seem to suggest that immigrant communities are negatively impacted by the poor

employment opportunities found in the local labour markets of suburbia.

The Kingston-Galloway / Orton Park Area

A useful foundation to explore this area of investigation is provided by the Kingston The Kingston-

Galloway / Orton Park (KGO) area. This region is defined by its low-income immigrant demographic. The

City of Toronto's Kingston-Galloway Priority Area Profile reported that of the 23, 042 KGO residents in

2006 61.4% was represented by non-white ethnicities (or 'visible minorities') and received 2,195

immigrants in this year alone. The most populous of these ethnic groups were Black, South Asian, and

Filipino. The same report found that 29% of the population was considered low income people (much

7 Sarah J. Mahler, "American Dreaming: Immigrant Life on the Margins" (1995), in The Suburb Reader (eds. Becky M. Nicolaides and Andrew Wiese), New York: Routledge Publishing, 2006 pg 433-4388 Shuguang Wang & Jason Zhong, "Delineating Ethnoburbs in Metropolitan Toronto," Toronto: CERIS – The Ontario Metropolis Centre, 2013, pg 211-225.9 Hulchanski, "Three Cities," pg 7-8

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higher than the 19.4% city average). This region was also regarded as having the highest concentration

of subsidized housing in Ontario with 85% of the population in Toronto Community Housing Corporation

(TCHC) buildings. Accordingly it has been designated as a 'priority area' by the City of Toronto because it

is underserved in libraries, food banks, community centres, and other social services.10

However, it is important to note that the financial situation of this area does not seem to reflect

low human capital. About 20% of residents hold a College or other non-university degree, ~10% a

apprenticeship or trades diploma, and ~10% are recorded as having a Bachelor's Degree. Thus, there

must be some barriers, whether institutional, social, or spatial at play here keeping immigrant residents

from successful labour market integration.11

It useful to situate these findings within the historical context of the region. Although West Hill

was originally established here in 1879 it was not until after the second World War that we can point to

major infrastructural transformations and population growth.12 Like Long Island discussed above,

Scarborough provided an important site of expansion of cheap housing for Canadian veterans. After the

1976 Immigration Act a few decades later however these suburban homes became popular and

affordable settlement destinations for immigration13 (which jumped up by 600% after this legislation).

Accompanied by this was Scarborough's gradual incorporation as a inner suburb of Toronto in 1953 and

borough in 1967.14 Without any planned center Scarborough and the KGO area may be considered an

'edge city' of downtown Toronto. The central labour market may be found within the

Lawrence/Morningside Plaza (conglomeration of the West Hill Shopping Centre, the Morningside

Crossing Stores, and the Kingston Square Stores) which pours out along Kingston road. Characteristic of

'category killers' these box retail institutions dominated by chain corporations such as McDonalds, LCBO,

Dollarama, Shoppers Drug Mart, and Food Basics. This intersection provides the community with goods

from grocery, fitness centers, and medicine to alcohol and entertainment .

10 Social Policy Analysis & Research section in the Social Development, Finance and Administration Division, Kingston-Galloway Priority Area Profile (2006), Toronto: City of Toronto, 2008, pg 1 & 4.11 Ibid pg 512 Scarborough Historical Society, "West Hill," Scarborough Historical Society, accessed January 2014, <http://scarboroughhistorical. ca/?page_id=217>13 East Scarborough Storefront, "History," East Scarborough Storefront, accessed January 201414 Harold Troper, "Becoming an Immigrant City: A History of Immigration into Toronto since the Second World War," The World In A City, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003, pg 49-51

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Figure1. The Kingston-Galloway / Orton Park Priority Area15

Figure2. The Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and Kingston road labour market16

Methodology15 Taken from: Social Policy Analysis & Research section, Priority Area Profile, pg 116 Taken from: Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Neighbourhood Action Partnership, Help Right in Your Neighbourhood: A Resource Guide for the Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Community, Toronto: Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Neighbourhood Action Partnership, 2010, pg 26-27.

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This Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and Kingston road labour market also provides an important

foundation for analyzing the conditions of local employment. In order to evaluate this site I developed a

neighbourhood profile which compiled local research and recorded two instances of participant

observation (field notes). In the profile I drew on studies and resources related to the history, population

and immigration statistics, social services, and employment. One of my major sources was the City of

Toronto's Kingston-Galloway Priority Area Profile which is a document prepared by the Social Policy

Analysis and Research section in the Social Development, Finance and Administration Division using

information from the 2006 Census.17 Also central were maps and service information provided by the

Resource Guide for the Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Community booklet.18 I also utilized local articles

such as Mike Alder's report in Metroland related to immigrant protests in 2013 for a raise in minimum-

wage.19 Each of these resources was important for establishing the context and background of the area -

as discussed above - before jumping into fieldwork, analysis, and research.

Each of my instances of participant observation were collected within the

Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and Kingston road stores. My first site was at a Swiss Chalet Rotisserie &

Grill from ~7:00pm to 8:00pm. To contrast these findings my second site was located within the cheaper

Kentucky Fried Chicken / Taco Bell restaurant during lunch hours (~1:30pm-2:30pm). Each of these sites

provided areas to observe employment without intruding within the social environment. Impersonating

a customer I purchased a meal at each site and while eating recorded observations within a notebook

related to the setting, customers, and staff of each. Afterwards I transcribed this information with some

research for reference. This provides the main foundation for my findings and analysis here.

Figure3. Swiss Chalet Rotisserie & Grill Figure4. Kentucky Fried Chicken / Taco BellFindings & Analysis

17 Social Policy Analysis & Research section, Priority Area Profile, pg 1-518 Neighbourhood Action Partnership, Resource Guide, pg 1-52.19 Mike Alder, "Scarborough Protesters Call for Hike in Minimum Wage," Metroland, 2013 < http://www.insidetoronto.com/news-story/4168322-scarborough-protesters-call-for-hike-in-minimum-wage/>

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'Gateway cities' in Canada (Vancouver, Montreal, Toronto) consistently attract the highest volume of the

country's immigrant settlement. These CMAs include ethnic suburban communities (or 'ethnoburbs')

which supply familiar goods and services to ease transition into Canadian life. However, the lack of city

centers or reliable employment in these 'edge cities' is a vital structural barrier against immigrant

integration into the labour market. This issues is prevalent within the Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and

Kingston road labour market located within the KGO area. My participant observations at Swiss Chalet

and KFC/Taco Bell include three main findings/observations which illustrate this local economic

infrastructure and its problematic effects.

The first and most significant finding was that each of these minimum-wage and part-time

institutions were primarily staffed by middle-aged adults of non-white ethnicities during my sittings. For

example, my server at Swiss Chalet appeared to be aged in his 40s and of South Asian descent. This

observation was consistent amongst the other servers, cooks, and manager - only one server of which

was of white ethnicity. In KFC/Taco Bell I witnessed a higher volume of younger employees, but the

demographic majority was parallel to that of Swiss Chalet. This finding seems to correlate with the

Priority Neighbourhood Profile statistic that 17% all residents and 22% of those employed in part-time

work are located in the retail economic sector.20 While retail establishments are not inherently an issue,

the high volume of these businesses in the local labour market is problematic. This source of

employment alone does not provide enough income for what appears to be local immigrant adults with

debt related to parenthood, rent, health, settlement expenses, etc. Rather, these employment

conditions seem to qualify for what Stapleton et al. describe as the 'working poor' in Toronto. He

reported that immigrants are over-represented within this group especially located in suburban high-

rise buildings. The United Way's Vertical Poverty report, for example, found that people living in private-

sector housing experienced considerable issues in regards to paying rent despite high employment

rates.21

One might argue that KGO residents have commute opportunities to access more reliable work.

However, this apparent segmentation of resident employment within the local labour market is

moreover supported by my second observation: many customers and staff coming and leaving from

these institutions did so on foot. While at Swiss Chalet there were less customers for longer durations of

time, KFC/Taco Bell served customers on the go. Despite this constant influx it was rare to witness any

customer interaction with automobiles in nearby parking lots. This seems consistent with above

20 Social Policy Analysis & Research section, Priority Area Profile, pg 1.21 John Stapleton, Brian Murphy, Yue Xing, "The 'Working Poor' in the Toronto Region: Who they are, where they live, and how trends are changing," Metcalf Foundation, 2012.

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statistics which illustrate that many local low-income residents lack the expenses to afford large

payments such as those involved with car ownership. Furthermore, while mass transit is present it does

not seem to offer many chances for upward mobility. Taking the 305 and 354 TTC bus routes may

transfer one to similar problematic 'category killers' in the suburbs. Alternatively, these routes may take

one to the congested rail transit at the Bloor-Danforth and the Yonge Subway stations to commute to

the competitive and discriminatory labour market downtown.22 In this way it seems that residents of this

low-income immigrant community have limited commuting opportunities which restricts them to the

local labour market within the Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and along Kingston road.

Some scholars may argue that these issues are symptomatic of more generalized and

widespread issues related to the marginalization of immigrant social capital or discrimination against

immigrant human capital. For example, M. Nakhaie and A. Kazemipur, using the Longitudional Survey of

Immigrants in Canada, illustrated that the Socio-Economic Scale of immigrants is strongly influenced by

their social networks. They found that while homogenous immigrant communities increase the rate of

finding a job within four years of settlement these positions are often less reliable and stable than those

found through school teachers or referral. In this way it may be supposed that KGO residents are

concentrated within low-income work because they rely on somewhat limiting social ties from friends

and family within their neighbourhood.23 Jeffrey Reitz, on the other hand has found that within recent

years there has been an increasing devaluation of foreign education and experience in favour of

Canadian experience. In addition to prejudice, employers often lack the knowledge or resources to

convert these skills into the Canadian labour market.24 Reitz then may argue that immigrants are

segmented within the KGO area because of institutional discrimination which excludes them from

higher-paying positions downtown.

While barriers against immigrant social and human capital may exist within the KGO area these

issues are significantly structured by spatial and infrastructural problems related to suburban sprawl. As

discussed above, the problem of 'category killers' and immigrant segmentation within low-paying jobs is

characteristic of major suburban regions of the United States such as Levittown, NY and Long Island. In

the case of Toronto, academics such as Eric Fong and his colleagues have illustrated the unique

economic characteristics of suburban labour markets through the examples of Chinese businesses. For

example, they found that in suburbs Chinese businesses were more clustered than in the city due to the

22 I have Reitz's study on employer discrimination in mind here. This context will be discussed in more detail throughout the following paragraphs. 23 Nakhaie & Kazemipur, " Status of the New Immigrants in Canada," pg 419–437.24 Reitz, "Understanding the Decline," pg 37-62.

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low density of suburban land development and the dispersion of ethnic members. They explained that

"locating in another suburban neighbourhood, even an adjacent neighbourhood, may suggest spatial

separation from other co-ethnic businesses."25 In other words, different local labour markets are

significantly distanced - allowing for the structural segmentation of economic space.

We can begin to look at the effects of this local economic environment by drawing some

conclusions related to the customer lifestyles that these restaurants imply. My third observation was

that the customer demographic of KFC/Taco Bell was much more diverse and representative of the local

population compared to Swiss Chalet which was ~90% white. There may be cultural reasons for this - but

can also be explained by considering the income and leisure time of native-born Canadians versus low-

income immigrants.

To situate this finding it is useful to draw on research on 'shadow economies' collected by Akter

and Dyson. They illustrated that immigrants segmented within low-income positions adapt economic

survival strategies to afford basic finances. Drawing on interviews with 453 newcomer households

within Toronto they found that only one-third of households reported being able to fully cover their

household expenses on income through formal employment. Of this group many have turned to

balancing several formal jobs and 46% of respondents reported earning income from their participation

in the informal and undocumented 'shadow economy.'26 Within this context than it may be proposed

that local immigrant residents have neither the time nor income to enjoy a leisurely night out with

family or friends at a dinner. Rather, the quick and affordable fast food model provided by KFC/Taco bell

is much more accessible my residents with low-income, on lunch breaks from local employment, on

their way between jobs or services.

While larger overarching barriers to immigrant integration to the labour market certainly exist

such as strong ties of ethnic homogeneity and employer discrimination it is important to situate these

issues within local and regional case scenarios. In the KGO area these issues are structured by the

suburban infrastructure which limits residents to the local Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and Kingston

road 'category killer' retail stores. This recognition demands further investigation into local effects such

as involvement within the 'shadow economy' transactions in nearby stores and other consumer

practices, the balancing of several jobs - formal and informal, and the general lack of leisure time

thereof. This has important implications for policy development to which I now turn.

Conclusion & Discussion

25 Eric Fong et al., "A Comparison of Ethnic Businesses in Suburbs and City," City & Community 6:2 (June 2007) pg 122.26 Akter and Dyson, “Shadow Economies," pg 1-45

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In the 2013 Divided City section of Toronto Life Philip Preville criticized the political and economic

neglect of Toronto's suburbs. While downtown has experienced considerable investment for job

creation such as the construction of the Bay Adelaide Centre, little has been done to introduce this

gilded age into Scarborough, York, or other neighbourhoods in the periphery. Rather, there is an agenda

for improved transportation to increase accessibility for these jobs downtown. Preville argued that this

policy overlooks issues related to commute congestion, economic benefits of local spending, and the

need for public investment (i.e. sewage, public spaces, emergency services, etc). Concluding, he states

that Toronto should share the wealth and contribute to job creation in the suburbs.27

While informal, Preville certainly points us in the right direction here for considering methods of

improvement and policy development. The point of this study has been to illustrate, through the

example of the KGO area, that many low-income residents living in Toronto's suburbs are significantly

restricted to local forms of employment. This is problematic because these regions were originally

developed as 'growth machines' to provide cheap housing for downtown commuters in the post World

War Two era - not provide a dependable labour market for low-income immigrants. Because of this

spatial structure residents are provided with few opportunities for upward mobility. On the contrary,

the minimum-wage and part-time retail 'category killers,' such as the Lawrence/Morningside Plaza and

Kingston Road stores, which dominate these neighbourhoods encourage the development of 'working

poor' classes.

Reliable and high-paying job development then seems an effective means by which many of

these skilled and qualified immigrants may be employed in their fields. Within such ethnic communities

immigrants themselves may utilize their knowledge of foreign credentials and social capital to employ

the local population. However, due to the domination of retail stores and strict organization of space in

suburbia this appears a much more complex goal than relocating financial investment from downtown

and constructing office buildings as Preville suggests.

More critical methods of improving issues related to suburban sprawl are found in some

examples of United States scholarship. In 2003 Myron Orfield argued that the majority of issues found in

sprawl are related to policy incentives for metropolitan development. For example, tax policies promote

wasteful competition among local governments, transportation and infrastructure investment subsidizes

encourage sprawl development, and fragmented government makes efficient land-use planning more

difficult. Therefore, in order to begin transformations such as local job creation Orfield emphasised a

27 Philip Preville, "The Divided City: Toronto’s Gilded Age Never Made it to The Suburbs," Toronto Life (February 2014) <http://www.torontolife.com/tag/the-divided-city/>

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regional approach to metropolitan problems such as regional tax sharing, coordinated planning of

housing and infrastructure, and strengthened institutions for regional governance. 28 Similar ideas are

also found in The New Urbanism, a movement of planners, designers, and architects which began in the

1980s.29 This regional and infrastructural approach is significant because it may be generalized beyond

labour market integration for immigrants - coordinating with the politics, community, and culture of

different neighbourhoods within the historical context of suburban sprawl. By investing in community

development and organization across Toronto's inner suburbs we may begin to introduce new urban

centers in Hulchanski's City #3 to help smooth the integration process for low-income citizens of all

ethnic backgrounds.

Works Cited

Akter, Nasima Topkara-Sarsu and Diane Sevgul Dyson. “Shadow Economies: Economic Survival Strategies of Toronto Immigrant Communities.” Toronto East Local Immigration Partnership Workgroup. Toronto: Wellesley Institute, 2013 pg 1-45.

28 Myron Orfield, "Myron Orfield Proposes a Regional Approach to Metropolitan Problems" (2003), in The Suburb Reader (eds. Becky M. Nicolaides and Andrew Wiese), New York: Routledge Publishing, 2006 pg 482-48529 Congress for The New Urbanism, "Charter of The Congress for The New Urbanism" (1996), in The Suburb Reader (eds. Becky M. Nicolaides and Andrew Wiese), New York: Routledge Publishing, 2006 pg 485-487

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Alder, Mike. "Scarborough Protesters Call for Hike in Minimum Wage." Metroland, 2013 < http://www. insidetoronto.com/news-story/4168322-scarborough-protesters-call-for-hike-in-minimum-wage/>

East Scarborough Storefront. "History." East Scarborough Storefront. Accessed January 2014 <http://www.thestorefront.org/about-us/history/>

Eric Fong et al. "A Comparison of Ethnic Businesses in Suburbs and City." City & Community 6:2 (June 2007) pg 119-136.

Frank, Kristyn. "Immigrant Employment Success in Canada: Examining the Rate of Obtaining a Job Match." New York: International Migration Review 47:1 (2013) pg 76-105

Haan, Michael. "The Place of Place: Location and Immigrant Economic Well-being in Canada." Popul Res Policy Rev 27 (2008) pg 751-771

Hulchanski, J. David. "The Three Cities within Toronto: Income polarization among Toronto’s neighbourhoods, 1970–2000," Toronto: Centre for Urban and Community Studies Research Bulletin 41, 2007

King, Karen. "The Geography of Immigration in Canada: Settlement, Education, Labour Activity and Occupational Profiles." Toronto: Martin Prosperity Institute (March 2009).

Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Neighbourhood Action Partnership, Help Right in Your Neighbourhood: A Resource Guide for the Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Community, Toronto: Kingston-Galloway/Orton Park Neighbourhood Action Partnership, 2010.

Nakhaie, M. Reza and Abdolmohammad Kazemipur. "Social Capital, Employment and Occupational Status of the New Immigrants in Canada." Int. Migration & Integration 14 (2013) pg 419–437.

Nicolaides, Becky M. and Andrew Wiese. The Suburb Reader. New York: Routledge Publishing, 2006.

Preston, V. et al. “Immigrants’ Economic Status in Toronto: Stories of Triumph and Disappointment” in Paul Anisef and Lanphier, M.C. eds. The World in a City. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003.

Preville, Philip. "The Divided City: Toronto’s Gilded Age Never Made it to The Suburbs." Toronto Life (February 2014) <http://www.torontolife.com/tag/the-divided-city/>

Reitz, Jeffrey. "Immigrant Employment Success in Canada, Part II: Understanding the Decline." Int. Migration & Integration 8 (2007) pg 37-62.

Reitz, Jeffrey. "Taxi Driver Syndrome: Behind-the-scenes changes are creating new problems on top of old ones." Literary Review of Canada (2011): pg 20-22.

Scarborough Historical Society. "West Hill." Scarborough Historical Society. Accessed January 2014, <http://scarboroughhistorical. ca/?page_id=217>

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Social Policy Analysis & Research section in the Social Development, Finance and Administration Division. Kingston-Galloway Priority Area Profile (2006). Toronto: City of Toronto, 2008.

Stapleton, John, Brian Murphy, Yue Xing, "The 'Working Poor' in the Toronto Region: Who They are, Where They Live, and how Trends are Changing." Metcalf Foundation, 2012.

Troper, Harold. "Becoming an Immigrant City: A History of Immigration into Toronto Since The Second World War." The World In A City, eds. Paul Anisef, C. Michael & Lanphier. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003. pg 19-62.

Wang, Shuguang & Jason Zhong. "Delineating Ethnoburbs in Metropolitan Toronto." Toronto: CERIS – The Ontario Metropolis Centre, 2013.