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. The North American Periphery of the Caribbean Slave Trade, ca. 1700–1763 Page 1 of 19 PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE (www.cairo.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2014. All Rights Reserved. Under the terms of the licence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in CSO for personal use (for detai l s see http://www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/page/privacy-policy ). Subscriber: New York Public Library; date: 04 October 2015 University Press Scholarship Online North Carolina Scholarship Online Final Passages: The Intercolonial Slave Trade of British America, 1619–1807 Gregory E. O‘Malley Print publication date: 2014 Print ISBN-13: 9781469615349 Published to North Carolina Scholarship Online: January 2015 DOI: 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469615349.001.0001 . The North American Periphery of the Caribbean Slave Trade, ca. 1700–1763 Gregory E. O’Malley DOI:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469615349.003.0006 Abstract and Keywords This chapter focuses on the British slave trade which was centered in the Caribbean during the period 1700–1763, while North America’s colonies remaind on the periphery. From 1701 to 1775, more than 1.5 million enslaved Africans were delivered by British traders to the Americas. Over 80 percent of these slaves disembarked from the Atlantic crossing in the Caribbean, compared to only about 16 percent (equivalent to more or less 250,000) who landed on the North American mainland. This discrepancy suggests that sugar occupied a central place in the British slave system. The chapter examines three types of slave-trading relationships that linked the West Indies and North American colonies: deliveries from the islands to slave-trading entrepôts on the mainland, deliveries to northern colonies that were less dependent on enslaved labor, and deliveries to southern backwaters with a growing desire for slaves but not enough money to pay for them. Keywords: slave trade, Caribbean, North America, colonies, Africans, slaves, sugar, West Indies Negroes may be said to be the Bait proper for catching a Carolina Planter, as certain as Beef to catch a Shark.—Anonymous, Charleston, 1738 We are under a Necessity to buy the refuse, refractory, and distemper‘d Negros, brought from other Governments. —George Burrington, North Carolina, 1733 To be Sold for Cash or Jamaica Fish, Two likely Negro Boys —Advertisement, Boston, 1765 In the eighteenth century, the British slave trade reached its awful apogee, but North American colonies remained on the margins of a British colonial slave system centered in the Caribbean. From 1701 to 1775, British traders delivered just over 1.5 million African people to the Americas as slaves. More than 80 percent of them disembarked from the Atlantic crossing in the Caribbean, whereas only about 16 percent (~250,000) landed on the North American mainland. This discrepancy reflects the primacy of sugar in the British slave system but also overstates it. Far more Africans were indeed put to work on Britain’s sugar islands than on the British mainland, but a significant portion of the people landing in the British Caribbean would not stay there. By the eighteenth century, a systematic, routinized network of intercolonial trade dispersed people outward from the British Caribbean. Some left the British Empire altogether, but within the empire, the most significant route of this intercolonial trade linked the Caribbean heart of the slave system with its North American periphery. From 1701 to 1775, thousands of intercolonial voyages carried nearly 50,000 enslaved African people from the Caribbean to North America—accounting for 1 in 6 African immigrants to the mainland. This robust intercolonial trade is somewhat surprising: with the British emerging as world leaders in the slave trade, why did transatlantic traders not supply all North American colonies with captives directly from Africa? Of course, many transatlantic traders did exactly that, with Virginia’s James River and Charleston, South Carolina, becoming particularly important centers of direct importation. Nonetheless, direct African trade to North America did not fully (p.172) meet demand, so the intercolonial trade from the Caribbean actually grew even as direct African arrivals increased. 1 This continued importance of Caribbean sources for North America’s African immigrants hinged upon the mainland’s economic development as a periphery of the Caribbean sugar complex. With Britain’s sugar islands generating staggering wealth and increasingly specializing on cultivating cane, many North American colonies found economic niches in selling provisions and supplies to the Caribbean. The New England colonies sent salted fish, livestock, and timber; mid-Atlantic settlements earned the name “bread colonies” for shipments of flour and other grains; Chesapeake planters outside the prime tobacco regions raised corn and livestock for the Caribbean; the Carolinas exported naval stores and livestock. All of these regions received sugar, rum, and tropical fruits in exchange. Including transshipments of African laborers in such commerce was no major leap. As William Byrd had done in the Chesapeake–West Indian trade of the late seventeenth century, other merchants in a wider range of British

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Page 1: The North American Periphery of the Caribbean Slave … ·  · 2015-10-052015-10-05 · The North American Periphery of the Caribbean Slave Trade, ca. 1700–1763 ... were distinct

. The North American Periphery of the Caribbean Slave Trade, ca. 1700–1763

Page 1 of 19

PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE(www.cairo.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2014. All Rights Reserved. Under theterms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in CSO for personal use(for details see http://www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/page/privacy-policy). Subscriber: New York Public Library;date: 04 October 2015

UniversityPressScholarshipOnline

NorthCarolinaScholarshipOnline

FinalPassages:TheIntercolonialSlaveTradeofBritishAmerica,1619–1807GregoryE.O‘Malley

Printpublicationdate:2014PrintISBN-13:9781469615349PublishedtoNorthCarolinaScholarshipOnline:January2015DOI:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469615349.001.0001

.TheNorthAmericanPeripheryoftheCaribbeanSlaveTrade,ca.1700–1763

GregoryE.O’Malley

DOI:10.5149/northcarolina/9781469615349.003.0006

AbstractandKeywords

ThischapterfocusesontheBritishslavetradewhichwascenteredintheCaribbeanduringtheperiod1700–1763,whileNorthAmerica’scoloniesremaindontheperiphery.From1701to1775,morethan1.5millionenslavedAfricansweredeliveredbyBritishtraderstotheAmericas.Over80percentoftheseslavesdisembarkedfromtheAtlanticcrossingintheCaribbean,comparedtoonlyabout16percent(equivalenttomoreorless250,000)wholandedontheNorthAmericanmainland.ThisdiscrepancysuggeststhatsugaroccupiedacentralplaceintheBritishslavesystem.Thechapterexaminesthreetypesofslave-tradingrelationshipsthatlinkedtheWestIndiesandNorthAmericancolonies:deliveriesfromtheislandstoslave-tradingentrepôtsonthemainland,deliveriestonortherncoloniesthatwerelessdependentonenslavedlabor,anddeliveriestosouthernbackwaterswithagrowingdesireforslavesbutnotenoughmoneytopayforthem.

Keywords:slavetrade,Caribbean,NorthAmerica,colonies,Africans,slaves,sugar,WestIndies

NegroesmaybesaidtobetheBaitproperforcatchingaCarolinaPlanter,ascertainasBeeftocatchaShark.—Anonymous,Charleston,1738

WeareunderaNecessitytobuytherefuse,refractory,anddistemper‘dNegros,broughtfromotherGovernments.—GeorgeBurrington,NorthCarolina,1733

TobeSoldforCashorJamaicaFish,TwolikelyNegroBoys

—Advertisement,Boston,1765

Intheeighteenthcentury,theBritishslavetradereacheditsawfulapogee,butNorthAmericancoloniesremainedonthemarginsofaBritishcolonialslavesystemcenteredintheCaribbean.From1701to1775,Britishtradersdeliveredjustover1.5millionAfricanpeopletotheAmericasasslaves.Morethan80percentofthemdisembarkedfromtheAtlanticcrossingintheCaribbean,whereasonlyabout16percent(~250,000)landedontheNorthAmericanmainland.ThisdiscrepancyreflectstheprimacyofsugarintheBritishslavesystembutalsooverstatesit.FarmoreAfricanswereindeedputtoworkonBritain’ssugarislandsthanontheBritishmainland,butasignificantportionofthepeoplelandingintheBritishCaribbeanwouldnotstaythere.Bytheeighteenthcentury,asystematic,routinizednetworkofintercolonialtradedispersedpeopleoutwardfromtheBritishCaribbean.SomelefttheBritishEmpirealtogether,butwithintheempire,themostsignificantrouteofthisintercolonialtradelinkedtheCaribbeanheartoftheslavesystemwithitsNorthAmericanperiphery.From1701to1775,thousandsofintercolonialvoyagescarriednearly50,000enslavedAfricanpeoplefromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica—accountingfor1in6Africanimmigrantstothemainland.Thisrobustintercolonialtradeissomewhatsurprising:withtheBritishemergingasworldleadersintheslavetrade,whydidtransatlantictradersnotsupplyallNorthAmericancolonieswithcaptivesdirectlyfromAfrica?Ofcourse,manytransatlantictradersdidexactlythat,withVirginia’sJamesRiverandCharleston,SouthCarolina,becomingparticularlyimportantcentersofdirectimportation.Nonetheless,directAfricantradetoNorthAmericadidnotfully(p.172) meetdemand,sotheintercolonialtradefromtheCaribbeanactuallygrewevenasdirectAfricanarrivalsincreased.1

ThiscontinuedimportanceofCaribbeansourcesforNorthAmerica’sAfricanimmigrantshingeduponthemainland’seconomicdevelopmentasaperipheryoftheCaribbeansugarcomplex.WithBritain’ssugarislandsgeneratingstaggeringwealthandincreasinglyspecializingoncultivatingcane,manyNorthAmericancoloniesfoundeconomicnichesinsellingprovisionsandsuppliestotheCaribbean.TheNewEnglandcoloniessentsaltedfish,livestock,andtimber;mid-Atlanticsettlementsearnedthename“breadcolonies”forshipmentsofflourandothergrains;ChesapeakeplantersoutsidetheprimetobaccoregionsraisedcornandlivestockfortheCaribbean;theCarolinasexportednavalstoresandlivestock.Alloftheseregionsreceivedsugar,rum,andtropicalfruitsinexchange.IncludingtransshipmentsofAfricanlaborersinsuchcommercewasnomajorleap.AsWilliamByrdhaddoneintheChesapeake–WestIndiantradeofthelateseventeenthcentury,othermerchantsinawiderrangeofBritish

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PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE(www.cairo.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2014. All Rights Reserved. Under theterms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in CSO for personal use(for details see http://www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/page/privacy-policy). Subscriber: New York Public Library;date: 04 October 2015

colonialportswoulddointheeighteenth:monitorthepricesofgoodsinvariouscolonies,seekopportunitiesforprofitableexchange,andtradeAfricanpeoplewhenitseemedadvantageous.Meanwhile,thepresenceofNorthAmericantraderssellingprovisionsandsuppliesinCaribbeanportsonlyincreasedtheallureofsuchmarketsfortransatlanticslavetraders.Theycouldnotonlycountonthesugarislandsforthewealthiestplantationownerswiththelargestlaborneeds,buttheycouldalsocountonthestrongsugareconomy(builtuponslavelabor)todrawNorthAmericantraderstotheislands.2

(p.173) AlthoughmostNorthAmericancoloniesprovisionedtheCaribbean,theirconnectionstotheislands,andtothetradeinAfricanpeople,weredistinct.Thischaptersketchesthreetypesofslave-tradingrelationshipsconnectingtheWestIndiesandNorthAmericancolonies:deliveriesfromtheislandstoslave-tradingentrepôtsonthemainland,deliveriestonortherncolonieslessdependentonenslavedlabor,anddeliveriestosouthernbackwaterswithburgeoningdesireforslavesbutlittlecapitaltopayforthem.Theorganizationofsuchcommerce,andtheethnicanddemographicmixofthecaptivesitcarried,variedinaccordancewiththetypeofNorthAmericanmarketbeingtargeted.AnintercolonialtraderincorporatedslavetradingintohisbusinessdifferentlybasedonwhetherhetargetedaplacelikeCharleston,likePhiladelphia,orlikeEdenton,NorthCarolina.

ForAfricanpeoplearrivingintheCaribbean,thepatternsofthistraffichadimportantimplications.Centralizationthroughhubswasefficientfortradersandtheeconomy—justasitisformodernpassengerairlinesandshippingcompanies—butforcaptivescaughtinthecommercialmigration,thecomplexnetworkofAtlantictrademadeforconvoluted,multistagejourneyswithsortingandseparationsateachstage.Themajorityremainedattheislandwheretheyarrived,especiallyyoungmen,whomownersandoverseersofsugarplantationspreferred.ChildrenfacedhigheroddsofjourneystothenorthernmostBritishcolonies;youngwomenmightbechosenforventurestodevelopingregionswhereplantersvaluedfertilityorlowerprices;oldercaptiveswereoftensenttoeconomicallymarginalcolonieswhereprospectiveslaveholdershadfewoptions.Allofthissortingincreasedthelikelihoodthatkinship,cultural,andlinguistictiesseveredaftertheAtlanticcrossing.3

(p.174) ■TheleastintuitiveoftheintercolonialslavetradeslinkingtheCaribbeanandNorthAmericaweretheroutestocoloniesthatalsodrewpeopledirectlyfromAfrica—namely,Virginia,SouthCarolina,andMaryland.AsthesecoloniesbecameregulartargetsoftradersfromAfricaintheeighteenthcentury,thetransatlanticdeliveriesdidnotrenderintercolonialshipmentsobsolete.IntercolonialmerchantsshowedremarkablewillingnesstocompeteagainstdirectAfricantrade.Infact,VirginiaandSouthCarolinanotonlyledtheBritishmainlandcoloniesinimportingpeopledirectlyfromAfricabutalsocontinuedtoimportthemostcaptivesfromtheCaribbean(Tables8and9).Intercolonialdeliveriesdidnotkeeppacewithtransatlanticarrivals,fluctuatinginreactiontothetransatlantictrade’svolumeandthestateoflocaleconomies,butintercolonialarrivalinVirginiaandSouthCarolinaremainedconsiderablenonetheless.Maryland,meanwhile,occupiedsomethingofanintermediatepositionbetweentheprimaryslaveimportingcoloniesofNorthAmericaandthemoremarginalterritories.ThesmallerChesapeakecolonydrewcaptivesfromtransatlantictraderswithsomeregularity,butsincetradersfromAfricatargetedSouthCarolinaandVirginiamorefrequently,MarylandsupplementedthedirecttradewithahigherproportionofarrivalsfromtheCaribbean(Table10).

EuropeantradersinAfricaacquiredcaptivesatvastlycheaperpricesthanintercolonialmerchantscouldfindintheCaribbean,sothepersistenceofintercolonialslavetradingtoVirginia,SouthCarolina,andMarylandintheeighteenthcenturyinvolvedfactorsotherthancost.NorcanadependenceonexportingprovisionstotheCaribbeanentirelyexplainthesustainedtransshipmentsbecausethesecoloniesdidnotrelyonthatcommercetothesamedegreeastheirneighbors.Virginia,SouthCarolina,andMarylandledtheBritishmainlandinimportingAfricansbecausetheyalsoledintheproductionofstaplesforexporttoEurope.Threeconsiderations,however,encouragedintercolonialtraderstocompetewiththeso-called“Guineamen”inNorthAmerica’slargestmarketsforenslavedlaborers:First,intercolonialtraderspossessedanadvantageintheproximityoftheirmarketsofsupplyanddemand,whichallowedtimelierknowledgeofmarketconditions.Second,althoughtheVirginia,Maryland,andSouthCarolinaeconomiesdependedlessontheexportofprovisionstotheCaribbeanthansomeneighboringcolonies,thisprovisiontradestillformedaconsiderablepartoftheircommerce.Chesapeakeplantersgrewwheatandcornandraisedlivestockonlandsill(p.175)

TABLE8.EstimatedNumbersofAfricanCaptivesArrivinginVirginia,1701–1765Year EnslavedAfricansdirectlyfromAfrica EnslavedAfricansviatheCaribbean Total %fromtheCaribbean1701–1705 4,500 275 4,775 61706–1710 5,525 250 5,775 41711–1715 975 600 1,575 381716–1720 7,150 1,625 8,775 191721–1725 6,750 675 7,425 91726–1730 11,125 300 11,425 31731–1735 10,600 725 11,325 61736–1740 11,700 650 12,350 51741–1745 5,625 750 6,375 121746–1750 4,650 1,575 6,225 251751–1755 8,150 750 8,900 81756–1760 3,500 50 3,550 11761–1765 7,525 225 7,750 3TOTAL 87,775 8,450 96,225 9Sources:FiguresfordirecttransatlanticmigrationderivefromtheVoyageswebsite,butthatsitepresentsestimatesofAfricanarrivalsbyregion(inthiscase,theChesapeake)ratherthanbyindividualcolony.ToderiveanestimateforVirginiaalone,IanalyzedtherawdatainVoyages:TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTradeDatabaseondocumentedshipmentstoVirginiaandMaryland(http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&mjslptimp=21000.21100,accessedMay2011)tocalculateVirginia’sproportionofthedocumentedarrivalsintheChesapeakeforeachfive-yearperiod.IthenassumedthatVirginiareceivedthesameproportionoftheestimatedtotalarrivalsintheChesapeakeinthesameperiod(http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&disembarkation=202,accessedMay2011).EstimatesofintercolonialtradederivefromGregoryE.O‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage:SlaveMigrationfromtheCaribbeantoNorth

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PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE(www.cairo.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2014. All Rights Reserved. Under theterms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in CSO for personal use(for details see http://www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/page/privacy-policy). Subscriber: New York Public Library;date: 04 October 2015

America,1619–1807,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),141.

(p.176)TABLE9.EstimatedNumbersofAfricanCaptivesArrivinginSouthCarolina,1701–1765Year EnslavedAfricansdirectlyfromAfrica EnslavedAfricansviatheCaribbean Total %fromtheCaribbean1701–1705 625 625 1001706–1710 225 625 850 741711–1715 775 625 1,400 451716–1720 1,450 875 2,325 381721–1725 3,025 425 3,450 121726–1730 4,825 500 5,325 91731–1735 13,825 875 14,700 61736–1740 14,050 225 14,275 21741–1745 875 125 1,000 131746–1750 2,125 300 2,425 121751–1755 7,675 2,275 9,950 231756–1760 14,450 1,275 15,725 81761–1765 18,100 2,500 20,600 12TOTAL 81,400 11,250 92,650 12Sources:FiguresfordirecttransatlanticmigrationderivefromtheVoyageswebsite,butthatsitepresentsestimatesofAfricanarrivalsbyregion(inthiscase,theCarolinas–/–Georgia)ratherthanbyindividualcolony.ToderiveanestimateforSouthCarolinaalone,IanalyzedtherawdataonNorthCarolina,SouthCarolina,andGeorgia(http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&mjslptimp=21200.21300.21400,accessedMay2011)tocalculateSouthCarolina’sproportionofdocumentedarrivalsintheregionforeachfive-yearperiod(100percent,inmostcases).IthenassumedSouthCarolinareceivedthesameproportionoftheestimatedtotalarrivalsintheregioninthesameperiod(http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&disembarkation=203,accessedMay2011).EstimatesofintercolonialtradederivefromGregoryE.O‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage:SlaveMigrationfromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica,1619–1807,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),142.

(p.177)TABLE10.EstimatedNumbersofAfricanCaptivesArrivinginMaryland,1701–1765Year EnslavedAfricansdirectlyfromAfrica EnslavedAfricansviatheCaribbean Total %fromtheCaribbean1701–1705 1,075 250 1,325 191706–1710 1,700 250 1,950 131711–1715 0 300 300 1001716–1720 900 800 1,700 471721–1725 1,375 350 1,725 201726–1730 2,325 150 2,475 61731–1735 2,450 350 2,800 131736–1740 3,625 325 3,950 81741–1745 1,800 250 2,050 121746–1750 0 525 525 1001751–1755 1,000 200 1,200 171756–1760 1,950 75 2,025 41761–1765 1,975 225 2,200 10TOTAL 20,175 4,050 24,225 17Sources:FiguresfordirecttransatlanticmigrationderivefromtheVoyageswebsite,butthatsitepresentsestimatesofAfricanarrivalsbyregion(inthiscase,theChesapeake)ratherthanbyindividualcolony.ToderiveanestimateforMarylandalone,IanalyzedtherawdatainVoyages:TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTradeDatabase,onVirginiaandMaryland(http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&mjslptimp=21000.21100,accessedMay2011)tocalculateMaryland’sproportionofdocumentedarrivalsintheChesapeakeforeachfive-yearperiod.IthenassumedMarylandreceivedthesameproportionoftheestimatedtotalarrivalsintheChesapeakeinthesameperiod(http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&disembarkation=202,accessedNovember2011).EstimatesofintercolonialtradederivefromGregoryE.O‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage:SlaveMigrationfromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica,1619–1807,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),146.

(p.178) suitedtotobacco.SouthCarolinaricesoldnotonlyinBritainandsouthernEuropebutalsofedtheenslavedpopulationsoftheCaribbean.Carolinianssupplementedthegrainwithlivestock.AsareturntradefromtheCaribbean,enslavedpeopleofferedalogicalchoice.Third,intercolonialslavetraderswererarelyspecialists;theyweregeneralmerchantsforwhomtheslavetradecomplementedotheractivities.TheypaidmoreforcaptivesinAmericanmarketsthantheirrivalspaidfortheminAfrica,buttheywerewillingtoacceptslimmerprofitmarginsbecausesellingAfricanpeoplefacilitatedothercommerce.Thetradeinenslavedpeople,intercolonialmerchantsrealized,openedotheravenuesoftrade.4

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PRINTED FROM UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA PRESS SCHOLARSHIP ONLINE(www.cairo.universitypressscholarship.com). (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2014. All Rights Reserved. Under theterms of the l icence agreement, an individual user may print out a PDF of a single chapter of a monograph in CSO for personal use(for details see http://www.northcarolina.universitypressscholarship.com/page/privacy-policy). Subscriber: New York Public Library;date: 04 October 2015

ToexploittheirproximitytotheAmericanmarketsforenslavedlaborers,intercolonialtradersmonitoredvariationsinlocaleconomiesandfluctuationsinthetransatlanticslavetrade.Inanygivenyear,acolonymightfailtoreceiveitsusualnumberofAfricansorseelocaldemandspikebecauseofagreatharvest.Sometimestheresultingpricediscrepancieslastedforyears,astransatlantictradersadaptedslowlytotheeconomicemergenceofanewcolony(oranewstaplewithinacolony).In1738,ananonymouswritertotheSouth-CarolinaGazetteexplainedthatmerchantshaddeliveredthousandsofAfricansannuallytoSouthCarolinaoverthepreviousdecadeowingtoa“muchgreaterPriceherethaninanyotherPartofAmerica.”Thesehighpricesattractedtransatlantictraders,tobesure,buttheyalsoallowedforprofitableintercolonialtrade.“IhaveknownmanySlavesboughtinBarbadoes,etc.andsenthereforSale,”thelettertotheGazettecontinued,“whichhavebeensoldwithgoodProfit.”Apparentlytransatlantictradersdidnotalwaysfindorsaturatethemarketswherepriceswerehighest;theirslowreactiontochangedmarketconditionspresentedopportunitiesfortheirintercolonialcounterparts.5

Charlestonagainofferedsuchanopportunityinthe1750sand1760s.Theexpansionofindigotosupplementricecultivationpushedupdemand(andprices)forAfricanlaborinSouthCarolina,andGovernorJamesGlennotedin1754thatintercolonialmerchantsseizedthemoment.“AsNegroesaresoldathigherPricesherethaninanypartoftheKing’sDominions,”hereported,“wehavethemsentfromBarbadoes,theLeewardIslands,Jamaica,VirginiaandNewYork.”Glenwrotepartlytopathimselfonthebackbyshowingthat“thisProvinceisinaflourishingcondition,”butimportrecordsrevealthe(p.179) surgeoftransshipmentswasnofigmentofhisself-aggrandizingimagination.Throughoutthe1740s,voyagestransshippingAfricanstoCharlestonhadnumberedinthesingledigitsannually,withnoneatallinsomeyears(evenaftertheendofKingGeorge’sWarin1748).Inthe1750s,thehighpricesinSouthCarolinabroughtincreasedintercolonialdeliveriesalongsidethetransatlantictrade’sacceleration.6

SustainedeconomicgrowthsuchasSouthCarolinaexperiencedinthe1750scouldcreateanopeningforintercolonialtradeoverseveralyears,butothermarketfluctuationshadnarrowerwindows,makingthemparticularlysuitedtointercolonialtradersoperatingovershortdistances.Forexample,intercolonialtraderscouldtimevoyagesforperiodswithintheyearwhenenslavedpeoplesoldtogreatestadvantage.TheslavetradewasmoreseasonaltoNorthAmericathantheCaribbeanbecausenorthernportscouldbeobstructedbyiceinthewinterandbecauseevenmainlandplantersfarthersouthavoidedbuyingslavesinthecoldermonths,fearingmortalityamongtheirinvestments.Butoncethespringgrowingseasonarrived,demandfornewslavesinNorthAmericanplantationcolonieswasstrong.Assuch,SouthCarolinamerchantJohnGuerardexplainedin1754thatshipmentsarrivinginthespring“comeinatthebestTimeasthePlantershavejustPitch‘dtheirCropsandwillgivethemoreastheNegroeswillbeofGreaterServiceinhoeingthro’thewholeSeason.”7

TraderstoAfricafacedmanyconstraintsontheirabilitytotimearrivalsinAmericawithprecision,suchasirregularsuppliesinAfricaandvariablespeedscrossingtheAtlantic,sointercolonialtradersfromtheCaribbeanoftenachievedthecovetedfirstdeliveryoftheseason.AttheendofFebruary1757,SouthCarolina’sfirstcaptivesoftheyeararrivedfromBarbadosratherthanAfrica,aboardthesnowHannah,promptingCharleston(p.180) merchantsAustinandLaurenstoreportwithenvyonthehighpricesthisgroupofpeoplefetched.ThestronglocaleconomyandlackofAfricanarrivalsoverthewinter“hasgivensuchspiritstoourPlanters”that“whentherewasasaleof200NegroesfromBarbados,mostlyCalabars,they[buyers]wereinducedtogive[£]280,[£]270,and£260forthementhatweretollerable.”Suchhighpricesfor“Calabars”—captivesfromtheBightofBiafra,theAfricanregionSouthCarolinaplantersleastpreferred—ledAustinandLaurenstopredict,“ThefirstGambiasthatarriveweexpecttheprimeMenwillbring£300.”InCarolina,Senegambiawasthefavoredsourceofenslavedpeople.Regardlessofethnicity,timingwascrucial.ThattheHannahcompleteditsventurefromBarbadostoSouthCarolinaatpreciselythemomentwhendemandpeakedintheLowcountrywasnocoincidence.Intercolonialtradersenjoyedgreatercontrolovertheirtimingthantransatlantictraders.8

Insomeyears,theendoftheseasonfordeliveriesalsopresentedanopportunity.Iftransatlanticarrivalsfellshortofexpectations,planterscouldgetdesperatetowardharvesttime.InMay1755,AustinandLaurensnotifiedCaribbeancorrespondentsthattheonlyvesselstoreachSouthCarolinafromAfricathatyearhaddelivered“butatrifletothenumberwanted.”Asaresult,AustinandLaurensbemoanedamissedopportunitytotransshipcaptivesatthebeginningoftheseasonbutanticipatedanotherchancetowardtheendoftheyear.TheycomplainedtopartnersinSaintKittsthat“Couldyouhavesent60or70fineSlaves…asyoupropos‘dWethinkwemusthaverender‘danagreeableAccountofthem.”Lookingforward,however,“IfweseetwoorthreemonthshencethatourImportsarebutsmall,itmaybeworthwhiletotakeasharewithyouinOneortwohundredtobehereinthemonthofOctoberandNovember.”Tocompetewithtransatlantictraders,intercolonialmerchantsmonitoredmarketscarefullyandrusheddeliverieswhenpricesspiked—or,betteryet,whentheyanticipatedsuchapeak.9

Whentimingwasnotideal,traderstoregionsthatalsoimportedpeopledirectlyfromAfricasimplyoptedout.JohnGuerardjumpedinandoutoftheintercolonialslavetradebetweentheCaribbeanandSouthCarolinaasthemomentdictated.WithvariouspartnersinEngland,Guerardinvestedin(p.181) numeroustradingventures,includinganumberoftransatlanticslavingvoyages.OneventurethatGuerardfinancedrepeatedly,withhispartnerWilliamJolliffofPoole,wasafour-leggedtradethatsentEnglishmanufacturestoMadeira,winefromMadeiratoBarbados,enslavedAfricansorCaribbeanproducetoCharleston,andCarolinaproducebacktoEngland.TherouteremainedthesamewhetherthevesselcarriedAfricansonthethirdlegornot.Peoplebecameinterchangeablecommoditieswithrumorsugar.Onsuchafour-leggedjourneyin1752,thecaptainofGuerard’sshipMolly,RichardWatts,purchasedonehundredcaptivesfromtheshipAfricainBarbadosfortransshipmenttoSouthCarolina.Butin1754,whenCaptainWattswascompletingthecircuitagain,GuerardwrotetohiminBarbadoswithfarlessenthusiasmaboutslavetransshipmenttoCharleston.Guerardponderedwhat

mightanswerbestfromBarbadosaboutwhichIamgreatlyataLossseeingwearesooverStocktwithRum…;MuscovadoSugarSellsat[moderateprices]butIreckonitisDear[expensive]attheIslands;NegroesIimaginewillalsofallinPrice[inSouthCarolina]asthePlantersProducehereisnowLowerthanhasbeenforafewYearsPast.

Befuddled,GuerardleftthedecisiontoWattsasthemanonsite,buthisthinkingillustratesthathisprimaryconsiderationwasjusttherelativepricesofgoods—includingenslavedpeople—inBarbadosandCharleston.WhetherSouthCarolinaplanterswantedslaveswasnotthequestion;surelytheydid,butGuerardfearedthatlowpricesforCarolina’scropswouldkeepplantersfrompayingenoughforAfricanstomaketransshipmentprofitable.SinceGuerardwasnotaslave-tradingspecialist,hebowedout.VirginiamerchantCharlesSteuartactedsimilarly,writingtocorrespondentsinmanycoloniesin1752and“advisingthatnegroesareingreatdemand,”onlytoreportthefollowingyear,“ThegreatnumberofSlavesimportedlastyear…almostdrainedtheCountryofCash,…[andprices]fellconsiderably.”Tothesemerchants,enslavedAfricanpeoplewereonecommodityamongmanytoroundoutintercolonialcargoes.10

(p.182) Buttheywerenotquitelikeanyother,becausewhenmarketconditionswerefavorable,Guerard(andothers)consideredenslavedAfricansthemostadvantageousofmerchantable“goods.”WhenGuerardorganizedWatts’sventurein1752,hepinnedhighhopesonthe

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transshipmentofpeople.Thefirsttwolegsofthatventure—fromEnglandtoMadeiraandfromMadeiratoBarbados—hadnotgonewell,andGuerardexplainedtohispartnerthathesawonlyonewayforthevoyagetoendprofitably.“Ifhe[Capt.Watts]doesbutma[ke]choiceoftherightSortofNegroes,”Guerardprayed,“ImaymakesomesmallProfitupontheVoyageandthatisalltheChanceIhave.”DiscussingasimilarproposedtransshipmentwithThomasRock,apartnerinBristol,Guerardagainattachedhighhopestoslaves.HesuggestednotonlythatAfricanpeoplecouldbringhighpricesbutalsothathavingthemtosellfacilitatedtheacquisitionofcropsforexport,whichavoidedanunprofitabletriptoEnglandinballast.WhenRock’sshipCarolinaarrivedfromAntiguawithouttheplannedtransshipmentofpeople,Guerardcomplainedthatifthevesselhad“broughtSome[slaves]itwouldhavebeenthemostLikelymeanstohavegivenheraDispatch[i.e.,tohavequicklyobtainedacargoforexport],butnowIshallebeundergreatDifficultytoEffectit.”Merchantsofferingslavesinexchangeforplanters’cropshadtheadvantageinreloadingtheirvessels.11

Othermerchantsagreedthatthehighdemandforlaborinthecoloniesgaveenslavedpeopleauniquevalueforacquiringexportcargoes.In1749,JamesMurrayofCapeFearcautionedashipcaptainintheWestIndiesagainstventuringtoNorthCarolinaasplanned,reporting,“There…isnowgreaterplentyofshipsintheRiverthaneverwasknown,”which“occasionsagreatScarcityofalltheProduceofthisPortfitforaforreignMarkets.”Asaresult,vesselsinNorthCarolinathatsummerwereforcedtooffercutratesonshippingtoavoiddepartinginballast.If“necessityobligesyoutocome,”Murrayadded,“IadviseyoutobringinsteadofRumandSugarsomecheapNegroesbutnotoldones.Ifanythingbringsaloadingheretheywill.”Similarly,inthe(p.183) springof1755,AustinandLaurensdiscouragedvesselsfromcomingtoSouthCarolina:“OurCountryisSowelldrayn‘doftheProducethatweareCertainnothingCanbegotonFreightforEuropeworthAcceptance.”Ifavesselcamedespitethiswarning,theysuggested,“themostCertainArticlewecanrecommendtobeSentbyherisafewfineNegroMen.”TherewasnoriceorindigoavailableforexportunlessatraderwassellingAfricans.Insuchcases,thediscrepancybetweenthepricepaidandpricereceivedforcaptiveswaslessimportantthanusingthemtoensureanexportcargo.12

Fortraders,acorollarytothiswasthatbuyersofslavesoftenpaidwithcropsatthemomentofasale,minimizingtheextensionofcredit.CharlesSteuartandAlexanderMcKenzieofVirginiaexplainedthisadvantagetoprospectivepartnersintheCaribbeanwhenseekingtoexpandtheirintercolonialslavetrading.Describing“ourtradetotheIslands,”SteuartandMcKenziestatedthatCaribbean“producegenerallysellshigherhere[inVirginia]thaninanyotherpartoftheContinent,but”lamented,“OnegreatmisfortuneattendingourTradeisthelongCreditsweareobligedtogive.”Onespecialcommodityevadedthisproblemofwaitingtocollectdebts:“NegroesaretheonlyArticlethatwillcommandreadymoney.”Assuch,SteuartandMcKenzieinvitedlargetransshipments,predictingthatenslavedAfricans“willcontinueingreatDemandallthisSeasonandaparcelofchoiceSlavesearlyintheSpringwillcometoagreatMarket….OurPlantersherehavehadgreatpricesfortheirTobacco…andarefullofCash,whichnothingbutNegroeswilldrawforth.”Totraders,whodescribedthemasan“Article”or“aparcel,”Africanpeoplestoodoutfromothercommoditiesonlyfortheirabilitytoconvinceplanterstoletgooftheircash.13

Observingthisphenomenon,ananonymouswritertotheSouth-CarolinaGazettearguedthathighpriceswerenottheonlyfactorattractingslaveshipmentstohiscolony.Ina1738editorial,hesuggested,

NegroesmaybesaidtobetheBaitproperforcatchingaCarolinaPlanter,ascertainasBeeftocatchaShark.HowmanyundertheNotionof18MonthsCredit,havebeentemptedtobuymoreNegroes

(p.184) thantheycouldpossiblyexpecttopay[for]in3Years!…YetsogreatistheInfatuation,thatthemanyExamplesoftheirNeighboursMisfortunesandDangerbysuchPurchasesdonothindernewFoolsfrombringingthemselvesintothesameDifficulty.

ThewriterdidnotdifferentiateherebetweentransatlanticandintercolonialarrivalsofAfricans,butthe“bait”metaphorwasequallyapplicabletoboth.Fromtheplanters’perspective,the“trap”wasdebt.Slaveswereexpensive,andifaplanterpurchasedseveralAfricanlaborersfromamerchantoncredit,hewas“caught.”Hehadcommittedhimselftopayingthatmerchantatleastaportionoffutureharvests.Fromthemerchants’perspective,thequarrywas,nottheplanterhimself,buthisproduce.ShippingcolonialstaplesbacktoEuropewasaprofitablebranchoftrade,andthesaleofpeoplehelpedtraders“catch”ashareofthiscommerce.Merchantspreferredimmediatepaymentbutofferedcreditwhennecessary.Ineithercase,theysecuredcrops—presentorfuture—forexport.MerchantsintheintercolonialtradecouldacceptslimprofitmarginsonslavesalesifsuchtransactionsensuredthemashareofstapleexportstoEurope.14

WhencarryingcaptivestoaportwherepeoplealsoarriveddirectlyfromAfrica,intercolonialtraders’profitshingedonofferingcaptivesthatsuitedplanters’desires.SlaveholdersinNorthAmericancoloniesthatreceivedpeopledirectlyfromAfricafeltnocompulsiontoacceptinfirm,graying,orotherwiserejectedpeoplefromothermarkets.Asaresult,intercolonialtraderstomajorslaveholdingcoloniesmarketedthepeopletheytransshippedasonlythebestofwhowasavailableintheCaribbean.In1750,RobertPringleandCompanyofCharlestonboastedinanewspaperadvertisementof“AboutOneHundredchoicehealthyNegroes,mostofthemGambiaandGoldCoastSlaves,justimportedfromBarbadoes.”Pringledidnotelidethesecaptives’transshipment;heannouncedit,hintingthatpurchasingcaptivesinBarbadosallowedhimtoselectonlypeopleofthemostdesiredAfricanbackgrounds.AnotherCharlestonmerchant,JosephPickering,extolledtheadvantagesoftransshipmentmoreexplicitly,emphasizingthathis“seventychoicehealthyNegroesfromtheWestIndies[were]mostlyoftheGoldCoastandwerethechoiceoftwocargoes.”Pickeringimpliedthat,unliketransatlantictraders,whoinevitablyreachedtheAmericaswithanumberofcaptivessufferingilleffectsoftheMiddlePassage,transshipmenttradersmadea“choice”ofwhichpeopletotransportamuchshorterdistancetomarket.Economicincentive(p.185) encouragedintercolonialtraderstoexaggeratethequalityoftheirwares,butprivatecorrespondencesubstantiatestheirintenttosendonlythehealthiestcaptives,preferablyyoungadultmales,fromBarbadostoSouthCarolina.Theperceivedqualityofcaptiveswascrucialinacompetitivemarket.15

FortheAfricanmigrantschosenforsuchjourneys—andwhosurvivedthefinalpassage—arrivalineighteenth-centuryVirginiaorSouthCarolinaheldvariedimplications,dependingontheirAfricanbackgroundandthatofthepeopletheyjoined.Between1710and1724,whendirectdeliveriesofenslavedpeoplefromAfricatoSouthCarolinaemerged,aninordinatenumberofthem(nearly60percent)camefromSenegambia.AnotherthirdofthedirectarrivalscamefromtheGoldCoast,andperhapsoneintenhailedfromtheBightofBiafra.Complicatingthisfairlysimpletripartitepictureoftransatlanticarrivals,however,wasintercolonialtradefromtheCaribbean,whichcontinuedtosupplyabouthalfofSouthCarolina’senslavedimmigrantsinthisformativeperiod.Theethno-linguisticcompositionoftheintercolonialmigrationdifferedmarkedly.AlthoughSenegambianpeoplepredominatedindirectAfricantradetoSouthCarolina,theycomposedonlyasmallshareoftheforcedmigrationfromAfricatotheBritishCaribbeanintheseyears.TradersheadedtotheislandstendedtoacquirecaptivesinAfricanregionswherelargercargoesofpeoplecouldbeassembled.Akan-speakersfromtheGoldCoastaccountedforhalfofthecaptivesdisembarkingintheBritishCaribbean,andanotherquarterofarrivalscomprisedpeoplefromtheBightofBenin(Figure5).PeoplesfromasmatteringofotherAfricanregionsmadeuptheremainderoftheCaribbeanmigration.AssumingthattheintercolonialtradefromtheBritishCaribbeantoSouthCarolinareflectedtheethniccompositionofthetransatlanticmigrationtotheBritishCaribbean,thisintercolonialtrademusthavediversifiedtheenslaved

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populationinSouthCarolinaconsiderably.ForcaptivesfromtheBightofBenin,inparticular(mostlyAjainthisperiod),transshipmenttoSouthCarolinawasnodoubtprofoundlyalienating.TheycomposedmorethanaquarteroftheslavetradetotheBritishCaribbean,butnoknownvoyageslinkedtheirhomeregionandSouthCarolinadirectly.Transshipmentforanyofthesepeoplelikelycausedatraumaticseverancefrommostcountrymenand-women,andfromheritageandhistory.ForSenegambians,bycontrast,suchtransshipmenthadtheopposite(p.186)

FIGURE5 .ComparisonofCaptiveOriginsintheTransatlanticSlaveTradestoSouthCarolinaandtheBritishCaribbean,1711–1725Source:Voyages:TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTradeDatabase,accessedSeptember2010,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1711&yearTo=1725&disembarkation=203;http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1711&yearTo=1725&disembarkation=305.304.307.306.309.308.311.310.301.302.303.

effect,carryingthemawayfromaregionwheretheywouldhavebeenatinyminorityandtowardaregionwherepeopleofsimilarbackgroundpredominated.After1725,theintercolonialtradeaccountedformuchlessoftheforcedmigrationtoSouthCarolina,andthecontrastbetweentheethniccompositionofeachregion’sarrivingAfricanslessened,mitigatingsucheffects.Nonetheless,SouthCarolinastillreceivedamuchlargerproportionofcaptivesfromSenegambiaandfarfewerfromtheBightofBeninthanwastypicaloftheBritishCaribbean.16

(p.187) TheintercolonialslavetradetotheChesapeakeheldsimilarimplicationsforcaptives.Intheeighteenthcentury,theChesapeake’sdirectAfricantradereliedontheBightofBiafraforabout35percentofcaptives,farmorethananyotherregion,andwestcentralAfricaandSenegambiaeachaccountedforalittlelessthanhalfthatproportion.VesselsfromtheBightofBiafraalsopredominatedintradetotheBritishCaribbean(thoughnotbyaswideamargin),butforcaptivesfromotherregions,theimplicationsoftransshipmentfromtheCaribbeantotheChesapeakewouldhavebeenprofound.AnyofthesmallnumberofSenegambiansarrivingintheCaribbeanwhoweretransshippedtotheChesapeakewouldhaveincreasedtheiroddsofsettlingamongpeopleofsharedbackgrounds.Meanwhile,peoplefromtheGoldCoast—whocomposedone-quarterofthemigrationtotheCaribbean—wouldhavefacedgreatlydecreasedoddsofsettlingnearpeoplewhospoketheirlanguagesorsharedtheircultures.ThosefromtheBightofBeninfacedsimilarrisks,movingfromaregionwheretheyaccountedforaboutoneintenofarrivingAfricans,toaregionwheretheymadeuponlyoneofforty(Figure6).

■LookingbeyondthelargestNorthAmericanslavemarkets,intercolonialtraders’decisiontoincludeAfricansintheircargoesismoreintuitivebecausetradersfromAfricaignoredmanyNorthAmericanports.Theunmetdemandforexploitablelaborerselevatedprices,enticingAmericanspeculators.Whatrequiresmoreexplanationiswhytransatlantictradersdidnottargetsuchmarketsthemselves.Whyleavesomemarketstointercolonialtraders?Theprimaryconsiderationwasspeed.RapidsalewasessentialtotheprofitabilityofslavingvoyagesfromAfricabecauselongertrips(includingstaysinports)meantincreasedpaymentstoshipcrewsandhighercaptivemortality,nottomentionthecostofprovisions.Withthisinmind,mosttransatlanticslavers—whoseaveragecargointheeighteenthcenturyexceededthreehundredpeople—soughtportscapableofconsuminganentireshipmentquickly.ThisexpectationrequirednotonlyaregionwithstrongdemandforAfricanlaborersbutalsoaneconomyrobustenoughtopayforthem.In1763,HenryLaurens(Plate4)ofCharlestonexplainedthereasoningtomerchantJosephBrownofGeorgetown,SouthCarolina,amuchsmallerportupthecoast.BrownsoughttoattractadirectshipmentfromAfrica,butLaurensinsistedthattransatlantic(p.188)

FIGURE6 .ComparisonofCaptiveOriginsintheTransatlanticSlaveTradestotheChesapeakeandtheBritishCaribbean,1711–1725Source:Voyages:TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTradeDatabase,accessedJanuary2013,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1775&disembarkation=202andhttp://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1775&disembarkation=305.304.307.306.309.308.311.310.301.302.303.

traderswouldresist“sendingaVesseltoyourportwithoutawarranteebothastothepriceandremittances…especiallywhilethereissofineaMarkettforslavesintheCenteroftheprovinceandintheoldbeatenTrack….TheAffricanTraders…allwaysseekforthatMarketwherethereismostmoneystirringandwheretherearemenofFortunewhoinCaseofaGluttwilltakeof[f]aCargoatsomerateorotherandpayforthem.”Evenwhenpriceswerehighatsmallports,transatlantictradersfearedbeing“forcedtosellforlongCreditinordertomaintaintheprices.”Georgetownwasaminordestinationfortheslavetrade,anditssituationrelativetoCharlestonmirroredthatofnumerousother

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secondaryportsthroughoutBritishAmerica.17

AmerchantsuchasLaurenshadincentive,ofcourse,todiscourageBrownfromdirectingAfricantradeawayfromhisestablishedentrepôt,butdatasuggeststhatLaurensaccuratelydescribedtransatlantictraders’preferences.Morethan97percentofshipmentsfromAfricatotheCarolinas,forexample,disembarkedthecaptivesinCharleston.ForBritishAmericaasawhole,(p.189)

PLATE4 .HenryLaurens.ByV.Green,basedonapaintingbyJ.S.Copley.Laurens(1724–1792)wasoneofthemostprolificslavetradersinmid-eighteenth-centuryCharlestonbeforegoingontoplayamajorroleintheAmericanRevolution,includingservingaspresidentoftheContinentalCongress.Courtesy,LibraryofCongress

largemarketsalsopredominated.Between1701and1765,welloverhalfofallAfricanssurvivingtheMiddlePassagelandedinoneofjusttwocolonies—BarbadosorJamaica.OfthosearrivinginNorthAmericainthesameperiod,nearly80percentlandedinVirginiaorSouthCarolina.Inotherwords,mosttransatlanticslaversheadedtobigmarketsandignoredothers.Pricesintheoverlookedcoloniescouldrisequitehigh,however,sointercolonialtraderscapitalizedbytransshippingAfricansfrommajorentrepôts.Toavoidgluttingthelimitedmarketsofsecondaryports,intercolonialtradersjustkeptsuchventuressmallerthanwasviablefortransatlantictraders.TheaverageintercolonialvoyagefromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmericabetween1701and1765carriedjusttwelvepeople.And,ofthe808ofthesevoyagesforwhichthecompletecargoisknown,90percentcarriedinanimatecommodities—usuallyrum,sugar,molasses,ortropicalfruits—alongsidethehumankind.18

(p.190) IfthefearofgluttingsmallmarketswarnedtransatlanticslaversoffdeliveringfullAfricancargoestosmallerAmericanmarketsdespitehighprices,sellingcaptivesatmultipleportsintheAmericasofferedapossiblealternative,butitwasnotapopularchoice.Hoppingfromporttoporttofindthehighestpricesrarelycompensatedforthehigheroperatingcosts,whichmerchantsmeasuredinincreasedportfees,seamen’swages,andmortalityamongtheirhumancargo.SellingagentsintheAmericasrailedagainstthepractice.Suchprotestswereself-serving,ofcourse,sinceagentssoughttogarnermorebusinessthemselvesbyencouragingtransatlantictraderstoignoreotherports,butthefactorsalsosawtheeffectsofprolongedvoyagesonAfricancaptives.Theirbeleagueredconditionevokedlittleexpressionofsympathy,buttheagentsnonethelesswantedcaptiveshealthyonarrivaloutofconcernfortheirsalability.19

PerhapsnoneexpressedtheiroppositiontoporthoppingmoreforcefullythantheJamaicantradersTyndallandAssheton,whoberatedtheirpartnersinBristolforthestateinwhichagroupofAfricansfromtheportofBonny,ontheBightofBiafra,reachedthemin1729:

(p.191) TheAuroraisarrivedwith270Slaves:theworstcargoeofBonnySlaveshavebeenseenthislongtime,whichYoumayguessbytheship’stouchingateveryPlacetoWindward….ShewasamonthfromB[arbadoes]hither,whichCapt.DavissayswasagreatmeasuretoImparetheSlaves.

LesttheBristolownerssuspectthattheJamaicatradershopedtomonopolizecommissionsbydivertingmorebusinesstotheirisland,TyndallandAsshetoncontinuedtoemphasizethedebilitatingeffectsofajourneyprolongedbyporthoppinginlaterletters.“[We]doassureyou,theOwnersoftheAurorasuffermuchbytouchingfromPlace[to]Place[;]there’snottwothirdsofherCargoenowLiving.”InTyndallandAssheton’seyes,thedangersofshipboardmortalityduringweeksofsearchingforhigherpricesoutweighedthepotentialprofits.Meanwhile,onecanimaginethegrowingoutrageandhorrorofthecaptivesshackledaboardtheAurora,aseachnewharborbroughthopeforreleasefromtheship,butthendespair,asthejourneydraggedonanddiseasespread.Heedingthelessonofdisastrousvoyageslikethis,fewerandfewertransatlantictraderssoldenslavedAfricansatmultipleAmericanportsastheeighteenthcenturyworeon,perhapscontributingtothedecliningmortalityintheslavetrade.20

Africanslavetraders’concentrationonalimitednumberofAmericanportsleftopeningsforintercolonialexchangeselsewhere,butnotallsmaller(p.192) Americanmarketsrequiredthesamestrategies.Tradingtocolonieswhereenslavedpeoplecomposedamajorpartofthelaborforcebutwheretransatlanticarrivalswerenonethelesslacking,intercolonialtraderscouldrelyonpent-updemandtomakefindingbuyersfairlyeasy.Thesmallereconomiesofsuchcolonies,however,meantcurrencywasscarce,sothatextendingcreditandcollectingdebtswereproblems.Bycontrast,targetingcolonieswithhealthiereconomiesbutwhereslaverywasaminorinstitutionrequiredaggressivemarketing.EspeciallyintheNorth,peoplehadmoneytopayforslaves,butintercolonialtradershadtoconvinceprospectivebuyerstowantthem.

NorthCarolinaandGeorgia(afteritlegalizedslaveryin1750)bothfellintotheformercategory,relyingconsiderablyuponenslavedlabor,

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wishingtorelyonitmore,butstrugglingtosteerAfricanshipmentsawayfromlarger,wealthiermarketsinSouthCarolinaandVirginia.ForGeorgia,thisproblemwasfleeting;aftertheSevenYears’War,thecolonyexperiencedaneconomicboomthatattractedAfricantraders.ForNorthCarolina,theproblemwaschronic,withonlynineknownvessels—mostofthemmuchsmallerthanaverageshipsinthetransatlanticslavetrade—everdeliveringcaptivesdirectlytothecolonyfromAfrica.Thecolony’shazardouscoastlinelimitedshipping,anddevelopmentlaggedwithoutdirectaccesstotransatlantictradeorcommercewiththeCaribbean,whichfacilitatedothercolonies’startswithslavery.SettlersinNorthCarolina’sAlbemarleregioncomplainedin1731thatalackofaccesstoAtlanticnetworksstymiedthelocaleconomy,forcingthemtorelyon“theMerchantsonJamesRiverinVirginia[to]SupplymostoftheInhabitants…withBrittishCommodity’satunreasonableRates…byLandorinLittleCanoes.”Plantersatthemoresoutherly,andnewer,CapeFearsettlementhardlyfeltmoreconnected.Theyoftendescribedlivingina“remotepartoftheworld.”Adeficitoftradeandslaveimportationwascentraltothissenseofisolation.The1740lamentofCapeFearplanterJohnWatsonwastypical,whenhesaid,“ThewantoftheNegroesthisSummerhasbeenaConsiderableLos[s].”Facingisolation,butstillhopingtoimportAfricansforforcedlabor,plantersandmerchantsinsuchcolonieshadtobeaggressiveincourting(ororganizing)deliveriesofenslavedpeople.21(p.193)

TABLE11.EstimatesofEnslavedPeopleArrivinginNorthCarolinafromVariousSources,1721–1765Year Arrivalsdirectlyfrom

AfricafromtheCaribbean

frommid-Atlanticcolonies

fromVirginiaandSouthCarolina

Estimatedenslavedpopulation

2,000(asof1720)

1721–1725

0 50 10 1,100

6,0001726–1730

0 50 15 1,900 (asof1730)

1731–1735

0 50 20 700

1736–1740

0 50 0 900

1741–1745

0 125 5 1,100

1746–1750

0 75 0 1,500

19,0001751–1755

200 200 0 1,200 (asof1755)

1756–1760

450 100 0 3,900

1761–1765

200 200 60 5,700

41,000TOTAL 850 900 110 18,000 (asof1767)Sources:ForarrivalsdirectlyfromAfrica,seeVoyages:TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTradeDatabase,accessedMay2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1866&mjslptimp=21200.ForarrivalsfromtheCaribbean,seeGregoryE.O‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage:SlaveMigrationfromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica,1619–1807,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),147–151.Arrivalsfromthemid-Atlanticcolonieswerealsocalculatedfrommydatabaseofintercolonialvoyages,butnoestimateswereaddedtothedocumentedvoyagessincethetrafficwassosmall.ForarrivalsfromVirginiaandSouthCarolina,quantifyingmigrationismuchmoredifficult,sincemuchofthismovementwasoverlandandnotwithinthepurviewofportofficials.Evenwhenseaborne,suchtrafficwasoftenaboardsmallvesselsthatescapedofficialnotice.ToderiveanestimateofthetrafficfromSouthCarolinaandVirginia,populationdataforNorthCarolinawascomparedwiththeestimatesofimportsfromothersources.PopulationdatawasderivedfromMarvinL.MichaelKayandLorinLeeCary,SlaveryinNorthCarolina,1748–1775(ChapelHill,N.C.,1995),19,includingtheirestimateofnaturalpopulationgrowthof2.5percentannually.Therearenumerousassumptionsbuiltintothiscalculation,sotheseestimatesmustbeseenasquitetentative.Nonetheless,evenifonemodifiestheestimateofnaturalpopulationgrowthsignificantly,theoverallpicturechangeslittle;thevastmajorityofenslavedAfricansinNorthCarolinamusthaveenteredviaVirginiaandSouthCarolina.

(p.194) ThetrialsandtravailsofJamesMurray,aNorthCarolinamerchantandplanter,areillustrativeofthecolony’sremoteness.MurrayhadlivedaperipateticlifeandmaintainedabroadmercantilecorrespondencebutstillhaddifficultydrawingAfricanworkerstoNorthCarolina.Anddespitehisdesiretotheseethecolonyprosper(which,inhismind,requiredenslavedAfricans),healwaysrecognizeditsshortcomingsasamarketforslavetraders.BorninScotland,MurrayhadworkedinaLondonmerchanthouse,andhemadeseveralreturntripstoBritainaftersettlinginNorthCarolinain1735.HealsopossessedcontactsintheWestIndies,sincehisLondonemployershadengagedinCaribbeantrade.IfanyonecoulddrawAfricanworkerstoNorthCarolina—fortoilonhisownplantationorforsaletoothers—surelyamanofMurray’sconnectionscould,especiallysincehearrivedintheAmericaswithacargoofEnglishgoodstosell,togethimselfestablished.YetMurraystruggled.Aftertwentyyearsintheprovince,MurrayclaimedownershipofjustfourteenAfricanpeople.Bythe1760s,whenhemovedtoMassachusetts,Murrayhadamassedaworkforceofaboutthirtyindividualsandhadimportedothersforfellowsettlers,buthewenttogreatlengthstoaccomplishthisandsawmanyeffortsrebuffed.Thecolonyamassedanenslavedpopulationofabout40,000peopleby1770—fifthamongBritishNorthAmericancolonies—butnonethelessfailedevertoattractsteadysuppliesofpeopledirectlyfromAfrica.Mostimportationscameinsmallshipments(overlandorinsmallboats)fromneighboringcolonies,supplementedbyoccasionalventuresfromtheCaribbeanormoredistantpartsofthemainland.22

Thekeyproblem,Murraysoonrealized,wasthathiscolonylackedwealthymerchantswillingtospeculateonshipmentsofAfricans,largelybecausethecolonywasnotproducingenoughtocompletethecircuitssuitedtotheslavetrade.GivenhisWestIndianconnections,Murray

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initiallyviewedtheislandsashismostpromisingoptionforacquiringAfricans.OptimisticinhisfirstweeksinAmerica,MurraywrotetoAntiguamerchantDavidTullideph,“Inalittletimewithsomecashandgoodswhich(ifIcangetavessel)shallsendyouincornandporktopurchaseNegroes.”SomanycolonistsdesiredAfricanworkersinhisfledglingsettlementthatMurrayregrettednothaving(p.195) stoppedat“theIslandsinmyway[toNorthCarolina]andsoldallmygoodsforNegroesRumandSugarwhicharethebestofArticles”forsaleinCapeFear.Instead,Murray’sEnglishgoods“brought…averygoodprice”inCarolina”butrequiredhimtowait“forayearatleast”forpayments.Intheensuingweeks,Murrayreiteratedhisimpressionthat“quickremittance…couldnotbemadeforanythingbutNegros,”buthisconfidenceinNorthCarolinians’abilitytopayevenforcovetedAfricanswanedquickly.Justmonthslater,hewasverycautiousinencouragingLondonmerchantHenryMcCullohtoundertakeadeliveryofenslavedpeopletoCapeFear,presumablydirectlyfromAfrica.“Astotheconsignmentofnegroes,”Murraywarned,“nothingcouldbeofmoreservice,tothecountry[CapeFear]…butitistheMisfortuneoftheplanters,onthisriver,tobemuchindebt‘dtothetraders.”ManyNorthCaroliniansdesiredenslavedAfricans,buttheirshortageofmoneyormarketablestaplesmade“itdangerous,foramantoundertakeanythingontheirpayments.”EventhoughhewasamerchantlookingtospurNorthCarolina’scommerce,MurraydiscouragedcorrespondentsfromtheslavetradetoNorthCarolinainthe1730s,onlyrequestingafewsmallshipmentsofpeopleforhisownexploitationfromSouthCarolina.23

Bymidcentury,theCapeFeareconomyhadgrown,butMurraywasonlyslightlymoreoptimistic.In1752,LondonmerchantRichardOswaldcontactedMurraytoinquireaboutNorthCarolina’smarket.BecauseOswaldwasoneoftheprincipalinvestorsintheBritishslave-tradingfortatBunceIsland,inmodernSierraLeone,hisdecisiontocontactMurrayattestedtothelatter’sAtlanticconnections,andtheletterofferedapromisingopportunitytodrawexploitablelabortoCapeFear.ButMurray’sreplysentmixedmessages.Atfirstheseemedencouraging:“AstotheNegroesyoumention—thePricesare(p.196) nowhigheverywherebuthighesthereforwehavenosupplybutfromtheWestIndiesortheNeighbouringColonies.”Pent-updemandleftplanterssoeagerthat,“iftheNegroesarehealthy,”NorthCarolinianswouldbuythem“withoutgreatenquiryordistinctionofCountry”oforigin.Beggarscouldnotbechoosers,Murraysuggested,soNorthCarolinaofferedaseller’smarket.ButthenMurraystruckamorecautionarytone.Areputationforhonestymeanteverythingtoaneighteenth-centurymerchant,andMurrayrefusedtopaintarosyandincompletepicture.MurraywarnedOswaldthatnoNorthCarolinamerchantwaslikelyto“Contractforthem[Africans]”inadvance,“astherearefewMenofSubstanceamongus.”Localtraderscouldnotaffordtoguaranteepayments.TheyalsorarelyofferedcashoreventhemostvaluableAmericanstaples.Instead,MurraysuggestedsellinganyAfricansdelivered,“forCountryproduce(tarforInstance)tobeshiptyouinSixor8MonthsonAccotandrisqueofthebuyer.”IfOswaldsentanAfricanvesseltoNorthCarolina,hecouldexpecttosellthecaptivesfortar—notaverylucrativestaple—andtoofferlongcredit.Notsurprisingly,Oswalddemurred.24

Murray’sdiscouragementofslavetradingtoNorthCarolinadespiteastrongdesireforslavesillustratesthevitalroleofspeculatorsindispersingcaptivesontheAmericansideoftheAtlantic;aspiringslaveholdersseekingexploitablepeoplewerenotenoughtoensurerobusttrafficking.Evenhighpriceswerenotsufficienttoattractspeculators—transatlanticorintercolonial.Thetradersalsoneededtoacquirecommoditiesinexchangethatwouldhelpthemcompletetradecircuits.SinceNorthCarolinaproducedlittleforexportthatexcitedmerchants,fewwouldspeculateondeliveriesofAfricanstotheprovince.SimilarconcernsaboutthereliabilityofpaymentsalsopreventedmosttradersfromtargetingGeorgiainthedecadeafterthatcolonylegalizedslaveryin1750.WhenasmallslavetradefinallyemergedfromtheCaribbeantoNorthCarolinaatmidcentury,tellingly,manyofthemerchantswhoundertooksuchventuresweretradersbasedinthecolony,suchasRichardQuince,FrederickGregg,andThomasWright.Of131documentedslave-tradingvoyagesfromtheCaribbeantoNorthCarolinaintheeighteenthcenturyforwhichthevessel’sportofregistrationisknown,morethan40percentwereregisteredinNorthCarolina,aremarkablenumberconsideringthecolony’snotoriouslyunderdevelopedmercantilesector.Fewotherswerewillingtospeculateon(p.197) tradetotheeconomicallymarginalcolony,butNorthCarolinianswereeagertoexporttheirnavalstores,livestock,andotherprovisionstothewealthymarketsoftheCaribbean.EnslavedAfricansofferedonecommodityamongmanyinwhich(orinwhom)suchtraderstooktheirreturns.25

ProspectivebuyersincolonialbackwatersfacedadisadvantageinthemarketplaceevenwhenAfricansarrived.Suchneglectedregionsremainedcaptivemarketstowhichslavetraderscameonlywhentheysoughttounloadcaptivestheyhadtroublesellinginmarketswithotheroptions.AsNorthCarolinagovernorGeorgeBurringtonexplainedin1733,“WeareunderaNecessitytobuytherefuse,refractory,anddistemper‘dNegros,broughtfromotherGovernments.”IfaspiringNorthCarolinaslaveholdershopedforbetterselection,theygenerallychosebetweentwooptionsforacquiringAfricans.Theycouldventuretoentrepôtsinothercoloniestomakepurchasesthemselves,ortheycouldplaceordersforslaveswithmerchantsintheentrepôts,trustingthosetraderstomakewisedecisionsontheirbehalf.Givenhismercantileconnections,JamesMurrayoftenoptedtotrustmerchantsinotherports.In1736,MurrayandSamuelJohnstonaskedCharlestonmerchantsRibtonHutchisonandFrederickGrimké,“Ifyoucanmeetwithfourmenandtwowomen,ortwomen,twoboysandtwowomen,wedesireyouwillbuythemonourJointaccot:andsendthembythefirstvessel,”notingthattheywouldpaythe“freight”chargeswhenthepeoplearrived.Suchanarrangementrequiredbuyerstograntsignificantauthoritytoagentsintheentrepôts.Tofacilitatetheirtransaction,MurrayclarifiedforHutchisonandGrimké,“Wechusenot[to]confineyoutoanypricenortoloadyouwithInstructionsaboutthembeingperswadedthatyouwilldoyourbestforourInterest.”Desperateforlabor,Murraymadeitclearthathewasnotpicky.26

(p.198) Toavoidhandingoversuchpower,otherplantersfrombypassedcoloniesventuredtotheentrepôtsthemselvestobuyenslavedpeople.Murraynotedneighbors’makingseveralsuchtripsfromNorthCarolinatoCharleston,reportingin1739that“Mr[Thomas?]ClarkandMr[Archibald?]DouglasshasSetoutforSotCarolinainordertopurchaseNegroes.”CapeFearplanterJohnDalrympleapparentlymadesimilarexcursions.In1737,colonyofficialsorderedDalrympletoquarantineagroupofAfricansthatheferriedfromSouthtoNorthCarolinawhenillnessbrokeoutamongthem,andotherrecordssuggestthatthiswasnotanisolatedventure.SuchjourneysofferedaplantertheopportunitytochoosecaptivesforhimselfoutofvesselsarrivingfromAfrica(ortheCaribbean),butthetravelwouldhavebeencostlyintermsofbothtimeandmoney,ensuringthatmanyplantersresortedtoagentsforpurchases,unlessotherbusinesstookthemtoamajorslavemarket.27

Regardlessofwhetherplantersfromthepoorlycapitalizedprovincestraveledtotheentrepôtsorreliedondistantagentstoacquireslaves,uniquepatternsemergedinthedemographicsoftheenslavedpopulationintroducedtosuchbackwaters.Withlimitedbuyingpowerandoftenlimitedchoices,plantersatadistancefromtheentrepôtspurchasedmorewomenandchildrenthanwastypicalofplantersinregionsimportingAfricansdirectly.JamesMurray’sadvicetotradersonsellingAfricansinhisprovincewasthattheysend“cheapNegroes,butnotoldones.”Thesecriteriaexcludedmalecaptivesofprimeworkingageastooexpensive,and,asever,womenandchildren(ortheillanddisabled)werethealternatives,besidestheaged,whomMurrayexplicitlyrejected.Thebalancebetweeneventualreproductionandimmediateaffordabilityinthedecisionmakingofremoteplanterswhooptedforwomenandchildrenisunclear.GreateffortstoacquireenslavedlaborersmighthavemadeNorthCarolinaplantersparticularlysensitivetoencouragingnatality.WhenMurrayorderedslavesfromJamesRutherfordinJamaicain1751,hespecifiedadesireforsignificantnumbersofwomenandchildren.HeaskedRutherfordtoinvest“twohundredpoundsSterling”in“aCliver(p.199) boyoftwelveyearsandonegirlfromtwelvetofourteen,threeWenchesfromfifteentotwenty,andtheRemainderinmenfromeighteentotwentyone.”That“Remainder”leftforpurchasingmenwouldnothavebeenconsiderable.So-called“primeslaves”soldforasmuch

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asfortypoundssterlingintheearly1750s,soevenifMurraymanagedtopurchasethetwochildrenspecifiedfortwentypoundseachandthethreeyoungwomenforthirtypoundseach,hewouldhavebeenluckytohaveenoughmoneyremainingforthepurchaseoftwomen.Inotherwords,Murray’sageandgenderspecificationsdeterminedagroupskewedfemaleandyoung.Hedidnotarticulatereasonsforchoosingpeopleofthisdescription,butpricemightnothavebeentheonlyconsideration.SlaveholdersthroughouttheAmericasvaluedenslavedwomenfortheircombinationoflaborandfertility,andplantersinlessdevelopedslaveholdingregionsexhibitedapronouncedinterestinacquiringenslavedfemales.Tothosedevelopingslaveregimes,womencaptivespromisednotonlywork—butalsoanextgenerationofworkers.28

Tocaptives,itmadelittledifferencewhetherpriceorfertilitywasforemostinthemindsofplanterslikeMurray,buttheimplicationsofthebiastowardwomenandchildrenhadprofoundconsequencesforlifeintheirstrange,newland.IntheslavetradetotheCaribbeanintheeighteenthcentury,malesaccountedformorethan60percentofarrivingcaptives.ThatmeanttherewerefewerthantwofemalesforeverythreemaleswhosteppedoffvesselsarrivingfromAfrica,profoundlylimitingthepossibilitiesforfamilyformation,reproduction,andthemaintenanceoftraditionalgenderroles.IfplantersinNorthCarolina—andothercoloniesonthemarginsoftheAtlanticslavesystem—acquireddisproportionatenumbersofwomen,thistendencycontributedto(p.200) morebalancedgenderratiosandhigherfertilityamongtheenslavedpopulation.(ThepatternmightalsohavefurtherskewedCaribbeangenderratiostowardmales.)Asaresult,despitethehardshipoftransshipment,survivorsofintercolonialvoyagestoNorthCarolina,Georgia,andothermarginalregionsoftheslavesystemmighthaveenjoyedgreaterprospectsforfamilyformationthantheircounterpartswhoremainedintheCaribbean(orothercentersoftransatlanticimportation).29

Less-developedcolonies’preferencesforrelativelylow-pricedslaveshadimplicationsforAfricanAmericanpopulationsbeyondgenderandage.WhenJamesMurraytoldhissuppliersinothercolonies,“IshallnotconfineyoutoanyCountry,”heincreasedtheoddsofreceivingcaptivepeoplefrombackgroundsthatbuyersintheentrepôtspreferredleast.Assuch,IgbopeoplefromtheBightofBiaframighthavefacedaparticularlikelihoodoftransshipment(oroverlandmarch)fromanentrepôtoftheslavetrade—suchasCharleston,theJamesRiver,orBridgetown—tooneofthemarginalslave-holdingcoloniesofthemainland,suchasNorthCarolinaorGeorgia.ThisbiastowardIgbosmighthavebeenmostpronouncedintheearliestdecadesofNorthCarolinaslavery,whenVirginiawasanespeciallyimportantsourceofcaptives.PeoplefromtheBightofBiafraaccountedfornearlyhalfoftheAfricansshippeddirectlyfromAfricatoVirginiabetween1660and1730;surely,theyaccountedforamajorportionoftheNorthCarolinatrade.Inadditiontoethnicity,anotherfactorthatloweredthepricesofsomecaptivesrelativetootherswashealth.GivenGovernorBurrington’scomplaintsthatNorthCarolinareceivedthe“refuse…anddistemper‘dNegros”fromothercolonies,illoragedslavesmightalsohavebeenlikelytoendurefinalpassagesfromthecentersofslaveimportationtodevelopingslavesocieties,contributingtotheriskofmortalityinsuchmigrationsandattheirdestinations.30

(p.201) ■ColoniesintheNorthalsoreliedprimarilyonCaribbeantransshipmentforAfricanimmigration,althoughsomenortherncoloniessawtransatlantictradebrieflyovertakeCaribbeanshipmentsinthemid-eighteenthcentury.Forallofthesecolonies,AfricanarrivalsfromtheCaribbeanplayedacomplementaryroletoexportsofprovisionstotheislands.Forthemid-Atlanticbreadcolonies,agrowingexporttradeinflourandotherprovisionsfacilitatedcaptivetransshipmentsinreturn.Thecyclewasevidentin1741,whenPhiladelphiamerchantRobertEllissentturpentine,“ShipBread,”andporktoBarbados,instructinghiscorrespondentthereto“BringtheNetProceedsinGoodLikelyyoungNegroesifcheap,or…bringmegoodRum.”FromNewEngland,tradersshippedsaltedfishtotheislands,incorporatingenslavedAfricanstothemixedcargoesofreturnvoyages.ApithyBostonadvertisementencapsulatedthecycleofNewEnglandseafoodforslaves:“TobeSoldforCashorJamaicaFish,TwolikelyNegroBoys.”Thedesignationofalocalcatchas“JamaicaFish”suggeststheimportanceofCaribbeanmarketstoNewEnglandfishermen,andacceptingpaymentsforslavesinonlysuchfishorcashpointstoareturntriptotheCaribbeantocontinuethecycle.31

Northerncolonies’dependenceupontheCaribbeanforenslavedAfricansovermostoftheeighteenthcenturyisvisiblefrommanysources.Survivingportrecordsfromboththeislandsandsomenortherncoloniesallowfairlyrigorousquantificationofthetraffic,andimperialcorrespondence,newspaperadvertising,andmerchantpapersdescribethecommerce,aswell.NewYorkgovernorWilliamBurnetpreparedareport“ofwhatNegroSlaveshavebeenImported”intheearlyeighteenthcentury,basedoninformation“takenfromtheCustomHouseBooks,”andhenotedmorethanfourhundredAfricansarrivingfromtheislandsbetween1700and1715.From1715to1741,survivingportrecordsshowthatCaribbeantransshipmentsoutpacedtransatlanticdeliveriestoNewYorkalmosttwotoone.ForPennsylvania,whichincludedDelawareuntil1776,noportrecordssurvivetodocumentthetraffic,butnewspapersexistfrom1720onwardandsuggestasimilarpattern.Caribbeansourcessuppliedmostcaptives,andCharlestonsentnumerousshipments,aswell.Suchdeliveriespeakedinthelate1730s,whenseveraldozenAfricansreachedPennsylvaniaannuallyfromtheWestIndies.SpottyimportrecordsimplythesameforNewJersey,whoseslavetradewascloselylinked(p.202)

TABLE12.EstimatesofEnslavedPeopleArrivinginNorthernColoniesfromtheCaribbean,1701–1770Year NewYork Pennsylvania/NewJersey NewEngland1701–1705 225 275 2501706–1710 25 275 2501711–1715 200 200 2501716–1720 725 150 2501721–1725 450 75 2501726–1730 825 150 3751731–1735 600 200 3751736–1740 250 600 3751741–1745 20 125 1251746–1750 9 200 2001751–1755 4 375 1251756–1760 125 1251761–1765 17 225 1251766–1770 100 75

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TOTAL 3,350 3,075 3,150

Sources:DerivationoftheseestimatesisdiscussedinGregoryE.O‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage:SlaveMigrationfromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica,1619–1807,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),157–165.

toPennsylvania‘s,sincebothcoloniesboughtpeopleandmerchandisefromvesselssailingintotheDelawareRiver.NewJerseysawextensiveslavetransshipmentstothecolonyintheearly1730s,butthenadecline.32

GiventhemarginalityofslaveryinNewEngland,onemightexpectgreaterrelianceonintercolonialdeliveriesthere,butthosecolonies—especially(p.203) RhodeIsland—stoodoutfromtheirmid-Atlanticcounterparts;severalNewEnglandmerchantspliedthetransatlanticslavetradeinthefirsthalfoftheeighteenthcentury,makingdirectAfricandeliveriestotheregionfeasible.ThesetradersrarelyconsignedwholeshipmentsfromAfricatoNewEngland,buttheyoftencarriedafewpeoplehomeaftersellingmostenslavedAfricansintheplantationcolonies.AsRhodeIslandmerchantJamesBrowninstructedhisshipcaptainandbrother,Obadiah,in1717:“Ifyoucannotsellallyourslaves[intheWestIndies]…bringsomeofthemhome;Ibelievetheywillsellwell.”33AutobiographerVentureSmitharrivedinNewEnglandthisway;hesurvivedtheMiddlePassagetoBarbadoswithtwohundredfellowcaptivesbutwasoneofjustfourtoremainonboardtoRhodeIsland.Nevertheless,CaribbeantransshipmentssupplementedthisAfricantradetoNewEnglandthroughouttheeighteenthcentury.TheaccountbookofshipcaptainNathanielHarrissuggeststhatmerchantsorslaveholdersintheentrepôtssometimeshiredcaptainsengagedinintercolonialtradetoshipenslavedpeopletoNewEnglandforsale.In1712,“Mr.NathanaelHumphryofAntigua”paidHarristodelivertwocaptivesfromthatislandtoBostonandtosellthemonhisbehalf.Harrisearnedfourpoundssterlingforthe“freightof2Negro‘s”fromAntiguatoBoston,reimbursementfortheimportdutyonthem,anda“CommissionforSellingtheNegroMan”ofjustlessthantwopounds.TheotherenslavedpersonapparentlyremainedinHarris’spossessionatthetimetheaccountwasrecorded.34

NortherncoloniesresembledNorthCarolinaandGeorgiaintheirrelianceonintercolonialdeliveriesofAfricans,butthenortherncoloniesdidnotlackthecapitaltoattractmerchants.Instead,transatlanticslaversignoredthem(p.204) becausetheylackedamajorrelianceonslavery.Thisfundamentaldifferencegavetheirbranchoftheintercolonialtradeadifferentcharacter.Mostnotably,merchantsprovedwillingtospeculateonsmallslavingventuresfromtheCaribbeantotheNorth,andbecausedemandwasnotpentup,theyhadtobeaggressiveinmarketing.Thisoffshootoftheintercolonialslavetradewasespeciallyappealingtomerchantsbecausethenortherncolonies’exportofprovisionstotheCaribbeanmadeareturntripwithAfricanpeopleaviablecorollary.Asexportsofflour,saltedfish,andtimbertotheCaribbeangrewincreasinglyimportant,returnshipmentsbroughtrum,sugar,andtropicalfruits.EspeciallyattimeswhenabundancelimitedthepricesforsuchCaribbeancommodities,transshipmentsofenslavedAfricansofferedacompellingalternative.Hence,advertisementsforenslavedAfricansintheNorthgenerallyofferedthepeopleinsmallgroupsalongsideCaribbeanproduce,atthehomeorstoreofaNewEnglandmerchantor,lessfrequently,aboardtheshipthatcarriedthem.In1739,Philadelphia’sAmericanWeeklyMercuryprintedCaptainBenjaminChristian’sadvertisementof“TWOverly[sic]likelyNegroeBoys…[and]AlsoaQuantityofverygoodLime-juice.”Willing,Morris,andCompanypaidthePennsylvaniaGazettein1761toannouncetheirofferingof“ANegroeMan,andtwoNewNegroeBoys”alongwith“Madeira,andanAssortmentofotherWines,Rum,andSugar,etc.”In1765,theNew-YorkGazette;or,theWeeklyPost-Boypublicizedtheavailabilityof“AChoiceParcelofMuscovadoandPowderSugars…andaNegroWenchandNegroBoy.”TointercolonialtradersbetweentheCaribbeanandnorthernNorthAmerica,Africanpeopleofferedoneamongseveralcommoditiesthatsuitedtheirnorthwardjourneys,andsuchadvertisementstothegeneralpublicsuggestspeculativetransshipments.Intheeighteenthcentury,evensmallernorthernmarketssawAfricansdeliveredwithoutspecialrequestsfromprearrangedbuyers.35

Insomecases,merchantsboardedtheircaptivesawaitingsalewithfreepeopleofAfricandescent.Forinstance,inPhiladelphiain1751,JohnStruttonadvertised“TOBESOLD,AParceloflikelyNegroes,veryreasonable.”Theadvertisementthenaddedthatthe“SaidNegroesmaybeseenataFreeNegroeWoman‘s,inChestnut-Street,oppositetoMr.AnthonyBenezet‘s.”In1759,Struttonplacedasimilaradfor“AParceloflikelystrongNegroeMenandWomen,”someofwhompossessedskillssuggestingtheywerebornintheAmericasorhadatleastresidedthereformanyyears.Inthiscase,Struttoninformedbuyers,“ThesaidNegroesaretobeseenatEmanuelWoodbe’s(p.205) (Negroe)inWaterstreet.”SuchinvolvementoffreepeopleofAfricandescentintheslavetraderaisesquestionsabouttheirattitudestowardslavery.Surelymanyfreeblackssympathizedwiththeplightofthosecaughtupintheslavetrade,especiallygiventhewaveofemancipationsinPennsylvaniainthe1740sand1750s,inspiredbytheQuakers’antislaveryturn.MostofPhiladelphia’sfreeblacksinthe1750shadrecentlyescapedenslavementthemselves,andmanyattendedchurcheswithmixedcongregationsofthefreeandenslaved.Inthatatmosphere,slaverywasunlikelytobetreatedasanunquestionedfactoflife.ForEmanuelWoodbeandtheunnamed“FreeNegroeWoman,”housingAfricanstobesoldwaslikelyanuncomfortablesourceofincome,betokeningthedifficultymanyfreeblacksfacedinearningalivinginsocietiesthatdiscriminatedagainstthem.Thatbeingsaid,sincemanyPennsylvaniafreeblackshadembracedChristianityintheGreatAwakening,theymighthavefeltaconsiderableculturaldistancefromnewAfricans.FromStrutton’sperspective,thechoicetoboardenslavedpeoplewithfreeblackPhiladelphianssuggestsameasureoftrust.ThiswillingnesstolodgeslaveswithafreepersonofcolorisparticularlyinterestinginthewakeofNewYork’sslaveconspiracyscareof1741,sincethateventsawNewYorkerssuspiciousoffreeblackcollusioninrebellion.InStrutton’smind,atleast,enslavedpeopleresidinginthehomesoffreeblackswerenotfearedtobedangerouslyunsupervised.AfricancaptivesboardedinsuchahomemighthavebeensurprisedatseeingfreeblacksassimilatedintoEuro-Americansociety,butgiventheirrecentenslavementinAfrica,blackoverseerswouldnothavebeenamajordeparturefromtheirexperience.Regardlessofskincolor,theymighthaveperceivedthesefreeblacksassimplypartofalonglineofcaptors,despisedandfeared,especiallyiflanguagebarriersseparatedthem.36

Advertisementsforsuchsmallgroupsofcaptives,inadditiontoexemplifyingtheintercolonialslavetrade’sintegrationwithotherbranchesofcommerce,alsoshowslavetradersseekingtocreateamarketforexploitableAfricanworkers.Traderstosouthernmarketsrarelybotheredtoadvertisesmallgroupsofcaptives;theycouldrelyoninformalmarketingandwordofmouthtoattracteagerbuyers.OnlytheimportationofhundredsofAfricansatoncedemandedthattheyadvertisefarandwide.Traderstonorthernmarkets,bycontrast,workedhardertoenticepropertiedmentobecomeslaveholdersand(p.206) couldnotdumptheenslavedAfricansdeemedundesirableelsewhere;thenorthernmarketswerenotdesperateforenslavedlabor.WhenSaintCroixmerchantThomasShutesenttwocaptivestoThomasRicheinPhiladelphia,Richescoldedhimforsending“halfdeadnegroes,”reportingthat“th[e]yfetchlittlemorethanpaidtheduty’sandfreight.”Shuteearnedalmostnothing.TheproblemwastheirperceivedqualityandnotthePhiladelphiamarket,asRichepointedout:“AtthesametimegoodlikelySlaveswouldfetchfrom40to50pounds.”DespitetheunwillingnesstoacceptAfricanpeopleconsideredsubstandardcommodities,northernmarketsattractedtradersbecausetheycouldexpecttimelypayments.Thesecoloniesweremarginalregardingtheslavetrade,butnotinmoregeneraleconomicterms.Slaverswerekeentosiphonoffthiswealth.37

Forinstance,PhiladelphiamerchantsinsearchofpotentialcustomersoftendispersedAfricansacrosstheregion.Inthe1710s,whentheslave

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tradetoPennsylvaniawasstillminimal,traderJonathanDickinsonsomewhatreluctantlyhandledanumberofsalesofarrivingAfricans.Dickinsonroutinelydiscouragedmerchantsinothercoloniesfromsendingsuchcaptives,warningonecorrespondentabout“ap[ar]cellofNegroesthatlayonmyhandsayeare,”andlamentingtohisbrother-in-lawinJamaica,“TheNegroesthouSentmeehavebeenonhandmostofthisWint‘r.”DickinsonwasmoreblunttoJohnLewisofJamaica.Aftersellingpeopleforhim,Dickinsonsaid,“IrequestY‘enottoSendanymore,as…butfewpeopleCaretobuyNegroes.”TofindbuyersforthoseAfricanswhodidarrive,DickinsonoftenlookedwellbeyondPhiladelphia.InthesaleforLewis,Dickinsonreportedselling“thethreeNegroesyeSent”tosome“Low‘rCountey[Delaware]menatThirtyPoundsPhead.”DickinsondidnotmakeclearwhetherhesentLewis’scaptivestoDelawareforsaleorwhetherthe“Low‘rCounteymen”hadcometoPhiladelphia,butinothercases,DickinsontransshippedAfricanswithinorevenbeyondhisregioninordertosellthem.Foroneofhisbrother-in-law’senslavedwomensentfromJamaica,Dickinsonsuggestedthattofindabuyer,he“mustsendhertoLowerCountysorMaryland.”WhetherDickinsonwouldtargettheChesapeakeoverlandorbyseaisunclear,butregardlessheresortedtoabroadhinterlandtofindmarketsforevensmallnumbersofcaptivesreachingPhiladelphia.38

(p.207) Inthe1730sand1740s,RobertElliswasthemostprolificslaveimporterinPennsylvania,acquiringAfricansfromBarbados,Antigua,SaintKitts,andSouthCarolina.ThemarketforenslavedworkersinPennsylvaniawasmoredevelopedduringthatera,soEllisencouragedtransshipments,buthestillpursuedbuyersaggressively.EllisadvertisedevensmallslavesalesinPhiladelphianewspapers,andhealsodistributedpeoplethroughouttheregionforsalebyhisagentsoncommission.InSeptember1736,EllisinformedaMr.Shaw,whowaseitherupordowntheDelawareRiverfromPhiladelphia,ofhaving“Sent[you]fourNegros,TwoGarlsandTwoBoys,whichIDesireyouwillDisposeofthemifyoucan,[for]notLessthanTwentySixPoundsEach.”EllissoldsomeoftheothercaptivesfromthesameshipmentinPhiladelphiabutapparentlyspreadtheimportedpeoplearoundtoavoidgluttingthesmallPhiladelphiamarket.EllisagaindispersedAfricancaptivesforsaleinJanuaryof1739,whenhehandledtwoshipments,probablyonefromCharlestonandtheotherfromtheCaribbean.HesentsomeAfricanstoLewes,inwhatisnowDelaware,forJacobKollocktoselloncommission.ApparentlyKollocksucceeded,asEllis’spartnerinPhiladelphia,JohnRyan,latercomplainedaboutthehighcommissionKollockchargedforhis“Salesof16Negroes.”NorwasLewestheonlydestinationfortheseAfricanswhodisembarkedatPhiladelphia.TopunctuatehiscomplaintagainstKollock,Ryanpointedout,“ThereareOthersconcern‘dwithus(Mr.EllisandI)whohavebeenatVastPainsandTroublein…Selling‘emupanddowninSeverallPartsoftheCountry[who]can‘tpretendtoChargemorethan5PCentCommission.”FortheAfricancaptives,thisdispersalacrosstheregionpresagedrelativeisolationfromotherAfricanpeople.Inthenortherncolonies,especiallyoutsideurbanareas,mostenslavedpeopleresidedwithfewotherbondmenand-women,workingonfarmsorattradeswheretheywerevastlyoutnumberedbyEuropeans.39

(p.208) WiththeaggressivepursuitofbuyersintheNorthcameadeclineoftheseventeenth-centurytrendofsendingspecialrequeststoanentrepôtforslaves.Ratherthanplacethemselvesatthemercyofadistantmerchant,morepotentialbuyersintheNorthcouldcountonalocalmarketofferingthemachoiceofcaptivesforsale.Thissubtlepowershiftintheslavemarketplacewasillustratedbyasmallshipmentin1731.WalterNugentofAntiguatransshippedtwoAfricanstoAbrahamRedwood,anabsenteeplantationownerlivinginRhodeIsland.Thedeliverywasapparentlyunsolicited,oratleastthedealwasnotbindingonRedwood,asNugentinformedhim,“IsendyoutwoNegroes;ifyoulikethem,keepthem,andgivemyAccountcreditforwhatyouthinktheyareworth.TheNegroemanisaPeice[sic]ofaSaylorandafinePapaSlave[i.e.,fromnearthemodernnationofGhana],[who]costthirtypoundsSterlingoutoftheShip.TheNegroewomanisafineSlave.”ThediscretionherewasRedwood‘s.Ratherthanbeingatthemercyofhiscorrespondentintheentrepôt,hopingthatNugentwouldbuyAfricansprudentlyonhisbehalfinAntigua,Redwoodcouldassessthevalueofthepeopleanddecideforhimself.Insendingamanandawomantogether,NugentmighthavebeenhopingthatRedwoodwouldseethecaptives’potentialasabreedingpairwhowouldproduceanothergenerationofslavesforhisfamily.Slaveholders,especiallythosebuyingtheirfirstslaves,oftensoughtslavesinmale-femalepairs,regardlessofwhetherthecaptivesinquestionsawthemselvesasacoupleorinanywayconnected.40

ThisdeclineinspecialordersintheNorthmirroredmostofBritishAmerica.Outsidethemosteconomicallymarginalmarkets,requestsformerchantsintheentrepôtstoselectandtransshiparrivingAfricanswereincreasinglyrareintheeighteenthcentury.Theywerenotobsolete,butpotentialbuyerstypicallyonlysolicitedmerchantswithanunusualrequest—often,seekingaworkerwithspecificskills.WhenJohnFrederickPinney,anabsenteeplantationownerinEngland,noticedwagespaidtoafreewhitecooperinhisaccountbooks,hescoldedthemanagerofhisNevisplantation,JamesBrowne.“ForGod’sSake,goodSr.,”Pinneyexclaimed,“buymeanegroeCooperortwoinanyofthefourIslandsifyouCanatanyPrice.”Presumably,(p.209) PinneyexpectedBrownetowritecorrespondentsintheotherLeewardIslandsinsearchofsuchacooper,nottravelfromislandtoislandhimself.Likewise,in1760,CharlestonmerchantRobertRaperbought“averyquick,good[slave]boy”namedJohnnyattherequestofGovernorThomasBooneofNewJersey,whosoughtadomesticservant.Raperalsotooktheinitiativeofpurchasingtheboy’sfather,Sampson,onBoone’saccount,who,Rapersuggested,“withalittleinstruction,willmakeaGardiner.”ThelibertyRapertookinpurchasingthissecondcaptiveforBoonesuggeststhatthosemakingrequestsforslavesremainedsomewhatbeholdentothewhimsoftheiragentsintheentrepôts,butabuyercouldprotestsuchchargesunlesshehadgrantedthemerchantpermissiontousesuchdiscretion.41

UnstatedinRaper’saccountiswhatroleSampsonplayedinpreventingtheshipmentofJohnnytoNewJerseywithouthim.Didhisson’sskillorpotentialgivehimsomeleverage,orwasheabletoappealtoRaper’shumanitytoconvincethetradertosendfatherandsontogether?Nineteenth-centuryaccountsofslavesalesdemonstratethatAmerican-bornslavesmadepleasfromtheauctionblock,urgingslaveholderstobuyfamilymemberstogether,butitiscrucialtoconsiderthatintheeighteenthcentury,suchpersuasionwasoftenmoredifficult.Tomanipulatetheirownsales,nineteenth-centuryslavescapitalizedontheircommandofEnglish,growingsentimentalityaboutfamilytiesinAmericanculture,andslaveholders’desiretoimaginethemselvesaspaternalistic.Peopledisembarkingfromeighteenth-centuryslaveshipswerelesslikelytopossessenoughlinguisticabilityorunderstandingoftheirenslaverstoappealeffectively.Perhapsskilledslaveschosenforintercolonialtradehadsuchknowledgeandinfluencedtheirownsales.Inseveralways,then,themarketforskilledslavesdifferedfromtheoneforrecentlyarrivedAfricans(whoseskillsmostlywentunrecognizedbyEuropeans).42

(p.210) PhiladelphiamerchantJohnYeatesregularlydealtinthismarket.Intheearly1740s,numerousCaribbeanmerchantssentskilledpeopletoYeates—amongthemanunnamedsailor,“Sarah…agoodSlaveforHousework,”“PeterandSambo…veryChoiceBrickmakers,”and“Margarett,averyIngeniousandValueableGirl…[who]CanWorkatherneedleVeryWellandTakeCareofthingsinahouse.”ThesellersinsuchcasesusuallypaidfreightchargesandtrustedYeatestoobtainhighpricescommensuratetotheskillsoftheenslaved.Small,specializedtransactionslikethesemarkedexceptionstointercolonialtraders’usualavoidanceofdealinginAmerican-bornslaves,andmarketconsiderationsalonedidnotshapesuchtransactionsandmigrations.InthecaseofMargarett,shewasnotonlyaskilleddomesticworkerbutalsothedaughterofthemanwhosenther—EdwardPolegreen—suggestingthathismotivesextendedbeyondprofitandloss,especiallysinceheacknowledgedthefamilytieinhislettertoYeates.WasPolegreensendingMargarettnorthtoremoveherfromtheharsherregimeoftheCaribbean?Washeremovingareminderofhisindiscretionswithenslavedwomenfromhisownsightorfromthesightofhiswife?Wasbanishmentapunishmentfor

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Margarett?Polegreendidnotexplain,onlystating,“IhumblyBeggthefavourofyou…todisposeofher…[to]agoodMasterorMistress.”Polegreenaddedthathisdaughter“isaveryCarefullGirlandwillmakeaveryGoodSlavetoanyGoodOwner.”Whatevertheexactcircumstances,Margarett’scasemarksacrucialdifferenceinthemarketforskilledandAmerican-bornslavesversusthatforrecentAfricanarrivals.American-bornslavesweremoreencumberedwithrelationsbetweenenslaversandtheenslaved.Inmostoftheintercolonialslavetrade—dealinginAfricans—tradersmanagedtokeepcaptivesmorefullycommodifiedintheirownminds.Personalconnectionsrarelybridgedthesenseofdistancebetweenslaversandthepeopletheytraded.43

LinkedtothisdesireforskilledslavesandtothelimiteddemandforplantationlaborersinnortherncolonieswasapreferenceintheNorthforenslavedchildrenrecentlyarrivedfromAfrica.WhenJonathanDickinsondiscouragedshipmentsofenslavedpeoplefromtheCaribbeanin1715,hequalifiedhis(p.211) demurral,noting,“OurpeopleDon‘tCaretobuyExceptboysandGirles.”Courtingtransshipmentsagenerationlater,RobertEllisroutinelyspecifiedaninterestinchildren.In1748,headvisedCharlestonmerchants,“IfyoushoudhaveaShipw‘thNegroesthisSpring,youmaysendTwentyorThirtyYoungBoysandGirls,andIshallEndeavourtodisposeofthemtoAdvantage.”Likewise,newspaperadvertisementsoftentoutedtheavailabilityof“likelyyoungNegroesofabout10or12Yearsofage”or“likelyNegroeBoysandGirls”toenticebuyers.Sincenorthernslaveholdersdidnotputtheircaptivestothephysicallydemandingtoilassociatedwithriceorsugarplantations,theyhadlittleincentivetopaythehighpricesthatthemarketdemandedforadults.Enslavedchildrencostlessandcouldbetrainedfordomesticserviceorartisanaltrades.44

ThispredilectionguidedtheinvisiblehandofthemarketthatdraggedayoungJamesAlbertUkawsawGronniosawintonorthernslavery.BorninBorno(inwhatisnownortheasternNigeria),GronniosawsurvivedaMiddlePassagefromtheGoldCoasttoBarbadosasaboy.Whereasmostcaptivesfromhisshiplikelysettledonsugarplantations,Gronniosaw’syouthmadehimillsuitedtocanework.Instead,hewaspurchasedfortransshipment:

Mynewmaster’snamewasVanhorn,ayoungGentleman;hishomewasinNew-EnglandintheCityofNew-York;towhichplacehetookmewithhim.Hedress‘dmeinhislivery,andwasverygoodtome.Mychiefbusinesswastowaitattable,andtea,andcleanknives,andIhadaveryeasyplace.

Withthebenefitofhindsight,GronniosawperceivedhismigrationfromBarbadostoNewYorkasadvantageous—anescapefromharderlaborintheCaribbeancanefields—buthisaccountgivesnohintofhowheexperienceditasachild,separatedfromthosewithwhomhehadcrossedtheAtlantic,whoperhapshadeasedhisfearsatsea,toldhimstoriesofhome,orensuredhis(p.212) shareofthemeagershipboardprovisions.Selectionofchildrenfortransshipmentmusthaveseparatedyoungcaptivesfromolderrelativesorotheradultswhocaredforthem.45

ForthedevelopmentofAfricanAmericancultures,theimplicationsofchildren’sprominenceinthisbranchoftheintercolonialtradewereprofound.Soldwithouttheirelders,youngcaptiveslikeGronniosawweremorefullycutofffromtheirorigins.Furthermore,theytypicallytookupresidenceasdomesticservantsinhouseholdswithfew,ifany,otherAfricans.ItisnotsurprisingthatsomeoftheearliestAfricanAmericanChristianpreachers(suchasGronniosaw)orEnglish-languagepoets(suchasPhillisWheatley)emergedinnortherncolonies.ManysuchAfrican-bornchildrenwouldgrowupwithmoreexposuretotheEnglishlanguageandtoEuro-Americancultureandvalues(andlessconnectiontoAfricanways)thanwasthecaseforenslavedpeopleinplantationcolonies.46

Inthemid-eighteenthcentury,mostnortherncoloniessawabriefperiodinwhichdirectAfricanshipmentspredominated,leavingintercolonialshipmentsinasubordinaterole.SuchtransatlantictradetonortherncolonieswassmallbythestandardsoftheplantationsettlementsbutstilldeliveredunprecedentednumbersofAfricanpeopletotheNorth.Therewereseveralreasonsforitsemergence.Forone,theregionexperiencedenormouspopulationgrowthoverthecourseoftheeighteenthcentury,expandingitsdemandforallcommodities—enslavedpeopleincluded.NortherncoloniesalsoexpandedtheirexportstoEurope(ofmarineproducts,navalstores,andgrain),makingtheregionmoreattractivetotransatlanticshippers.Finally,growing(p.213) numbersofthosetransoceaniccarrierswerenortherncoloniststhemselvesastheregion’smerchantclassexpandedanddiversified,enhancingnortherncolonies’connectionstoallAtlanticcommercialnetworks.ForNewEngland,particularlyRhodeIsland,thetransitiontodirectAfricanimportscameearliest,withthelate1730sheraldingtheshift.Thereafter,significantarrivalsfromtheislandsdiminished(withtheexceptionofseventyAfricansinoneapparentlyanomalousshipmentfromBarbadostoPiscataqua—nowPortsmouth,NewHampshire—in1749).Fromthelate1730sthroughtheearly1760s,voyagesfromAfricadeliveredclosetofivethousandcaptivestoNewEngland.47

InNewYork,intercolonialslavedeliveriesdeclinedsharplyafter1741.TheslaveconspiracyscareinManhattanthatyearmighthaveleftcolonistsreluctanttoimportpeoplefromtheWestIndies,butthecollapseoftheBritishasientoandincreasingcompetitionfromtransatlantictraderswereprobablymoresignificantfactors.DuringtheyearswhentheBritishSouthSeaCompanymonopolizedtheslavetradetoSpanishAmerica,NewYorkexportedagreatdealofflourtoJamaica,whichtheSouthSeaCompanythensmuggledtoSpanishAmericaundercoveroftheslavetrade.SomeoftheproceedswereinvestedinenslavedAfricansforreturnjourneystoManhattan.TheoutbreakoftheWarofJenkins’Earin1739,andthenKingGeorge’sWar(1744–1748),disruptedthisflourtradeaswellasotherCaribbeancommerce,helpingtoexplainthelullinimportations.Whenpeacereturned,NewYorkersincreasedtheirimportsofAfricanpeoplebutnolongerlookedtotheCaribbean.Instead,thecolony’sgrowingdemandforslaves(andexpandingexports)facilitateddirectlinkswithAfrica,diminishingtheneedfortransshipments.AfricantradetoNewYorkpredominatedfortheremainderofthecolonialperiod.NewJersey’sexperiencemirroredNewYork’sbutinvolvedmoretransshipments.AsinNewYork,captivearrivalsinNewJerseyslowedtoatrickleduringKingGeorge’sWarandrecoveredinthelate1740sandearly1750s.InNewJersey,however,thepostwararrivalsstillcamefromtheCaribbean.Only(p.214) inthelate1750sandearly1760sdidthecolonyreceivepeopledirectlyfromAfrica,atwhichtimetransshipmentsceasedaltogether.48

Pennsylvania’swindowofdirectAfricantradecameslightlylater.The1740sand1750ssawsporadicanddecliningarrivalsfromtheWestIndies,butinthemid-1760s,suchtransshipmentsshotupagainasemployersreplacedindenturedservantswhogainedfreedominexchangeformilitaryserviceintheSevenYears’War.BroadparticipationinslavetraffickingfromtheCaribbeanamongPennsylvaniamerchantswassuggestedbya1761petitionof“DiversMerchantsoftheCityofPhiladelphia,TradingtoHisMajesty’sColoneysintheWestIndies.”Thetwenty-foursignersurgedthecolony’sdeputygovernortovetoabilltaxingslaveimports,suggestingthattheyviewedcarryingAfricansasavitalpartofCaribbeantrade.Still,enslavedpeoplefromtheWestIndiesmetonlyaportionofthedemandcreatedbydepartingindenturedservants;directAfricanshipmentsalsoarrivedduringthefiveyearsaftertheSevenYears’War.Thetradethenhaltedabruptly;noknownslaveshipments—directorintercolonial—enteredPennsylvaniaafter1767.ThenonimportationpactsoftheRevolutionaryerasurelycontributedtothedecline,alongwiththeemergenceofantislaverysentimentinthecolony(and,toalesserdegree,acrosstheNorth).TheQuakersinPennsylvaniawereamongthefirstEuropeansettlerstovocalizeantislaveryargumentsinthe1750sand1760s,andsuchideasgainedcurrencyintheyearsleadinguptotheRevolution.49

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TheriseofdirectAfricanshipmentstothenortherncoloniesundercutthetransshipmenttradefromtheCaribbeanbuttriggerednewroutesofintercolonialtrafficking.AlthoughthetransatlanticdeliveriesreflectedincreaseddemandintheNorth,slavetradersstillstruggledtosellwholecargoesfrom(p.215) Africainnorthernports.AfricanssurvivingtheMiddlePassagetonortherncoloniesthusoftenfacedtransshipmentalongtheAmericancoast.WiththeemergenceofAfricandeliveriestoNewYork,forexample,slavetradersdevisedanumberofstrategiestodispersecaptivesbeyondtheManhattanmarket.WhendiscussingaproposedAfricanventurein1762,NewYorkmerchantJohnWattsexplainedtohisprospectivepartnerinBarbados,“Wecannoteasilyvend”anentirecargo,but“fromfiftytoahundredwouldrunhighenough.”Inotherwords,Wattsanticipatedthatonehundredcaptiveswasthemaximumforhismarketbeforepriceswouldfallconsiderably.Toavoidaglut,Wattsnoted,“Virginiacouldtakeoffagreatmany,”suggestingthatavesselfromAfricatoNewYorkshouldalsosellpeopleinanothercolony.Similarly,in1765,NewYorktradersadvertised“AParceloflikelyNegroMen,Women,Boys,andGirlsSlaves”whohadrecentlyarrivedfromSierraLeoneaboardthebrigantineMatty.Somewouldbesoldat“CoentiesPier”inNewYork,whereasotherswereavailable“atSecond-RiverintheProvinceofNew-Jersey.”WhethertheMattystoppedatbothportsorwhetheranothervesseltransshippedcaptivesfromNewYorktoNewJerseyisunclear,butthedispersalfromanorthernportwastypical.Bostonshippinglistsshowasimilarpattern.ThefirstAfricanvessellistedenteringthatharborarrivedin1762,followedalmostimmediatelybythefirstsmallshipmentsofenslavedAfricansoutofthatharbor,boundtocoloniesasfarawayasVirginiaandNorthCarolina.50

Intheearly1760s,whenPennsylvaniareceiveditsonlyregulardirectAfricanshipments,importerThomasRichedispersedarrivingAfricanswithintheDelawareRiverregionashispredecessorshaddonebutalsotargetedcoloniesfurtherafield,commensuratewiththelargergroupsofcaptivesinthedirectAfricantrade.WhenRicheservedassellingagentfortheschoonerHannah,whichdeliveredonehundredAfricansdirectlytoPhiladelphiain1761,heinformedSamuelTucker—upandacrosstheDelawareRiverinTrenton,New(p.216) Jersey—”IintendSending15or20uptoyouforSale,forwhichweshallFurnishyouwithadvertisementsbythePostonMonday.”Twoweekslater,hearingthatTuckerhad“soldmostofthenegros,”Riche“Furnish‘d[him]withafreshParcell.”Presumably,Tuckerearnedcommissionsforhisefforts.RichealsomarchedAfricancaptivesaboutthecountrysidehimself.Afterhereceivedshipments,severaldaysoftenpassedwithoutRiche’srecordinganylettersinhisletterbook,andthesegapsweretypicallyfollowedbyapologiesforhisdelayinrespondingbecauseoftimespent“inthecountry.”Inmostcases,Richedidnotgivereasonsforsuchtravel,buthesuggestedanexplanationwhenashipmentofcaptivesfromAfricaarrivedduringacoldspellinlate1763.Owingatleastpartlytotheinclementweather,thirty-threecaptivesfromthesmallshipmenthadperishedonthevoyagetoPennsylvania,andmanyremainedsickuponarrival.Richereportedthat,becauseofthechillandthecaptives’illhealth,“weCannotmovethemabouttheCountryforsale.”51

Richealsolookedfartherafieldformarkets,regularlytransshippingenslavedpeopletoNorthCarolina,capitalizingonthatmarket’slimitedsupplyofexploitablelabor.Between1761and1765,RichetransshippedrecentlyarrivedAfricansonatleasttenoccasionstomerchantSamuelCornell,ofNewBern,NorthCarolina,ingroupsrangingfromasinglepersontotwentycaptivesatonce.RichealsooccasionallysentpeopletoCapeFear.InadditiontohelpinghimavoidgluttingDelawareRivermarkets,suchtransshipmentmighthaveofferedawaytovendcaptivesdeemedundesirablebybuyersclosertohome.ForCaptainJohnBurroughs’svoyagefromPhiladelphiatoNewBernaboardtheschoonerNelly,Richeinstructedthesailor,“IfyouhaveeaseyweathertakecareoftheslavesandgetthemshavedandgreasedbeforeyougetuptoNewburnlesttheydiscoveroldagebytheirheads.”Forthesenineenslavedpeople,uprootedfromdistantcommunities,grayinghairabouttheirtemplesbroughtsubjectiontofurtherdemeaningtreatment(Plate5).Meanwhile,slavesofadvancingagemightnothavebeentheonlypeoplethatRicheunloadedinthecaptivemarketofNorthCarolina.Ina1766lettertoCornell,RichedefendedhimselfagainstacomplaintthatoneoftheAfricanshesentwas“SubjecttoFitts.”Thesetransshipmentsaddtotheimpressionthat(p.217)

PLATE5 .Frontispiece,TheMaroon.Themid-nineteenth-centuryengravingdepictsthedemeaningpreparationofhumancommoditiesforsale.Tradersoftenoiledorgreasedtheskinofcaptivesanduseddyesandmakeupstomasksignsofageorillhealth.MayneReid,TheMaroon;or,PlanterLifeinJamaica(NewYork,1864).TheLibraryCompanyofPhiladelphia

theenslavedmigrationtoeconomicallymarginalcoloniesskewedawayfrompeoplejudgedtobeprimeworkersbytradersandslaveholders.Ontheotherhand,eldersmighthavebeenarareandwelcomepresenceincommunitiesoftheenslaved,withtheirwisdomandrichknowledgeofhomelandsleftbehind.Giventhetraders’emphasisonyouthfulvigorinchoosingslaves,feweldersenduredtheAtlanticcrossing,andpatternsintheintercolonialslavetrademighthaveconcentratedenslavedmigrantsofmiddleageorolderinthemoremarginalcolonies.52

ThetrendofcoastaltransshipmentsfollowingdirectAfricandeliveriestonorthernportspossiblypeakedin1764,whenRichewrotetocorrespondents(p.218) farandwide,panickingaboutreportsthat“fiveSailofGuineaMen…Twoofwhicharemine”wereallboundfortheDelawareRiverthatsummer.Theresult,hefeared,wouldbethatpricesfor“SlaveswillComeLowerherethenfromtheIslands.”Topreventsuchacrash,inadditiontohisusualstrategiesfordiffusingcaptives,RichewrotetomerchantsaboutpossibilitiesfortransshipmentsfromPhiladelphiatotheBritishCaribbean,Maryland,andevenCuba.Riche’sadaptationtochangingconditionsandpursuitofnewpartnersfordispersalunderscoreboththeimportanceofintercolonialtradetomakingtransatlanticslavingprofitableandtheroleofsuchcommerceinelaboratingAtlanticcommercialnetworks.53

■Thesesimilar,yetdistinct,intercolonialslavetradesfromtheCaribbeantovariousNorthAmericanregionshighlightthevariedwaysinwhichAmericancoloniesconnectedtonetworksofAtlantictrade.Whetheracolony’seconomyorientedtowardproducingstaplecropsforexporttoEuropeortowardtheexportofprovisionstotheCaribbean;whetheraregion’scommercialsectorwashighlycapitalizedorlessdeveloped;whetheracolonyexploitedenslavedpeopleasaprimaryorsupplementarylaborforce—suchlocalvariationsshapedpatternsintheslavetrade,notonlywithregardtowhetherenslavedAfricansarriveddirectlyorthroughintercolonialchannelsbutalsowithregardtohowtheintercolonial

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slavetradesortedtheAfricanpeopletrappedwithinit.AsgreaternumbersoftransatlanticslaverstargetedevermoreAmericanports,andasintercolonialtraderslinkedtheBritishmainlandandCaribbeansettlementsevermoretightlytooneanother,theyintegratedaBritishAmericanmarketforenslavedAfricanpeople—andformanyothergoods,oftenproducedbythoseAfricans’labor.Captivesweresortedaccordingtodesiredorundesiredattributesforvariousrolesandsweptintoexistingcommodityflows.Herewasamarketforlaborparexcellence.Workersthemselveswerebought,sorted,moved,andsoldwherevertheywouldbemostvalued,withtheonlyvaluethatmatteredcalculatedinpoundssterling.

Notes:

(1).ForestimatesoftheBritishtransatlanticslavetradetotheCaribbeanandNorthAmerica,seeVoyages:TheTrans-AtlanticSlaveTradeDatabase,accessedAugust2012,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1775&flag=3.5&disembarkation=205.204.201.203.202.402.403.401.404.405.804.702.805.703.701.801.802.803.305.304.307.306.309.308.311.310.705.704.501.502.600.301.302.303.ForestimatesoftheslavetradefromtheCaribbeantotheNorthAmericanmainland,seeGregoryE.O‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage:SlaveMigrationfromtheCaribbeantoNorthAmerica,1619–1807,”WilliamandMaryQuarterly,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),tablesI–X.

(2).JohnC.CoombsnotesthatnoneliteplantersintheVirginiaregionsgrowingprovisionsfortheCaribbeanenjoyedmoresuccessinacquiringslavesthannoneliteplantersgrowingtobacco,owingtotheirconnectionstoCaribbeansourcesofslaveimportation:“ThePhasesofConversion:ANewChronologyfortheRiseofSlaveryinEarlyVirginia,”WMQ,3dSer.,XLIII(2011),343.DavidRichardsonnotesthat,between1768and1772,forexample,theWestIndiesaccountedfor64percentofNewEngland’stotalexports;hearguesthatNewEngland’srelianceonCaribbeanmarketsforexportsincreasedovertheeighteenthcentury.See“Slavery,Trade,andEconomicGrowthinEighteenth-CenturyNewEngland,”inBarbaraL.Solow,ed.,SlaveryandtheRiseoftheAtlanticSystem(NewYork,1991),237–264,esp.250.Onthegrowthofintercolonialtradeandthemainlandcolonies’exportofprovisionsandsuppliestotheCaribbeanmoregenerally,seeJohnJ.McCuskerandRussellR.Menard,TheEconomyofBritishAmerica,1607–1789(ChapelHill,N.C.,1991),78–80,92–110,174,198–203;JackP.Greene,PursuitsofHappiness:TheSocialDevelopmentofEarlyModernBritishColoniesandtheFormationofAmericanCulture(ChapelHill,N.C.,1988),62,67,126,144–145,184;RichardPares,YankeesandCreoles:TheTradebetweenNorthAmericaandtheWestIndiesbeforetheAmericanRevolution(Cambridge,Mass.,1956);StephenInnes,CreatingtheCommonwealth:TheEconomicCultureofPuritanNewEngland(NewYork,1998),chap.7;HerbertC.Bell,“TheWestIndiaTradebeforetheAmericanRevolution,”AHR,XII(1917),272–287.NorthAmericawassosignificanttotheprovisioningofCaribbeanplantationsthat,whentheAmericanRevolutiondisruptedtradenetworkslinkingtheregions,starvationwasamajorproblem(mostlyaffectingenslavedpeople)insomeCaribbeancolonies;seeRichardB.Sheridan,“TheCrisisofSlaveSubsistenceintheBritishWestIndiesduringandaftertheAmericanRevolution,”WMQ,3dSer.,XXXIII(1976),615–641.

(3).OnthesadnessandanxietyofcaptivesbeingseparatedaftertheMiddlePassage,see“TheInterestingNarrativeoftheLifeofOlaudahEquiano,orGustavusVassa,theAfrican,WrittenbyHimself,”inVincentCarretta,ed.,TheInterestingNarrativeandOtherWritings(NewYork,2003),126;StephanieE.Smallwood,SaltwaterSlavery:AMiddlePassagefromAfricatoAmericanDiaspora(Cambridge,Mass.,2007),202–207.

(4).OntheexportofprovisionsfromtheChesapeakeandCarolinatotheWestIndies,seeMcCuskerandMenard,EconomyofBritishAmerica,130,174.

(5).South-CarolinaGazette,Mar.9,1738.

(6).JamesGlentoBoardofTrade,Aug.26,1754,inElizabethDonnan,ed.,DocumentsIllustrativeoftheHistoryoftheSlaveTradetoAmerica,4vols.(Washington,D.C.,1930–1935),IV,313.Demandforslavesmightalsohavespikedatthistimeowingtoslowimportationduringthe1740s,thankstoKingGeorge’sWar(1744–1748),butthisaloneisanunsatisfactoryexplanationbecauseshipmentsdidnotaccelerateimmediatelyfollowingthewar.IndigoproductionwasintroducedinSouthCarolinaduringthewar,takingoffasasecondarycropandbufferingtheregion’seconomyagainstricemarketfluctuations.SeeGreene,PursuitsofHappiness,144;McCuskerandMenard,EconomyofBritishAmerica,186–188.

(7).JohnGuerardtoWilliamJolliff,May6,1754,JohnGuerardLetterBook,1752–1754,34/0321OvrSz,fol.258,SouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety,Charleston.StephenBehrendtshowsthatdemandforslavesinNorthAmericanplantationcoloniesintensifiedinspringandsummer,emphasizingcropcyclesasthecause(Behrendt,“Markets,TransactionCycles,andProfits:MerchantDecisionMakingintheBritishSlaveTrade,”WMQ,3dSer.,LVIII[2001],192–193).

(8).AustinandLaurenstoAugustusandJohnBoydandCo.[ofLondon],[Charleston],Mar.14,1757,inPhilipM.Hameretal.,eds.,ThePapersofHenryLaurens,16vols.(Columbia,S.C.,1968–2002),II,493(hereaftercitedasLaurensPapers).FortheHannah’sarrival,see“NegroesImportedintoSouthCarolina,1757,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,IV,365.Onthemanyfactorslimitingtransatlanticslavers’controloverthetimingoftheirdeparturefromAfrica,seeBehrendt,“Markets,TransactionCycles,andProfits,”WMQ,LVIII(2001),171–204.

(9).AustinandLaurenstoSmithandClifton,May26,1755,inLaurensPapers,I,255–256.

(10).GuerardtoCapt.Watts,Mar.6,1754,JohnGuerardLetterBook,fol.235.GuerardandJolliffwerenotaloneinthis“square”trade,linkingEngland,Africa’sAtlanticislands,theCaribbean,andtheNorthAmericanmainland.ShippingrecordsforVirginiain1732notethattwovesselstransshippingslavestherefromtheCaribbeanhadcomefromMadeirabeforethat.Suchnotationofpreviousstopsisrare,though,sothefrequencyofsuchvoyagesisunclear;see“NegroesImportedintoVirginia,1727–1769,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,IV,189.OnthesymbioticrelationshipofthetradeincolonialstaplesfromAmericatoEuropeandMadeirawineforthereturnbackacrosstheAtlantic,seeDavidHancock,OceansofWine:Madeiraandthe10.GuerardtoCapt.Watts,Mar.6,1754,JohnGuerardLetterBook,fol.235.GuerardandJolliffwerenotaloneinthis“square”trade,linkingEngland,Africa’sAtlanticislands,theCaribbean,andtheNorthAmericanmainland.ShippingrecordsforVirginiain1732notethattwovesselstransshippingslavestherefromtheCaribbeanhadcomefromMadeirabeforethat.Suchnotationofpreviousstopsisrare,though,sothefrequencyofsuchvoyagesisunclear;see“NegroesImportedintoVirginia,1727–1769,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,IV,189.OnthesymbioticrelationshipofthetradeincolonialstaplesfromAmericatoEuropeandMadeirawineforthereturnbackacrosstheAtlantic,seeDavidHancock,OceansofWine:MadeiraandtheEmergenceofAmericanTradeandTaste(NewHaven,Conn.,2009),108–110.ForGuerard’sinvestmentsinthetransatlanticslavetrade,seeVoyages,accessedMay2011,VoyageIDnos.24010,24011,26018,and26019.“Negroesareingreatdemand”:CharlesSteuarttoThomasOgilvie,[SaintKitts],Mar.9,1752,inCharlesSteuartLetterBook,I,1751–1753,microfilm,M–32,JohnD.Rockefeller,Jr.Library,Williamsburg,Virginia;seealsoSteuarttoMrs.MenvielleandCo.,[Barbados],Mar.26,1752.“GreatnumberofSlavesimportedlastyear”:SteuarttoSusannaMenvielleandEliasMenvielle,[Barbados],Feb.13,1753,ibid.

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(11).GuerardtoJolliff,Mar.26,1752,JohnGuerardLetterBook,fol.7;GuerardtoMr.ThomasRockandCo.,Mar.17,1752,ibid.,fols.3–4.InletterstoRockinthefollowingweeks,GuerardcontinuedtocomplainaboutthedifficultyofobtainingacargofortheCarolina(fols.6–7,11–12).

(12).JamesMurraytoDavidHunter,Jul.21,1749,inBradfordJ.Wood,ed.,JamesMurrayinNorthCarolina:Letters,1732–1781,vol.XIIIofTheColonialRecordsofNorthCarolina,2dSer.(forthcoming).Foranotherexample,seeAustinandLaurenstoSmithandClifton,May26,1755,inLaurensPapers,I,255–256.

(13).CharlesSteuart,AlexanderMcKenzieandCo.toBlackmanandAdams,[Barbados?],Jul.5,1751,inCharlesSteuartLetterBook,I.Foranother,similarexamplefromGeorgia,seeJosephClaytoWilliamFox,Junior,andCo.,Sept.1,1774,JosephClayandCo.LetterBooks,1772–1776,II,GeorgiaHistoricalSociety,Savannah.

(14).South-CarolinaGazette,Mar.9,1738.

(15).“NegroesImportedintoSouthCarolina,1749–1751,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,IV,301–302.DiscussingCaptainWatts’s1752voyage,forexample,JohnGuerardencouragedapartnerthat“ifhe[Watts]doesbutbringagoodSortIflattermySelfthey[will]Sellwell”(JohnGuerardLetterBook,fols.17–18).

(16).OntheAjas’predominanceamongcaptivesfromtheBightofBenin,seePatrickManning,Slavery,Colonialism,andEconomicGrowthinDahomey,1640–1960(NewYork,1982),30.OnthepreferenceoftransatlanticslavetraderstomatchthesizeoftheirenslavedcargowiththesizeoftheirAmericanmarket,seeBehrendt,“Markets,TransactionCycles,andProfits,”WMQ,LVIII(2001),188–194;LorenaS.Walsh,“TheChesapeakeSlaveTrade:RegionalPatterns,AfricanOrigins,andSomeImplications,”ibid.,155.ForSouthCarolina’sdirectAfricantradefrom1726–1775,seeVoyages,accessedSeptember2012,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1775&mjslptimp=21300;fortheBritishCaribbeantrade1726–1775,seeibid.,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1726&yearTo=1775&mjslptimp=33400.33500.33600.33700.33800.34200.34400.35100.35200.35500.InthemostinfluentialstudyofAfricanculturestransferredtoNorthAmericanslavequarters,MichaelA.Gomezemphasizestheformationof“Africanethnicenclaves”duetopatternsintheslavetradethatconcentratedpeopleofsimilarAfricanbackgroundsinthesameAmericanregions(Gomez,ExchangingOurCountryMarks:TheTransformationofAfricanIdentitiesintheColonialandAntebellumSouth[ChapelHill,N.C.,1998],11,38,150);theintercolonialtrafficcomplicatedthatpicturebytanglingthelinesoftransatlanticmigration.

(17).LaurenstoJosephBrown,Charleston,Dec.24,1763,inLaurensPapers,IV,103–105.

(18).OntheproportionofarrivalsintheCarolinaswhodisembarkedatCharleston,seeVoyages,accessedMay2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1866&mjslptimp=21200.21300.Ofthe466shipmentstotheCarolinasdocumentedinVoyagesforwhichaspecificportofdisembarkationislisted,453wenttoCharleston.Another369voyageslistonly“SouthCarolina,”notaspecificport,astheirpointofdisembarkation,sotheywereleftoutofthiscalculation.(TheeditorsofVoyagesassumethatsuchventuresdeliveredslavestoCharleston,sincemerchants—nottomentiontheresearchersreadingtheirdocuments—usedthenameofaregionanditsmajorportinterchangeably.Ifweacceptthatassumption,theproportionofvesselstotheCarolinasthatdeliveredtoCharlestonclimbstomorethan98percent.)OntheproportionofAfricansarrivinginBarbadosorJamaica,seeVoyages,accessedApril2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&disembarkation=205.305.204.304.307.306.309.201.308.311.203.310.202.301.302.303.OntheproportionofNorthAmericanarrivalsinVirginiaandSouthCarolina,seeibid.,accessedMay2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1701&yearTo=1765&mjslptimp=20000.Onslavetraders’logicinchoosingportsforsales,seeRichardNelsonBean,TheBritishTrans-AtlanticSlaveTrade:1650–1775(NewYork,1975),63;DanielC.Littlefield,“CharlestonandInternalSlaveRedistribution,”SouthCarolinaHistoricalMagazine,LXXXVII(1986),93–105;Behrendt,“Markets,TransactionCycles,andProfits,”WMQ,LVIII(2001),191–197;KennethMorgan,“SlaveSalesinColonialCharleston,”EnglishHistoricalReview,CXIII(1998),905–927,esp.908–909;TrevorBurnardandKennethMorgan,“TheDynamicsoftheSlaveMarketandSlavePurchasingPatternsinJamaica,1655–1788,”WMQ,LVIII(2001),205–228;JohnC.Coombs,“Building‘theMachine’:TheDevelopmentofSlaveryandSlaveSocietyinEarlyColonialVirginia”(Ph.D.diss.,CollegeofWilliamandMary,2003),42–43,52–54.Ontheaveragesizesoftransatlanticcargoes,seeHerbertS.Klein,TheAtlanticSlaveTrade(NewYork,1999),148–149.

(19).AlexanderX.ByrdnotesthehighmortalityofcaptivesaboardvesselsthathoppedbetweenmultipleAmericanports;seeByrd,CaptivesandVoyagers:BlackMigrantsacrosstheEighteenth-CenturyBritishAtlanticWorld(BatonRouge,2008),52–55.

(20).TyndallandAsshetontoHobhouseandTyndall,Aug.22,1729,JeffriesCollection,XIII,fol.111,BristolCentralLibrary,U.K.;TyndallandAsshetontoIsaacHobhouse,Nov.1,1729,“LetterstoMessrs.IsaacHobhouseandOnesiphovousTyndall,MerchantsofBristolfromTheirAgentsintheWestIndies,”MSS8029/16e,BristolRecordOffice,U.K.ForTyndallandAssheton’searlierwarningsaboutmultiplestops,seeJeffriesColl.,XIII,fol.91,97.Intheseventeenthcentury,porthoppinginsearchofhighpriceswassomewhatmorecommon.RalphDavis,forexample,notestheattractionoftheJamaicanmarketfortransatlantictradersinthelateseventeenthcenturybecauseofitssize,butalsoshowsthatsomeinvestorsinthetradeinstructedshipcaptainstoislandhopinsearchofthebestprices(Davis,TheRiseoftheEnglishShippingIndustryintheSeventeenthandEighteenthCenturies[London,1962],294–296).Conversely,RichardS.DunnnotestheimportanceofalargeeconomytoRoyalAfricanCompanyshipschoosingAmericanportsintheseventeenthcentury,notingthattheyoftenavoidedsmallerislandsinpartbecausetheyconsideredthosebuyerslesslikelytopaytheirdebts(Dunn,SugarandSlaves:TheRiseofthePlanterClassintheEnglishWestIndies,1624–1713[1972;rpt.ChapelHill,N.C.,2000],235).RichardParesstatesthatportfeesmadeporthoppingforhighprices(foranycommodity)cost-prohibitive,atleastbytheearlynineteenthcentury:AWest-IndiaFortune(NewYork,1950),226.Onthegeneraldeclineinmortalityinthetransatlanticslavetradefromtheseventeenthtotheeighteenthcentury,seeHerbertS.Kleinetal.,“TransoceanicMortality:TheSlaveTradeinComparativePerspective,”WMQ,3dSer.,LVIII(2001),93–118,esp.tableII;seealsoKlein,AtlanticSlaveTrade,139–140.

(21).Voyages,accessedApril2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1776&mjslptimp=21200;petitionfrompeopleofAlbemarle,N.C.,July27,1731,CO5/293,fol.24,NationalArchives,Kew.BradfordJ.Woodnotonlyusesthephrase“remotepartoftheworld”asthetitleofhisbookonthecolonialCapeFearregion;healsoquotesmanysettlers’useoftheword“remote”todescribetheirrelativeisolationfromthebroaderAtlanticworld.“Thisremotepartoftheworld”waspennedbyleadersofanewlyformedparishintheregion(Wood,ThisRemotePartoftheWorld:RegionalFormationinLowerCapeFear,Northlina,1725–1775[Columbia,S.C.,2004],4–5,226).“ThewantoftheNegroes”:ThomasClarktoJohnWatsonandJohnMackenzie,June23,1740,inWood,ed.,JamesMurray

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Letters.

(22).OnJamesMurray’slife,seeWood’sintroductiontoJamesMurrayLetters.IthankProfessorWoodforcallingmyattentiontoMurrayandsharingtheforthcomingeditionofMurray’sletters.MurraywasnotaloneamongNorthCarolinasettlersinpossessingconnectionsaroundtheAtlantic;seeWood,RemotePartoftheWorld,18.FortherelativesizeofNorthCarolina’senslavedpopulationbythelatecolonialperiod,seeibid.,6.

(23).MurraytoDavidTullideph,[Antigua],Brunswick,Feb.21,1735/6,MurraytoWilliamDunbar,Brunswick,Feb.23,1735/6,MurraytoHenryMcCulloh,Brunswick,May281736,andMurrayandSamuelJohnstontoRibtonHutchisonandFrederickGrimké,July14,1736andJuly4,1739,allinWood,ed.,JamesMurrayLetters;Wood,RemotePartoftheWorld,18,226–228.OnVirginia,SouthCarolina,andNewYorkassourcesoftransshipment,seeMarvinL.MichaelKayandLorinLeeCary,SlaveryinNorthCarolina,1748–1775(ChapelHill,N.C.,1995),21;Wood,RemotePartoftheWorld,38–40;WalterE.Minchinton,“TheSeaborneSlaveTradeofNorthCarolina,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview,LXXI(1994),7.IhavedocumentedseventeentransshipmentsfromNewYorktoNorthCarolina,primarilyfromtheNavalOfficeShippingListsforNewYork,CO5/1222–1228.ArrivalsfromVirginiaandSouthCarolinararelyappearedinportrecords(Ihavedocumentedtwenty-threeshipmentsfromCharlestonandjustsixfromvariousportsinVirginia),somostofthattrafficlikelyoccurredoverlandorinsmallboatsthatescapedtheattentionofcustomsofficials.Anecdotalsourcesindicatethatportrecordsvastlyunderreportslavemigrationfromneighboringcolonies.

(24).MurraytoRichardOswaldandCompany,Nov.16,1752,inWood,ed.,JamesMurrayLetters.FormoreonOswald,seeDavidHancock,CitizensoftheWorld:LondonMerchantsandtheIntegrationoftheBritishAtlanticCommunity,1735–1785(NewYork,1995).InsteadofNorthCarolina,OswalddirectedmostofhisdealingstoAustinandLaurensinCharleston;seeLaurensPapers,esp.I–IV.

(25).OntheslowdevelopmentofGeorgia’sslavemarketsduetoalackofcapitalafter1750,seeDaroldD.Wax,“‘NewNegroesAreAlwaysinDemand’:TheSlaveTradeinEighteenth-CenturyGeorgia,”GeorgiaHistoricalQuarterly,LXVIII(1984),197.OnlyafewhundredAfricansreachedGeorgiaviatheCaribbeaninthe1750s,butsuchtraffickingaccelerateddramaticallyastheSevenYears’War(1755–1763)waned,withnearlyonethousandcaptivesferriedbetween1761and1765.Regulartransatlanticdeliveriesquicklyoutcompetedsuchintercolonialdeliveriesthereafter.SeeO‘Malley,“BeyondtheMiddlePassage,”WMQ,3dSer.,LXVI(2009),150–152.DataonshipmentsfromtheCaribbeantoNorthCarolinaderivesmainlyfromNavalOfficeShippingListsforCaribbeancoloniessincefewcolonialNorthCarolinaportrecordssurvive.SeeAppendix,below;seealsoMinchinton,“SeaborneSlaveTradeofNorthCarolina,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview,LXXI(1994),7.

(26).“Captain[GovernorGeorge]Burrington’sRepresent‘nofthePresentStateandConditionofNorthCarolina,”Jan.1,1733,CO5/294,fols.67–70;MurrayandJohnstontoHutchisonandGrimké,July14,Aug.27,Dec.15,1736,inWood,ed.,JamesMurrayLetters.Forsimilarexamples,seeMurraytoRutherford,Jan.19,1750/1,andMurraytoJohnWatson,Dec.2,1740,ibid.MinchintonalsonotesNorthCarolinaplanters’placingordersforslaveswithmerchantsinothercolonies,especiallyintheearlyeighteenthcentury(“SeaborneSlaveTradeofNorthCarolina,”NorthCarolinaHistoricalReview,LXXI[1994],23).LaurensalsoreceivedrequestsfromNorthCarolinaplanters;seeLaurenstoJohnRutherford,Nov.23,1762,LaurensPapers,III,168–169.

(27).MurraytoAndrewBennet,Sept.6,1739,inWood,ed.,JamesMurrayLetters;Mr.ClarkwaspresumablyThomasClark,Murray’sbrother-in-law,andMr.DouglasswaspresumablyArchibaldDouglass.Formentionofasimilartrip,seeMurraytoMcCulloch,June23,1740,ibid.ForDalrymple,seeWood,RemotePartoftheWorld,39.

(28).MurraytoJamesRutherford,Jan.19,1750/1,inWood,ed.,JamesMurrayLetters.Averagecolonialslavepricesatthatdatearefoundina1753reportonthetradebyJohnPownal,secretaryoftheBoardofTrade(“Mr.Pownal’sAccountoftheSlaveTrade,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,II,507).Beanestimatesaslightlyloweraveragepriceof£34forenslavedadultmalesinJamaicain1751,butthatpricestillsuggeststhatMurraycouldhaveonlypurchasedtwomen(BritishTrans-AtlanticSlaveTrade,202).WoodnotesapreferenceamongNorthCarolinasettlersforenslavedwomenandsuggeststhatmighthavebeencrucialtopopulationgrowth(RemotePartoftheWorld,101–102).PhilipD.MorganandMichaelL.NichollsnoteasimilarbiastowardlessexpensivefemaleandyouthfulslavesintheearlydecadesofEuropeansettlementoftheChesapeakepiedmont(MorganandNicholls,“SlavesinPiedmontVirginia,1720–1790,”WMQ,3dSer.,XLVI[1989],221–233).Likewise,JenniferL.Morgandemonstratesthat,whenmanyslaveholdersthoughtaboutenslavedwomen’sworkandvalue,“norigiddistinctionbetweentheprocreativeandtheagriculturalexisted”(LaboringWomen:ReproductionandGenderinNewWorldSlavery[Philadelphia,2004],75).Shealsonotesthat,indevelopmentalperiodsacrossmanycoloniesandregions,slaveholdersshowedparticularinterestinacquiringslavewomen,presumablywithaneyetoprocreationaswellasfieldlabor(77–92).

(29).OngenderratiosintheslavetradetotheCaribbean,seeDavidEltis,TheRiseofAfricanSlaveryintheAmericas(NewYork,2000),95–97.Onthebenefitstoenslavedpeopleofmorebalancedgenderratiosandtheuniquememoriesandtraditionscarriedbywomenandgirls,seeMorgan,LaboringWomen,6,64–65.

(30).FortheAfricanregionaloriginsofcaptivesshippedtoVirginiafrom1661to1730,seeVoyages,accessedSeptember2012,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1661&yearTo=1730&mjslptimp=21100;seealsoWalsh,“ChesapeakeSlaveTrade,”WMQ,LVIII(2001).KayandCarynotesomesurvivalofIgbo(andotherAfrican)namingpracticesamongenslavedNorthCaroliniansintheeighteenthcentury(SlaveryinNorthCarolina,276–277).FormorediscussionofstagesintheNorthCarolinaslavetradeandtheirimplicationsforthecaptives’regionalorigins,seeGregoryE.O‘Malley,“DiversityintheSlaveTradetotheColonialCarolinas,”inBradfordJ.WoodandMichelleLeMaster,eds.,CreatingandContestingCarolina(Columbia,S.C.,2013),243–245,247–248.

(31).RobertEllistoJosephMarks,May12,1741,EllisLetterBook,1736–1748,Am9251,fol.292,HistoricalSocietyofPennsylvania(hereaftercitedasHSP);Boston-Gazette,andCountryJournal,Sept.16,23,1765(theadvertiserspecifiedthattheenslavedboys“havebeenintheCountryaboutthreeMonths”).

(32).“NegroesImportedintoNewYork,1701–1726,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,444.JamesG.LydonarguesthatWestIndiandeliveriesfor1715to1741outpaceddirectAfricanshipmentsbyevenmore,butVoyagesdocumentsmoredirectAfricanarrivalsthanLydonfound.SeeLydon,“NewYorkandtheSlaveTrade,1700to1774,”WMQ,3dSer.,XXXV(1978),382;Voyages,accessedApril2011,http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1866&mjslptimp=20600.EdgarJ.McManusnotestheconnectionbetweennorthernexportsofprovisiontotheislandsandtheslavetradeinreturn;seeMcManus,BlackBondageintheNorth(Syracuse,N.Y.,1973),20.Ontheproblemswithnewspapersforestimatingthetrade’svolume,seetheAppendix,below.

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(33).QuotedinWilliamD.Piersen,BlackYankees:TheDevelopmentofanAfro-AmericanSubcultureinEighteenth-CenturyNewEngland(Amherst,Mass.,1988),4;seealsoLorenzoJohnstonGreene,TheNegroinColonialNewEngland,1620–1776(NewYork,1942),34–35.

(34).“ANarrativeoftheLifeandAdventuresofVenture,aNativeofAfrica:ButResidentaboveSixtyYearsintheUnitedStatesofAmerica;RelatedbyHimself“(1798),inVincentCarretta,ed.,UnchainedVoices:AnAnthologyofBlackAuthorsintheEnglish-SpeakingWorldoftheEighteenthCentury(Lexington,Ky.,2004),375;“AccountsofNathanielHarris,1712,”inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,26.VoyageslikeSmith’sarenotincludedintheestimatesofintercolonialslavemovementsinthisbookbecauseitwasacontinuationofatransatlanticendeavor;SmithchangedneithervesselsnorownershipinBarbados.TheVoyagesdatabaseincludessuchmovementsinitsstatisticsforthetransatlanticslavetrade,soomittingsuchshipmentsheremakesthisintercolonialdatamorecomplementarywiththeinformationavailablethroughVoyages.OnthepreponderanceofarrivalsfromtheCaribbeanbeforethemid-eighteenthcentury,seeRobertE.Desrochers,Jr.,“Slave-for-SaleAdvertisementsandSlaveryinMassachusetts,1704–1781,”WMQ,3dSer,LIX(2002),623–664.

(35).AmericanWeeklyMercury(Philadelphia),June14–21,1739;PennsylvaniaGazette,Mar.12,1761;New-YorkGazette;or,theWeeklyPost-Boy,Mar.21,Apr.18,25,1765.

(36).PennsylvaniaGazette,Oct.10,1751,May17,1759;GaryB.Nash,ForgingFreedom:TheFormationofPhiladelphia’sBlackCommunity,1720–1840(Cambridge,Mass.,1988),16–37.SeealsoShaneWhite,SomewhatMoreIndependent:TheEndofSlaveryinNewYorkCity,1770–1810(Athens,Ga.,1991),182–183;JillLepore,NewYorkBurning:Liberty,Slavery,andConspiracyinEighteenth-CenturyManhattan(NewYork,2005).

(37).ThomasRichetoThomasShute,Jan.1,1763,ThomasRicheLetterBook,I,1750–1764,Am9261,HSP.Desrochersnotesthateighteenth-centuryBostonreceivedfewcaptivesdeemed“refuse”bytraders(“Slave-for-SaleAdvertisements,”WMQ,LIX[2002],649).

(38).DickinsontoJohnBeswick,Apr.26,1715,JonathanDickinsonLetterBook,1715–1721,Yi2–/–1628,alcove4,shelf12,fol.12,LibraryCompanyofPhiladelphia;Dickinsonto“DeareBrother”[IsaacGale?],May2,1715,ibid.,fols.13–14;DickinsontoJohnLewis,May2,1715,ibid.,fols.21–22.

(39).Ellisto“Mr.Shaw,”Sept.18,1736,inEllisLetterBook,fol.8.TheslavesElliswassellingprobablyreachedPhiladelphiaviatransshipmentfromtheCaribbeanandfromCharlestonaboardthesloopElizabethandLavenia,whichdeliveredtwenty-eight“NegroeBoysandGirls”;seePennsylvaniaGazette,Aug.5–12,1736;JohnRyantoJacobKollock,Jan.25,1739,inEllisLetterBook.ForotherexamplesofEllis’sacquiringAfricansinSouthCarolina,seeEllistoMess‘rsClelandandWallace,July1,1738,andEllistoThomasGadsden,July1,1738,ibid.,104–105;forthesameinAntiguaandSaintKitts,seeEllistoDavidHall,Apr.22,1740,197–198;forthesameinBarbados,seeEllistoCaptainMeas,Apr.1740,203.FormoreonEllis,seeDaroldD.Wax,“RobertEllis,PhiladelphiaMerchantandSlaveTrader,”PennsylvaniaMagazineofHistoryandBiography,LXXXVIII(1964),52–69.OntheproportionsofenslavedAfricansinnortherncoloniesandtheirconcentrationinurbanareas,seeMcManus,BlackBondageintheNorth,14–17;IraBerlin,ManyThousandsGone:TheFirstTwoCenturiesofSlaveryinNorthAmerica(Cambridge,Mass.,1998),47–63;afterabout1750,however,BerlinemphasizesthatenslavedAfricansgrewasaproportionofnorthernpopulations(177–179).

(40).WalterNugenttoAbrahamRedwood,Antigua,Apr.11,1731,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,121–122.Onslavebuyers’interestinpairingmaleandfemaleslaves,seeMorgan,LaboringWomen,84–85.

(41).JohnFrederickPinneytoJamesBrowne,Bath,Oct.27,1755,PinneyCollection,LetterBookI,JohnFrederickPinney,1740–1742,1754–1755,SpecialCollections,BristolUniversityLibrary,U.K.;RobertRapertoGovernorBoone,Charleston,Feb.24,1761,RobertRaperLetterBook,1759–1770,MSS34/511,fol.65,SouthCarolinaHistoricalSociety.

(42).OntheabilityofAmerican-bornslavesinthenineteenthcenturytousesubtlesocialcuesinassessingpotentialnewowners,seeWalterJohns0on,SoulbySoul:LifeinsidetheAntebellumSlaveMarket(Cambridge,Mass.,1999),chap.6.SeealsoJohannDavidSchoepf,TravelsintheConfederation,ed.andtrans.AlfredJ.Morrison,2vols.(Philadelphia,1911),II,148;Wood,RemotePartoftheWorld,100–101;DainaRameyBerry,“‘We‘mFus’RateBargain’:Value,Labor,andPriceinaGeorgiaSlaveCommunity,”inWalterJohnson,ed.,TheChattelPrinciple:InternalSlaveTradesintheAmericas(NewHaven,Conn.,2004),55.OnthecontrastingsilenceofmostarrivingAfricansattheirsales,seeSmallwood,SaltwaterSlavery,179.

(43).JohnBayleytoJohnYeates,July7,1743,UrbinStricttoYeates,July26,1743,JohnFrancklintoYeates,July25,1743,EdwardPolegreentoYeates,Aug.13,1742,andseealsoStephenButchertoYeates,Sept.1,1743,allinJohnYeatesCorrespondence,1738–1749(unpaginated),YeatesPapers,no.740,HSP.Foranexampleofthefreightchargesinsuchacase,seeEllistoRobertHorry,July25,1738,EllisLetterBook,114;Ellismentionsreceivingfortyshillingsforthepassageofanenslavedboyononeofhisvessels.Bycontrast,“apassanger”paid£3fortravelaboardthesameship.MorganhighlightstheimportancetoslavetradersofanexaggeratedsenseofthedifferencesbetweenthemselvesandAfricans(LaboringWomen,chap.1).

(44).Dickinsonto“DeareBrother,”Apr.30,1715,DickinsonLetterBook,fol.20;EllistoBenjaminandJohnSavage,Apr.25,1740,EllisLetterBook,208(Ellis’slettersincludemanyotherexamplesofthepreferenceforchildren:see,forinstance,197–198,212,213,227,253–255);PennsylvaniaGazette,June14–21,1733;AmericanWeeklyMercury,July5–12,1733.Onnortherners’preferenceforchildrenandtrainingforartisanaltrades,seeMcManus,BlackBondageintheNorth,21,36,42–46;DaroldD.Wax,“PreferencesforSlavesinColonialAmerica,”JournalofNegroHistory,LVIII(1973),401;Desrochers,“Slave-for-SaleAdvertisements,”WMQ,3dSer,LIX(2002),649;WilmaKing,“AfricanChildrenandtheTransatlanticSlaveTradeacrossTimeandPlace,”inDavidT.GleesonandSimonLewis,eds.,AmbiguousAnniversary:TheBicentennialoftheInternationalSlaveTradeBans(Columbia,S.C.,2012),53.

(45).“ANarrativeoftheMostRemarkableParticularsintheLifeofJamesAlbertUkawsawGronniosaw,anAfricanPrince,asRelatedbyHimself“(1772),rpt.inWilliamL.AndrewsandHenryLouisGates,Jr.,eds.,SlaveNarratives(NewYork,2002),1–34.GronniosawdoesnotspecifytheageatwhichhecrossedtheAtlantic.AndrewsandGatessuggesthewas“stillaboy”(1006),whichfitswithmyreading.AdamPotkayandSandraBurrestimatethatGronniosawwasbornbetween1710and1714andnotethat,afterlivinginNewYorkwithVanHorn,hewassoldagainaround1730.Hisagethenwouldhavebeenbetweensixteenandtwenty,sohewasyoungerwhenhecrossedtheAtlantic—buthowmuchyoungerisunclear(PotkayandBurr,eds.,BlackAtlanticWritersoftheEighteenthCentury[NewYork,1995],23.OnEnglishslaveholders’dressingenslavedAfricansinliveryasamarkerofstatus,seeCatherineMolineux,“Hogarth’sFashionableSlaves:MoralCorruptionin

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. The North American Periphery of the Caribbean Slave Trade, ca. 1700–1763

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Eighteenth-CenturyLondon,”ELH,LXXII(2005),497–499.

(46).PaulLovejoynotesthatchildrensurvivingtheslavetradetoCuba,especiallythosewhosettledinurbanenvironments,tendedtoacculturatequicklyandexploittheirknowledgeoflocalwaystopurchasetheirfreedom(Lovejoy,“TheChildrenofSlavery:TheTransatlanticPhase,”SlaveryandAbolition,XXVII,no.2[August2006],208–209).ChildrenarrivinginNorthAmericancitiesprobablyacculturatedwithequalrapidity,especiallywhennotlivingamongAfricanadults;seePeterH.Wood,StrangeNewLand:AfricansinColonialAmerica(NewYork,2003),67.

(47).McCuskerandMenard,EconomyofBritishAmerica,101–103,107–109,189–199,203–205.Voyages,accessedApril2011,showsnearlyfivethousandcaptivesreachingNewEnglandonvesselsdirectlyfromAfrica.ThisdoesnotincludethemanysmallshipmentsinwhichslavetradersdeliveredmostcaptivesfarthersouthbutkeptsomefordeliverytoNewEngland(http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1730&yearTo=1770&mjslptimp=20100.20300.20400.20500).McManusassertsthattheriseinAfricanshipmentstonortherncolonieswaslinkedtotheruptureoftheBritishasientoandtheresultingcloseofSpanishmarketstoBritishslavetraders.ThatnorthernmerchantsenteredthistradeinlargenumberssuggeststhatthedrivingforcemighthavebeenincreasednortherndemandratherthantheclosureofSpanishmarkets(BlackBondageintheNorth,22–23).

(48).LydonattributesNewYork’sshiftingtradepatternstolingeringfearafterthe1741conspiracyscare(“NewYorkSlaveTrade,”WMQ,3dSer.,XXXV[1978],387).FortheSouthSeaCompany’sfloursmugglingtradeundertheasiento,seeChapter6,below;seealsoElenaAndreaSchneider,“TheOccupationofHavana:War,Trade,andSlaveryinEighteenth-CenturyCuba”(Ph.D.diss.,PrincetonUniversity,2011),42–48.ForNewJersey’sAfricanimports,seeVoyages,accessedApril2011,http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1514&yearTo=1866&mjslptimp=20800.Oneshouldnotethatthesemid-eighteenth-centuryAfricandeliveriestoNewYorkwerenotthefirsttransatlanticslavingventurestothecolony.Inthelateseventeenthcentury,independentslavetraderscircumventingtheRoyalAfricanCompany’smonopolybyacquiringslavesinEastAfricaoccasionallydeliveredtheircaptivestoNewYork.

(49).DaroldD.Wax,“NegroImportsintoPennsylvania,1720–1766,”PennsylvaniaHistory,XXXII(1965),254–287;“PetitionoftheMerchantsofPhiladelphia,”1761,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,453–454.OntheemergenceofabolitionisminPennsylvania,seeWinthropD.Jordan,WhiteoverBlack:AmericanAttitudestowardtheNegro,1550–1812(ChapelHill,N.C.,1968),271–280.

(50).JohnWattstoGedneyClarke,NewYork,Mar.30,1762,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,457;NewYorkMercury,Oct.7,1765;NewYorkGazetteorWeeklyPost-Boy,Oct.3,10,1765;Voyages,accessedMay2011,http://slavevoyages.org/tast/database/search.faces?yearFrom=1765&yearTo=1765&shipname=Mattey;NavalOfficeShippingListsforMassachusetts,1686–1765,microfilm,CO5/850,fol.14.McManusalsonotesregulartransshipmentsfromNewYorktoNewJerseyafterNewYorkreceivedslavesdirectlyfromAfrica(BlackBondageintheNorth,23).SeveralscholarshavenotedRhodeIslandslavetraders’transshippingcaptivesdownthecoast;seeJayCoughtry,TheNotoriousTriangle:RhodeIslandandtheAfricanSlaveTrade,1700–1807(Philadelphia,1981);McManus,BlackBondageintheNorth,21–22;Wax,“PreferencesforSlaves,”JournalofNegroHistory,LVIII(1973),375;Piersen,BlackYankees,4;seealso“InstructionstoCaptainPollipusHammond,”1746,inDonnan,ed.,Documents,III,138–139.

(51).RichetoSamuelTucker,Aug.1,Aug.18,1761,RicheLetterBook.ForothertransactionswithTucker,seeibid.,lettersdatedAug.13,16,Sept.2,14,1762;RichetoGampertandHeymanandCo.,Oct.21,1763;andseealsoRichetoGampert,Heyman,Hill,andJacobMiller,Oct.8,1763.ForanexamplewhereRichereferstobeinginthecountryshortlyafterimportingslaves,seeRichetoMr.Lewis,Aug.6,1761.SeealsoPennsylvaniaGazette,June3,1762.Forthesecaptives’voyagefromAfricatoPennsylvania,seeVoyages,accessedFebruary2013,VoyageIDno.28045.

(52).RichetoSamuelCornell,June10,1766,RicheLetterBook.ForRiche’sothershipmentsofAfricanstoNorthCarolina,seehisletterstoCornell,datedSept.1,1761,Sept.29,Nov.11,1762,Aug.23,Sept.17,Dec.13,1763,Apr.23,Aug.18,Oct.11,1764,allibid.ForCapeFear,seeRichetoAnthonyMobson,Oct.22,1765,ibid.SeealsoRiche’sassortedbillsofladinginPortsofPhiladelphiaandBarbados,BillsofLading,1716–1772(unpaginated,loosesheets),no.515,HSP.“Getthemshavedandgreased”:RichetoJohnBurroughs,[October1765],RicheLetterBook.

(53).RichetoCorneliusCoppinger,Apr.2,1764,ibid.;seealsoRichetoHenryWhite,Aug.14,24,1764.

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