AD-AII4 333 CALIFORNIA UNIV LOS ANGELES GRADUATE SCHOOL 0F BUSZN--ETC /s 5/10CONTROLLIN THE PERFORMANCE OF PROFESSIONAL EMPLOYEES THROUGH T"-ETC(UOCT 81 M A VON SLINOW NO001I-SI-%-OOS9

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CONIROLLING THE PERFORMANCE OF PROFESSIONALEMPLOYEES THROUGH THE CREATION OF CONGRUENT InterimENVIRONMENTS 6 PE R OMING O RG REPORI NUMBER

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Mary Ann Von Glinow N-00014-81-K-0048

* I ,6 "' 6AN , QL , JANIIA1,)N NAMI A) I'fRf 10 PR)GRAM ELEMENT PROjECT, TASK

University of Southern California AREA & WORK UNIT NUMBERS

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DTICI1 n %IPP I M Mk'A'*NY No IEJ~r9l%

MAY 1 2Si

14 0 t Y WORDS (17-nnfnue on re e, ode It necoamary and idetelby SI" block ,umb-) APerformance, professional, environments, control syFtems,

role expectations, congruent

°" 11'I . 1 0, AL

' - ( ,,7 /l. P ,, .0,al O l f lIe - ardly anfl((tleftIf", h~y h)I , Ak nluMber

Many l)roblenms arise from potential incompatibilities between characteristicsMot professional employees and characteristics of the organizat'anal situation,

specifically its control system. These incompatibilities may lead to dysfunc-tional conflict hetween the role expectations of the professional and organi-

LIi zational requirements, depending on the degree to which an incongruence exists__- between the two. A framework for conceptually analyzing congruence between in-

dividual, organizational and occurpational components is offered and implica-tions for the control system are made./ORD DD ", 1473 EDITION OF I NOV FS .S OBSOLETE unclassified

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rSECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF 'HIS PAGE (Whn fl[O* Enteed

CONTROLLING THE PERFORMANCE OF PROFESSIc NAL EMPLOYEESTHROUGH THE CREATION OF CONGRUENT ENVIRONMENTS

by

Mary Arn Von GlinowGraduate School of- Business Administrat ion

UJniversity of' Southern California

Correspondence should be addressed to:

Mary Ann Von GlinowDv'iimeLmvt of Organ izat ional BehaviorBridge 400GC rait(atv School of C Ots nss Adm in is rA tion

ye vrs jty of Swutlie n Calif orn ial1, Arigv es , Ca Ii I orn i a 90007. -.

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AB$STIRACT

Many problems arise from potential incompatibilities between charac-

teristics of professional employees and characteristics of the organiza-

t ioIIIIl sitult Loll, specifically its control system. These

incompatibilities may lead to dysfunctional conflict between the role

expectations of the professional and organizational requirements,

depending on the degree to which an incongruence exists between the two.

A framework for conceptually analyzing congruence between individual,

1 o-rgan izationill and occupaliozal1 components is offered and implications

for the control system are made.

A{

CONTROLLING THE PERFORMANCE OF PROFESSIONAL EMPLOYEES

Several years ago, a minor but highly dramatized event occurred in

New York City: ovcr 2,000 doctors went on strikc for four days. In the

tradition of all good strikes, picket lines were set up and the doctors

made the obligatory demands for better wages, hours, and working condi-

tions (10). This strike by physicians has been followed by others, and

people have begun asking critical questions: Why doctors? Aren't they

supposed to be professionals with ethical and societal obligations? The

sti injg doc.tors5, ioWe-Ver , shiare some1 commonlindi( v iduial and si tuat ionalI

characteristics with other occupational specialties such as teachers,

accolift anS , eeil 1Wur-kers , engI iners , anid nurses , who are not highly

paid specialists but merely salaried employees of large bureaucratic

firms.

Professionals in Qr&2Lnizations

The term "professional" has been bandied about with a growing concern

over whiat it nieans to hbe a profess ionial and to belong to a profession. It

hans been a rgitel that thie more advanced a society is industrially, the

gr-at er Its idep)indloice on professi onials and their (IxI)(rtise (23) . This

dependency is 1likelIy to i ncrease; today's rapidly changing environment

has increased its demand for professional service spanning a large r ange

of skilled occupational activity. Predictions are that the professional

anid techiIcal cl ass wil 1b e preemn rent , wi th theore t ical knowledge at the

power haise (1, 20). This teclin ica 1 knowledge is challenging trad it.ion;ll

life ra rclical e-g iti mat i ns of anithor ity and control systems . New skill

groups con t inually a rise and are demand ing recogn it ion of their

qua IIffi entions 1111d VXper-t isV thiis st ronfg des5i re to conitrol1 the market for

the(ir skilI I brings professional izat ioni (38).

-2-

Durkheim (12) suggests that as societies grow in size, density, and

urbanization, the division of labor increases considerably, and speciali-

zation allows each segment to go about its business with a minimum of

collflict. This differentiation and specialization simultaneously

attracts and accommodates different individuals, each with different

skills, interests, and expertise. It is the knowledge theme however, that

undergirds the thesis that ours is a professionalizing society with

professionals and technocrats preeminent in these emergent societies

(7, 24).

Contemporary organizations have had a widespread effect on the

bohavior of profess lanai employees, expressed through intricate and

varied control systems designed to induce compliance. Highly specialized

or professional individuals are typically not amenable to conventional

bureaucratic control systems which emphasize a management culture con-

cerned with organizational loyalty, financial soundness, hierarchical

authority and control, as well as growth in production output, volume, and

size (22, 43). Instead, professional employees often attempt to redefine

|lie condit. lois of organ izitt lonal participation. Hlierarchical superiors

ililt I Ils that I1h,'y lvu 1 hav 1 ight to h'. .Idc wiat ,.lhiold ho do1, wll el..,N

t lutsoe sptc i,l I is t; trqutently insi.st thaL they should have more of that

right. This conflict may result in one of two outcomes--either the

exercise of formal sanctions over the specialist for noncompliance with

the organization's authority and control system or "mock recognition

g i V('il to I fnO Autl)r i o I Os, when ill fact it (let j il has been made by

:,lpi lists" (38: p. 78). Such fict ions permit tht traditional image of

Iiieolatrchiical slprenlli.1y t) rvlliii u chcIallng ot( by the reolent less adv,,iice

of scientific knowledge (38).

€:,W-

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Freidson (15) suggests that this "new division of labor may in fact

require a shift from managerial to occupational authority." Noting this

trend, social forecasters (5, 16) predict an increase in professional

activities organized around a colleague group of equals, with ultimate

control exercised by the professional group itself. Concurrent with this

prediction however, is a somewhat paradoxical prediction for greater

government control of our professionalized future (5). In addition to

4 affecting policy issues in many industries, the government has become the

largest employer of highly skilled professional employees, which suggests

a new future relationship between government and the professions (4).

Already advancements in technology, often a result of federal funding,

have elevated the required skill level of the workforce. Governmental

legislation puts considerable pressure on conditions of employment in

areas such as equal employment, safety, and labor relations. This

enlarged governmental role focuses on the growth of the specialist, which

increases the dependency on specialized groups in general, and the ability

of the government to create a demand for this specialization.

Such a vie!w of the age of the specialist suggests that professionals

ls it whole tre n iba(arlllrg iru:ret ; igly importlit to anid iiLtogrlt,'d within

the fabric of our social framework. Currently, over six million members

of unions are classified as professional and technical (47). This number

does not include non-unionized professionals. Professional employees are

not only better trined and educated, but have increased expectations of

what organiz,'tt ioul life should bring in the way of sat is fact ions and

rwiwa rds. Bec;tise entry into ,mest organizations generally occurs at a

relat ively high level for these speci,ll iSts, these modern employees have

-4-

typically been able to bypass the traditional means of promotion which

usually meant starting at the bottom of the organizational hierarchy and

working one's way up. If the promotion by the hierarchy is not

forthcoming, or too slow, or if the specialist's corporate visibility

seems impaired, such employees are less hesitant than their counterparts

of several decades ago to consider leaving the organization in favor of

another in which better opportunities to display his/her specialized

skills and to be duly rewarded for them exist.

To some extent this seemingly increased ability and willingness to

leave the organization stems from the specialist's increased educational

skills, and less of a stake in or appropriate "fit" with the employing

organization. However, the willingness to move also stems from the values

and attitudes which wer(e inculcated during the extensive training and

socialization process--a process culminating in professional values that

predate an indlvidual's organization or occupational experiences (48).

The Professionld I Orientat ion

There have heen a variety of meanings attributed to the values and

attitudes comprising a professional orientation. A comprehensive review

of the literature concluded that the following characteristics are

essential to such an orientation (28): (a) expertise, usually acquired

thioiigh proltvigvd spcia lized training in a hody of abstract knowledge;

(h) ,,thi i , or the re edorilg of ;i-Yvit-. to c-l io etit withoult collcer-J for

,o If ilit r,,st I ; ) co I I 'ynIll i i maljntllaillMc of st.itidards, minltaln in ,

performance standards through collegial rather than iierarchical or

governmental control, since professionals alone have the expertise to

police their spo,(ialty; (d) autonomy, the freedom to work on projects they

deem important and to work on them in their own way; (e) commitment to

calling, where professionals feel a comm.tment to their work, their field,

and their own careers; and (f) identification with the profession and

other professionals. Professionals identify strongly with their

profession and use other professionals and professional associations as

important referents. They often identify more with their professional

subculture than their employing organizations.

Professionals are, in general, more committed to their occupational

spoc iii lt tis tlilil to their employfiug organuizatioils. This poses some rath r

uncomfortable problems for orglnlizat ions which have become increasiigly

reliant on these individuals. These problems are reinforced initially by

the costs of selecting and training these specialists and, subsequently,

by the organization's attempts to please and satisfactorily motivate and

reward the employee (since dissatisfaction often results in withdrawal

and turnover). In addition, the organization must be willing to provide

.ol!. iznued training so that the specialist's skills will not atrophy, or

hoii,)m h:;oI to .e Most orgainizati i.; aIlso Colli to realize that it is

di ficult to satisfy employees whose expectations are so high, particu-

larly when such expectations are reinforced in the marketplace. The

organization may also be unable to obtain company loyalty from these newer

eImployees as it came to expect of the "organization man." In fact, the

al lgiance of professionals may always be suspect and grounds for

eli t in lliig con fl f.ts be tweeri them and the aulthority nnd control systems of

organ izat ions (26, 28). As an increasing number of specialists enter the

work force, t he prob em of mediat iig the tels ions between the

ptol lt' Ollill's orielitition arid the orgainiization's Coltrol systemns mnly b

X1

.1 -6-

central in retaining valued organizational employees and increasing their

performance.

Sources of Tension

The literature about professionals places considerable emphasis on

the inevitability of conflict between the professional and the

organization (8, 14, 18). Yet it is quite possible that the question of

professional-organizational conflict is contingent upon the type of

organization and the type of organization policies and practices that

exist; conflict may be a problem in some organizations and not in others

(48). While a certain amount of conflict with clients is characteristic

of free agents contracting to perform services, the salaried professional

in a bureaucratic firm is confronted with threats to his/her autonomy

:i,,( upoin hl i ing, thii, professional implicitly agrees to exchange some

autoomy for organizational resources (40). The individual's reaction to

the use of authority for control purposes may constitute the most critical

variable in organizational accommodation. This speculation reflects a

widely held position--that the professional and the bureaucracy are anti-

thetical to each other, and conflict arises due to basic differences

between tho two i1ormat ive systems (40, 44).

'Thet matior oiPrce Of ('011flict le tweon bureaticraciis and profess ionisis in th, realm of authority relations. Hierarchical authority

permeates btreauucracies, and executives typically demand from theirsubordinates compliance to organizational rules and procedures. Bycontrast, professional authority emanates from superior expertisewhich r.quiris individual ntionomy in decision making and taskoperations. (35).

This conflict produces distinctive climates where members are

"e xpected to 1w, loyal to the organization, to behave consistently and

rationally ac('ording to t,.chical and professional criteria, and to defer

-7-

to the authority of the organization's leaders" (38: p. 4). In short,

professional standing may be precarious in organizational settings where

power, loyalty, and status rather than skill tend to be the source of

influence. Sine:, the organizationjal profo'nsional is part of a

bureaucratic slruict ore., it could be difficult for the professionia1 to

exercise discretion in setting personal work goals, deciding how energy

will be spent, and working in terms of knowledge rather than time.

This conflict may be reduced according to some (32,46), by requiring

the organization to reaffirm the principles of professionalism. Glaser

(17) suggests that the issue is clearly dependent on the firm's ability to

synclronize its goals and those of the individual professional. Mi]ler

(34) concurs, and suggests a loosening of control over the professional by

the organization. This position is also taken by Hall (20), who calls for

the lessening of bureaucratization.

Some ma iuntain that the extent to which professional-organizational

confli t may be altered, or slisceptible to organizat ional control, is

dependent primarily on the individual. Gouldner (19) for example, found

that notwithstanding long years of training and marketability, a decision

on whether to leave the organization or stay and seek internal rewia:ds is

c l,arly dependent on personal goal fulfillment (itoernal or externial to

he 0 glgi ,ti( on). 'lik pos iL ion :0 ggM;IS . 1 tr;iloff will be m.,dh, it

Lh (rga'niz lioll eo ,.:; greatLer opporLun ities for a(ivancement than does

the profess ion. Brown (9) and Avery (1) support this position--an

individual will h ons the profession over the organ ization only if the

individnial pe rceiyes greater chances for goal achievement in the

prof e;,s ion.

-- r -'''.. . . .. . . .. F ...4'

Others suggest that control is contingent more on the organization--

that the individual can in fact be shaped by the organization's

distciCtiV climatu or culture. Dewhirst (11) found that the

organ i.:at i oil, through its soc i a I izat ion processes, influenced

professionals' attitudes and behaviors. Miller (34) found that the extent

to which the organization encouraged professionals through supervisory

support produced a significant effect on the amount of work alienation

that occurred. Riegel (39) and Hlower and Orth (22) suggest that the

4 quality of fti:lIt ies and services are very important to profess ional-.

MtCarrey and Edwards (31) suggest that an organization's ability to

provide "facilitative support services" and "opportunities for personal

and professional self-development" in their sample of government

scientists was also important to individual professionals. Barber (2)

reports organizational encouragement of individual professional ism by

!,t.lingthei ing tLecliical skills arnd expert iso. LaPorte (29), Whyte (51),

anid Sarxberg ard Slocum (41) all suggest that organizaltions can mininize

rol( e conflict and tension if individual professionals are not confronted

with coinpetlng role demands--from the individual himself and from the

employing organization. Further, those organizations which can provide

recognition for sc'ientific and technical contributions also have been

found to encourage individual professionalism (30, 42). Consistent with

the above ate findings by Pelz and Andrew% (36), who suggest that the

opt illll (1 I t i 1t.e )l , iert Ists ini orgillization!, is one of "Coltnoll d

fie,.don" by tir employing organization. EIngel (13) points out that a

(ontrolled freedom can be achieved within a moderately bureaucratic

•,,t iug whih h p iV ii," groater iutonltiu ny tor the r',s :r al thin e ithl(Ir I

highly bureair|-rat ic or a iroinburoaiicritic svtt ing.

i

traditional professional classification schemes (those who see

protessional-bureucratlc conflict as inevitable, with tight control

.ystems oriented toward this ever-present tension) and tile myriad of

variations on those early classification schemes (those who argue that

there are degrees of tension present which may or may not be

dysfunctional, depending on the extent to which individual characteris-

tics are congruent with situational characteristics); therefore, control

systems would reflect a range of variability, depending on the profes-

sional and the situation (s)he is in.

One of the primary sources of frustration in categorizing the

research literature relates to this morass of contradictions and

inconsistencies of findings. Underlying i.li confusion is the fact th lt

"conflict" is often assumed to be present, but is not measured; when it Is

measured, it is often done in such a way that permits the researcher to

d.ermine whether conflict exists, and how much exists, but tells us

nothing about the different kinds of tensions, stresses, or intensities of

conflict that exist, and tie behavioral responses that professionals will

display in different situatiots for coping with these stresses. Further,

whi l I Iteiit. coil Iict fly indeed ho inevitable, if conflict is not

niaifested, it will not in all likelihood be assumed to exist with an

insensitive control system, and hence will not be not taken into

consideration in attempting to control performance.

In addition, the traditional view of professional-bureaucratic

conflict takes as its task the fairly difficult problem of assimilating

the professional into the organization, and with the increasing number of

(f )-, 1'1 I "-sIt I 1 t it '1 ,'i o il I I,;, IoII I mi h 10 I ort has io"w mi dI i r v c't Vd t olm I l d

1'-10-

These two positions imply that characteristics of people and situa-

tions in which people are organizationally located, may be fruitfully

studied as joint determinants of individual attitudes and behaviors with

implications for the Control process. The reserach to date suggests that

the congruency between individuals and situations may be an important

influence on criteria, though inconsistent findings have plagued much of

this research. Terborg (45) suggests that few guidelines are provided

t esearchers for se lect ing relevant individual and situational

aacteri!t.i( C. Th is i iat telntion has htad serious consequences in that a

major advantige ot the use of such approaches lies in considering

individuals and %ituational characteristics before the research has been

dfs ig[ued and th data collected, There fore, an effort should be made to

mt ike sonse of some of the inconsistent findings, particularly in terms of

corltrolling the performance of professional employees in bureaucratic

tI t il gs.

hit ) I, V~it lt ['At I. I 'fI .11S I 0 # (V..% 1 1i l I SM 16-N(I (' 'iarcih

As stateid vz Iliet, t.thin m,'|xny organizations there is an inherent

letension )etween'n tho-; i n hierarchtial authority positions and those who

play ,t oles. This teniot may be conceptualized as a conflict

over the l,,gitimry of the.se two bases of authority (38). However,

conflict is a vague, il-defined and overly

simplistic- term ,.d to refer Lo a wide variety of potential dysfunctions.

Wtt hlve regulai ly beeii told of the inevitability of professional -bureau-

.t i(. (oifli t (7. 11), :J4, 50); however, teivre hive been a signifi(c nt

itili4ii r of h I it g, wh it(h ,how no conms ist ont pattierns. The inconsistt,lnt:y

in this IJi) oft res,earh serves to useful ly dist inguish betweon

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Organizations have thus been capable of creating climates in which it

behooves a specialist to maintain organizational loyalty and adhere to

hierarchial authority and control systems. These climates for matching

professional goals with organizational goals can be enihanced by providing

various proffoss i ,a :iw n tce LIvi-s Mid evalli tional criteri a consistenlt wit-l,

the professional's orientation (49). Despite the fact that it appears

possible to synchronize a professional's values and attitudes with the

organizational control system, the process of effecting a congruency or

"fit" between the professional, the employing organization (and,

depending upon the strength of the professional's orientation, the

profession itself as an external ref'-ent) has not been systematically

explored as a control process.

Crol'at itrg Coigri'rit. iv i roninetts

The congruenCy propo.I iLion ihas long been recognized as a viable

ipjwroach to the study ol behavior that emphasizes a complex series of

r1it '.. tulOTb, [1WI w' inldividual ch racteristics and situational charac-

t ,,t i . ( 3 1, 25) that ,are continuolis and multi-directional (45). The

4L :. Ir ,,lt,1t I(hool of Thought, for example, suggests that outcomes such

p.1 vII( and sat is fact ion can he improved by the creation and

, , . it' ,i a "fit hob twoen the indIividiial's personality and the

I I , o.n' iI I l , ih h th, l,r nOi fi m I ions (37). Those espousing

-, :lit *'i.u.t wiia l py,.I,,i ,iy sugges.t tht

's titlu,,iALS valy ill cues, rewards and opportunities and that peopleviry in cognit ions, abilities, and motivation. Consequently,a( curat,, meastir(meiit of individual differences and accurate measureof situational differences both become necessary. [Further]lehavior, people and situations are interdependent both at a givenpo int. ill t im', and at past arnd future times ... people respond toS It 111at oui,, t iiy en1couniLer as wel lI as create new s i tliiat ions." (45).

- 12-

finding ways of reducing or alleviating the conflict altogether and

strengthening the control over the professional. This argument for

reducing conflict does not speak to the issue of latent conflict, nor does

it recognize the fact that conflict can contribute to the integration of

professionals into organizations.

Since the origin of most dissatisfaction in industrial scientists

and other employees with advanced technical training may be traced to

tensions between their desires to function as "professionals" and the

mnagement's prss to fit them into the "organizational mold," this

tension or conflict poses potential problems in accommodating organiza-

tional professionals. Indeed, the "fit" or congruency may be a precursor

to controlling the performance of professional employees. Therefore, the

following framework for analysis is presented for conceptualizing the

or gilizn tionil ;onitrol procexss as n f-11i.t Lon of' the congruency between

i od iv idUal I)u1 pol e-:i li O IS 111d the orga iznt ioiia 1 s ituat ion. Because

professionals so frequently identify with professional associations, or

other occupational substructures, the profession itself is factored into

this framework--not in an attempt to overshadow individual or situational

characteristics, but simply as a powerful external referent.

Frnmework for Ana lysis

This frmewoik is an attempt to explore the congruence or incon-

gruenc; whitl- existS between the individual professional, the employing

organization and the profession, and its implication for control systems.

'lI I, f'r,m,'wo ,ho.,i ii N Imu Iv idi il-organ ikvit ionlnI -occiplat ion.l

init ,r t t itw, in loii: of tei, d,,giivi to whli(Ah: ( ) tile ill |iviilill

pwsvsseS a prot-',,sio.tal orieta,tioll; (2) the organ ization encourages or

.4

-13-

Inhibits those professional values through its authority and control

sysLem, and (3) the occupation is professionalized and serves as a

powerful referent.

Previous professionalism research has paid virtually no attention to

understanding and predicting behavioral responses to outcomes based on

the degree of fit between individuals and situations. The following

framework focuses explicitly on the individual-situational congruence

patterns and the implication for the control system (See Figure 1).

F il ire I

Cell number: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

I ND V DUAL a High Low If igh Low Hti gh Low H i gh Low

OCCUPA'rlONb High High Low Low High High Low Low

E'M I IO.(Y I NGe

ORGAN IZATI ON Ifligh Iiih If ig.1 If i ,h ILow Low Low ILow

a In thu INI)IVI1DUAI, row, it "high" indicates that the respondentpossesses (to a relatively high degree) the expertise and attitudinal

cluiracteristics of a professional (autonomy, ethics, belief in collegial

maintenance of standards, external referents, and cummitment to calling).

ln the OCCU'PATIONAI, row, a 'high" indicates that the respondent so)i:ililtloll ~(,, (to a rellhtively high degre) the structural charac-t.ti .stics of ii profemision (abstr.act body of knowledge, provision for

toim,il training, t.od, o ethics, orivllelatioln toward service, existelnce offorniA soch-t i t1 h swt llomv powor ovel ittry to the o(ccupation, Iicoil ing. l prctit loiters, md lilt (elItltlol of vldll(.dtinlt 01 id p rformance quality

: .id,irds ind p[ it itc l efoirts or i))ow r t) will retoglit ion over work

Yo'litled mattor ) alid the prolI(,.ion ,vrv-, ,l ,, t fill referent, for theip1 n Ief~ I ; /ona I i uidlv i dillII

-44i

-14-

C In the EMPLOYING ORGANIZATION row, a "high" indicates that the

employer is viewed as essentially facilitating, rather than inhibitingopportunities for individuals to act as professionals through its author-ity aed control system.

With rospect to the earlier discussion of profess ional-bureaucratic

conflict, the 3 x 8 matrix suggests that a particular type of conflict

(e.g., role conflict) may or may not occur, depending on the degree of

incc(ngruity among the three independent variables. No type of conflict

would be expected to occur when the three independent variables are

4 Icongruent with one another as in cells 1 and 8. Thus, in contrast to the

traditional classification schemes that predicted the inevitability of

"professional-bureaucratic" conflict, this framework makes no claim as to

its inevitability. However, the likelihood of either manifest or latent

role conflict occurring would be expected to increase as the incongruency

* cr,*aSes. That is, as the individual faces increasingly discrepant

signals trom the organization and occupational role senders, the greater

the chance for role conflict (as in cell 7, for example).

Similarly, if the organization is incongruent with both the indivi-

,111t I Iid (wc(:i|p.,t ion, orgeillizIa.t linal rewil rds and incentives for

controlling the performance of professional employees will more than

l ikely be inappropriate. The extent to which professional-bureaucratic

coitlIct exists will h contingent on the degree of congruency between the

tr l idv 1du1i , h,. ol zAill it ion land the occupat ion as pictured in Figure 2.

Insert Figure 2 about here

--

-15-

These patterns illustrate hypothetical environments wherein various

degrees of incongurency exist. Under each incongruent environment

(Clls 2-7) the possibility exists for the creation of a more appropriate

fit th rough the dwiap ing atid/or colttrolli ig the one irtcongrure:t flitcor.

This can often be accomplished via the organization's control systtem.

Each of these environments are discussed more fully.

Congruent Patterns

Profess ionnl Congruence (Cell 1) and Non-Professional Congruence

(Cell 8). Both of these patterns illustrate a perfect fit or congruency

pattern. In both Cell 1 where the environment is one of Professional

Congruence, and Co1 8, where the environment is labelled Non-

Professional Cougruence, affective outcomes such as satisfaction would be

expected to be high, with all of the conflict-related criteria (e.g.,

stress, withdrawal, turnover) expected to be low. The implication here is

that whi'ther th control system is tightly or loosely controlled, the

control principles in use are appropriate given the degree of

fit/congruency between the individual and the situational

characterist ics.

In the Professional Congruence elivironment (Cell 1) all factors are

congruent and highly professional. An example might be a research

lthoraltory employinlg highly skilltd scientists, who belong to a proies-

Sional as.et iat ion that encourages norms of science and profess ional ism.

In such an environment, the control system relies on individual and/or

peer ce trol coil1 ed w i th occupat ional ccon)t rol to produce harmon ious

()IllLcom s. Aily ittL mjit ilL restrulctu ring the organizzltion's control systveun

to more tightly control the individual would most likely be dysfunctional.

-16-

Similarly, in the Non-Professional Congruence environment (Cell 8)

all factors are equally congruent and non-professional. An example might

bh, tiink illed laborer, without belilefit of all ocCCupAti Orin a association,

working in a company concerned only With profitability, not profess io -

alism. In this environment professionalism is not a salient factor, nor

is individual, peer, or occupational control a viable means of monitoring

and controlling performance. Performance within the Non-Professional

Congruence environment is achieved most frequently via conventional

control systems il-0her than tlose des igned to induce comp liance from

professionals.

]ncongruent Patterns

The Under-Professionalizod Individual (Cell 2). This pattern

represents an incongrueuncy not considered by professionalism researchers,

i.e., organizational and occupational role senders signal that the

professional or ientat ion is valued. The Under-Professionalized

Individual, however, does not possess and may not care to develop the

professional values and attitudes critical for creating a close fit. The

expected result Might be the individual's assumption of a "local" attitude

(Wih ich mAlay lor may rot bo rewarded Iii tire organ ic organ izat ional strucut r)

with tpoteintial role ambiguity regarding role expectations. The

oi;,cniz~a~ttn .s control system might, as in the Cell 4 pattern, be

programmed to scan for such poteitial problems.

The Jihlde r -tI'rfe.s.i 0(._I zed Oc(cpation (Cell 3). This pattern

r.embl lus the Over -I'rot essiucal ized Occcpalt ion (Cell 6) in that an

ilt.olngruency exist.s due to lack of a professionalized occupation.

Although there is a clear fit between the individual and the organization,

?1...

-17-

such a condition is consistent with the results of the Bennis et. al. (6)

study of nurses employed in outpatient clinics. They found that

professional (cosmopolitan) nurses, in the absence of a strong pTOf . iofn

with which to identify, turned towlrd the organi'zation and assumed more of

a "local" orientation. The traditional literature on Professionalism has

been unable to account for such findings, i.e., the subsequent realigning

of value orientations by professionals after entry into an organization.

In the Under-Profess iona I iz(d Occupation, rnliglment of values is

:ongruent with the organizat ion's authority and control system.

Controlling professiioiials may be predicated on the relative strength of

the organization to compensate for the professional-occupational vacuum.

The Over-Professionalized Organization (Cell 41. This pattern

again represents an incongruency not dealt with in the professionalism

I i tertLuro. Here, tihe organizat ion appears wi liiug to encourilge

idlividial-I wlvel profess onalism. The individual has a low professional

o jieIttcltio , 1itld the occullat lo is not. profossionili; .ed. This suggests

that the individlal's skills may have at rophi ed, or bocome obsol estent in

S.uch an organ ization, as may be the. case with some engineers forced to

move into a matnagomet career (28). The management career may not provide

the engineer with job descriptions, standard operating procedures, rules,

regulations, or formalization. This would result in high tension and

stress regarnhI ii, the ind ividual's work expe:tat ions. A control sys ten

(1:,i glnd to mio1i t .on ( ) ,Is( .ence , or oil wh i cin accomtmod:it e

hidlvidutls low in tolr:iice for uncertainty, would be useful to alert the

organ ization to potential problem areas. When t. re is an individual-

orgaliizitio1n1l ilcolgrl'eicy, the organization's conltrol system would

.4

-18-

signal the need for the obsolescent professional to upgrade his/her

skills, or learn to cope with a certain amount of structural uncertainty.

Underprof(essionalized Organization (Cell 5). The Under-Profession-

alized Organization is one in which the individual and occupation show a

good fit in terms of the classic professionalism model; however, the

organization is di:;crtp)nt with both the individual and occupation. Such

might be the case with a highly piofessionalized employee who has been

forced to move (against personal preference) into management where

technical expertise is not rewarded, thus highlighting an individual-

situational misfit. When this occurs, the prevailing control system would

have monitored a professional's behavior as though (s)he were non-

professionill by offering incentives and rewards which are not consonant

with the reward p i| ferences of ia prolessional. The authority and control

system to monitor and control the professional's performance in the Under-

Professionalized Organization may take two forms: (1) It can intensify

etlorts to shape the professional's behavior so as to be more congruent

with that of the organization through rewards and punishments designed to

effect compliance. However, depending on the strength of the occupation's

reinforcement of individual professionalism, this option may only serve

to create additional tension between the individual and the organization.

(2) The orgi ziat io i can attempt to lessen its authority and control

:.tinctures by ret lxivw ly providing ilici,,Livs arid evaluatitional criteria

consistnt with th profetssioneal's orientation. In e ither case, action is

(:alled for on the part of the organization to effect a stable congruency

pattern.

| ...... . ....

-19-

The Over-Professionalized Occupation (Cell .6. This setting

illustrates another pattern of incongruency not generally considered in

the traditional professionalism literature. In this case a

nonprofessional individual is employed in a firm which does not value

professional noirms. However, a sroung :,(eL of provI. :. iol occupational

norms exist. 'lhis patter n mi ht lead t.o ;in increased interest in interntal

politics and a desire for administrative duties by the individual. In

slicIL cases, a tradiLtioal control system would serve to adequately monitor

the individual's performance. Concurrently, the individual may exhibit

(.ompliance with professional norms by "lip service" to the occupational

norms of science and professionalism.

The Over-Profess.ional ized__Individual (C,11_7). This pattern

pi ',d i(A s nto occupat iotnal SUpport for O he profes io na I ein|ployee, in an

( ) 1", Il ILion. Thi s paI Lrn reseli I es the Unde r - l'ro ess iona I iz(od

O g:ll izlL ion (((! I 5 ) eX(.ve)L t hat the profess io1a I individual in the

tldl' -tof., bitt Ii ized Org.niizat ion could alleviate I rustration by

tirnling outward to the profession and becoming more "cosmopolitan",

whereas the profvssional individual in this case has no such occupational

ietorcnt. The control system in such a case would focus on shaping the

p-ofessional individual with incentives and rewards based on professional

vilh.i ill ( tttI itii ll 211 hciii Ie t i iti os . Th, re sihould also be a strong

v1 fort to ilsSe i'l te c' ivuId git) beLtwsoen the individual and the

orgal t ioila situation.

-20-

Sumn ry

This framework for analysis does not, a priori, assume the inevita-

bility of profess oanal-bureaucratic conflict. The model suggests that

when individual-situational characteristics are congruent with each

otler, harmonious patterns would b expected to exist. If however, an

incongruity emerges, this "misfit" (with attendant dysfunctional

behavior) will be a function of the strength of the factors which deviate.

Creating a congruence between the individual and the situation appears to

be a function of the reflexivity of the control system, or the early and

continuing ability of the control system to sense and correct

incongruities between individual and situational characteristics.

lit summary, controlling the performance of professional employees

appears contingent on the degree to which congruent environments can be

crented which can mediate tensions between the professional's orientation

and Lthe si tuation within which (s)h.. performs. The manner in which

U r)gan il'at oii: deviIop and use thi r professional talent depends in part on

the congruence between the individual, the organizational situation, and

the occupation brought about by careful attention to the reflexivity of

the control system. The neglect of the professional employee through

inattention to the subtleties of this control process resulting in

,)I,;Ulec.l(:. i , €di', , itic.s ctioi, or turnover is a risk no organizat ion

.h1 ,. h w i 11y, ly uI', 1me..

-21-

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-22-

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-23-

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R-44

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