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WOMEN’S PARENTING EXPECTATIONS AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON

ADJUSTMENT TO PARENTHOOD

Kate Harwood

Bachelor of Science (Hons)

This thesis is presented in partial fulfillment of the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy/Master of Psychology (Clinical) of The University of Western Australia,

School of Psychology, 2004.

ABSTRACT

The transition to parenthood places a number of emotional, physical, and

cognitive demands on individuals. It is also a role that many individuals choose, enjoy,

and derive benefit from. This research examined how women’s parenting expectations

influence their adjustment to parenthood. Taylor & Brown (1988, 1994) suggest that

unrealistically optimistic expectations are associated with positive psychological

adjustment. However, research examining adjustment during the transition to

parenthood has demonstrated that unrealistic expectations pertaining to some aspects of

parenthood can have a negative effect on adjustment (Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble,

1992). The primary aims of this thesis were to examine the relationship between

optimistic expectations and adjustment, taking into account a broader range of

expectations than previous work, and to examine how adjustment is influenced if

expectations are overly optimistic relative to experiences.

In Study 1, a measure of parenting expectations was developed. The measure

assesses four categories of expectations: infant expectations, self expectations, partner

expectations, and social expectations. Initial testing with pregnant women (n = 87)

indicated that the measure had sound reliability and validity. Study 2 used this measure

to examine the relationship between expectations and adjustment in first-time mothers

(n = 71) who were assessed pre and post delivery. Optimistic prenatal expectations

were associated with positive relationship adjustment, high parenting efficacy, and high

perceived social support. On average, positive prenatal expectations were matched or

exceeded by maternal reports of experiences four months after births of their infants.

However, experiences that were negative relative to expectations were associated with

lower postnatal mood and poorer postnatal relationship adjustment. These relationships

were moderated by parenting self-efficacy beliefs. The results from Study 2 suggest

that, while for many women parenthood is a positive experience, for some, it is not as

III

positive as expected and this has a negative effect on their adjustment. While optimism

may be associated with positive adjustment during pregnancy, it may be hazardous if it

is unrealistic in comparison to experiences.

Studies 3 and 4 examined factors that may influence the formulation of

optimistic expectations. Expectations may be particularly likely to become

unrealistically optimistic when an individual is faced with an imminent challenge.

Study 3 examined the expectations of a group of non-pregnant women (n = 85) who

wanted to have children in the future but were not facing the imminent challenges of

childbirth and parenthood. These women also had positive expectations of parenthood,

although they were significantly less positive than pregnant women. Study 4 examined

how parenthood is presented in the media as a means of gaining insight into the

information used by expectant parents and the cultural context within which parenting

expectations are formulated. A content analysis of parenting magazines revealed that

images of parenting are overwhelmingly positive.

The findings of this thesis further existing knowledge of factors that influence

the transition to parenthood. The findings elucidate the consequences of optimistic

expectations and disconfirmed expectations on adjustment to parenthood, and have

implications more broadly for understanding of how expectations of future life events

influence adjustment. The current research also informed of the broader cultural

context that may influence women’s parenting expectations.

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ………………………………………………………………………III

LIST OF TABLES ………………………………………………………………IX

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………………………………X

CHAPTER 1

THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD ………………………………………1

CHAPTER 2

THE EFFECT OF EXPECTATIONS ON ADJUSTMENT TO PARENTHOOD 12

Expectations and Psychological Adjustment ………………………………………13

Negative Expectations and Psychological Adjustment ………………………15

Depressive Realism ………………………………………………………………16

Positive Expectations and Psychological Adjustment ………………………18

The Psychological Consequences of Disconfirmed Expectations ………………22

Coping with Disconfirmed Expectations ………………………………………25

Self-Efficacy Beliefs ………………………………………………………………27

Summary ………………………………………………………………………30

Expectations of Parenthood ………………………………………………………31

Parenting Self-Efficacy Beliefs ………………………………………………40

Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………45

CHAPTER 3

STUDY 1: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MEASURE OF PARENTING

EXPECTATIONS ………………………………………………………………49

Method ………………………………………………………………………55

Participants ………………………………………………………………………55

Measures ………………………………………………………………………56

Parenting Expectations Measure ………………………………………56

MAMA (Kumar, Robson, & Smith, 1984) ………………………………58

Procedure ………………………………………………………………………58

Results ………………………………………………………………………59

Discussion ………………………………………………………………………68

V

CHAPTER 4

STUDY 2: FIRST TIME MOTHERS’ EXPECTATIONS ABOUT PARENTHOOD:

WHAT HAPPENS WHEN OPTIMISTIC EXPECTATIONS ARE NOT MATCHED

BY LATER EXPERIENCES? …………………………………………………71

Method …………………………………………………………………………74

Participants …………………………………………………………………………74

Procedure …………………………………………………………………………75

Measures …………………………………………………………………………76

Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (Cox, Holden, & Sagovsky, 1987) …76

Parenting Sense of Competence Scale (Gibaud-Wallston & Wandersman,

1978, as cited in Johnston & Mash, 1989) …………………………………76

Dyadic Adjustment Scale (Spanier, 1976) …………………………………77

Social Provisions Scale (Russell & Cutrona, 1984) …………………………77

Parenting Expectations Measure …………………………………………77

Results …………………………………………………………………………78

Differences Between Prenatal and Postnatal Measures …………………………78

The Relationship Between Prenatal Adjustment and Parenting Expectations …80

The Effect of Disconfirmed Expectations and Parenting Efficacy Beliefs on

Adjustment to Parenthood …………………………………………………………81

Postnatal relationship adjustment …………………………………………84

Postnatal mood …………………………………………………………86

Discussion …………………………………………………………………………88




Adjustment …………………………………………………………………………92

Implications …………………………………………………………………………96

CHAPTER 5

STUDY 3: YOUNG WOMEN’S PARENTING EXPECTATIONS …………………99

Goals of the Present Study ………………………………………………………..104

Method ………………………………………………………………………..106

Participants ………………………………………………………………………..106

Procedure ………………………………………………………………………..107

Materials ………………………………………………………………………..108

Results ………………………………………………………………………..110

VI

Comparison Between the Pregnant Women and the University Women ………..110

Effects of Age, Relationship Status, and Education on Plans for Children and

Expectations in the University Women ………………………………………...110

Discussion ………………………………………………………………………...113

CHAPTER 6

STUDY 4: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF IMAGES IN PARENTING

MAGAZINES ………………………………………………………………………...119

Women’s Media Use and Perceptions of Media Pertaining to Pregnancy and

Parenting ………………………………………………………………………...124

Method ………………………………………………………………………...124

Participants ………………………………………………………………...124

Procedure ………………………………………………………………...124

Results ………………………………………………………………………………...125

Content Analysis ………………………………………………………………...126

Method ………………………………………………………………………...126

Sample ………………………………………………………………………...126

Procedure ………………………………………………………………...128

Image type and accompanying content/advertisement ………...128

Individuals present in photograph ………………………………...128

Affect ………………………………………………………………...129

Ethnicity ………………………………………………………...129

Appearance ………………………………………………………...129

Behaviour ………………………………………………………...129

Reliability ………………………………………………………………...129

Results ………………………………………………………………………………...130

Image Characteristics ………………………………………………………...130

Parent and Infant Affect ………………………………………………...130

Division of Caregiving Responsibility Between Parents and Others ………...130

Physical Appearance of Key Figures ………………………………………...132

Clothing and grooming ………………………………………...132

Ethnicity ………………………………………………………...133

Discussion ………………………………………………………………………...134

CHAPTER 7

GENERAL DISCUSSION ………………………………………………………...141

VII

The Relationship Between Expectations and Adjustment to Parenthood ………...141

Optimistic Parenting Expectations in a Broader Context ………………………...147

General Conclusions ………………………………………………………………...150

REFERENCES ………………………………………………………………...157

APPENDIX A ………………………………………………………………………...178

APPENDIX B ………………………………………………………………………...188

APPENDIX C …………………………………………………………………….…..205

APPENDIX D ………………………………………………………………………...227

APPENDIX E ………………………………………………………………………...249

APPENDIX F ………………………………………………………………………...259

VIII

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1 Means for participants’ responses on the expectation items and

correlation coefficients between scores for each item the total scores for

the questionnaire ………………………………………………….61

Table 4.1 Means and t-test results for differences between expectations and

adjustment measures at prenatal and postnatal test phases …….……79

Table 4.2 Results from the multiple regressions analysing the relationship between

prenatal adjustment measures and parenting expectations …………80

Table 4.3 Bivariate correlations between independent and dependent variables used

in hierarchical regression categories …………………………………83

Table 4.4 Results from hierarchical regressions analysing the extent to which

discrepancies between prenatal expectations and postnatal experiences

predicted postnatal relationship adjustment, the dependent variable …85



predicted postnatal mood, the dependent variable …………………87

Table 5.1 Demographic variables for pregnant women and university women ..109

Table 5.2 Means, standard deviations, and results of the between subjects

comparisons for the expectations scores in the pregnant sample (n = 71)

and the university sample (n = 79) ………………………………...111

Table 5.3 Means and standard deviations for university participants’ ages and their

estimates of the number of years until they would have children ..112

Table 6.1 Means and standard deviations for women’s impression of media

pertaining to pregnancy and parenting ………………………..127

Table 6.2 Parent behaviour categories used in the content analysis ………..130

Table 6.3 Percentages for emotions displayed by mothers, fathers, and infants in

magazine images ………………………………………………..132

Table 6.4 Percentages for parent behaviours in the magazine images ………..133

Table 6.5 Percentages for clothing and grooming variables for mothers and

fathers …….…………………………………………………………..134

Table A1 Items used in the development of the parenting expectations measure and

the sources of those items ………………………………………...181

IX

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the women who participated in this research and gave their

time during a very busy period in their lives. I am also appreciative of the staff at

Bentley Hospital, Joondalup Health Campus, and Osborne Park Hospital, and Dr Louise

Farrell, who assisted with the recruitment of participants for this research.

A big thank you to my supervisors, Kevin Durkin and Neil McLean, for all of

their encouragement, support, good advice, and helpful ideas over the years.

Thanks to Dana and Mark who have been encouraging, supportive, and

entertaining office mates and friends. Sharing an office with you is one of the things

that I will miss the most about my PhD. I’d also like to thank my other friends who

have been sources of inspiration, advice, motivation, and support – in particular,

Allyson, Justine, Lisa, Liz, and Seonaid.

Thanks to my parents for their unconditional love and for always supporting me

in the pursuit of my dreams. Finally, thanks to Bruce for putting up with me while I’ve

been writing my PhD and for his love and support.

X

WOMEN’S PARENTING EXPECTATIONS AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON

ADJUSTMENT TO PARENTHOOD

Kate Harwood

Bachelor of Science (Hons)

This thesis is presented in partial fulfillment of the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy/Master of Psychology (Clinical) of The University of Western Australia,

School of Psychology, 2004.

ABSTRACT

The transition to parenthood places a number of emotional, physical, and

cognitive demands on individuals. It is also a role that many individuals choose, enjoy,

and derive benefit from. This research examined how women’s parenting expectations

influence their adjustment to parenthood. Taylor & Brown (1988, 1994) suggest that

unrealistically optimistic expectations are associated with positive psychological

adjustment. However, research examining adjustment during the transition to

parenthood has demonstrated that unrealistic expectations pertaining to some aspects of

parenthood can have a negative effect on adjustment (Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble,

1992). The primary aims of this thesis were to examine the relationship between

optimistic expectations and adjustment, taking into account a broader range of

expectations than previous work, and to examine how adjustment is influenced if

expectations are overly optimistic relative to experiences.

In Study 1, a measure of parenting expectations was developed. The measure

assesses four categories of expectations: infant expectations, self expectations, partner

expectations, and social expectations. Initial testing with pregnant women (n = 87)

indicated that the measure had sound reliability and validity. Study 2 used this measure

to examine the relationship between expectations and adjustment in first-time mothers

(n = 71) who were assessed pre and post delivery. Optimistic prenatal expectations

were associated with positive relationship adjustment, high parenting efficacy, and high

perceived social support. On average, positive prenatal expectations were matched or

exceeded by maternal reports of experiences four months after births of their infants.

However, experiences that were negative relative to expectations were associated with

lower postnatal mood and poorer postnatal relationship adjustment. These relationships

were moderated by parenting self-efficacy beliefs. The results from Study 2 suggest

that, while for many women parenthood is a positive experience, for some, it is not as

III

positive as expected and this has a negative effect on their adjustment. While optimism

may be associated with positive adjustment during pregnancy, it may be hazardous if it

is unrealistic in comparison to experiences.

Studies 3 and 4 examined factors that may influence the formulation of

optimistic expectations. Expectations may be particularly likely to become

unrealistically optimistic when an individual is faced with an imminent challenge.

Study 3 examined the expectations of a group of non-pregnant women (n = 85) who

wanted to have children in the future but were not facing the imminent challenges of

childbirth and parenthood. These women also had positive expectations of parenthood,

although they were significantly less positive than pregnant women. Study 4 examined

how parenthood is presented in the media as a means of gaining insight into the

information used by expectant parents and the cultural context within which parenting

expectations are formulated. A content analysis of parenting magazines revealed that

images of parenting are overwhelmingly positive.

The findings of this thesis further existing knowledge of factors that influence

the transition to parenthood. The findings elucidate the consequences of optimistic

expectations and disconfirmed expectations on adjustment to parenthood, and have

implications more broadly for understanding of how expectations of future life events

influence adjustment. The current research also informed of the broader cultural

context that may influence women’s parenting expectations.

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ………………………………………………………………………III

LIST OF TABLES ………………………………………………………………IX

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………………………………X

CHAPTER 1

THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD ………………………………………1

CHAPTER 2

THE EFFECT OF EXPECTATIONS ON ADJUSTMENT TO PARENTHOOD 12

Expectations and Psychological Adjustment ………………………………………13

Negative Expectations and Psychological Adjustment ………………………15

Depressive Realism ………………………………………………………………16

Positive Expectations and Psychological Adjustment ………………………18

The Psychological Consequences of Disconfirmed Expectations ………………22

Coping with Disconfirmed Expectations ………………………………………25

Self-Efficacy Beliefs ………………………………………………………………27

Summary ………………………………………………………………………30

Expectations of Parenthood ………………………………………………………31

Parenting Self-Efficacy Beliefs ………………………………………………40

Conclusion ………………………………………………………………………45

CHAPTER 3


EXPECTATIONS ………………………………………………………………49

Method ………………………………………………………………………55

Participants ………………………………………………………………………55

Measures ………………………………………………………………………56

Parenting Expectations Measure ………………………………………56

MAMA (Kumar, Robson, & Smith, 1984) ………………………………58

Procedure ………………………………………………………………………58

Results ………………………………………………………………………59

Discussion ………………………………………………………………………68

V

CHAPTER 4

STUDY 2: FIRST TIME MOTHERS’ EXPECTATIONS ABOUT PARENTHOOD:

WHAT HAPPENS WHEN OPTIMISTIC EXPECTATIONS ARE NOT MATCHED

BY LATER EXPERIENCES? …………………………………………………71

Method …………………………………………………………………………74

Participants …………………………………………………………………………74

Procedure …………………………………………………………………………75

Measures …………………………………………………………………………76

Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (Cox, Holden, & Sagovsky, 1987) …76

Parenting Sense of Competence Scale (Gibaud-Wallston & Wandersman,

1978, as cited in Johnston & Mash, 1989) …………………………………76

Dyadic Adjustment Scale (Spanier, 1976) …………………………………77

Social Provisions Scale (Russell & Cutrona, 1984) …………………………77

Parenting Expectations Measure …………………………………………77

Results …………………………………………………………………………78




Adjustment to Parenthood …………………………………………………………81

Postnatal relationship adjustment …………………………………………84

Postnatal mood …………………………………………………………86

Discussion …………………………………………………………………………88




Adjustment …………………………………………………………………………92

Implications …………………………………………………………………………96

CHAPTER 5

STUDY 3: YOUNG WOMEN’S PARENTING EXPECTATIONS …………………99

Goals of the Present Study ………………………………………………………..104

Method ………………………………………………………………………..106

Participants ………………………………………………………………………..106

Procedure ………………………………………………………………………..107

Materials ………………………………………………………………………..108

Results ………………………………………………………………………..110

VI

Comparison Between the Pregnant Women and the University Women ………..110


Expectations in the University Women ………………………………………...110

Discussion ………………………………………………………………………...113

CHAPTER 6

STUDY 4: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF IMAGES IN PARENTING

MAGAZINES ………………………………………………………………………...119

Women’s Media Use and Perceptions of Media Pertaining to Pregnancy and

Parenting ………………………………………………………………………...124

Method ………………………………………………………………………...124

Participants ………………………………………………………………...124

Procedure ………………………………………………………………...124

Results ………………………………………………………………………………...125

Content Analysis ………………………………………………………………...126

Method ………………………………………………………………………...126

Sample ………………………………………………………………………...126

Procedure ………………………………………………………………...128

Image type and accompanying content/advertisement ………...128

Individuals present in photograph ………………………………...128

Affect ………………………………………………………………...129

Ethnicity ………………………………………………………...129

Appearance ………………………………………………………...129

Behaviour ………………………………………………………...129

Reliability ………………………………………………………………...129

Results ………………………………………………………………………………...130

Image Characteristics ………………………………………………………...130

Parent and Infant Affect ………………………………………………...130

Division of Caregiving Responsibility Between Parents and Others ………...130

Physical Appearance of Key Figures ………………………………………...132

Clothing and grooming ………………………………………...132

Ethnicity ………………………………………………………...133

Discussion ………………………………………………………………………...134

CHAPTER 7

GENERAL DISCUSSION ………………………………………………………...141

VII

The Relationship Between Expectations and Adjustment to Parenthood ………...141

Optimistic Parenting Expectations in a Broader Context ………………………...147

General Conclusions ………………………………………………………………...150

REFERENCES ………………………………………………………………...157

APPENDIX A ………………………………………………………………………...178

APPENDIX B ………………………………………………………………………...188

APPENDIX C …………………………………………………………………….…..205

APPENDIX D ………………………………………………………………………...227

APPENDIX E ………………………………………………………………………...249

APPENDIX F ………………………………………………………………………...259

VIII

LIST OF TABLES

Table 3.1 Means for participants’ responses on the expectation items and

correlation coefficients between scores for each item the total scores for

the questionnaire ………………………………………………….61

Table 4.1 Means and t-test results for differences between expectations and

adjustment measures at prenatal and postnatal test phases …….……79

Table 4.2 Results from the multiple regressions analysing the relationship between

prenatal adjustment measures and parenting expectations …………80

Table 4.3 Bivariate correlations between independent and dependent variables used

in hierarchical regression categories …………………………………83



predicted postnatal relationship adjustment, the dependent variable …85



predicted postnatal mood, the dependent variable …………………87

Table 5.1 Demographic variables for pregnant women and university women ..109

Table 5.2 Means, standard deviations, and results of the between subjects

comparisons for the expectations scores in the pregnant sample (n = 71)

and the university sample (n = 79) ………………………………...111

Table 5.3 Means and standard deviations for university participants’ ages and their

estimates of the number of years until they would have children ..112

Table 6.1 Means and standard deviations for women’s impression of media

pertaining to pregnancy and parenting ………………………..127

Table 6.2 Parent behaviour categories used in the content analysis ………..130

Table 6.3 Percentages for emotions displayed by mothers, fathers, and infants in

magazine images ………………………………………………..132

Table 6.4 Percentages for parent behaviours in the magazine images ………..133

Table 6.5 Percentages for clothing and grooming variables for mothers and

fathers …….…………………………………………………………..134

Table A1 Items used in the development of the parenting expectations measure and

the sources of those items ………………………………………...181

IX

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the women who participated in this research and gave their

time during a very busy period in their lives. I am also appreciative of the staff at

Bentley Hospital, Joondalup Health Campus, and Osborne Park Hospital, and Dr Louise

Farrell, who assisted with the recruitment of participants for this research.

A big thank you to my supervisors, Kevin Durkin and Neil McLean, for all of

their encouragement, support, good advice, and helpful ideas over the years.

Thanks to Dana and Mark who have been encouraging, supportive, and

entertaining office mates and friends. Sharing an office with you is one of the things

that I will miss the most about my PhD. I’d also like to thank my other friends who

have been sources of inspiration, advice, motivation, and support – in particular,

Allyson, Justine, Lisa, Liz, and Seonaid.

Thanks to my parents for their unconditional love and for always supporting me

in the pursuit of my dreams. Finally, thanks to Bruce for putting up with me while I’ve

been writing my PhD and for his love and support.

X

CHAPTER 1

THE TRANSITION TO PARENTHOOD

Becoming a parent represents one of the most important developmental

transitions of adulthood and the way in which individuals make this transition has

implications for themselves and their children. It is a transition that will influence all

individuals at some point - either because they are parents, will become parents, or have

been parented. Becoming a parent is often a much anticipated event. It can change

individuals’ lives dramatically and brings a range of challenges and rewards.

This thesis focuses on women’s expectations of this transition and the ways in

which these expectations influence their adjustment to parenthood. One of the central

questions of this thesis is: is it more adaptive to be optimistic in the face of uncertain

circumstances or is it better to anticipate some difficulties? This question is explored

with reference to the transition to parenthood, focussing on the period from the late

stages of pregnancy to the early months of parenthood.

The study of life transitions enables understanding of the psychological factors

that influence the particular transition. Moreover, the study of life transitions allows

exploration of psychological phenomena in naturalistic rather than experimental settings

(Ruble & Seidman, 1996). Thus, exploration of expectations during the transition to

parenthood should contribute to our understanding of how expectations about life events

influence psychological adjustment generally, as well as factors associated with

psychological adjustment during the transition to an important life role – parenthood.

This chapter will briefly review the literature pertaining to the main findings on how the

transition to parenthood influences psychological adjustment. It will then outline the

contents of this thesis, including the aims of each of the studies to be reported.

One of the ironies of the transition to parenthood is that at a time when new

parents are the least experienced in their role; their child is at its most demanding.

1

Human infants are completely dependent on their caregivers for survival and require

constant care. This means that new parents are faced with “unrelenting parenting

demands” (Lovejoy, Graczyk, O’Hare, & Neuman, 2000; p. 567) and must develop a

range of new skills in order to cater to these demands. Furthermore, because infancy is

a time of rapid growth and development, parents must continually adapt their skills in

order to provide care that is appropriate for their child’s developmental stage. Adding

to the challenge, new parents often obtain these skills in a context of sleep deprivation.

Most infants’ sleep patterns diverge from those of their parents, meaning that parents’

own sleep is disrupted so that they can attend to the needs of their infants (Michelsson,

Rinne, & Paajanen, 1990). For women, this sleep deprivation occurs after the

physically demanding circumstances of pregnancy and delivery, which can have their

own effects on physical and psychological well-being. While pregnancy is not an

illness, it is associated with a range of physical changes and complications that can

range from discomfort for the expectant woman to life-threatening (Dunkel-Schetter &

Lobel, 1998). A significant proportion of women experience depression or symptoms

of depression during pregnancy (Da Costa, Larouche, Dritsa, & Brender, 2000; Green,

1998; Morse, Buist, & Durkin, 2000). Delivery can have its own complications and it is

common for health complaints, such as extreme tiredness and backache, to persist for

months following childbirth (Thompson, Roberts, Currie, & Ellwood, 2002).

As parents learn to care for and build a relationship with the new individual in

their household, they must adapt to their new social role and learn how to balance it

with their existing relationships (Bost, Cox, Buchinal, & Payne, 2002). This means

incorporating their child into the existing family structure and routine (Monk et al.,

1996). Parenthood also affects individuals’ occupational functioning. Women often

experience a role change as they move from full-time employment to bearing most of

the responsibility for the childcare and household labour after the baby is born

2

(Cappuccini & Cochrane, 2000). Men frequently have the added responsibility of

becoming the sole financial providers for their new families (Cappuccini & Cochrane,

2000).

Clearly, the transition to parenthood places a number of demands on individuals.

Yet for all these demands, parenthood is a chosen role for many individuals. The

reasons people value children vary across cultures (Hoffman, 1987). Common cross-

cultural motivations for having children are to give and receive love and to experience

the enjoyment of children and these motivations are particularly prevalent in

industrialised nations, like the United Kingdom and the United States of America

(Hoffman, 1987; Langdridge, Connolly, & Sheeran, 2000). New parents frequently

report that they enjoy looking after their infants (Green & Kafetsios, 1997). There are

often a number of social gains associated with parenthood. New parents feel a strong

attachment to their infant and they often report feeling closer to their own parents

(Cowan & Cowan, 1992). New mothers attribute significant gains in self-esteem to the

arrival of their child and report feeling a sense of meaning, hope, and optimism about

the future (Wells, Hobfoll, & Lavin, 1999). Other research has found that parents report

that having children made them more mature and responsible and brought feelings of

self-fulfillment and completeness (Fawcett, 1988).

However, for a significant proportion of new parents the changes and demands

associated with parenthood result in adverse consequences. Two commonly observed

adverse outcomes associated with this transition are a decline in marital satisfaction and

mood disturbances.

There have been repeated findings of modest declines in marital satisfaction

after the birth of the first child (Belsky, Lang, & Rovine, 1985; Belsky, Spanier, &

Rovine, 1983; Shapiro, Gottman, & Carrère, 2000; Wallace & Gotlib, 1990). Yet, this

decline is not universal and there is considerable variation in the way the transition to

3

parenthood influences the marital relationship (Shapiro et al., 2000). The demands

placed on couples who become parents and the nature of their relationship before

parenting, which affects their ability to adapt to these demands, are thought to be the

main factors that influence their relationship quality during the transition to parenthood.

Becoming a parent changes the nature of the time that couples spend together. For

example, they are less likely to spend time together as a couple without the presence of

others (Monk et al., 1996). There is large increase in domestic labour - most of which is

borne by the female partner (Cabrera, Tamis-LeMonda, Bradley, Hofferth, & Lamb,

2000; Parke, 2002). This can result in resentment from both partners. When men

contribute less to household labour than women expect, there is often a decline in

relationship satisfaction (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Kalmuss, Davidson, & Cushman,

1992; Ruble, Fleming, Hackel, & Stangor, 1988). At the same time, the more time

women devote to caring for the new infant, the more dissatisfied their partners are with

the marital relationship (Levy-Shiff, 1994).

The decline in relationship satisfaction can be mitigated by greater paternal

involvement in infant care giving (Levy-Shiff, 1994). Women who perceive that their

partners contribute fairly to household labour have greater marital satisfaction during

the transition to parenthood (Terry, McHugh, & Noller, 1991). In addition, the quality

of the new parents’ relationship before the arrival of the baby will influence the quality

of their relationship once they are parents. Shapiro et al. (2000) found that the fondness,

admiration, and cognitive consideration that individuals have for their spouses as

newlyweds are associated with stability or improvement in relationship satisfaction

across the transition to parenthood. Better problem solving communication is also

associated with smaller declines in marital satisfaction (Cox, Paley, Burchinal, & Payne,

1999).

Mood disturbances are the other most noted adverse outcome associated with the

4

transition to parenthood. Three psychiatric disorders occur specifically within or around

the puerperium. Postpartum blues are characterised by symptoms such as crying,

confusion, mood lability, anxiety, and depressed mood (O’Hara, Schlechte, Lewis, &

Wright, 1991). These symptoms are relatively mild, transient, and occur most

commonly in the week following the birth. At the more severe end of the spectrum of

postnatal mood disturbances is postpartum psychosis. While postpartum blues are

relatively common, postpartum psychosis is rare (O’Hara, 1997). Postpartum psychosis

is characterised by delusions, hallucinations, gross impairment in functioning, and

usually requires psychiatric inpatient treatment (Brockington et al., 1981). The third

disorder is postnatal depression: a depressive episode that begins or extends into the

postpartum period. It is characterised by dysphoric mood along with symptoms such as

disturbed sleep (not including disturbances due to the infant), change in appetite,

psychomotor disturbance, excessive fatigue, excessive guilt, and suicide ideation

(American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Prevalence rates of postpartum depression

range between 8 and 15% of childbearing women (O’Hara, 1997; O’Hara & Swain,

1996). Several factors are associated with the development of postnatal depression.

These include a previous history of depression, depression during pregnancy, marital

discord, single parenthood, a significant life-event in the 12 months preceding the birth,

poor social support, and personality factors (Deater-Deckard, Pickering, Dunn, &

Golding, 1998; Gotlib, Whiffen, Wallace, & Mount, 1991; Morse et al., 2000; O’Hara

& Swain, 1996).

In addition to causing significant distress, the difficulties faced by new parents

can influence the quality of their care giving. The extent to which parents are able to

remain flexible and maintain positive relations with their partner, a sense of personal

autonomy, and self-esteem influences the level of effective and responsive parenting

that they are able to provide to their infants (Heinicke, 1995). The ability of parents to

5

master infant care-giving skills and respond effectively to their children’s needs affects

their child’s immediate and long-term well being. Parents’ marital conflicts have been

found to influence the quality of their care giving, and this in turn influences their

infant’s development (Cowan & Cowan, 1992). Depression in mothers of infants is

associated with deficits in parenting behaviour, including higher levels of hostile or

coercive behaviour, lower levels of engagement, and lower levels of positive social

interactions (Lovejoy et al., 2000; Murray & Cooper, 1996). Maternal depression

during infancy is associated with increases in behavioural problems, psychopathology,

and delayed cognitive development during childhood (Cogill, Caplan, Alexandra,

Robson, & Kumar, 1986; Cummings & Davies, 1994; Field, Lang, Martinex, Yando, &

Bendell, 1996; Gelfand & Teti, 1990; Murray & Cooper, 1996). This association

between poorer developmental outcomes and maternal depression may be due to the

nature of the attachment formed between these infants and their mothers. Infants of

mothers with depression are more likely to display insecure attachment than infants of

mothers who are not depressed (Martins & Gaffan, 2000; Murray, 1992). Although

insecure attachment does not invariably lead to poorer developmental outcomes, it has

been associated with poorer social, cognitive, and emotional outcomes in childhood and

beyond (Carlson, 1998; Kochanska, 2001; Lyons-Ruth, 1996; Waters, Merrick,

Treboux, Crowell, & Albersheim, 2000).

Thus, the way in which individuals make the transition to parenthood has

implications for parents and their children. Because of the lasting consequences of

problems during the transition to parenthood, poor adaptation to this transition has

garnered a great deal of attention from researchers and within the broader community.

A review of the literature reveals many more articles on the adverse effects of

parenthood than on the positive effects. Similarly, extreme examples of individuals

suffering from psychiatric illness in the postpartum period, such as the Texan mother

6

who drowned her five children in the bath while experiencing postpartum psychosis

(Roche, 2002, March 18), attract worldwide media attention. The fact that some

individuals experience such misery following what is regarded, at a broader cultural

level, as one of life’s happiest events captures the attention and concern of many.

However, some authors (Green, 1998; Lee, 1997) have noted that the focus on postnatal

mood disorders, combined with more widespread cultural values that motherhood

brings ultimate fulfillment to women, may produce a false dichotomy whereby mothers

are viewed as experiencing absolute contentment or psychiatric illness. Green and Lee

both argue that early parenthood as a time where it is normal to experience range of

negative emotions in the process of adjusting to their new role. Given that early

parenting brings a range of positive and negative changes, it is plausible that even the

most well adjusted mother may experience negative emotions while experiencing

overall contentment with her new role.

The range of emotions and experiences faced by new parents, along with the

importance of the role, and the challenges it presents to individuals makes it a

particularly interesting situation in which to examine expectations. Despite the

difficulties that new parents can face, the transition to parenthood within Western and

other cultures is usually regarded as a positive life event. Developments in reproductive

technology and increases in women’s workforce participation and education levels in

Western nations have given women greater control over their fertility and there have

been corresponding declines in fertility rates (Weston & Parker, 2002). Yet, most

women continue to choose to become parents (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS],

2003). Many individuals choose to become parents because they believe children will

have a positive influence on their lives (Langdridge et al., 2000). For these reasons, it is

likely that many parents-to-be will have optimistic expectations of parenthood. Given

that early parenthood can be challenging, it seems likely that at least some new parents

7

will have their expectations disconfirmed in a negative direction: that is, their

experiences will be less positive than their expectations. Of course, this may not be the

pattern for all parents and others may find that parenthood exceeds their already

optimistic expectations.

Another factor that makes expectations about parenthood interesting is the

uncertainty faced by expectant parents. It is a truism but nonetheless important that new

parents have not parented before. Many have had limited experience caring for infants.

Even if individuals do have experience caring for infants or children, they will not know

the characteristics of their own child before its birth. Infancy is a time of dynamic and

individual change – that is, infants develop rapidly in biological, psychological, and

social spheres, and each infant develops at his or her own pace (Bornstein, 2002).

Therefore, watching or practising with another person’s infant will not necessarily

prepare a parent to care for her or his own child. New parents must be able to adapt any

existing knowledge and skills they have to their individual child and to continually

adapt their skills to cater for their child’s developmental stage. Therefore, while many

parents may formulate expectations of how their lives will be influenced by the arrival

of their baby, their lives may change in unanticipated ways due to the needs of their

own child and their ability to cater to these needs. For example, an expectant couple

may anticipate that it will be possible to resume a weekly social engagement a few

months after their infant’s birth but find that their expectation is disconfirmed because

their infant has a particularly fussy temperament, making it difficult to leave him or her

with babysitters.

Thus, the transition to parenthood brings together two factors that suggest that

expectations about the future may bear importantly on adjustment during this transition.

First, parenting is an important and highly valued role that people appear to believe will

have a positive influence on their life and are likely to have optimistic expectations

8

about. Second, there is a broad range of possible outcomes and expectant parents face a

relatively large number of unknown and possibly challenging circumstances. This

means that there is a relatively high degree of uncertainty over whether individuals’

expectations will be matched by their parenting experiences. It is important to

understand how expectations influence adjustment in the face of unknown and

challenging circumstances and how disconfirmation of these expectations influences

adjustment. In these situations, is optimism adaptive or is there a risk that failure to

expect some negative experiences may lead to a more problematic adjustment if

difficulties do occur? Further, is there individual variation in the way people are

affected by disconfirmed expectations?

Chapter 2 reviews the literature on the relationship between expectations and

psychological adjustment, both during the transition to parenthood and more broadly.

There are several perspectives on how the nature of individuals’ expectations influences

adjustment. It may be beneficial to be optimistic in the face of unknown circumstances

(Peterson & Seligman, 1984; Scheier & Carver, 1985; Taylor & Brown, 1988, 1994).

However, expectations that are unrealistically optimistic when compared to later

experiences may lead to adverse outcomes (Aronson, 1968; Festinger, 1959; Heider,

1958; Swann, 1990). This chapter also discusses how self-efficacy beliefs influence

psychological adjustment, particularly during life transitions, and proposes that self-

efficacy beliefs may influence the relationship between expectancy disconfirmation and

psychological adjustment.

The present research focussed on these issues with reference to women’s

transition to parenthood. This research focused on the very early stages of parenthood

and consequently women were selected as participants because it is generally women,

rather than men, whose lives are most profoundly affected in these stages. Despite the

modern day ideal of fathers as co-parent (Cabrera et al., 2000), in practice, mothers

9

undertake responsibility for most of the one-to-one care of infants (Parke, 2002). The

first two studies examined childbearing women’s expectations about parenthood. A

search of the literature failed to unearth reliable measures that examined a broad range

of parenting expectations. Therefore, in Study 1, described in Chapter 3, a measure of

parenting expectations was developed. This measure was designed to tap a broader

range of expectations than has been looked at previously and assesses both positive and

negative expectations of parenthood. Study 2, described in Chapter 4, is a longitudinal

study that examined women’s expectations of parenthood during pregnancy and their

experiences of parenthood four months after the birth of their infants. The first phase of

this study examined the nature of women’s parenting expectations and how these

expectations relate to adjustment during pregnancy. The second phase explored how

these expectations compared to postnatal reports of experiences, the effect of

discrepancies between expectations and experiences on adjustment, and whether self-

efficacy beliefs moderated this relationship.

Studies 3 and 4 focussed on the broader cultural context of parenting. Study 1

and Study 2 revealed that generally women held optimistic expectations about

parenthood. Yet, at the time this research was carried out there was growing concern

about women’s reproductive choices in Australia and other industrialised countries –

specifically, that women were not having enough children or were not having children

at all (ABS, 2001; Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2003). The source of this

concern was whether there would be enough workers in the future to support an aging

population (Caldwell, Caldwell, & McDonald, 2002). This led to questions of how

parenthood was viewed more broadly within society. Was it just pregnant women, who

had already made to the choice to become a mother, who were optimistic about

parenthood? Would women for whom parenthood was not imminent have similar

expectations? These questions are addressed in Chapter 5. A review of the literature

10

revealed that there was relatively little research on young women’s expectations or

attitudes towards childbearing. Therefore, the parenting expectations measure was used

to assess the parenting expectations of women who were not pregnant and did not have

children.

Another way to examine how early parenthood is viewed more broadly within

society is to examine the mass media. The media often reflect, and some argue

contribute to, the cultural values of a society (Rubin, 1994; Segrin & Nabi, 2002).

Study 4 examined the way early parenthood is presented in parenting magazines. This

focus was selected for two reasons. First, the women in Study 2 indicated that they used

these magazines. Second, the magazines are a medium devoted to parenting and focus

mainly on early parenthood. Chapter 6 describes a content analysis of photographic

images in these magazines. The aim of this content analysis was to determine how the

transition to parenthood is presented in the mainstream media. This study provided two

types of information. First, it provided information on how early parenthood is viewed

within current Australian culture. Second, it provided understanding of the nature of the

information that is available to first time parents.

Chapter 7 draws together the conclusions from the four studies carried out in this

project. Studies 1 and 2 further the existing knowledge of factors that influence

adjustment to parenthood. The findings elucidate the consequences of expectations and

disconfirmed expectations on adjustment to parenthood. They also illustrate how the

nature of expectations about future life events influence adjustment more broadly.

Studies 3 and 4 further existing knowledge on how the transition to parenthood is

viewed more broadly within current Australian culture. The findings from these studies

also provide information on the broader cultural values that may influence women’s

expectations about parenthood.

11

CHAPTER 2

THE EFFECT OF EXPECTATIONS ON ADJUSTMENT TO PARENTHOOD

As outlined in Chapter 1, one of the central aims of this thesis was to examine

how first-time mothers’ prenatal expectations of parenthood influence their adjustment

to this role. This review focuses on work that has examined the relationship between

the nature of individual’s expectations about future life events and their psychological

adjustment. Because the transition to parenthood is generally regarded as a positive life

event about which individuals often have optimistic expectations (Green & Kafetsios,

1997), this review will pay particular attention to expectations of this nature.

The way in which optimistic expectations influence psychological adjustment

appears to be a contentious issue. Optimism is generally associated with positive

psychological adjustment (Peterson & Seligman, 1984; Scheier & Carver, 1985;

Seligman, 1991). There is an argument within the health psychology literature that

expecting to experience positive outcomes and avoid negative outcomes may be

beneficial for psychological adjustment, even if these expectations are unrealistically

optimistic (Taylor & Brown, 1988, 1994). For example, holding the expectation that

life will be enjoyable and fulfilling when the infant arrives may help a pregnant woman

cope with any discomfort she experiences. In comparison, holding the expectation that

the discomfort of pregnancy will be followed by caring for a crying infant while feeling

exhausted and not quite knowing what to do may not have as positive effect on her

psychological adjustment. However, one of the hazards of overly optimistic

expectations is they may be disconfirmed and the individual is then faced with a

situation that is more difficult than he or she anticipated. Contrasting with the view that

unrealistically optimistic expectations are beneficial for psychological adjustment is the

view that realistic expectations, that is expectations that are matched by later

experience, are beneficial. Several prominent theories in psychology hold that

12

individuals like consistency and expectancy disconfirmation is a difficult situation with

which to cope (Aronson, 1968; Festinger, 1959; Heider, 1958; Swann, 1990). In the

context of new parenting, it may be that finding out that the role is more difficult, or less

satisfying than expected, would present another problem during an already challenging

time.

Given that the literature examining the relationship between expectations and

psychological adjustment during the transition to parenthood is relatively limited in

scope, the first section of this review will focus on research investigating the

relationship between expectations and adjustment in other areas of functioning.

Particular attention will be paid to topics relevant to the transition to parenthood

including the psychological consequences of positive and negative expectations,

disconfirmed expectations, and self-efficacy expectations. The second section of the

review will focus on the literature that has examined expectations during the transition

to parenthood, that is, the period extending from pregnancy through the first year of the

infant’s life.

Expectations and Psychological Adjustment

Expectations are beliefs about the future state of affairs or hypotheses about the

future. Individuals have expectations about nearly every aspect of their life and their

expectations influence the way they think, feel, and behave (Olsen, Roese, & Zanna,

1996). Many expectations are relatively simple and pertain to the consequences of

frequent behaviours. These simple expectations are shaped by recurrent interactions

with the environment and therefore rarely disconfirmed. Thus, the experience of

expectancy confirmation is more common than the experience of expectancy

disconfirmation (Miller & Turnbull, 1986; Olsen et al., 1996). For example, if we have

sufficient experience with computers we expect words to appear on our monitor as we

press down on the keyboard.

13

In the example provided above and in situations requiring more complex

responses, expectations guide behaviour. As such, individuals generally behave in ways

that are consistent with their expectations. Consequently, individuals who expect to do

well on complex mathematical problems persist longer than those who expect to do

poorly (Battle, 1965; Carver, Blaney, & Scheier, 1979). In this way, expectations can

become self-fulfilling. Those who persist because they believe that they will solve a

problem increase the likelihood that they will be successful. Those who give up quickly

because they expect to fail increase the likelihood that their expectations will be

confirmed. These principles are consistent with Bandura’s (1977, 1997) self-efficacy

theory, which also argues that expectations have a powerful effect on behaviour. This

theory will be discussed in more detail later in this chapter.

Of course, expecting a certain outcome does not guarantee that it will occur.

Yet, even if outcomes do not match expectations, individuals often process information

so that their evaluations of their experiences are consistent with their initial expectations

(Klaaren, Hodges, & Wilson, 1994; Mitchell, Thompson, Peterson, & Cronk, 1997).

Memory processes are frequently biased in favour of information that confirms

expectations so that information that is inconsistent with expectations is either

discounted or it is reappraised so that it is concordant with the original expectation

(Klaaren et al., 1992). Accordant with this position, individuals asked to give their

recollections of a recent holiday provided responses that matched their pre-holiday

expectations, yet both their expectations and their recollections were more positive than

their reports of their experiences recorded while they were on the holiday (Mitchell et

al., 1997).

Expectations about future events influence individuals’ moods both in the period

leading up to the event as well as during the event. Accordingly, individuals who

expect to find a cartoon amusing laugh and smile more than individuals who hold no

14

expectations about the humour of the cartoon (Wilson & Klaaren, 1992; Wilson, Lisle,

Kraft, & Wetzel, 1989). It seems obvious that the expectations an individual holds

about future events will influence his or her current mood. If an individual expects to

lose a job that he or she enjoys and is financially reliant on, he or she is likely to feel

somewhat depressed and anxious. If another individual expects to experience an

enjoyable holiday in a few days, he or she is likely to feel happy and excited.

Consistent with this view, research on mood disorders, reviewed below, has found that

expectations about future life events play a central role in emotional adjustment.

Negative Expectations and Psychological Adjustment

Psychological theories that attempt to explain mood disorders implicate

expectations in the development and maintenance of depression. According to Beck’s

(1976) influential cognitive theory of depression, negative expectations about the future

have an adverse effect on mood. This theory holds that depressed individuals have

maladaptive cognitive schemas, which contain negative attitudes about themselves, their

world, and their future. These schemas lead individuals to process information in a

manner consistent with their negative worldview. Beck’s theory predicts that depressed

individuals tend to expect failure, rejection, and dissatisfaction.

Similarly, Abramson, Metalsky, and Alloy (1989) propose that hopelessness can

be a cause of depression. Abramson et al. argue that the attributions individuals make

about negative life events influence the expectations they have about the future and

these expectations affect their mood. Abramson et al. proposed that individuals who

attribute the occurrence of negative life events to internal, stable, and global causes will

formulate hopelessness expectations. Hopelessness is defined as the expectation that

highly desired outcomes are unlikely to occur, highly aversive outcomes are likely to

occur, and there is little that the individual involved can do to change the likelihood of

these outcomes. These pessimistic expectations lead to feelings of depression. Thus, in

15

this model, expectations mediate between negative attributional style and depression.

Carver and Scheier (1981; Scheier & Carver, 1988) also contend that expectations about

the future mediate between attributions and emotional outcomes.

While support for a mediational role of expectations has been mixed, studies

have consistently found a link between negative expectations about the future and

depression. Peterson and Vaidya (2001) assessed the relationship between attributional

style, general and specific expectations for desirable and aversive events, and depressive

symptoms in undergraduate students and found that expectations mediated between

attributional style and depression. In similar research, Hull and Mendolia (1991) found

evidence for a direct link between expectations and depression in a sample of

undergraduate students. The more negative the participants’ expectations were, the

more likely they were to be depressed. In addition, the results indicated that

expectations mediated between attributional style and depression. Tripp, Catano, and

Sullivan (1997) replicated these results. Other research has found evidence for a

moderating role of expectations: A relationship between attributions and depression

only existed when hopelessness expectations were present. When there were hopeful

expectations, no relationship existed between attributional style and depression

(DeVellis & Blalock, 1992; Riskind, Rholes, Brannon, & Burdick, 1987).

This research provides converging evidence that holding generalised negative

expectations about the future is associated with depressed mood. The premise

underlying most of these theories is that depressed or dysphoric individuals hold

unrealistically negative expectations about the future. However, some authors suggest

that the expectations of the depressed are realistic, not distorted (Alloy, Albright,

Abramson, & Dykman, 1990).

Depressive Realism

The depressive realism hypothesis states that the expectations of depressed

16

individuals are accurate and it is the psychologically well adjusted that have inaccurate

expectations about the future. In the original study conducted by Alloy and Abramson

(1979), participants made contingency judgements where they estimated the extent to

which they could control the illumination of a green light by pressing a button.

Depressed1 participants tended to make accurate contingency judgements. Non-

depressed participants over-estimated their level of control when the outcome was non-

contingent but desirable and under-estimated their level of control when the outcome

was contingent but undesirable. This finding has been replicated in experiments using

similar paradigms (Alloy, Abramson, & Viscusi, 1981; Alloy & Abramson, 1982;

Vazquez, 1987; Mikulincer, Gerber, & Weisenberg, 1990; Lennox, Bedell, Abramson,

& Raps, 1990). However, attempts to replicate the depressive realism effect in studies

examining individuals’ expectations about future life events have proven more difficult.

Alloy and Ahrens (1987) assessed depressed and non-depressed college

students’ expectations about future life events. Compared to their non-depressed peers,

depressed students expectations were more pessimistic and less optimistic. When the

students were asked to compare themselves to individuals with attributes similar to

themselves, non-depressed students appeared to be overly optimistic. Non-depressed

students stated that they were more likely than similar others to experience success and

less likely than similar others to experience failure. Because it is logically impossible

for most people to be more successful than those similar to themselves, this was

interpreted as a positive bias. In contrast, depressed students did not display any

negative or positive bias suggesting that they may have more balanced or realistic

expectations. However, attempts to replicate these findings have found evidence for

1 This section uses the group names described by the authors of each study. In the studies described in this section, participants were divided into depressed or non-depressed groups based on their scores on the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck & Steer, 1993). Scores on this measure represent the severity of depression symptoms but this does not necessarily mean that the depressed participants would have met the diagnostic criteria for clinical depression.

17

both a negative bias in depressed individuals (Pietromonaco & Markus, 1985) and a

positive bias in depressed individuals (Pyszczynski, Holt, & Greenberg, 1987). One

criticism of these studies is that they failed to provide an external criterion of accuracy,

meaning it is difficult to determine objectively which group had more realistic

expectations (Ackerman & DeRubreis, 1991; Colvin & Block, 1994).

Studies that have provided an external criterion to test the accuracy of

expectations have produced findings that are inconsistent with the depressive realism

hypothesis. Dunning and Story (1991) asked college students to make predictions about

the academic and social events that would occur over the course of a university

semester. When the students’ expectations were compared with the actual occurrence

of events, depressed students’ expectations about future life events were less accurate

than the expectations of their non-depressed peers. Similar studies examining

expectations about future life events have also had difficulty replicating findings

consistent with the depressive realism hypothesis (Kapçi & Cramer, 1998; Shrauger,

Mariano, & Walter, 1998) but this is not to say individuals without depression have

accurate expectations about future life events. As will be discussed in the next section,

they frequently hold overly positive expectations about a number of aspects of life.

Positive Expectations and Psychological Adjustment

Taylor and Brown (1988, 1994) argue that mentally healthy individuals tend to

have distorted rather than accurate beliefs about themselves and their world. The

authors contend that mentally healthy individuals hold positive illusions about

themselves and their world – that is, they perceive themselves in an overly positive

manner, have exaggerated perceptions of control, and, most relevant to this thesis, hold

unrealistically optimistic expectations about the future. Taylor and Brown argue that

individuals are unrealistically optimistic when they expect that they are more likely than

others to experience desired outcomes and less likely than others to experience

18

undesirable outcomes. Evidence from a number of domains supports the view that,

generally, individuals have overly positive expectations about the future and these

expectations may be beneficial for their psychological adjustment.

Weinstein (1980) asked North American university students to rate the

likelihood that they would experience a range of positive and negative events. The

participants believed that they were more likely than their peers to experience positive

events, such as obtaining a desirable job after graduation, owning their own home, or

travelling to Europe. Similarly, they believed they were less likely than their peers to

experience negative events, such as having a drinking problem, dropping out of

university, or being fired from a job. Providing information about the attributes and

actions of their peers reduced but did not eliminate participants’ relative optimism about

their ability to avoid negative events.

Optimism about future life events is not confined to young university students,

Fowers, Lyons, Montel, and Shaked (2001) found that married and single North

Americans had optimistic expectations about their intimate relationships. Married

participants believed that the likelihood that they would divorce was low, with a mean

estimated likelihood of 10%. Fifty-five percent of the single participants believed that

the likelihood that they would experience divorce sometime in their lifetime was 0%

and only 12% thought they had a greater than 50% chance of divorcing in their lifetime.

When these expectations are compared to the estimated population divorce rates for the

United States of America, which have been found to range between 43% and 64%

(Schoen & Weinick, 1993; Martin & Bumpass, 1989), the expectations of both the

married and the single participants appear unrealistically optimistic. In a similar study,

Carnelly and Janoff-Bulman (1992) found that university students held unrealistically

optimistic expectations (compared to U.S. national divorce rates and averages for

relationship longevity) about the likelihood that they would have successful romantic

19

relationships, a successful marriage in the future, and would avoid experiencing divorce.

This pattern of overly optimistic expectations about future life events raises the

question of whether these expectations are beneficial or detrimental for psychological

adjustment. The people with overly optimistic expectations about avoiding divorce may

be setting themselves up for disappointment. Alternatively, their optimism may have a

positive influence on their current functioning. For example, the expectation that a

marriage has a high likelihood of lasting may result in individuals feeling more content

in their relationship and motivate them to engage in positive interactions with their

spouse. Consistent with this possibility, Murray and Holmes (1997) investigated

optimism in relation to dating and married individuals’ expectations about their current

relationships. Unrealistic optimism about relationships - expecting to avoid difficulties

that the average relationship would encounter - was associated with greater relationship

longevity.

In academic settings, students who are unrealistically optimistic about their

academic performance achieve higher grades than students who are realistic or

unrealistically negative about their academic performance suggesting that unrealistic

optimism may have a positive effect on performance (Wright, 2000). Students who

held overly optimistic expectations about the length of time it would take them to

complete an assignment completed it in a significantly shorter time than those that held

overly pessimistic expectations about completion time (Buehler, Griffen, & Ross,

1994). Positive expectations about the ability to perform a task seem to be associated

with successful completion or greater success in performing that task whereas negative

expectations appear to be associated with impeded performance.

Research from the health psychology literature suggests that people can be

remarkably optimistic even in dire circumstances and that their optimistic expectations

benefit their physical and mental health. Leedham, Meyerowitz, Muirhead, and Frist

20

(1995) found that patients waiting for heart transplants had very positive expectations

about the outcomes of their operations despite their serious health status. These

optimistic expectations were associated with self-reports of positive mood, good

adjustment to the illness, and better quality of life, even when the patient’s recovery

from the transplant was not as successful as they had expected. Likewise, Taylor et al.

(1992) conducted a study of gay men at risk for Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome

(AIDS). Men who were aware that they had tested positive for the Human

Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) held positive expectations about being able to avoid

developing AIDS despite medical advice at the time that this was unlikely. Those with

these unrealistically optimistic expectations displayed better psychological adjustment

and more active coping strategies than less optimistic men.

In a range of domains, including academic pursuits, romantic relationships, and

coping with life-threatening illnesses, expectations that appear to be overly optimistic

compared to average outcomes are associated with positive psychological adjustment.

It is possible that these optimistic expectations are matched by later experiences. The

optimistic individuals in Fowers et al.’s (2001) study on relationship expectations may

enjoy long and happy marriages that do not end in divorce. Not all of the participants in

the Buehler et al. (1994) study were unrealistic in their estimation of when they would

complete their tasks. Some met their optimistic deadlines. Similarly, some of the heart

transplant patients’ optimistic expectations about their health outcomes were matched

by later experiences, as indicated by assessments conducted by a health professional six

months after the operation, which found that most were in relatively good health

(Leedham et al., 1995).

However, in each of the studies above there were many individuals whose

expectations were not or will not be met. Many married couples divorce, students’

actual completion time is often longer than they expect, and individuals undergoing

21

heart transplant surgery experience unexpected complications (Buehler et al., 1994;

Leedham et al, 1995; Martin & Bumpass, 1989; Schoen & Weinick, 1993; Wright,

2000). While there is evidence that positive expectations can be beneficial for

psychological adjustment, there is always the possibility that these expectations will not

be matched by later experiences. Implicit in the notion that most individuals are overly

optimistic is the notion that it is relatively likely that their expectations will be

disconfirmed at some point. This leads to the question of how the disconfirmation of

expectations influences psychological well-being.

The Psychological Consequences of Disconfirmation of Expectations

Some authors argue that expectancy disconfirmation is an intrinsically

unpleasant event. According to consistency theories, individuals like their world to be

predictable (Aronson, 1968; Festinger, 1957; Heider, 1958; Swann, 1990). The

disconfirmation of expectations represents a failure to accurately predict future events

and, according to consistency theories, should be aversive, regardless of whether the

outcome of the event is negative or positive. In a test of consistency theory, Carlsmith

and Aronson (1963) trained experimental participants to predict whether they would be

presented with a sweet or a bitter fluid. Once the participants could accurately predict

which fluid they were about to be presented with, the experimenters surprised them by

presenting the bitter fluid when the participants were expecting the sweet taste or the

sweet fluid when the participants were expecting the bitter taste. Consonant with

consistency theory, the participants reported that both fluids tasted more unpleasant

when they were unexpected than when they were expected.

Consistency theory suggests that the nature of the outcome is unimportant

(Aronson, 1968; Festinger, 1957; Heider, 1958; Swann, 1990). Therefore, both

unexpected negative outcomes and unexpected positive outcomes will be aversive

experiences. It is easy to imagine examples that contradict this assertion. It is probable

22

that while many lottery players hope to win the jackpot, few expect to win. When a

fortunate individual does win, it seems unlikely that his or her feelings of satisfaction

will be diminished due to a mismatch between expectations and experiences. Similarly,

recent empirical evidence points to a more complex interaction between expected

outcomes, actual outcomes, and affective consequences.

Decision affect theory predicts that the affective consequences of an outcome

will be influenced by counterfactual thinking, that is, comparing what occurred with

what might have been (Mellers, Schwarz, Ho, & Ritov, 1997). According to this theory,

unexpected positive outcomes will be more pleasant than expected positive outcomes

and unexpected negative outcomes will be more unpleasant than expected negative

outcomes. In an experiment designed to test this theory, university students took a test

that they were led to believe would tell them whether they had an enzyme deficiency

that had the potential to cause severe health problems (Shepperd & McNulty, 2002).

Unbeknownst to the students, the deficiency was fictitious. Half were given reason to

expect bad news: They were told that the incidence of the deficiency was particularly

high in university students due to their lifestyle. The other half of the sample was given

better news: the incidence of the disorder was particularly low in university students.

The results of this study were unsurprising. When the students with pessimistic

expectations received good news they felt elated. In contrast, those who expected good

news and received bad news felt upset.

The negative emotions of the students who expected good news and received

bad news is consistent with other research, which has found that the absence of an

expected positive outcome causes feelings of disappointment (van Dijk, Zeelenberg, &

van der Pligt, 1999; Zeelenberg, van Dijk, Manstead, & van der Pligt, 1998).

Disappointment following the disconfirmation of positive expectations has been

associated with feeling powerless and wanting to do nothing and dissociate oneself from

23

the event associated with disappointment (Zeelenberg et al., 1998). However, if

expectations are disconfirmed in the opposite direction - that is, the individual expects

bad news and receives good news - the outcome is not at all aversive. Shepperd and

McNulty’s (2002) results imply that expecting the worst may be an effective coping

strategy because individuals will experience elation when experience contradicts

pessimistic expectations or avoid disappointment when these expectations are

confirmed. Nevertheless, expecting the worst has its own problems for psychological

adjustment. While this strategy may lead to joy and elation if the disconfirming

experience occurs, it is probable that the time leading up to the event may not be

particularly pleasant for the individual because, as discussed earlier, negative

expectations about the future are often associated with depressed mood (e.g. Hull &

Mendolia, 1991; Peterson & Vaidya, 2001). Notably, the expectations tapped in the

depression literature tend to be expectations about the future in general whereas the

expectations tapped by Shepperd and McNulty were expectations about one future

event. It is possible that expecting that the outcome of one imminent event will be

negative is not as detrimental as thinking that the future in general will be unpleasant.

There are other examples of the dangers of overly optimistic expectations.

When these expectations pertain to achievements, relationships, and investments; they

may cause individuals to persist in situations in which they cannot succeed (Janoff-

Bulman & Brickman, 1982). Further, Tennen and Affleck (1987) argue that when

individuals have overly optimistic expectations about the controllability of situations,

they may experience adverse emotional consequences. This hypothesis was tested in a

study of mothers of newborn infants who had been admitted to an intensive care unit.

The infants spent at least 10 days in the neonatal intensive care unit and were at

significant risk of suffering from developmental disabilities. The mothers who

experienced the highest levels of distress were those that had taken the most health

24

precautions during pregnancy with the expectation that these precautions would prevent

adverse birth outcomes (Affleck, Tennen, & Rowe, 1988). Greater emotional distress

was associated with lower expectations of birth risk during pregnancy. This seems to

illustrate a case where violated expectations contributed to the distress experienced by

individuals when events were more negative than anticipated.

Expecting a positive occurrence and experiencing a negative one appears to have

a negative effect on psychological adjustment. In the studies discussed above, the

individuals involved expected a positive outcome and experienced the opposite. The

circumstances in which the disconfirmation occurred were unambiguous. The students

expected good news from a medical test and received bad news (Shepperd & McNulty,

2002). The women expected healthy infants and became mothers of very ill infants

(Affleck et al., 1988). Individuals experienced failure in situations in which they had

expected to succeed (Janoff-Bulman & Brickman, 1982). In circumstances like these,

where it is possible to apply a stringent test of whether one’s expectations have been

met, it may be dangerous to hold overly optimistic expectations because if the outcome

is the antithesis of expectations, it can lead to greater distress. In different

circumstances where there is more scope for subjective appraisal of the situation, it may

be easier to cope with disconfirmed expectations.

Coping with Disconfirmed Expectations

In many cases, the contrast between expectations and actual experiences is not

as stark as the situations described above. Additionally, in situations that rely on

subjective judgement to determine whether one’s experiences match expectations,

individuals often have the ability to reappraise the situation so that their perceptions of

the situation match their original expectations. Armor and Taylor (1998) argue that

optimistic expectations are most likely to form in circumstances where it is difficult to

apply a stringent test of confirmation or disconfirmation. Consequently, generalised

25

expectations are more likely to be optimistic than specific expectations. In Leedham et

al.’s (1995) study, the expectations of the heart transplant candidates were generalised.

For example, patients were asked the extent to which they expected to live a full and

satisfying life or the extent to which they expected medical treatments to change their

life. These expectations allow for some subjective interpretation as to whether they

have been met or not. Confirmation of the expectation depends upon how the

individual evaluates his or her own life circumstances and as such differ from situations

where there is objective evidence that an expectation has been disconfirmed. As

discussed earlier in this chapter, individuals are inclined to reinterpret outcomes so that

their recollections are consistent with original expectations (Klaaren et al, 1994;

Mitchell et al., 1997). Thus, it may be possible to hold generalised optimistic

expectations about the future without the risk of distress or psychological discomfort

because even if events do not match expectations from an objective perspective, the

individual subjectively appraises the events in a manner that is consistent with his or her

expectations.

Another way of preventing the negative psychological consequences that can

occur when there is a stark contrast between expectations and actual experiences is to

keep the optimistic expectations within modest bounds (Armor & Taylor, 1998). In

particular, if generalised expectations about the future are kept within modest bounds,

individuals may not have to cope with a situation that is far removed from their

expectations but with a situation that is a little more difficult or not quite as satisfying as

was expected. In these situations, individuals may be able cope with expectancy

disconfirmation reasonably well (Armor & Taylor, 1998).

Furthermore, Armor and Taylor (1998) propose that overly optimistic

expectations are associated with active coping strategies, which promote psychological

and physical adjustment to stressors. Accordingly, the optimistic expectations

26

associated with positive psychological adjustment are active not passive expectations,

and are internally rather than externally orientated. Therefore, an individual may hold

the expectation that “everything will be okay because I will do what I can to make it

okay” rather than “everything will be okay”. Consistent with this view, Jackson,

Pancer, Pratt, & Hunsberger (2000) found that high school students who had optimistic

and efficacious expectations of their transition to university displayed better adjustment

at university than students who held fearful expectations while at high school. The

belief that “everything will be okay because I will do what I can to make it okay” may

predict better psychological adjustment because it will motivate the individual to act in

a manner consistent with their expectations. Thus, even if experiences do not match the

overly optimistic expectations, the behaviours that the individual employs in order to

meet their expectations may bring about a lesser but still favourable outcome making it

easier to live with disconfirmed expectations. For example, the students in Buehler et

al.’s (1994) study took longer than they had expected to complete their research projects

but they still made progress. They were not faced with a situation where they reached

their expected completion date and realised they had not completed any work on their

projects.

It is also possible that some individuals are able to cope with expectancy

disconfirmation better than others are. When expectations do not match individuals’

experiences within a particular domain, their expectations about their own capabilities

in that domain become crucial.

Self-Efficacy Beliefs

Hitherto, the expectations discussed have been outcome expectations, that is,

expectations about a particular event or that the enacting of particular behaviours will

lead to a certain consequence. Self-efficacy expectations are an individual’s belief in

his or her ability to perform a particular behaviour successfully (Bandura, 1977). An

27

individual’s expectation that submitting a job application will result in gaining an

interview is an example of an outcome expectation. An individual’s belief that he or

she is capable of writing an adequate application is an example of an efficacy belief.

According to Bandura (1995), “human accomplishments and positive well-being

require an optimistic sense of personal efficacy” (p. 11). Self-efficacy beliefs influence

behavioural, cognitive, and affective responses in a range of domains. Individuals with

high self-efficacy beliefs have confidence in their own abilities and are more likely to

conceive problems as surmountable challenges, experience less negative emotional

arousal when engaged in challenging tasks, and persevere in the face of difficult tasks

(Bandura, 1997). Individuals with low self-efficacy beliefs are more likely to

experience significant levels of self-doubt and anxiety when they encounter adversity,

assume more responsibility for failure than success, perceive environmental demands to

be threatening, avoid challenges, and cope dysfunctionally with problems (Bandura,

1997). Self-efficacy has been shown to positively influence behaviour in a number of

areas including academic performance (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli,

1996), pain management (Jensen, Turner, & Romano, 1991; Lackner, Carosella, &

Feuerstein, 1996; Stockman & Altmaier, 2001), smoking cessation (Carey & Carey,

1993), healthy eating patterns and maintenance of exercise routines (Maibach, Flora, &

Nass, 1991), athletic performance (Martin & Gill, 1991), fear reduction (Bandura,

Reese, & Adams, 1982), and interpersonal relationships (Kanfer & Zeiss, 1983).

The link between outcome expectations and self-efficacy and the relative

contribution each makes to behaviour and psychological adjustment have been the

subject of debate (Maddux, 1995). Bandura’s (1997) position is that in situations where

an individual’s behaviour is the principal determinant of an outcome, self-efficacy

beliefs will be the main predictor of behaviour. In these situations, the outcomes that

individuals expect are determined by their efficacy expectations. Therefore, outcome

28

expectations should not make an independent contribution to behaviour. This appears

to be supported by a number of studies that have found that expectations about

outcomes make little or no independent contribution to behaviour when self-efficacy is

controlled (e.g., Shell, Murphy, & Bruning, 1989; Gresham, Evans, & Elliot, 1988;

Jensen et al., 1991). It is the individual’s belief that they can bring about a particular

outcome that influences their expectations about that outcome and ultimately the

individual’s behaviour in the situation. In this way, optimistic expectations about the

future may be tied to an individual’s expectation that they will be able to enact the

behaviours necessary to bring about this outcome.

However, in many of the domains discussed in previous sections, such as,

coping with a life-threatening illness or during the transition to parenthood, an

individual’s behaviour is not the sole or major determinant of the outcome. In these

circumstances, Bandura (1997) argues that efficacy only partly predicts the outcome and

outcome expectations make an independent contribution to behaviour. In these

circumstances an individual’s behaviour may be predicted by his or her belief that he or

she is capable of carrying out the behaviour necessary to bring about a desired outcome

and his or her expectation that circumstances outside his or her own control will be

favourable.

Efficacy beliefs also seem to be important when coping with difficult life

circumstances or transitions (Jerusalem & Mittag, 1995) and may assist individuals

when optimistic expectations have been disconfirmed by negative experiences. An

individual may have optimistic expectations that he or she will successfully recover

from an illness but these expectations may be disconfirmed when recovery takes longer

than expected. An individual with high self-efficacy may be disappointed with the

outcome but confident that he or she can cope with a situation that is more difficult than

expected and recover from this setback. An individual with low self-efficacy beliefs

29

may be unsure of his or her ability to cope with the situation and experience greater

distress. Generalised self-efficacy beliefs have been shown to have a powerful effect on

psychological well-being during times of adaptation and change. During these times,

high, generalised self-efficacy beliefs are a psychological resource buffering the effects

of environmental stressors, whereas low generalised self-efficacy beliefs are a

psychological vulnerability (Cozzarelli, 1993; Major et al., 1990; Maciejewski,

Priegerson, & Mazure, 2000). For example, migrants with high self-efficacy were more

likely to view their cultural dislocation and relocation as a challenge whereas those with

low self-efficacy beliefs were more likely to view their situation as a threat (Jerusalem

and Mittag, 1995). Furthermore, the effects of generalised self-efficacy beliefs

surpassed the effects of environmental factors, such as employment and having a

partner. However, other authors have cautioned that while high efficacy beliefs may be

beneficial for psychological adjustment, extremely high efficacy beliefs may lead

individuals to overestimate their capabilities during challenging circumstances which

may lead to poorer adjustment (Haaga & Stewart, 1992).

Summary

Based on the literature reviewed thus far, it is possible to draw some tentative

predictions about the types of expectations that first-time parents may hold before the

birth of their first child and how these expectations influence their adjustment to

parenthood. Given that research about expectations in other domains indicates that

individuals often have positive expectations about future life events it seems likely that

many parents-to-be will have optimistic expectations. Further, it seems likely that

where these optimistic expectations are fairly generalised they will be associated with

positive adjustment to parenthood in contrast to generalised negative expectations,

which could be associated with negative adjustment. The disconfirmation of overly

optimistic expectations may be problematic when individuals expect a positive outcome

30

and have these expectations disconfirmed in an unambiguous manner so that their

experience is significantly different from their expectations. Disconfirmation of

generalised expectations that are kept within modest bounds may not be as problematic.

Firstly, there may not be a large gap between what was expected and what actually

occurred. Secondly, the individual may be able to appraise the situation in a manner

that is consistent with their expectations. Finally, efficacy beliefs may affect

psychological adjustment during the transition to parenthood. Self-efficacy beliefs may

partly determine the outcomes that individuals expect. In addition, high self-efficacy

beliefs may help individuals cope in challenging circumstances, including when

experiences are more difficult than they had expected them to be.

Expectations of Parenthood

In contrast to the relationship between expectations and psychological

adjustment described above, the research that has examined parenting expectations has

tended to be based on less detailed predictions. It is generally assumed that as first-time

parents embark on the challenge of parenting with no prior experience, it is likely that

their expectations about parenthood will be unrealistic. Further, it is generally held that

the most probable outcome is that new parents’ expectations will be more positive than

their actual experiences and this discrepancy will have a negative effect on adjustment

to parenthood. The evidence for these predictions is mixed.

LeMasters (1957) was one of the first researchers to suggest that the transition to

parenthood can be difficult, arguing that first-time parenthood was an extensive or

severe crisis for the majority of the middle-class participants in the study. This study

pointed to first-time parents’ romanticised expectations of parenthood as a factor that

contributed to this crisis. In contrast, later research found that while the transition can

be a significant stressor, for most, it does not constitute a crisis; individuals experience

positive emotions such as satisfaction and gratification as well as negative emotions

31

(Hobbs, 1965, 1968, 1976; Russell, 1974). However, LeMasters’ idea that first-time

parents have overly optimistic expectations, which contribute to later difficulties, has

remained a consistent theme in the transition to parenthood literature.

Subsequent research has focussed on how expectations affect specific aspects of

the transition to parenthood. Several studies focused on how the parents’ relationship

would function following the birth of the first child (Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble,

1992; Kalmuss et al., 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). This research was motivated by

consistent findings that there is often a decline in relationship satisfaction when couples

become parents (Belsky et al., 1985; Belsky et al., 1983; Wallace & Gotlib, 1990).

Belsky hypothesised that individuals whose prenatal expectations were proven overly

optimistic would experience increased stress during the transition to parenthood, which

would have an adverse affect on marital satisfaction. Parents-to-be reported how they

expected the arrival of the infant to influence various aspects of their lives. These

aspects were marital conflict and co-operation; the marital relationship as a whole; their

feelings about themselves; their relations with extended family, friends, and neighbours;

and the division of infant care-giving tasks. Three and then nine months after the birth,

these expectations were compared to self-reports of postnatal experiences.

As with expectations pertaining to other life events, the expectant parents had

optimistic expectations about what their lives would be like when the baby arrived

(Belsky, 1985). In most areas, these optimistic expectations were matched by postnatal

experiences. However, in two areas participants’ expectations were overly optimistic in

comparison to later experiences. During pregnancy, parents-to-be expected that the

arrival of the baby would have a significantly more positive effect on their marriage

than it actually did. Additionally, fathers were significantly less involved in care-giving

activities than both parents had expected before the birth. Although the discrepancies

between prenatal expectations and reported postnatal experiences were not large, they

32

were associated with an increase in marital problems across the transition to parenthood.

Women for whom the transition to parenthood was less positive or more negative than

expected reported fewer feelings of love for their husbands, a decrease in marital

satisfaction, an increase in feelings of ambivalence about the marriage, and more

conflicts with their husbands. Men whose expectations were disconfirmed reported

greater feelings of ambivalence about the marriage and a decrease in efforts to work at

the relationship. Belsky’s (1985) research appears to be a case where disconfirmed

expectations had a negative effect on psychological adjustment.

Later researchers made expectations about the division of household labour the

focus of their investigations (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). This research

was based on the prediction that couples are likely to form unrealistic expectations

about how the childcare and household labour will be shared once the baby arrives.

Ruble et al. (1988) found that expectations about the division of household and

childcare tasks were not met by postnatal behaviour. Over a third of the sample

expected that childcare and household labour tasks would be divided equally but in

reality women did more housework and childcare and men did less than both partners

had expected. This is consistent with qualitative research conducted by Nicholson

(1990), who found that women had unrealistically optimistic expectations about how

much their male partners would contribute to the care of the baby. Women whose

expectations were disconfirmed expressed greater negative feelings about their

husbands (Ruble et al., 1988). Again, this appears to be an instance of how the

disconfirmation of very specific, optimistic expectations can have an adverse effect on

psychological adjustment.

However, doing more household duties than expected may not be a negative

outcome for all women. Hackel and Ruble (1992) examined the consequences of

expectancy disconfirmation during the transition to parenthood as well as factors that

33

moderate the effects of disconfirmation. Consistent with previous research, there was a

decline in marital satisfaction. At the postnatal test phase, both men and women

reported less satisfaction, less sexual intimacy, and greater conflict within the marriage

than they reported at the prenatal test phase. As in the Ruble et al. study (1988), women

were doing more household labour than they had expected to do before the birth of the

baby. For women who displayed qualities associated with less traditional gender roles

and were predicted to be most committed to their expectations of an equitable split of

household labour, expectancy disconfirmation was associated with negative change in

the marital relationship. These women may have experienced a more equitable division

of labour in the past and felt disappointed when the male and female roles became more

traditional following the birth of the baby. In contrast, for women who displayed

qualities associated with traditional gender roles, doing more relative to expectations

was associated with increased reports of positive feelings.

Hackel and Ruble (1992) speculated that for women with a traditional gender

role orientation doing more household and childcare tasks might be intrinsically

rewarding and perceived as a validation of their basic values. The development of more

traditional gender roles after the birth of the first baby may be an unexpected yet

desirable outcome. For women who had experienced a less traditional relationship with

an equitable split of household labour and expected this situation to continue after the

birth of the first child, more traditional gender roles may be an unexpected and

undesirable outcome. While Hackel and Ruble concede that their conclusions were

speculative and post hoc, their results suggest that expectancy disconfirmation is not

inherently unpleasant for all.

The research of Belsky (1985) and Ruble and colleagues (Hackel & Ruble,

1992; Ruble et al., 1988) has focused on expectations relating to how the parents’

relationship would function after the birth of the first child. Kalmuss et al. (1992)

34

extended this work by focusing on a broader range of expectations about life as a parent

including women’s expectations pertaining to their relationships with their partners,

extended family, and friends; their physical well-being; their employment; and their

finances following the arrival of the baby. The authors also assessed women’s

expectations of parenting competence, satisfaction in the parenting role, and care-giving

assistance from their partners. Twelve months after the infants’ births, the researchers

compared the women’s expectations to their experiences and assessed the effect of any

discrepancies between expectations and experiences on adjustment. Perceived

adjustment to parenthood was measured via women’s responses on three 4-point scales

assessing their perceptions of the ease of their transition to parenthood, their feelings of

satisfaction with their lives, and their perceptions of their stress levels.

In comparison to actual experiences, women had overly optimistic expectations

about their relationship with their partner, family, and friends; their physical well-being;

their parenting competence; and the extent to which their partners would assist with

care-giving (Kalmuss et al., 1992). Disconfirmation of overly optimistic expectations in

the domains of relationship with partner, physical well-being, maternal competence, and

maternal satisfaction had a negative impact on women’s adjustment to parenthood. This

seems to be another case where specific expectations are more positive than actual

experiences resulting in a negative effect on psychological adjustment. However,

expectancy disconfirmations in the areas of care-giving assistance from partner,

relationships with family and friends did not have any negative effect on adjustment.

Thus, the effects of disconfirmed expectations on adjustment to parenthood were mixed:

In some cases, there was no effect on adjustment and in other cases, there was a

negative effect. Hackle and Ruble (1992) also found that disconfirmed expectations

pertaining to the division of childcare had no effect on adjustment. They speculated that

caring for a baby is often intrinsically rewarding for mothers; hence, doing more

35

childcare than expected may not be a negative outcome for many women. Accounting

for the lack of effect of the disconfirmation of expectations pertaining to relationships

with family and friends is more difficult. It is possible that disconfirmation of these

expectations influence different aspects of psychological adjustment but not adjustment

to parenthood, the only outcome measure used in this study.

The conclusions that can be drawn from the findings of Kalmuss et al. (1992)

are limited by the measures used. The effect of violated expectations on two variables

frequently reported to change for the worse during the transition to parenthood - marital

satisfaction and maternal mood - was not assessed. No standardised measures were

used to measure adjustment outcomes, making it difficult to ascertain the reliability or

validity of the results obtained. The main outcome variable was the participants’

perceptions of ease of transition to parenthood: a summary of women’s self-reports on

the 4-point scales tapping level of stress, ease of transition, and life satisfaction. Levels

of stress and satisfaction were not measured in the prepartum testing phase, meaning

that it is impossible to determine what contribution prenatal levels of stress and life

satisfaction made to levels of stress and satisfaction a year after the arrival of the baby.

Thus, while the researchers have provided provocative evidence to suggest that the

effect of expectancy violation may depend upon which expectation is disconfirmed,

further research with measures that have established reliability and validity is needed.

The predominant focus of the transition to parenthood literature has been on

unanticipated negative consequences of having a baby. It seems that women’s

optimistic expectations about the amount of assistance from the spouse, level of social

support, sense of well-being, and maternal competence are not always matched by later

experiences, which in some cases can make the transition to parenthood more difficult.

These findings appear to be consistent with research on expectations in other domains,

which has found that when very specific, optimistic expectations are disconfirmed and

36

the outcomes are more negative than expected, it can have adverse effects on

psychological adjustment. While these studies point to the dangers of overly optimistic

expectations, other research suggests that it can be beneficial to hold optimistic

expectations during the transition to parenthood.

Green and Kafetsios (1997) tested women at several points during their

pregnancy then asked them to report on their experiences at six weeks postpartum. In

this study, positive expectations predicted positive parenting experiences. The nature of

expectations examined could account for these differing results. Rather than focusing

on expectations pertaining to very specific parenting tasks, Green and Kafetsios tapped

more generalised expectations about motherhood. They asked expectant mothers

whether they thought life would be more difficult after the birth, whether they thought

they would enjoy looking after their infant, whether they worried about not being a

good mother, and whether they worried about not having enough time to themselves

after the infant’s birth. Each of these expectations leaves some room for the new

mother to appraise whether her expectation has been met. This seems to be consistent

with the earlier view that generalised, optimistic expectations that are difficult to

disconfirm may be beneficial for adjustment. Other research has also found that

positive expectations predicted positive adjustment to parenthood (Coleman, Nelson, &

Sundre, 1999; Kach & McGhee, 1982; Wylie, 1979). However, these studies did not

measure factors such as mood or relationship satisfaction – two measures of

psychological adjustment that are influenced by the transition to parenthood (e.g.,

Morse et al., 2000). This means that it is impossible to determine whether positive

expectations lead to positive reports of postnatal experiences or whether a third factor

contributed to both positive expectations and positive self-reports after the birth of the

baby.

It seems that both optimistic and negative expectations may be beneficial for

37

aspects of psychological adjustment during the transition to parenthood. In specific

situations, it may be beneficial to expect some negative outcomes. For example, women

in a relationship that has had an equitable division of household labour prior to the

arrival of the infant may be best served to expect that they will be doing more following

the infant’s arrival. Expecting that the equitable split will continue may set these

women up for disappointment and have a negative effect on their relationship.

However, in relation to more general expectations about parenthood, such as deriving

enjoyment from caring for the infant, optimism may be beneficial for adjustment.

Woollett and Parr (1997) describe the transition to parenthood as a “complex, multi-

faceted, and contradictory experience”. Perhaps the best approach for a good

adjustment to parenthood is to hold complex, multifaceted, and contradictory

expectations about the transition.

Delmore-Ko, Pancer, Hunsberger, and Pratt (2000) assessed parenting

expectations by asking expectant parents open-ended questions during the third

trimester of their pregnancy and examined how these expectations influenced

adjustment during the transition to parenthood. This methodology seems to have

elicited a wider range of responses than other methods. The first-time parents in this

study displayed a diverse range of parenting expectations, including expectations about

positive and negative aspects of their new role. Using a cluster analysis technique, the

researchers divided the sample into three groups based on their parenting expectations.

These groups were labeled: prepared, fearful, and complacent.

Women in the prepared group were characterised by high number of

expectations pertaining to the joys and gratifications of parenthood and a relatively high

number of expectations about how they would cope with any problems or difficulties

they may encounter in their parenting role. Examples of these coping expectations

include: “We both do a lot of reading, so I just sort of feel that if something comes up

38

now, we’ll just sort of take it in stride. I feel pretty confident about this aspect of

parenting” (p. 628) and “I’m aware that there’s going to be stressful situations and I

think that awareness in itself will be able to let me handle it better” (p. 628). This group

reported relatively few expectations indicating anxiety or uncertainty about the

parenting role.

In contrast, the fearful group reported a relatively high number of expectations

indicative of anxiety and uncertainty about their forthcoming role (e.g., “I worry that we

don’t know enough about it to be good parents” and “I’m not sure what’s going to

happen” p. 628). In comparison to the prepared group, the fearful group had few

expectations about how they would cope with the parenting role.

The complacent group reported relatively low numbers of enthusiastic, anxious,

uncertain, and coping expectations. These women seemed to be relatively apathetic

toward their impending parenting role. Of the three groups, the prepared group

displayed higher levels of self-esteem and lower levels of stress across the transition to

parenthood. Notably, there were no differences among the groups on measures of

depression and marital adjustment.

Delmore-Ko et al (2000) also examined the expectations and adjustment of men

during the transition to parenthood. Like the female participants the male participants

were divided into groups according to the responses they gave. Three of the groups

were the same as the women’s groups (prepared, fearful, and complacent), and the

patterns of responses given for each group were similar to those given by the women.

Men in the fourth group, labeled mixed, gave a high frequency of anxious, uncertain,

and enthusiastic responses but relatively few coping responses. Again, those in the

prepared group reported significantly lower levels of stress than those in the complacent

group. The authors argued that these results, along with the results from the women,

indicate that expectations that encompass positive aspects of parenting and an

39

expectation that they will be able to cope with the more difficult aspects is associated

with better adjustment to parenthood.

Pancer, Pratt, Hunsberger, and Gallant (2000) found that women whose prenatal

expectations were more complex and included both positive and negative aspects of

parenthood displayed higher levels of self-esteem, reduced depression, and better

marital adjustment across the transition than women who held simpler, one dimensional

expectations three months before the birth of their baby. These results along with

Delmore-Ko et al.’s (2000) work, suggest that optimistic expectations about the joys

and gratifications are beneficial in the adjustment to parenthood but it is also important

to expect some challenges and to formulate some expectations about how to cope with

those challenges. However, these studies did not compare postnatal experiences to

prenatal expectations. Consequently, it is not possible to determine whether there were

any discrepancies between the participants’ expectations and experiences and, if there

were discrepancies, what effect they had on adjustment.

The work of Delmore-Ko et al. (2000) and Pancer et al. (2000) suggests that

expectant parents’ expectations about how they will cope with the challenges of

parenthood are important during this transition. For those that encounter unexpected

difficulties, the expectation that they will be able to cope with the challenges that

parenthood presents may mean that expectancy disconfirmation has a minimal effect on

adjustment.

Parenting Self-Efficacy Beliefs

The importance of parenting self-efficacy beliefs has been implicated in research

investigating a variety of parenting domains. Self-efficacy beliefs have been associated

with a number of positive parenting outcomes including psychological adjustment in

mothers of chronically ill children (Silver, Bauman, & Ireys, 1995; Thompson,

Gustafson, Hamlett, & Spock, 1992), buffering the effects of parenting stress on the

40

mental health of parents of kindergarten and school age children (Kwok & Wong,

2000), children’s academic ability (Seefeldt, Denton, Galper, & Younoszai, 1999), and

parenting satisfaction (Coleman & Karraker, 2000).

Much of the research investigating parenting self-efficacy has been conducted

with parents of toddlers and older children. However, two important studies have

demonstrated that parents’ self-efficacy beliefs exert a powerful effect on adjustment

during the first year of parenthood. These studies attempted to ascertain how self-

efficacy interacted with two common stressors that new parents face: a temperamentally

difficult infant and poor social support. Teti and Gelfand (1991) tested whether self-

efficacy mediated between maternal competence and maternal depression, maternal

perceptions of infant temperament, and social-marital supports in a sample that included

clinically depressed and non-depressed women. Maternal competence was measured by

observing the mothers interacting with their infants who were aged between 3 and 13

months of age. Self-efficacy was significantly correlated with maternal competence,

perceptions of infant difficulty, socio-marital supports, and maternal depression.

Maternal self-efficacy remained significantly correlated with maternal competence after

the effects of the other variables were controlled for statistically. However, when self-

efficacy was controlled for statistically the other variables no longer accounted for

variance in maternal competence indicating that self-efficacy mediated between the

psychosocial variables and maternal competence.

In similar research, Cutrona and Troutman (1986) measured women’s

depression and social support during pregnancy and three months after the birth

assessed depression again as well as parenting self-efficacy and ratings of infant

difficulty. Cutrona and Troutman found that the effect of infant temperament and

perceived social support on depression was mediated by maternal self-efficacy. Hence,

factors that have been associated with maternal depression, such as having an infant

41

who cries frequently or low levels of social support, appear to exert their effect by

undermining the new mother’s sense of efficacy. Mothers who have environmental

influences that boost their sense of efficacy may be less prone to depression. Again, the

findings suggest women’s efficacy beliefs are an important factor in their postnatal

adjustment.

While it would seem that parenting self-efficacy beliefs are influential in the

early stages of parenthood, the extent to which parenting self-efficacy beliefs held

during pregnancy might influence adjustment during the transition to parenthood is

uncertain. On the one hand, given that efficacy beliefs seem to play an important role

during other stages of parenthood, it seems plausible that these beliefs may play an

important role during the transition. However, because the self-efficacy beliefs of first-

time parents are based on very limited experience, it is possible they do not exert a

particularly powerful effect on behaviour. Robust, lasting self-efficacy beliefs are

formed via direct success experiences in relevant behavioural domains (Bandura, 1995,

1997). While first time parents may have had previous experience caring for infants,

very few would have cared for an infant on a constant basis for an extended period of

time. Many first time parents may have to rely on vicarious experience or visualisation

of themselves in the parenting role as sources of their self-efficacy beliefs. Therefore,

their self-efficacy beliefs relating to the specific tasks of parenting may be unreliable.

Researchers who have attempted to establish whether prenatal self-efficacy beliefs

influence postnatal adjustment have produced mixed results.

Olioff and Aboud (1991) asked pregnant women to list 10 activities that they

believed characterised good mothering and the extent to which they were confident that

they would be able to carry out these activities during the first 6 months of their infants’

lives. The authors’ rationale for using this idiosyncratic measure was that it would

provide a sensitive measure of each woman’s concept of parenting self-efficacy. Six

42

months after the birth, the new mothers recorded their self-efficacy beliefs pertaining to

their performance on the same childcare tasks. There were no significant differences

between prenatal and postnatal perceptions of efficacy. Further, prenatal perceptions of

self-efficacy predicted maternal postnatal dysphoria, suggesting that parenting self-

efficacy beliefs held during pregnancy affect postnatal adjustment.

Olioff and Aboud (1991) argued that mothers with low self-efficacy beliefs

might believe that problems or difficulties encountered while caring for their infant

were due to their own lack of parenting efficacy. These women may be less persistent

in efforts to acquire new parenting skills, which would further decrease the likelihood of

achieving desired outcomes. The authors speculated that this cycle resulted in the

higher levels of dysphoria in the women with lower self-efficacy beliefs. In contrast,

mothers with high self-efficacy beliefs may attribute any difficulties and problems to

external factors or view having trouble at some point as an inevitable part of the

transition. These efficacious mothers may persist in the face of difficulties and

therefore increase the likelihood of achieving desired outcomes. An alternative

explanation, given the correlational nature of the research, is the women with low self-

efficacy beliefs accurately assessed that they were not able to cope with the challenges

of parenting and felt depressed about it.

Reece and Harkless (1998) conducted a similar longitudinal study assessing

parenting self-efficacy beliefs during pregnancy and four months after the birth of the

baby but used different measures and produced findings that contradict those of Olioff

and Aboud (1991). The former authors examined the effect of self-efficacy beliefs on

perceived stress and parental adaptation, which encompassed quality of the marital

relationship, partner’s participation in infant care, gratification with delivery,

satisfaction with life, confidence in parenting, satisfaction with the infant and infant care

tasks, and support for the parental role from family, friends, and others. Notably, they

43

did not measure depression during pregnancy or the postnatal period. They found no

relationship between prenatal self-efficacy and postnatal measures of adaptation and

stress. Postnatal perceptions of self-efficacy were significantly correlated with quality

of relationship with partner, confidence in parenting, satisfaction with infant, and

support for parenting for mothers, and confidence in parenting and life satisfaction for

fathers. The authors suggested that prenatal perceptions of self-efficacy may have been

inaccurate and therefore may not have exerted any influence over postnatal measures of

adaptation; in contrast, postnatal self-efficacy beliefs were more likely to be accurate

and exert a more robust influence adjustment. Reece and Harkless (1998) used different

self-efficacy measures and outcome variables to Olioff and Aboud (1991), which makes

it difficult to draw conclusions about the contradictory findings.

Binda and Crippa (2000) examined the effect of self-efficacy beliefs on couples’

adaptation to parenthood rather than each parent’s individual adjustment to parenthood.

Self-efficacy beliefs pertaining to pregnancy and labour were assessed in the prepartum

phase. Approximately four months after birth, the researchers assessed self-efficacy

beliefs relating to parenting and mutual support between the couple as they adjusted to

the arrival of the infant in the family. A structural equation modeling analysis of the

results revealed that maternal self-efficacy influenced paternal self-efficacy, which in

turn influenced paternal satisfaction. Paternal satisfaction then influenced maternal

satisfaction. Binda and Crippa argued that this pattern of relationships served to

strengthen the marital bond during the transition to parenthood and that the perceived

self-efficacy of each partner may serve as a protective factor in coping with the

sometimes stressful transition to parenthood. Although this study focuses on a

circumscribed set of variables, the results suggest that high self-efficacy beliefs can

buffer some of the difficulties of the transition to parenthood.

An optimistic sense of self-efficacy in the early stages of parenthood seems to be

44

associated with better parental adjustment. Factors such as having a fussy infant or poor

social support are associated with poorer adjustment to parenthood and seem to exert

their effects by undermining the parent’s sense of efficacy (Teti & Gelfand, 1991;

Cutrona & Troutman, 1986). These studies have examined self-efficacy once the

parents have had some experience with the task. Studies that have examined the

parenting self-efficacy beliefs of expectant parents have focused on self-efficacy beliefs

pertaining to specific parenting tasks (Olioff & Aboud, 1991; Reece & Harkless, 1998),

such as being able to feed the infant or soothe the infant when he or she cries. Then,

they have attempted to link these beliefs to indicators of adjustment to parenthood such

as mood or the quality of the parents’ relationship. These studies have produced

contradictory results about the extent to which these beliefs affect postnatal adjustment

(Olioff & Aboud, 1991; Reece & Harkless, 1998). A more general sense of prenatal

efficacy pertaining to the extent to which expectant parents believe they are capable of

meeting the challenges of and adapting to parenthood may exert a greater influence on

postnatal adjustment. Research from other areas has found that a general sense of self-

efficacy may be beneficial for adjustment during life transitions (Jerusalem & Mittag,

1995). Parents who enter their new role with the belief that they will be able to meet the

challenges that parenthood presents may be able to persevere through the early

challenges and difficulties without becoming dispirited. Those that enter their new role

unsure of their ability to cope may interpret early difficulties as a sign of their inability

to cope rather than a normal part of the transition and become depressed. Given the

mixed findings of previous research examining, the relationship between prenatal self-

efficacy beliefs and later adjustment warrants further investigation.

Conclusion

The research reviewed in this chapter indicates that expectant parents’

expectations influence their adjustment to their new role. This is consistent with

45

research in other areas, which has found that expectations have a powerful effect on

mood, cognition, and behaviour. As has been demonstrated in research investigating

expectations about other future life events, expectant parents tend to have optimistic

expectations about their impending role. In studies examining factors such as academic

achievement and coping with chronic illness, optimistic expectations have been

associated with positive psychological adjustment and there is evidence that this is also

the case during transition to parenthood (Buehler et al., 1994; Coleman et al., 1999;

Delmore-Ko et al., 2000; Green & Kafetsios, 1997; Kach & McGhee, 1982; Leedham et

al., 1995; Wylie, 1979). This research seems to provide some support for Taylor and

Brown’s (1988, 1994) view that unrealistically optimistic expectations may a beneficial

effect on psychological adjustment. However, these studies have not compared the

expectant parents’ expectations with their postnatal experiences. This means it is

impossible to determine whether antenatal expectations matched postnatal experiences

or whether there were discrepancies and if there were discrepancies, how they

influenced postnatal adjustment.

Studies that have compared expectations with later experiences have found that

unrealistic optimism in certain areas can have a detrimental effect on adjustment

(Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Kalmuss et al., 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). In

particular, women’s expectations about the extent to which their partners will assist with

household duties and both partners’ expectations of the impact of parenthood on their

relationship are often overly optimistic. These expectancy discrepancies appear to be

associated with a more difficult adjustment to parenthood. These findings are consistent

with work examining expectations in other areas where expecting a positive outcome

but experiencing a negative outcome is associated with negative affect (Shepperd &

McNulty, 2002). This may indicate that expecting some of the common difficulties that

occur during the transition to parenthood may be beneficial for adjustment.

46

Another possibility is that not all individuals are affected by expectancy

discrepancies in the same way. For example, Hackel and Ruble (1992) found that

women’s gender role orientations moderated the effect of household labour expectancy

discrepancies on adjustment to parenthood. Parenting self-efficacy beliefs may

moderate the effect of expectancy disconfirmation on adjustment. An optimistic sense

of efficacy may enable parents to cope more effectively when events are more difficult

than they had expected and, consequently, these discrepancies may not have as

detrimental effect on their adjustment. While there has been considerable research into

parenting efficacy beliefs, relatively few studies have examined parenting efficacy

during the transition to parenthood and those that have been conducted have produced

contradictory results (Reece & Harkless, 1998; Olioff & Aboud, 1991). In terms of

predicting adjustment to parenthood, it may be more useful to focus on efficacy beliefs

pertaining to how expectant parents expect to cope with the challenges of parenthood

more generally, rather than expectations about specific parenting tasks. Research

examining these more general parenting efficacy beliefs has not been conducted, nor

have there been studies investigating whether efficacy beliefs moderate the effect of

expectancy discrepancies.

The research to be reported in the remaining chapters of this thesis aimed to

address the limitations of previous work, first by examining a broader range of

expectations than has been investigated in the past. Kalmuss et al.’s (1992) work found

evidence to suggest that the effect of expectancy disconfirmation during the transition to

parenthood may depend on the particular expectation that has been disconfirmed. The

finding that expectancy disconfirmation does not always influence adjustment warrants

further investigation. Second, this research will compare expectations with experiences

to determine the impact of expectancy disconfirmation on psychological adjustment

during the transition to parenthood. The aim is to elucidate how the disconfirmation of

47

overly optimistic expectations influences psychological adjustment both during the

transition to parenthood and more broadly. Third, this research will investigate whether

efficacy beliefs moderate the effects of expectancy disconfirmation.

48

CHAPTER 3


EXPECTATIONS

This chapter briefly reviews previous work examining attitudes and beliefs

during pregnancy and the early stages of parenthood and describes the measure

development study undertaken in the current project. As outlined in Chapter 2, the aims

of the current research included expanding on previous findings by examining a broader

range of expectations, exploring the relationship between optimistic expectations and

adjustment, and delineating the effects of disconfirmed expectations on adjustment. In

order to address these aims, it was necessary to examine pregnant women’s expectations

about parenthood, that is, their beliefs about the nature of their lives once they became

parents. This necessitated a measure that would assess a broad range of positive and

negative parenting expectations and enable direct comparison between expectations and

reports of experiences. Although previous work has investigated the expectations of

first-time parents, it was difficult to find a questionnaire that measured first-time

expectant mothers’ expectations of parenthood and addressed the requirements

described above. One reason for this is that there are few measures with established

reliability or validity that assess psychological phenomena pertaining specifically to the

transition to parenthood (Ruble et al., 1990).

The scales that do exist tend to ask women to comment on their attitudes and

beliefs pertaining to their current circumstances rather than their expectations of

parenthood. Consequently, these scales assess attitudes and beliefs pertaining to

pregnancy during pregnancy and after the birth, they assess attitudes and beliefs

relevant to early parenthood. An example of this is Kumar, Robson, and Smith’s (1984)

Maternal Adjustment and Maternal Attitudes (MAMA) measure, which is designed to

measure self-perceptions and attitudes in pregnant women and new mothers in order to

49

identify factors that contribute to psychiatric disorders during pregnancy and the

postnatal period. The scale assesses a woman’s perceptions of her body, somatic

symptoms, marital relationship, attitudes to sex, and attitudes to pregnancy and the

baby. Most items in this scale ask women to express their attitudes or beliefs about

their current situation. For example, an item in the prenatal version of the marital

relationship subscale asks “Have you been feeling close to your partner since you

became pregnant?” (p. 50). In the postnatal version, this item asks “Have you been

feeling closer to your partner since you had the baby?” (p. 51). Few of the items assess

women’s expectations pertaining to their future as a parent. The exception to this is the

subscale that taps attitudes to the pregnancy and the baby. In the pregnancy version of

this scale, some of the items tap women’s thoughts about their future, such as whether

they have been worrying about being a good mother, wondering if their baby will be

healthy and normal, and looking forward to caring for their baby’s needs. Other items

in the subscale focus on issues relevant to pregnancy such as whether the woman has

been worrying about hurting her baby while it is inside her.

Other scales designed to assess psychological constructs during pregnancy also

focus on attitudes or beliefs about pregnancy rather than expectations of parenthood.

Affonso and Sheptak’s (1989) Cognitive Adaptation to Pregnancy scale is based on the

assumption that successful adaptation to pregnancy involves self-enhancement, a sense

of mastery, and a search for meaning. Therefore, scale items are designed to tap these

themes and do not measure expectations of parenthood. While Warner, Appleby,

Whitton, and Faragher’s (1997) Maternal Attitudes Questionnaire is designed for use in

a postnatal population, the authors state that it measures expectations about motherhood

and expectations of the self as a mother, as well as thoughts pertaining to role change.

However, close examination of the expectation items reveals that they tap beliefs and

attitudes rather than expectations about the future. The one item that does address

50

expectations assesses whether having a baby has made the women as happy as they had

expected, which appears to be a retrospective evaluation of their feelings rather than a

prenatal expectation. Ruble et al. (1990) developed two scales that assess a

comprehensive range of attitudes, beliefs, and mothering characteristics across the

transition to parenthood. The first scale assessed attitudes towards childbearing and

covered a wide range of areas including maternal worries, body image, feelings about

children, and feelings of dependency. The second scale assessed maternal self-

definition and asked women to rate the extent to which they would exhibit a range of

behaviours and attributes presumed to be relevant to good mothering. While some of

the items in this scale do tap expectations about the early stages of parenthood, the

primary focus is on women’s attitudes about their current state or their beliefs about

themselves and others in their lives.

Some research has examined a broad range of expectations but it has done so

with measures that do not have established reliability or validity. For example, Wylie

(1979) investigated the extent to which the expectations of first-time parents predicted

the ease of adjustment to parenthood. The 32-item questionnaire used by Wylie was

based on measures used by Hobbs (1965) and Russell (1974) and it assessed positive

and negative perceptions of parenthood. As with many of the measures or items used in

this field of research, the initial expectations measure asked respondents about their

expectations of parenthood and the second measure converts the initial expectations into

statements worded in the present tense assessing experiences of parenthood. The items

cover a broad range of topics but no information is provided about their reliability or

validity.

Ruble and colleagues also examined how expectations pertaining to the division

of household labour and childcare influence relationship satisfaction during the

transition to parenthood (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). In the prenatal

51

phase of the studies, the participants were asked to rate the percentage of domestic

labour that they expected their spouses and themselves to do after the arrival of the

baby. In the postnatal phase, they were asked to rate the percentage of household labor

that they and their spouse were doing. As discussed in Chapter 2, when women’s

expectations about the amount their spouse would contribute to domestic labour were

disconfirmed, there was a decline in relationship satisfaction. While this research

investigated an important aspect of the transition to parenthood, it is possible that the

division of labour is not the only area where there is a discrepancy between expectations

and experiences.

Belsky (1986) and Kalmuss et al. (1992) examined a wider range of expectations

than Ruble and colleagues (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). In order to

determine whether disconfirmed expectations contributed to the decline in marital

satisfaction across the transition to parenthood Belsky assessed expectations in six

domains: marital conflict and co-operation, overall marital relationship, the effect of

parenthood on themselves, relations with extended family, relations with friends and

neighbours, and shared caregiving. The items for each domain were obtained from a

content analysis of open-ended interviews with first time parents. Expectations were

measured during the last trimester of the women’s pregnancy. Perceptions of parenting

experiences were measured when the infants were three and six months of age. The

internal consistency reliability of each scale ranged from .57 to.92 with a mean of .83.

Although Belsky examined a wider range of parenting expectations, the focus remained

on factors pertaining to the couple’s transition to parenthood rather than the individual

parent’s transition (the findings of Belsky’s study are discussed in Chapter 2). The

study tapped expectations about how the expectant parents thought parenthood would

influence various aspects of their life but asked few questions on their expectations of

parenting itself, their baby, or their relationship with their baby. Questions on the baby

52

were confined to which parent would be responsible for the various care-taking tasks,

for example, the percentage of the time that each parent would take responsibility for

getting up to attend to the baby’s needs in the night.

Kalmuss et al. (1992) looked beyond the previous focus on expectations about

the division of labour and the effect of parenthood on the marital relationship. Their

investigation examined first-time mothers’ expectations in six non-maternal domains -

the effect parenthood would have on the relationship with their spouse, their physical

well being, their relationships with members of their extended family and friends, their

employment, and their financial well-being. In addition, Kalmuss et al. assessed

women’s expectations in three maternal domains, namely, expectations about their

competence and maternal satisfaction in the maternal role and about the amount of

caregiving assistance that they would receive from their spouses. Within each of the

non-maternal domains, participants were asked to compare the way things usually were

with the way they expected things to be when their infant was 12 months old. In the

postnatal test phase, participants were presented with the same item but were asked to

report how much change had occurred rather than how much change they expected to

occur (see Chapter 2 for a discussion of the findings). While the broader scope of

expectations examined by Kalmuss et al. is useful, the investigators do not provide any

information about the reliability or the validity of their expectations measure.

In summary, while there has been work investigating cognitions during

pregnancy and early parenthood relatively few studies have examined parenting

expectations during pregnancy and then compared these expectations to reports of

parenting experiences. Those that have made the comparison have tended to focus on

expectations pertaining to how parenthood would influence the marital relationship.

Areas that have been somewhat neglected in previous work include women’s

expectations of the nature of caring for their infants, their expectations of their

53

relationship with their infants, and how they expect parenthood to influence their

emotional well-being and perception of themselves. Other studies that have been

broader in scope have not provided information about the reliability or validity of their

measures. When planning the current project, it was impossible to find measures with

established reliability and validity that enabled an exploration of expectations about a

range of positive and negative aspects of early parenthood. For the purposes of the

current research, it was also important to have a measure that allowed a direct

comparison between expectations and experiences in order to determine how

discrepancies between these variables influence adjustment to parenthood.

The aim of the current study was to develop a comprehensive, valid, and

reliable measure of parenting expectations. The current measure was designed to assess

women’s expectations of caring for their infant and their relationship with their infant.

In addition, the measure was designed to assess women’s expectations of how

parenthood would influence three major aspects of their lives: their relationship with

their partner, their own physical and psychological well being, and their relationships

with others in their lives, including family, friends, and colleagues. As discussed in

Chapter 1, previous research has found that each of these domains of functioning are

influenced by the transition to parenthood (e.g., Bost et al., 2002; Cappuccini &

Cochrane, 2000; Cowan & Cowan, 1992; Monk et al., 1996; Shapiro et al., 2000;

Thompson et al., 2002; Wells et al., 1999; Wallace & Gotlib, 1990). To create this

measure, items were gathered and adapted from previous studies examining

expectations and other cognitions during the transition to parenthood. Items were also

generated for this study in order to address aspects of parenthood that previous work has

not addressed or to elaborate on themes addressed in a limited manner by previous

research. In order to establish the reliability and validity of the items and whether they

discriminated between participants, all of the items were administered to a sample of

54

women pregnant with their first child. Given that previous research has found that first-

time expectant parents tend to be overly optimistic about parenthood, the hypothesis

was that the women would expect to experience positive aspects of parenthood and

expect to avoid negative aspects of parenthood.

Method

Participants

The requirements for women to participate in this study were that they were

pregnant with their first child and over the age of 18 years. Women were approached at

antenatal classes and at an antenatal clinic at public hospitals in the metropolitan area of

a major Australian city (Perth, Western Australia). One hundred and fifty women

expressed interest in participating in the study and were given the questionnaire; of

these, 87 returned their questionnaires. There is no way to assess whether there were

any consistent differences between those that returned their questionnaires and those

that did not.

The majority of the women (67) were recruited from an antenatal clinic. These

women were attending their initial appointment with the midwife. Twenty women were

recruited from antenatal classes. These women had been pregnant longer than those

recruited from the antenatal clinic as women usually commenced these classes when

they were 28 weeks pregnant. The duration of the participants’ pregnancies at the time

they completed the questionnaire ranged from 8 to 36 weeks (M = 24.3 weeks, SD =

9.11). Of the participants who returned their questionnaires, 12.6% were in the first

trimester of their pregnancy (1 to 12 weeks), 36.8% were in the second trimester of their

pregnancy (13 to 27 weeks), and 50.6% were in the third trimester of their pregnancy

(28 weeks to birth).

The women ranged in age from 18 years to 39 years and the mean age of the

participants was 27.2 years (SD = 5.08). This is approximately the average age of 27.3

55

years for first-time mothers in Australia in 2000 (Australian Institute of Health and

Welfare [AIHW] National Perinatal Statistics Unit, 2003). Of the participants, 58.6%

were married, 29.9% were in de facto relationships, and 11.5% were single. It should

be noted that several participants indicated that they were single but wrote on the

questionnaire that they were in a relationship with their baby’s father, although not

living with him at the time that they participated in this study.

Measures

Parenting Expectations Measure

The expectations measure used in this study contained 103 items gathered

from a variety of sources. The items consisted of a statement relating to an expectation

of what life would be like when the participant was a parent of an infant. Twenty-four

of the items were adapted versions of those used by Wylie (1979). Aside from some

minor word changes, these items were used in their original form. Forty-six of the

items were adapted from items used in studies examining cognitions relating to

pregnancy and the early stages of parenthood (Affonso & Sheptak, 1989; Belsky, 1985;

Kalmuss et al., 1992; Levy-Shiff, Goldshmidt, & Har-Even, 1991; Ruble et al., 1990;

Warner et al., 1997). The items were rephrased for a number of reasons. Some items

were reworded from the present tense to the future tense. Others were phrased into the

first person. In other cases, it was necessary to change the wording so that it was

appropriate for an Australian sample. For example, partner was used rather than mate

to refer to the participant’s spouse. To obtain items that unambiguously represented

either positive or negative expectations about parenthood, neutrally worded or

ambiguous items were reworded to represent either a positive or a negative expectation.

In addition, 26 items were written specifically for this study in order to examine

expectations relating to areas of early parenthood that had not been considered in

previous research or to examine in more detail aspects that other research has touched

56

on. Examples of these include items tapping women’s expectations of how parenthood

will influence their ability to socialise with family and friends, whether they expect to

feel confined to the house, and whether they expect to encounter unwanted interference

from others. All items included in the measure development questionnaire, the source

of the items, and the original version of the items (where appropriate) are displayed in

Appendix A.

Based on previous research examining domains that are influenced by the

transition to parenthood, the collated items were divided into four groups: infant

expectations, partner expectations, self expectations, and social expectations. The

infant expectations items tap issues relating to care of the baby and the women’s

relationship with their infant. The partner expectations items assess the women’s

expectations about how parenthood will influence their relationships with their partners.

The self expectations items assess expectations pertaining to the woman’s emotional,

social, and physical functioning. The social expectations items tap women’s

expectations about how parenting will influence their relationships with others in their

social networks and their expectations about the amount of social support they expect to

receive in the early stages of parenthood.

The expectation items were randomly ordered in the questionnaire. The

participants were required to respond to the item on a 7-point scale where 1 represented

strongly disagree and 7 represented strongly agree. Participants also could also write

NA if they felt that the item was not relevant to them (for example, items that asked

about breastfeeding for women who were not planning to breastfeed). There was also

space at the end of the questionnaire for women to comment on how they had found

completing the questionnaire and to make note of any items that they found ambiguous,

offensive, or irrelevant.

57

MAMA (Kumar et al., 1984)

The MAMA questionnaire (Kumar et al., 1984) was used to assess the

concurrent validity of the expectations questionnaire. As discussed in the introduction

to this study, the MAMA measures attitudes pertaining to pregnancy as well as general

expectations of parenthood meaning that it is not an ideal measure to use to establish

concurrent validity. However, it was selected for this purpose because it is one of the

few published scales assessing parenting expectations that has established reliability and

validity. There is a pregnancy version and a postnatal version of this questionnaire,

both of which contain five sub-scales: body-image, somatic symptoms, marital

relationship, attitudes to sex, and attitudes to pregnancy and baby. The pregnancy

version of the attitudes to pregnancy and baby subscale was used in this study as it

contained the items most relevant to the concepts that the expectations questionnaire is

attempting to assess and it was developed for use on pregnant women. Kumar et al.

found that this subscale has satisfactory test-retest (r = .84, p < .001) as well as

satisfactory split-half reliability (r = .73, p < .001). The authors also found that the

attitudes to pregnancy and baby sub-scale distinguished between woman that reported

negative feelings towards their infants during a structured interview and women that

expressed positive feelings towards their infants. Cronbach’s alpha for the MAMA in

the current sample was .67.

Procedure

Women attending antenatal classes and an antenatal clinic were approached

and asked if they would like to complete a questionnaire that assessed their expectations

of parenthood. If the women agreed to participate, they were given a test package

containing an information sheet, a consent form, instructions, the questionnaire, and a

reply paid envelope. Copies of the questionnaire, instructions, and information sheet

used in this study are displayed in Appendix B. Participants were asked to complete the

58

questionnaire and return it to the School of Psychology at the University of Western

Australia using a reply paid envelope. If the participants had not returned the

questionnaire within two weeks, they were given a reminder telephone call. Of the

participants that returned their questionnaires, 17 were given reminder calls.

Results

The mean, standard deviation, and number of responses for each item are

presented in Table 1. The means for the items ranged between 1.75 and 6.89. The

standard deviations for the expectation items ranged between 0.32 and 1.80. Items with

means higher than 6.50 and lower than 1.50 were removed from the item pool. Items

with means that are close to the extreme values on a scale tend to indicate that most

participants are responding to the item in the same way. Therefore, in order to produce

a measure with sound psychometric properties, it is appropriate to select items with

means that are close to the middle value on the scale as this would indicate that

participants are giving a variety of responses to the item1 (Rust & Golombok, 1989). In

this case, the means of many retained items were higher or lower than the middle value

but were retained for a number of reasons. Participants tended to agree overwhelmingly

with positive expectation items and disagreed with the negative expectation items.

Although the mean was high or low, there was some variation in the level of

disagreement or agreement. For example, on some items different participants marked

slightly disagree, disagree, or strongly disagree. The instrument aims not only to

measure parenting expectations but also whether there are any changes between

expectation scores and experience scores. Given that previous research has found that

the expectations that women hold about life after the birth of their child can be

unrealistically high (e.g., Kalmuss et al., 1992), it is likely that the expectations scores

1 Means that are equal to the middle item on the scale could also indicate that all participants responded to the item by endorsing the middle response. The distributions of the items were checked to ensure that this was not the case.

59

in this study may also be unrealistically high and the means of some items will be lower

on the postnatal version of the measure. For this reason, items skewed towards the

positive or negative end of the scale were retained, although they did not have

psychometrically ideal properties.

The Pearson’s correlations between the participants’ scores on each item and

their total scores on the parenting expectations measure were calculated and are

displayed in Table 3.1. Before these correlations were calculated, the negative

expectation items on the measure were reverse scored to ensure that higher scores on

individual items and higher total scores were indicative of positive expectations of

parenthood: either agreement with positive expectations or disagreement with negative

expectations. Eighty of the calculated correlations were significant. Non-significant

correlations and correlations with values less than .30 were removed from the item pool

as this indicates there was a weak relationship between the individuals’ responses on the

item in question and their responses on the other items in the measure (Rust &

Golombok, 1989).

After items had been removed from the scale due to low correlations between

participants’ scores on the item and their total scores or where item means were too

extreme, ambiguously worded items were also removed. Ambiguity was determined by

examining participants’ comments about the scale. Items that were determined to be

worded neutrally (i.e., statements that did not reflect a clearly negative or clearly

positive expectation), were also discarded. Participants commented that some items

were repetitive and some items were removed to avoid this repetition. When making

the choice between two similar items, the item with the best psychometric properties, as

indicated by the mean and correlation, was retained.

60

Table 3.1 Means for participants’ responses on the expectation items and correlation coefficients between scores for each item and the total scores for the questionniare.

Infant Expectations

Items n M SD Range r

Retained Items

I will enjoy my baby’s company 87 6.49 0.76 4-7 .64**

I will feel that my baby loves me 87 6.33 0.79 4-7 .65**

My baby will be fun to play with 87 6.09 0.69 4-7 .66**

Breastfeeding will make me feel close to

my baby

84 6.01 1.04 1-7 .55**

I will enjoy breastfeeding my baby 83 5.80 1.10 3-7 .44**

Caring for a baby will be very difficult 87 4.20 1.68 1-7 .37**

I will find breastfeeding uncomfortable 85 3.12 1.44 1-6 .45**

I will be disturbed by feelings I have

towards my baby

86 2.63 1.36 1-6 .47**

The messes that my baby will make will

bother me a lot

87 2.49 1.24 1-7 .53**

I will resent being the main caretaker of the

baby

87 2.13 1.16 1-6 .61**

I will sometimes regret having my baby 87 1.91 1.18 1-5 .65**

Removed Items

I will love my baby 87 6.89 0.32 6-7 .47**

I will feel pride in my baby’s development 87 6.59 0.60 4-7 .67**

Being the parent of a baby will involve a lot

of hard work

85 6.11 0.83 3-7 .15

I will enjoy the care-taking activities

involved in being a mother

87 6.05 0.83 1-7 .56**

Being the parent of a baby will be very

time consuming

87 5.99 0.88 3-7 .11

61

Infant Expectations


Removed Items

I will find myself worrying about my

baby’s health

87 5.63 1.16 2-7 .26*

I will be responsible for most of the child-

care tasks

87 5.26 1.24 2-7 .07

Breastfeeding will come very naturally to

me

85 4.95 1.39 1-7 .40**

I will have no difficulties in becoming

comfortable caring for my baby

87 4.82 1.59 1-7 .43**

It will be difficult to breastfeed my baby 85 3.45 1.45 1-7 .14

I will find breastfeeding embarrassing 85 2.60 1.59 1-7 .22

Partner Expectations


Retained Items

My partner and I will enjoy spending time

together

84 6.07 0.88 3-7 .46**

My partner will be able to take care of the

baby when I go out

83 5.90 1.16 1-7 .30*

I will feel satisfied with my partner’s

involvement in the daily care of the baby

84 5.68 1.04 3-7 .41**

My partner will help out more with

household chores

83 5.36 1.04 1-7 .30*

My partner and I will have more fun

together

84 4.83 1.12 3-7 .59**

My partner will get on my nerves 84 2.48 1.44 1-7 .56**

The arrival of the baby will cause

difficulties in my relationship with my

partner

84 2.46 1.45 1-7 .58**

62



Retained Items

My partner will be less sensitive to my

feelings

84 2.33 1.20 1-7 .52**

My partner will show less attention to me 84 2.19 1.10 1-5 .49**

I will feel more distant from my partner 84 1.95 1.18 1-7 .45**

My partner will show too little attention to

the baby

84 1.75 1.07 1-7 .45**

Removed Items

My partner will give me the emotional

support that I need

83 5.88 1.00 1-7 .37**

My partner and I will spend a great deal of

time together

82 5.60 1.12 2-7 .51**

I will have stronger feelings of love for my

partner

84 5.43 1.56 1-7 .26*

My partner will respect me more 83 4.65 1.48 1-7 .19

I will have more things to talk to my

partner about

84 4.51 1.68 1-7 .18

My partner and I will argue less about how

we spend our money

81 3.43 1.20 1-6 -.10

Self Expectations


Retained Items

I will feel proud to be a parent 85 6.45 0.65 4-7 .65**

Being a parent will make me feel happy 86 6.21 0.86 4-7 .64**

Being a parent will be the most important

thing in my life

85 5.69 1.08 3-7 .55**

Being a parent will fit into the life that I

want to live

87 5.69 1.16 2-7 .57**

63

Self Expectations


Retained Items

My life will change for the better 86 5.67 1.00 3-7 .63**

I will have a feeling of “fulfillment” 87 5.64 1.15 2-7 .66**

Being a parent will make me feel satisfied 87 5.63 1.05 3-7 .65**

Being a mother will make me feel fulfilled

as a woman

86 5.56 1.17 2-7 .56**

Becoming a parent will be the best thing

that ever happened to me

87 5.35 1.27 1-7 .37**

I will return to my normal physical self

within a few months of the birth of the

baby

87 4.66 1.45 1-7 .43**

Being a parent will increase my sense of

independence

87 4.64 1.40 1-7 .31*

There will not be enough money for non-

essential items or services (for example,

going to the movies, buying CDs or gifts)

87 4.06 1.54 1-7 .32**

I will feel more vulnerable to being

criticised by others

87 3.76 1.49 1-7 .32**

I will feel “edgy” or emotionally upset 87 3.62 1.50 1-7 .49**

I will be less sexually responsive 87 3.44 1.46 1-7 .43**

I will feel confined to the house 87 3.02 1.46 1-7 .44**

Being a parent will make me feel frustrated 87 3.01 1.51 1-6 .43**

I will have more periods of boredom 87 2.51 1.21 1-7 .52**

My life will lack variety 87 2.44 1.23 1-5 .60**

I will feel disappointed by parenthood 85 1.99 1.02 1-4 .57**

Removed Items

There will be an interruption of routine

habits of sleeping, going places, etc.

86 6.23 0.76 3-7 -.08

64

Self Expectations


Removed Items

I will feel physically tired and fatigued 87 5.32 1.10 2-7 -.09

I will not get much sleep at night 87 5.32 1.09 2-7 -.13

My feelings will be more intense 87 4.87 0.99 2-7 .25*

I will be more sensitive 85 4.74 1.26 1-7 .27*

There will be increased money problems 86 4.65 1.51 1-7 .32**

My life will change in a way that seems

scary

85 4.58 1.57 1-7 .10

I will worry about my loss of figure 87 4.55 1.65 1-7 .13

Daily life will be no more difficult after the

baby is born

87 4.39 1.53 1-7 .15

I will feel less desire to work outside the

home

87 4.39 1.53 1-7 .06

I will be worried about my personal

appearance

87 4.38 1.65 1-7 .13

Being a parent will make me feel like I

have a purpose for living

86 4.31 1.80 1-7 .28*

There will be reduced feelings of privacy 86 4.23 1.42 1-7 .29*

I will feel healthier 84 4.20 1.07 2-7 .44**

With all the changes that the birth of a baby

brings, I will sometimes feel like I don’t

know myself anymore

87 4.01 1.47 1-7 .27*

I will be more interested in sex 87 3.91 0.98 1-6 .35**

For financial reasons, it will be necessary

for me to work

87 3.87 1.49 1-7 .28*

I will be unable to sleep after going to bed 86 3.72 1.36 1-6 .11

I will not have time to do the housework

that is usually my responsibility

86 3.42 1.48 1-6 .37 **

65

Self Expectations


Removed Items

Meals will be off schedule 86 3.41 1.47 1-7 .28*

I will feel more physically attractive than I

did before I was pregnant

87 3.33 1.18 1-6 .11

I will have an increased appreciation for

religious tradition

86 3.30 1.56 1-6 -.01

I will feel a greater desire to work outside

the home

87 3.16 1.31 1-6 -.18

I will resent not having enough time to

myself after the baby is born

87 2.84 1.51 1-7 .49**

Social Expectations


Retained Items

I will receive emotional support from my

family and friends

87 6.09 0.69 4-7 .43**

I will be able to go to my family and

friends for advice

87 6.02 0.76 3-7 .48**

My family and friends will help me out

after the baby is born

86 6.01 0.91 3-7 .40**

I will form new friendships 87 5.69 0.84 2-7 .43**


family tradition

87 5.45 1.15 2-7 .38**

My relationship with my relatives will be

closer

87 5.06 1.22 2-7 .37**

The demands of being a parent will restrict

my social life

87 4.29 1.57 1-7 .38**

There will be unwanted interference from

other people in my life

86 4.14 1.49 1-7 .34**

I will continue my social activities as usual 87 3.97 1.46 1-7 .43**

66

Social Expectations


Retained Items

I will feel that my friends without children

no longer understand me

85 3.40 1.57 1-7 .56**

I will have less contact with friends 87 3.39 1.56 1-6 .50**

My friends and colleagues will think that I

am less interesting

87 2.74 1.31 1-6 .30*

I will become too dependent on others

when the baby is born

87 2.56 1.13 1-6 .43**

Removed Items

I will feel a new positive appreciation of

my own parents

86 5.55 1.14 2-7 .24**

I will receive uninvited advice from my

family and friends

86 4.87 1.39 1-7 .13


my in-laws

83 4.43 1.25 2-7 .30*

I will strengthen old friendships 87 4.14 1.15 2-6 .01

I will have increased contact with my

neighbours

87 3.53 1.35 1-6 .20

My circle of friends will become smaller 87 3.36 1.50 1-7 .29*

I will see my extended family less than I


85 2.94 1.36 1-7 .49**

* p < .05. ** p < .01.

The internal reliability of the scale was established using Cronbach’s alpha,

which for the final 55 items was .94 (n = 75). The alphas for each of the subscales

were: infant expectations .84, partner expectations .83, self expectations .86, and social

expectations .70.

The validity of the scale was examined by correlating the total scores from the

final 55 items with the total score on the Attitudes to Pregnancy and Baby scale of the

67

MAMA questionnaire (Kumar, et al., 1984). The Pearson’s product moment correlation

was .64 (p < .01). While this figure is in the moderate range, it is to be expected given

the differences between the two scales. As discussed earlier, the MAMA questionnaire

assesses several attitudes relevant to pregnancy, whereas the parenting expectations

measure focuses on expectations of postnatal experiences.

Discussion

The measure developed in this study assesses positive and negative expectations

pertaining to a range of issues relevant to early parenthood. Participants commented

that they found the retained items relevant to their situation and straightforward to

complete, indicating that the measure has face validity. The measure is constructed in a

manner that allows a direct comparison between parenting expectations and actual

experiences of parenthood. It will enable future researchers to explore how

discrepancies between expectations and experiences influence adjustment to

parenthood. The measure also taps negative and positive expectations about

parenthood. Previous research has not attempted to do this. In part, this will enable an

examination of whether optimism is beneficial during the transition to parenthood and

what occurs if optimistic expectations are not matched by later experiences. Further,

preliminary results suggest that this measure has sound reliability and validity.

The 55 items were retained based on their ability to discriminate between

participants and the extent to which the items correlated with the overall score of the

measure. Some items were removed based on participant comments that these items

were confusing or difficult to interpret. Their comments were supported by the results

for these items, which indicated that the particular items did not discriminate well

between participants. The internal consistency of the final 55 items was sound. The

parenting measure has been grouped into subscales. Currently, these scales are items

that are grouped together because they relate to a similar topic such as caring for an

68

infant or the influence of parenthood on the woman’s relationship with her partner. At

this stage, more complex analysis to determine whether the items load onto particular

factors was not done, as the sample size was not sufficient for factor analysis.

The final 55 items had a moderate correlation with the MAMA measure

(Kumar et al., 1984). The MAMA questionnaire was selected as a measure of

concurrent validity because it was the only available questionnaire that assessed

parenting expectations and had established reliability and validity. However, the

MAMA also assesses attitudes towards pregnancy. This may explain the moderate

rather than a high correlation value between the two scales. It seems probable that some

women may have negative attitudes towards pregnancy but have optimistic expectations

about their lives with their infants. Nonetheless, the MAMA measure does assess

parenting expectations in addition to attitudes towards pregnancy; therefore, the results

provide encouraging information regarding the validity of the scale.

Thus far, the results indicate that the parenting expectations measure taps a

broad range of positive and negative expectations in a valid and reliable manner. The

measure also enables a direct comparison between parenting expectations and parenting

experiences; this should enable investigation of the relationship between disconfirmed

expectations and adjustment. The longitudinal study of this project will provide an

opportunity to examine how this measure relates to other psychological constructs,

which will provide further information on its validity. For example, based on the

theoretical and empirical work reviewed in Chapter 2, positive expectations on this

measure should be associated with positive psychological adjustment as indicated by

low levels of depression, good relationship adjustment, and high perceived social

support.

The responses of women in this study suggest that women tend to have

optimistic expectations about parenthood. They tended to agree with positively worded

69

items and disagree with negatively worded items. This is consistent with previous

research that has found that people tend to have optimistic expectations about the future

(Weinstein, 1980; Carnelly & Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Fowers et al., 2001). Here, women

tended to agree with positive expectation items and disagree with negative expectation

items. The next study in this project attempted to replicate these results and then

determine whether these very optimistic expectations were matched by actual

experiences of parenthood.

70

CHAPTER 4

STUDY 2: FIRST TIME MOTHERS’ EXPECTATIONS ABOUT

PARENTHOOD: WHAT HAPPENS WHEN OPTIMISTIC EXPECTATIONS ARE

NOT MATCHED BY LATER EXPERIENCES?

Given that the transition to parenthood is generally regarded as a positive life

event and individuals tend to be optimistic about their futures, the optimism of the first-

time expectant mothers in Study 1 is relatively unsurprising. Expectant parents are

generally optimistic about how the arrival of their baby will influence their life

(Carnelly & Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Fowers et al., 2001; Langdridge et al., 2000;

Weinstein, 1980; Woollett & Parr, 1997). Yet, pregnancy and early parenthood can also

present a number of challenges and difficulties (Bernazzani, Saucier, David, & Borgeat,

1997; Feeney et al., 2001). As discussed in Chapter 2, optimism is associated with

better psychological adjustment in the face of challenging circumstances, and therefore

expectant parents’ positive expectations may have a positive effect on their prenatal

adjustment (Buehler et al., 1994; Fournier et al., 2002; Jackson et al., 2000; Leedham et

al., 1995; Murray & Holmes, 1997; Oettingen & Mayer, 2002; Taylor et al., 1992). In

contrast, negative expectations are associated with poorer adjustment (DeVellis &

Blalock, 1992; Hull & Mendolia, 1991; Peterson & Vaidya, 2001; Riskind et al., 1987;

Tripp et al., 1997). A number of studies that have found support for the psychological

benefits of positive expectations, including those that have found evidence for the

benefits of positive expectations during the transition to parenthood, have not made a

direct comparison between expectations and experiences (e.g., Fournier et al., 2002;

Green & Kafetsios, 1997; Leedham et al., 1995).

Research that has made a comparison between prenatal expectations and

postnatal experiences has tended to support the prediction that disconfirmed

expectations can have a negative influence on adjustment (Belsky, 1985; Hackel &

71

Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). However, this has only been demonstrated across a

limited set of expectations: those pertaining to how household labour will be divided

following the arrival of the baby and about the marital relationship. Expectations about

a wide range of other aspects of parenthood, such as how pregnant women expect

parenthood to influence their own well-being and sense of self, have not been addressed

in a reliable and systematic manner.

There is little research into the factors that mitigate expectancy disconfirmation.

Some individuals may be better able to cope with expectancy disconfirmation than

others. Specifically, efficacious individuals seem to be better positioned to cope with

difficulties and major life transitions (Jerusalem & Mittag, 1995). If expectancy

disconfirmation is difficult to cope with, it may be less of a problem for individuals with

a positive perception of their own efficacy. Relatively few studies have examined the

effect of efficacy beliefs during the transition to parenthood. Studies that have

examined efficacy beliefs in the early stages of parenthood have found that women with

a high sense of parenting efficacy are better able to cope with challenges such as a

frequently crying infant or low social support (Cutrona & Troutman, 1986; Teti &

Gelfand, 1991).

This study sought to broaden the understanding of how efficacy beliefs and the

relationship between expectations and later experiences influence adjustment to

parenthood. It examined the parenting expectations of a group of first-time expectant

mothers and their reports of their experiences approximately four months after the births

of their infants. Using the parenting expectations measure, developed in Study 1, the

current study tapped a broader range of expectations than has been investigated

previously. Specifically, this study investigates women’s expectations of parenting and

their babies, expectations of the influence of parenthood on their relationships with their

partners, expectations of the influence of parenthood on their own well-being, and

72

expectations of the influence of parenthood on their social functioning. Women’s

parenting efficacy beliefs were also measured during pregnancy and at four months

postpartum. In addition, women completed measures of relationship adjustment, mood,

and social support at both stages of the study. The first aim of the study was to establish

whether there were discrepancies between expectations and experiences. In light of the

theoretical considerations and earlier literature reviewed in Chapter 2, and the initial

findings reported in Chapter 3, it was predicted that women would have positive

expectations about parenthood and that actual experiences of parenthood would be less

positive than expected.

The second aim was to establish whether parenting expectations were associated

with prenatal psychological adjustment. The hypothesis was that optimistic

expectations would be associated with positive psychological adjustment during

pregnancy. Psychological adjustment was assessed via measures of prenatal

perceptions of parenting efficacy, mood, relationship satisfaction, and perceptions of

social support. This last measure was selected because social support has been

identified as a factor influencing psychological well-being during the transition to

parenthood (Cutrona & Suhr, 1990; Morse et al., 2000). Prenatal mood and prenatal

relationship status were selected as they have been widely reported to be influenced by

the transition to parenthood and may be related to the expectations women hold about

parenthood. It was predicted that women with optimistic expectations about parenthood

would also have better relationship adjustment, higher perceived social support, a higher

sense of parenting efficacy, and few symptoms of depression.

The third aim was to examine whether disconfirmed expectations influence

adjustment to parenthood and whether parenting efficacy beliefs moderated this

relationship. Postnatal mood and postnatal relationship adjustment were selected as

measures of postnatal adjustment. The hypothesis was that experiences that were

73

negative relative to expectations would have a negative effect on adjustment and that

parenting efficacy beliefs would moderate this relationship. It was predicted that

women with a high sense of efficacy would cope more effectively with disconfirmed

expectations, meaning there would be a weaker relationship between expectancy

disconfirmation and adjustment measures in these women. In contrast, women with a

low sense of efficacy would find this kind of expectancy disconfirmation particularly

difficult, meaning there would be a negative effect on their mood and relationship

adjustment. Thus, there would be a stronger association between expectancy

disconfirmation and adjustment measures in women with a low sense of efficacy.

Method

Participants

The participants were recruited from hospital antenatal classes and the rooms of

a private obstetrician in Perth, Western Australia. Inclusion criteria were that the

participants had to be cohabiting with their partner, pregnant with their first child, and at

least 18 years of age. Eighty-seven women completed the initial questionnaire. Of

these women, 72 completed the second questionnaire. Participants who had

experienced a traumatic birth (stillbirth, premature birth, or infant death) did not

participate at Time 2 (n = 5). Ten participants could not be contacted at Time 2.

Comparisons of women who only completed the pregnancy questionnaires with those

that completed both questionnaires did not reveal any significant differences between

the two groups on any of the variables measured at Time 1. One participant completed

both questionnaires but had substantial proportions of missing data and was dropped

from subsequent analyses, leaving a final sample size of 71. The average age of the

participants was 27.7 years (SD = 4.47) and the average age of their partners was 29.14

years (SD = 4.88). The majority of the participants were married (60.9%) with the

remainder in de facto relationships. The couples had been living together for an average

74

of 3.76 years (SD = 2.73). The majority of participants described their ethnic

background as Australian (64.6%) with a further 15.4% from the United Kingdom and

7.6% from Continental Europe. The remainder of the participants came from New

Zealand, Iran, Samoa, or Canada.

Participants were asked to describe any complications they had experienced

during pregnancy or delivery and any health complaints they or their infants had

experienced. Of the participants, 45.8 % reported that they had complications during

pregnancy. These complications included nausea, back pain, and high blood pressure.

Three women reported that they were admitted to hospital during their pregnancy due to

complications. Most women (59.3%) reported that they had labour complications that

required intervention. These interventions included induction of labour, vacuum

extraction, emergency caesarians, and planned caesarians. Four months after the birth,

13.6% of women had ongoing health complaints, the most common complaint being

back pain. A similar number of women (16.9%) reported that their infants had ongoing

health complaints, the most common of which were colic and gastric reflux.

Procedure

Participants were given the questionnaires while attending their antenatal classes

or antenatal obstetric appointments (the information sheets, instructions, and

questionnaires used at Time 1 are displayed in Appendix C). They were asked to

complete the questionnaires at home and return them via post within two weeks.

Reminder calls were made to participants who did not return their questionnaire within

that time period. The median for weeks pregnant when completing the first

questionnaire was 34.0 weeks, with a range of 24 to 39 weeks. Participants were

contacted again four months after their baby was due. The postnatal questionnaire was

sent via mail and participants were asked to return it within two weeks (the information

sheets, instructions, and questionnaires used at Time 2 are displayed in Appendix D).

75

As before, reminder calls were made to those that did not return their questionnaire

within that time period. At the time of completing the second questionnaire, the average

age of the women’s infants was 18.30 weeks (SD = 2.83) with a range of 12 to 25

weeks.

Measures

Each of the measures listed below was administered at Time 1 and Time 2.

Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS; Cox, Holden, & Sagovsky, 1987)

The EPDS, a 10-item scale designed as a screening tool for postnatal

depression, was used as a mood measure. Cox et al. (1987) found that the scale had

satisfactory sensitivity and specificity for its designed purpose and that it was sensitive

to change in the severity of depression over time. The scale has good internal reliability

with a Cronbach’s alpha of .87. In addition, the EPDS is a valid and reliable measure of

dysphoria in antenatal populations as well as in postnatal populations (Green & Murray,

1994). The EPDS had good specificity and predictive value in an Australian sample

(Boyce, Stubbs, & Todd, 1994). The reliability alphas for the EPDS in the prenatal and

postnatal phases were .81 and .85, respectively.

Parenting Sense of Competence Scale (PSOC; Gibaud-Wallston & Wandersman, 1978,

as cited in Johnston & Mash, 1989)

The PSOC scale is a 16-item measure designed to measure parenting self-

efficacy and satisfaction developed by Gibaud-Wallston and Wandersman. Johnston

and Mash found that the PSOC scale has good internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha =

.76) and found a significant inverse relationship between participants’ scores on the

PSOC scale and perceptions of child behaviour problems. Cutrona and Troutman

(1986) found that efficacy scores were correlated with a general measure of self-esteem

and that they mediated the effects of infant temperament and social support on

postpartum depression in mothers of infants. The Cronbach’s alphas for PSOC scale in

76

this study were .85 in the prenatal phase and .87 in the postnatal phase.

Dyadic Adjustment Scale (DAS; Spanier, 1976)

The DAS was used to measure the quality of the parents’ relationship. The 32-

item instrument is widely used and a factor analysis conducted by Spanier suggested

that it measures four aspects of the relationship: dyadic satisfaction, dyadic cohesion,

dyadic consensus, and affectional expression. Spanier also found that the DAS has

excellent internal consistency with a Cronbach’s alpha of .94. The scale correlates with

the Locke-Wallace Marital Adjustment Scale (Locke & Wallace, 1959), providing

evidence for concurrent validity and is able to discriminate between married and

divorced couples (Spanier, 1976). The reliability alphas for DAS in the prenatal and

postnatal phases of the current study were .90 and .93 respectively.

Social Provisions Scale (SPS; Russell & Cutrona, 1984)

This scale was used to assess social support. This 24-item scale is designed to

assess six components, or provisions, of social support identified by Weiss (1974). The

provisions are: receiving a sense of security and safety from others, sharing common

interests and concerns, feeling responsible for the well-being of another person, having

ones skills and abilities recognised by others, being able to rely on the assistance of

others under any circumstances, and being able to receive advice from trustworthy and

authoritative individuals. The coefficient alpha for the internal reliability of the entire

SPS scale is .91 (Cutrona & Russell, 1987). The scales have adequate test-retest

reliability and satisfactory construct and concurrent reliability have been reported

(Cutrona, 1984; Cutrona & Russell, 1987). The alphas for the SPS in the current study

were .88 in both the prenatal and the postnatal phases.

Parenting Expectations Measure

The information about the development, reliability, and validity of this 55-item

measure is provided in Chapter 3. In the current study the reliability alphas of the four

77

subscales in the prenatal phase were: infant expectations, .71; self expectations, .86;

partner expectations, .82; and social expectations, .75. In the postnatal phase the

reliability alphas were: infant expectations, .77; self expectations, .82; partner

expectations, .89; and social expectations, .73.

Results

The data analysis addressed the three major aims of this study. First, the

analysis addressed whether there was a difference between prenatal expectations and

experiences and whether scores on adjustment measures changed across the transition.

The second aim was to establish whether there was a relationship between prenatal

measures of adjustment and the expectations of parenthood. The third aim was to

examine whether discrepancies between expectations and experiences influenced

postnatal adjustment and whether efficacy beliefs moderated this relationship.

Differences Between Prenatal and Postnatal Measures

The prenatal and postnatal means for the expectation variable and the adjustment

variables were compared using t-tests. These results are displayed in Table 4.1. It was

hypothesised that women’s expectations would be optimistic in comparison to their

postnatal reports of their experiences. Negatively worded items on the expectation and

experiences measures were reverse coded, so that high scores on these variables reflect

optimistic expectations and positive experiences, respectively. The lowest possible and

highest possible scores for each of the expectation categories were as follows: infant

expectations, 11-77; partner expectations, 11-77; self expectations, 20-140; and social

expectations, 13-91. The means for each of the expectation categories are towards the

positive end of the scale. Contrary to the hypothesis, when expectation scores were

compared to experience scores, experiences matched or were more positive than

expectations. For the partner expectations scores and the social expectations scores,

there were no significant differences between expectations and experiences. For the

78

infant expectation scores and self expectations scores, mean experience scores were

significantly higher than mean expectation scores, indicating that women’s experiences

were more positive than expected.

For the adjustment measures, there was a significant increase in mean efficacy

scores from the prenatal to the postnatal test phase and a significant decrease in mean

depression scores. The mean for postnatal relationship adjustment scores was

significantly lower than the mean for prenatal relationship adjustment scores (where

higher scores indicate better relationship adjustment). There was no significant

difference between the means on the social provisions measure.

Table 4.1 Means and t-tests results for differences between expectations and adjustment measures at prenatal and postnatal test phases.

Phase

n = 71 Prenatal Postnatal

Expectation variables M SD M SD t-values (df = 70)

Infant expectations 60.55 6.74 65.36 7.28 -5.23***

Partner expectations 60.96 7.81 59.64 10.49 1.22

Self expectations 102.21 12.91 108.05 12.62 3.89***

Social expectations 64.96 8.21 65.23 7.56 -.640

Adjustment variables M SD M SD t-values (df = 70)

Parenting efficacy 30.20 4.80 32.35 4.93 -3.59*

Social provisions 81.63 7.12 81.85 7.85 -0.25

Depression 6.62 3.87 5.11 3.79 3.91***

Relationship

adjustment

123.89 11.85 120.18 14.86 2.97*

Note. Due to the multiple t-tests, a more stringent alpha level of 0.0056 was calculated using Bonferroni’s correction. *p < .0056. ***p < .001.

79

The Relationship Between Prenatal Adjustment and Parenting Expectations

Four multiple regressions, one for each type of expectation category, were used

to test the hypothesis that prenatal psychosocial adjustment would be related to

expectations of parenthood. For each regression, the relevant prenatal expectation

measure was the dependent variable (infant expectations, partner expectations, social

expectations, or self expectations) and the independent variables were social support,

depression, relationship adjustment, and parenting efficacy beliefs. The results of these

analyses are displayed in Table 4.2.

Table 4.2 Results from the multiple regressions analysing the relationship between prenatal adjustment measures and parenting expectations. Dependent

Variables

Independent Variable

β

(B, SE)

R2

(n = 71)

Social

Support

Depression Relationship

Adjustment

Parenting

Efficacy

Infant Expectations .42*** .11

(0.10, 0.09)

.092

(0.16, 0.09)

.42***

(0.26, 0.07)

.40***

(0.56, 0.14)

Partner Expectations .42***

-.01

(-0.01, 0.11)

-.05

(-0.11, 0.20)

.60***

(0.39, 0.07)

.12

(0.19, 0.16)

Self Expectations .41*** .08

(0.14, 0.18)

.11

(0.37, 0.34)

.31**

(0.34, 0.12)

.50***

(1.35, 0.26)

Social expectations .27*** .27*

(0.31, 0.13)

.03

(0.07, 0.24)

.137

(0.09, 0.08)

.36**

(0.61, 0.18)

* p < .05. **p < .01. ***p <.001.

In each analysis, the prenatal measures of psychosocial adjustment were

significant predictors of parenting expectations. The extent to which each of the

variables contributed to the final regression equation varied across the expectation

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categories. For infant expectations and self expectations, relationship adjustment and

parenting efficacy scores made significant contributions to the regression equations. In

both cases, high scores on the relationship adjustment measure (where high scores

indicate good adjustment) and high efficacy scores were associated with higher

expectation scores. In the regression examining partner expectations, only relationship

adjustment made a significant contribution to the final equation. Again, high scores on

the relationship adjustment measure were associated with high scores on the expectation

measure. For social expectations, social support and parenting efficacy each made a

significant contribution to the final equation. Higher social support scores (indicating

that the individual perceives she has a high level of social support) and higher efficacy

scores were associated with higher scores on the social expectations measure. Notably,

depression scores did not make a significant contribution to any of the final regression

equations.

The Effect of Disconfirmed Expectations and Parenting Efficacy Beliefs on Adjustment

to Parenthood

The third aim of this study was to examine the effect of disconfirmed

expectations on adjustment and to determine whether parenting efficacy beliefs

moderated this relationship. This necessitated an examination of how the discrepancies

between expectation scores and experiences scores related to scores on measures of

mood and relationship adjustment. The most straightforward way of achieving this

would be to subtract expectation scores from experience scores to produce a

discrepancy score for each participant and then use this as the dependent variable in a

regression analysis. However, this method is problematic. Change scores contain

variance attributable to two scores, namely the pre score and the change from pre to post

scores (Cohen & Cohen, 1983). It is impossible to determine whether any effect

observed is due to variations in the expectation scores, the experience scores, or a

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combination of both. To overcome these problems, Cohen and Cohen (1983)

recommend using residualised scores where the variance associated with the pre scores

is partialed out of the post scores. In this case, standardised residual scores were

calculated by using regression analysis in which expectation scores serve as the

independent variable and experience scores as the dependent variable. This created

expectation discrepancy variables for each of the expectation categories. High scores

on the discrepancy variables indicate that experience scores were high relative to

expectation scores and low scores indicate that experience scores were low relative to

expectation scores.

It was predicted that the discrepancy scores would be positively associated with

relationship adjustment scores (where high scores reflect positive adjustment). There

should be an inverse relationship between the discrepancy scores and mood scores

(where high scores indicate depressed mood). A further prediction was that efficacy

would moderate the effect of disconfirmed expectations, whereby the association

between disconfirmed expectations and adjustment measures would be weaker for

women with a high sense of efficacy than for women with a low sense of efficacy.

These predictions were tested with a series of hierarchical regression analyses. The

bivariate correlations for the dependent and independent variables used in these

analyses are displayed in Table 4.3. The first set of regressions examined the effect of

disconfirmed expectations and efficacy on relationship adjustment. Following Baron

and Kenny’s (1986) recommendations for testing moderator relationships, the

independent variables were entered in the following order: 1) prenatal relationship

adjustment, 2) one of the expectation discrepancy scores, 3) postnatal efficacy (these

scores were standardised), and 4) the interaction of the relevant expectation discrepancy

score and postnatal efficacy. Prenatal relationship adjustment was the first variable

entered into the regression equation because it is a predictor of postnatal relationship

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Table 4.3

Bivariate correlations between independent and dependent variables used in hierarchical regression analyses. Variables 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

1. Mood (Post, DV) -

2. Relationship adjustment (Post, DV) -.56** -

3. Infant expectation discrepancy -.34** .06 -

4. Partner expectation discrepancy -.48** .61** .14 -

5. Self expectation discrepancy -.51** .44** .49** .56** -

6. Social expectation discrepancy -.42** .44** .22 .42** .59** -

7. Relationship adjustment (Pre) -.23* -.24* -.09 .27* .12 .08 -

8. Mood (Pre) .64** -.50** -.07 -.27* -.19 -.28* -.35** -

9. Parenting efficacy (Post) -.22 .09 .35** .06 .30* .20 .17 .03 -

*p < .05. **p .01.

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adjustment and the aim was to determine the effect of expectancy discrepancies and

efficacy on postnatal relationship adjustment once prenatal relationship adjustment had

been statistically controlled for.

Postnatal relationship adjustment

The results of the hierarchical regressions examining the relationship between

disconfirmed expectations and relationship adjustment and the presence of a moderator

effect for efficacy beliefs are displayed in Table 4.4. In three out of four cases,

disconfirmed expectations made significant contributions to the regression equations

after prenatal relationship adjustment had been entered into the equation. The exception

to this pattern was for infant expectations discrepancies, which did not make a

significant contribution to the equation once prenatal relationship adjustment had been

entered into the regression equation.

Efficacy scores did not significantly predict relationship adjustment in any of the

regression equations. The products of the efficacy scores and discrepancy scores made

a significant contribution to the regression equation in one case only: self expectations.

In order to examine this significant interaction, a median split was performed to create

two levels of the efficacy variable. The overall mean for parenting efficacy was

relatively high in this study (32.35 on a scale with a maximum score of 42). Therefore,

the median split created a high efficacy group (n = 36, M = 36.30, SD = 2.26) and a

moderate efficacy group (n = 34, M = 28.53, SD = 3.07) rather than a high efficacy

group and a low efficacy group. For each of the efficacy levels, partial correlations

between postnatal relationship adjustment scores and the self discrepancy scores

(controlling for prenatal relationship adjustment scores) were calculated. For the

moderate efficacy group, the relationship between self expectations discrepancies and

postnatal relationship adjustment was not significant, with a partial correlation

coefficient of .27 (ns). However, for the high efficacy group the partial correlation

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Table 4.4 Results from hierarchical regressions analysing the extent to which discrepancies between prenatal expectations and postnatal experiences predicted postnatal relationship adjustment, the dependent variable. Independent variables

∆R2 βa B SE

n = 70

1. Prenatal relationship adjustment .51** .74** 0.93 0.11

2. Infant expectation discrepancy .02 .15 2.37 1.43

3. Postnatal efficacy beliefs .01 -.09 -1.28 1.37

4. Efficacy x infant discrepancy .01 .11 2.11 1.57

n = 71


2. Partner expectation discrepancy .19** .43** 6.40 1.11


4. Efficacy x partner discrepancy .00 .07 1.30 1.35

n = 70


2. Self expectation discrepancy .14** .36** 5.44 1.16


4. Efficacy x self discrepancy .02* .16* 3.11 1.44

n = 70

1. Prenatal relationship adjustment .51* .70* 0.88 0.09

2. Social expectation discrepancy .16* .40* 6.11 1.15


4. Efficacy x social discrepancy .00 .04 0.61 1.10

Note. In each regression reported above, multivariate outliers with χ2 values greater than Malhalanobis distance at p < .001 were detected on the interaction variables. The relevant cases were excluded from the final analyses, which is the reason for the varying n, R2, and ∆R2 values. aβ, B, and SE statistics represent figures at the final step, when all variables have been entered into the equation. Infant expectations analysis, R2 total = .54, F(4, 65) = 19.24, p < .001; partner expectations analysis, R2 total = .69, F(4, 65) = 36.29, p < .001; self expectations analysis, R2 total = .68, F(4, 65) = 34.48, p < .001; social expectations analysis, R2 total = .67, F(4, 65) = 33.16, p < .001. *p < .05. ** p < .001.

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coefficient was .69 (p < .001) indicating that experiences that were less positive relative

to expectations were associated with lower relationship adjustment scores. In order to

test whether these correlation coefficients were significantly different, the observed

value of z was calculated. This value was –2.20, indicating that the correlation

coefficients were significantly different. This finding differs from the hypothesis,

which predicted a stronger relationship between adjustment to parenthood and

disconfirmed expectations for those with lower levels of efficacy than for those with

higher levels of efficacy.

Postnatal mood

For the hierarchical regressions examining the relationship between postnatal

mood and disconfirmed expectations, the independent variables were entered in the

following order 1) prenatal mood, 2) one of the expectation discrepancy scores, 3)

postnatal efficacy (these scores were standardised), and 4) the interaction of the relevant

expectation discrepancy score and postnatal efficacy. Prenatal mood was the first

variable entered into the regression equation because it is a predictor of postnatal

relationship adjustment and the aim was to determine the effect of expectancy

discrepancies and efficacy on postnatal mood once prenatal mood had been statistically

controlled for. The results of the hierarchical regressions examining the relationship

between disconfirmed expectations and mood and the test of a moderator effect for

efficacy beliefs are displayed in Table 4.5. The results pertaining to the effects of

disconfirmed expectations on postnatal mood were more consistent than the effects of

disconfirmed expectations on relationship adjustment. In each analysis, the expectancy

discrepancy scores were significant predictors of postnatal mood after statistically

controlling for prenatal mood. In the hierarchical regression examining the effect of

infant expectation discrepancies on postnatal mood, parenting efficacy did not make a

significant contribution once prenatal mood and the discrepancy score had been entered

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Table 4.5 Results from hierarchical regressions analysing the extent to which discrepancies between prenatal expectations and postnatal experiences predicted postnatal mood, the dependent variable. Independent variables

∆R2 βa B SE

n = 70

1. Prenatal mood .41*** .64*** 0.63 0.08

2. Infant expectation discrepancy .09** -.23** -0.92 0.36


4. Efficacy x infant discrepancy .02 -.13 -0.61 0.40

n = 71

1. Prenatal mood .41*** .55*** 0.54 0.08

2. Partner expectation discrepancy .10*** -.25** -0.95 0.33

3. Postnatal efficacy beliefs .05** -.21* -0.80 0.30

4. Efficacy x partner discrepancy .03* -.18* -0.85 0.39

n = 70

1. Prenatal mood .42*** .58*** 0.57 0.07

2. Self expectation discrepancy .18*** -.33*** -1.30 0.31

3. Postnatal efficacy beliefs .03* -.18* -0.71 0.30

4. Efficacy x self discrepancy .02* -.16* -0.79 0.38

n = 70

1. Prenatal mood .42*** .59*** 0.58 0.08

2. Social expectation discrepancy .08** -.22* -0.91 0.35

3. Postnatal efficacy beliefs .06* -.25* -0.10 0.33

4. Efficacy x social discrepancy .01 -.09 -0.32 0.32

Note. In each regression reported above, multivariate outliers with χ2 values greater than Malhalanobis distance at p < .001 were detected on the interaction variables. The relevant cases were excluded from the final analyses, which is the reason for the varying n, R2, and ∆R2 values. aβ, B, and SE statistics represent figures at the final step, when all variables have been entered into the equation. Infant expectations analysis, R2 total = .53, F(4, 65) = 18.61, p < .001; partner expectation analysis, R2 total = .77, F(4, 66) = 23.26, p < .001; self expectation analysis, R2 total = .66, F(4, 65) = 31.12, p < .001; social expectation analysis, R2 total = .57, F(4, 65) = 21.58, p < .001. *p < .05. **p < .01***. p < .001.

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into the equation. Further, there was no moderator effect. In the hierarchical regression

examining the effect of disconfirmed social expectations on postnatal mood, efficacy

was a significant predictor of postnatal mood but there was not a significant moderator

effect.

There was a significant direct effect and a significant moderator effect of

efficacy in the regressions examining the effects of disconfirmed partner expectations

and disconfirmed self expectations. In order to interpret the moderator effects, a median

split was performed on the sample to create a high efficacy group and a low efficacy

group. As with the analysis described in the regressions for relationship adjustment,

partial correlations were then calculated for each group separately. The partial

correlation coefficients for postnatal mood and the self expectation discrepancy,

partialing out prenatal mood, were -.35 (p < .05) for the moderate efficacy group and

-.69 (p < .001) for the high efficacy group. However, the observed z for these

correlation coefficients was –1.86, indicating that the differences between these

coefficients was not significant. The partial correlations for postnatal mood and partner

expectation discrepancy scores, partialing out prenatal mood, were -.14 (ns) for the

moderate efficacy group and -.61 (p < .001) for the high efficacy group. The observed z

for these scores was –2.19 indicating that the difference between the correlation

coefficients was significant. The association between expectation discrepancies and

efficacy was stronger for participants with higher efficacy scores and expectations that

were positive relative to experiences were associated with higher scores on the postnatal

depression measure.

Discussion

Differences Between Prenatal and Postnatal Measures

The hypothesis that expectations would be more positive than experiences was

not supported by the results: on average, women reported positive expectations and

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positive experiences. They expected to experience positive aspects of parenthood and

to avoid negative aspects. In two expectation categories, women’s reported experiences

exceeded their already optimistic expectations. The first of these categories was infant

expectations, which assessed women’s expectations about their relationship with their

infant and the nature of parenting an infant. Previous research has not examined

expectations about the infant in detail, instead choosing to focus on the marital

relationship. The second category in which women’s experiences exceeded their

expectations was self expectations, tapping the extent to which parenthood would

influence their own well-being. This is another area that has been given limited

attention in previous research (e.g. Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al.,

1988). In the current study, it appears that women were pleasantly surprised by how

much they enjoyed caring for their infant and by the positive effect parenthood had on

their own well-being. This concurs with earlier research by Green and Kafetsios

(1997), who assessed more generalised expectations and experiences of parenthood but

also found that women had positive experiences.

In the current study, women gave their postpartum reports of their parenting

experiences approximately four months after the birth. This time frame may have

allowed the mothers to recover from the birth, become familiar with care-taking tasks,

form a bond with their infant, and adjust to their new routines, all of which potentially

contributed to their positive reports. Given that early parenthood is a period of rapid

change for parents and their infants, it would be of interest to assess women’s postnatal

experiences a month after the birth. The earliest that previous research has assessed

women’s postnatal experiences in comparison to prenatal expectation has been 3

months after the birth (Belsky, 1985). The disparity between expectations and

experiences may be particularly large in the early postnatal weeks when women are still

familiarising themselves with their infant and their new role. Indeed, in the course of

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this research some new mothers anecdotally reported that, while they were enjoying

parenthood four months after the birth, they had found it far more difficult in the very

early stages.

New mothers’ postnatal reports of how parenthood had influenced their

relationship with their partner and their family and friends matched their expectations,

indicating that they were fairly realistic about how parenthood would influence their

relationships with others. These findings differ from the results of previous work,

which has found that women had overly optimistic expectations about the way

parenthood would influence their marital relationship and their relationship with others

(Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Kalmuss et al., 1992; Ruble et al., 1988).

However, there was a large amount of variation within the sample and just as some

women’s expectations matched or exceeded their optimistic expectations for others

parenthood was not as positive as they had expected.

The results from the prenatal and postnatal measures of adjustment indicate that

the women generally coped well with the transition to parenthood. The prenatal and

postnatal averages on the mood measure were within the range that is indicative of an

absence of depression and these scores improved across the transition to parenthood –

the postnatal mean was significantly lower than the prenatal mean. The prenatal and

postnatal relationship adjustment means were indicative of good relationship

adjustment. However, consistent with previous research (Belsky et al., 1985; Belsky et

al., 1983; Shapiro et al., 2000; Wallace & Gotlib, 1990), there was a small yet

significant decline in the relationship adjustment scores across the transition to

parenthood. This indicates that the transition to parenthood has a negative effect on the

parents’ relationship. Again, this pattern was not universal, and there was more

variation in the postnatal relationship adjustment scores than in the prenatal relationship

adjustment scores. The extent to which expectancy discrepancies contribute to postnatal

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relationship adjustment is discussed in subsequent sections of this chapter. Other

factors that may contribute to the decline in relationship adjustment are the way the

couple divides household labour between themselves and changes in nature of the time

that couples spend together (Levy-Shiff, 1994; Monk et al., 1996; Shapiro et al., 2000;

Terry et al., 1991).

The Relationship Between Prenatal Adjustment and Parenting Expectations

The second hypothesis of this study was that optimistic parenting expectations

would be associated with positive prenatal psychological adjustment. This was

supported by the results. However, it is necessary to look closely at the pattern of

relationships between prenatal adjustment and parenting expectations, as they varied

depending on the adjustment measure and the type of expectation. For infant and self

expectations, only relationship adjustment and parenting efficacy were significantly

associated with expectations. Women who were happy in their relationships and

confident in their ability to care for an infant had optimistic expectations of caring for

their infant and of the influence of parenthood on their own well-being. Bandura (1997)

has argued that people’s expectations about their own capabilities predict how

optimistic they are about outcomes relevant to these expectations. Consistent with this

view, women who believed they were capable of parenting were optimistic about the

nature of parenting an infant. To a certain degree, the same explanation applies to the

self expectations: The more capable women believed they would be at parenting, the

more optimistic they were about the effect of parenthood on their psychological and

physical well-being. The results also reflect that, in situations where an individual’s

behaviour is not the only determinant of outcomes, self-efficacy is not the sole predictor

of outcome expectations. The association between infant and self expectations and

relationship adjustment suggests that in the prenatal phase, women’s perceptions of their

relationships with their babies’ fathers is an important factor in influencing the level of

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optimism they have about caring for their infants and their own well-being as parents.

There was a significant association between women’s relationship adjustment

and their expectations about how parenthood would influence their relationship with

their partner. No other adjustment variables were significantly associated with women’s

expectations of the way parenthood would influence their marital relationship.

Women’s perceptions of their social support were significantly associated with how

they expected parenthood to influence their relationships with others. Contrary to

predictions and to several previous findings (DeVellis & Blalock, 1992; Hull &

Mendolia, 1991; Peterson & Vaidya, 2001; Riskind et al., 1987; Tripp et al., 1997),

scores on the depression measure were not significantly associated with any of the

expectation variables. The moderate range in the mood scores may provide a partial

explanation for this finding. Most participants’ scores were in the normal range on the

mood measure with few scores in the range that is associated with a greater incidence of

depression whereas previous work has been conducted with participants who were

depressed or dysphoric.

Taken together, the results indicate that women’s perceptions of their current life

circumstances operate as a guide for their expectations. If they have good social

support before the arrival of the infant, they expect that the arrival of their baby will

have a positive effect on their relationships with family and friends. If their relationship

is satisfying prior to the birth, they expect it will remain satisfying after the birth. In

other words, if life is going well currently, people expect that it will go well in the

future even when the future will involve circumstances very different to those

encountered in the past, such as becoming a parent. There are similarities between these

results and those of previous work, which have found an association between optimistic

expectations and positive adjustment (Fournier et al., 2002; Leedham et al., 1995;

Murray & Holmes, 1997). In the current study, consistent with Taylor and Brown’s

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(1988, 1992) position, optimistic expectations were associated with positive attitudes

about the self (i.e., efficacy beliefs) and the ability to care for and about others (i.e.,

relationship adjustment and perceived social support).

The Effect of Disconfirmed Expectations and Parenting Efficacy Beliefs on Adjustment

The third hypothesis was that there would be a significant association between

expectancy disconfirmation and postnatal adjustment, whereby expectations that were

disconfirmed in a negative direction would be associated with poorer adjustment to

parenthood. This part of the hypothesis was supported. However, it was predicted that

parenting efficacy beliefs would moderate this relationship and consequently, the

relationship would be stronger for women with low parenting efficacy beliefs. There

was mixed support for this part of the hypothesis.

Consistent with the hypothesis, experiences that were negative relative to

expectations were associated with poorer relationship adjustment in three of the four

expectation categories, self expectations, partner expectations and social expectations;

and with poorer mood in all expectation categories. In all cases, these associations were

significant after controlling for the contribution of prenatal relationship adjustment or

prenatal mood. The exception to this pattern was the relationship between postnatal

relationship adjustment and infant expectations discrepancies, which was not

significant. This is similar to previous findings that disconfirmed expectations

pertaining to infant care-giving have not been associated with postnatal relationship

adjustment (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988) and with Kalmuss et al.’s (1992)

findings that not all disconfirmed expectations have an adverse effect on adjustment.

Overall, the expectancy discrepancy results suggest that women who have less

favourable than expected experiences in four domains - the nature of caring for an infant

and the influence of parenthood on themselves, their relationship with their partner, and

their relationships with others – may experience greater difficulty adjusting to their new

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role. Even in this sample, which made a relatively smooth transition, there was a

significant negative association between expectancy discrepancies and measures of

psychological adjustment, namely, mood and relationship adjustment. This suggests

that the effect of having optimistic expectations disconfirmed is not innocuous and it

cautions against unrealistic optimism in the face of challenging circumstances. These

results, along with those in the previous section, indicate while optimistic expectations

may be associated with positive psychological adjustment in the short term (i.e., during

pregnancy in this study), they may be associated with outcomes that are more negative

if they are unrealistic.

The results differed from the hypothesis concerning the way efficacy moderated

the relationship between expectancy disconfirmation and adjustment. The perceived

parenting efficacy mean of the sample was relatively high, with the consequence that

the median split actually produced a group that had moderate efficacy and a group with

very high efficacy levels. On average, the high efficacy group agreed with all the

statements on the efficacy measure, including that being a parent was manageable, any

problems were easily solved, they felt thoroughly familiar with the role, and they had all

the skills necessary to be a good mother. The moderate group was also skewed towards

agreeing with most items but the strength of their agreement was weaker than that of the

high efficacy group. Thus, the results speak to the nature of the relationship between

disconfirmed expectations and adjustment for women with moderate efficacy versus

women with high efficacy, rather than for women with low efficacy versus women with

high efficacy.

For the relationship between disconfirmed expectations and postnatal mood,

efficacy moderated the effect of disconfirmed expectations in relation to two types of

parenting expectations: expectations about the self and expectations about the partner.

For women with a moderate sense of efficacy, there was a weak or a non-significant

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relationship between mood and disconfirmed expectations. For women with a high

sense of parenting efficacy, there was a significant relationship between mood and

disconfirmed expectations, such that those whose experiences were negative relative to

expectations were less content. This pattern of findings was contradictory to

predictions.

It may have been particularly discouraging for highly efficacious women to find

that the arrival of the infant did not have the expected positive effect on their well being

and relationship, despite their very positive perception of their own functioning as a

parent. Although the women thought they were doing as well as possible at parenting,

some aspects of parenthood had been less positive than they had anticipated. This

incongruity may have resulted in increased negative affect. For those with a moderate

sense of efficacy, it may have been easier to accommodate these expectancy

discrepancies. Their perceptions of their own efficacy indicated that they did not feel

that they are struggling with the parenting role but, on the other hand, they did not see

their efficacy as at its ceiling. One possibility, albeit speculative, is that moderately

efficacious mothers may believe that the aspects of parenthood that are not a positive as

expected will improve as their efficacy increases, therefore expectancy disconfirmation

is not as distressing for these women. Efficacy made a significant direct contribution to

postnatal mood in three out of four of the regressions after the expectancy discrepancy

and prenatal mood had been accounted for statistically. The effect of efficacy on mood

is consistent with Bandura’s (1997) view that an optimistic sense of efficacy is

associated with positive well-being.

Efficacy moderated the relationship between self expectations discrepancies and

relationship adjustment but not for the other expectation categories and relationship

adjustment. The pattern was the same as that for mood: for the highly efficacious group

there was a strong association between relationship adjustment and disconfirmed

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expectations about the influence of parenthood on women’s own well-being, where

expectations that were disconfirmed in a negative direction were associated with poorer

relationship adjustment. For moderately efficacious women, there was no relationship

between relationship adjustment and disconfirmation of these expectations. It is

possible that, for highly efficacious women, discovering that parenthood had not had as

positive influence on their own well-being as expected, despite their own perceived

parenting skills, may have led them to feel less satisfied in their relationship. Again, for

moderately efficacious women, the discrepancy between expectations and experience

may have been viewed as a consequence of not yet being completely efficacious in their

new role and therefore, was not as aversive. Given that the fulfillment of partner and

social expectations is partly dependent on the actions of others, it is relatively

unsurprising that women’s parenting efficacy beliefs did not moderate the way these

expectations influenced her relationship adjustment. New mothers may have seen the

disconfirmation of these expectations as the result of the actions of others as well as

themselves.

Overall, the results of the moderator analyses were surprising. Further

investigation is needed but the findings do provide some support for Haaga and

Stewart’s (1992) view that extreme efficacy can lead individuals to overestimate the

adequacy of their skills when coping with challenging circumstances. In the context of

early parenting, coming to terms with the unexpected evidence that even though the

individual believes that she is extremely efficacious at parenting itself, the role and the

changes it brings are less than absolutely positive may result in increased negative

affect.

Implications

Taylor and Brown (1988, 1994) have argued that unrealistically optimistic

expectations are associated with positive psychological adjustment in the face of

96

challenging circumstances. The results from the current study suggest that, in general,

realistic rather than unrealistic expectations may be more adaptive in the context of the

transition to parenthood. In some cases, disconfirmed expectations may only be a

problem for women who are particularly confident in their parenting abilities. Previous

studies have found benefits for optimistic expectations but have not compared these

expectations with later experiences meaning that it is not possible to determine whether

there were any adverse effects, if these expectations were proven overly optimistic

(Fournier et al., 2002; Green & Kafetsios, 1997; Leedham et al., 1995). This study

compared expectations with reported experiences. Here, optimistic expectations were

associated with positive psychological adjustment during pregnancy but when these

expectations proved to be overly optimistic, they tended to be associated with poorer

psychological adjustment in women who perceived themselves as highly efficacious

parents. The adverse effects were not associated with large discrepancies. Generally,

those that had their expectations disconfirmed had experiences that were less positive

than they expected, rather than entirely positive expectations contrasting with entirely

negative experiences. This contrasts with Armor and Taylor’s (1998) assertion that if

the discrepancies between overly optimistic expectations and experiences are modest,

these discrepancies may be relatively harmless.

At a practical level, these results provide good news on the transition to

parenthood. The results indicate that many first-time mothers are optimistic about

parenthood and, on average, these expectations are matched or exceeded by experiences

four months after the birth. Furthermore, optimism during pregnancy appears to be

associated with good psychological adjustment at a time when women face a number of

challenges. One implication of these findings is that optimism may be beneficial during

the transition to parenthood. The caveat is that the optimism should be realistic. The

disconfirmation of overly optimistic expectations by less positive experiences was

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associated with higher scores on the depression measure and less relationship

satisfaction. These results have implications for education and counselling

interventions provided to people who are expecting their first child. While naturally

there is a strong focus on preparing parents for childbirth during pregnancy, it may be

beneficial to provide education about some of the positive and negative aspects of early

parenthood (Delmore-Ko et al., 2000). This might increase expectant parents’

awareness of some of the challenges they will face, allow them to formulate strategies

on how they will cope with parenthood, and decrease the likelihood that they will

formulate unduly optimistic expectations.

All of the participants were married or in de facto relationships. The sample was

predominantly Caucasian Australian or of European origin. Caution is needed when

generalising these results to other samples. Further, only a small minority of women in

this study faced significant difficulties during the transition to parenthood. Relatively

few women had scores on the mood measure that were indicative of depression and,

while there were declines in relationship adjustment scores, most people still scored

within a range that is characteristic of good adjustment. Yet, even with these protective

factors, expectancy disconfirmation had a significant effect on adjustment. The

participants in the current research were self-selected and this may have contributed to

the overall positive adjustment of the sample. Those that were facing difficulties or

were experiencing particularly difficult pregnancies may have been disinclined to

volunteer for this research during an already testing and busy time. It is possible that

unrealistic optimism may have even more detrimental effects in women who face

greater challenges during the transition to parenthood such as single mothers, adolescent

mothers, or those with a low income or a history of depression (Helstrom & Blechman,

1998). While this study focused on the expectations of first-time mothers, recent

research has found that men also experience depression and other difficulties adjusting

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to parenthood (Matthey et al., 2000). Future research could usefully investigate whether

disconfirmed expectations also play a role in their adjustment to parenthood.

In conclusion, the consistent finding from Study 1 and Study 2 is that pregnant

women have very positive expectations of parenthood. This raised the questions of

whether only pregnant women hold the positive attitudes towards parenthood or

whether the positive views of the women in the previous two studies reflected broader

cultural attitudes towards parenting. The next two studies examined this question in

more detail. Study 3 examines younger, non-pregnant women’s expectations about

parenthood and Study 4 explores media representations of parenting.

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CHAPTER 5

STUDY 3: YOUNG WOMEN’S PARENTING EXPECTATIONS

This study explores the differences between the expectations of those for whom

parenthood is imminent and those for whom parenthood is still a hypothetical event.

Consistent with previous research (e.g. Belsky, 1985; Green & Kafetsios, 1997;

Kalmuss et al., 1992), Studies 1 and 2 found expectant mothers have optimistic

expectations about parenthood. Generally, they expect that parenthood will bring many

benefits to their lives and expect to avoid a range of negative experiences that can occur

in the early stages of parenthood. For a number of reasons, these women may be

particularly motivated to formulate optimistic expectations of parenthood. As women in

the late stages of pregnancy, they were already undergoing the transition to parenthood.

They had experienced significant changes to their body, many had taken maternity leave

from their place of employment indicating they had experienced a role change, and it is

also possible that their relationships had changed as they prepared for the arrival of their

infant. Within weeks of completing the questionnaires in Studies 1 and 2 they were

faced with childbirth, a challenging, painful event and one that women often fear

(Melender, 2002). Therefore, these women may be particularly motivated to formulate

optimistic expectations of parenthood as a way of coping with any sacrifices they had

made, any discomfort they were experiencing, and any fears they had about the

remainder of the pregnancy or childbirth.

Previous theoretical and empirical work would predict that pregnant women are

more likely than non-pregnant individuals to have optimistic expectations of

parenthood. Taylor and Brown (1988) and Armor and Taylor (1998) argue that

optimistic expectations are likely to become exaggerated when individuals are faced

with adversity. While childbirth and early parenthood are not the chronic illness

situations described by these authors, many women would be aware that the perinatal

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period could contain a number of significant physical and psychological challenges.

Yet, they appear to expect to emerge from this challenge unscathed, if not enhanced, by

the experience. Similarly, previous work has found that individuals are more likely to

form optimistic expectations when there is a particular motivation for them to do so and

that individuals’ expectations reflect their desires and wishes for what they would like

to see happen (Buehler, Griffin, & MacDonald, 1997; Lehman & Taylor, 1988).

Therefore, they may discount negative information and attend to positive information

leading to the formulation of very optimistic expectations. Women not facing these

challenges may attend to positive and negative information about parenthood and

consequently formulate more balanced rather than very optimistic expectations of

parenthood.

Taylor and Brown (1988) argue that optimistic expectations serve an important

function: the promotion of positive psychological adjustment in the face of challenging

events. If this function is not needed, does the optimistic bias disappear? Are there

times when individuals can regard their own future in a more balanced light? This

research may provide information on how the timing of an event influences the

formulation of optimistic expectations. As women in the late stages of pregnancy, the

participants in Studies 1 and 2 were at a stage where they had limited control over

whether they became parents or not. Women who are able to choose parenthood instead

of or in addition to a range of other roles may be more objective about the positive and

negative aspects of parenting.

In order to examine this issue, the current study compares the parenting

expectations of pregnant women with those of a sample of women on a university

campus who were not pregnant or parents but wanted to have children in the future. In

addition to furthering knowledge of the circumstances in which optimistic expectations

are likely to form, this study also aimed to elucidate young women’s attitudes to

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childbearing – a topic of increasing debate. The overwhelmingly positive views of

parenthood held by the women in Studies 1 and 2 come at a time when there is

increasing concern in developed nations that women are becoming more ambivalent

about or even hostile towards parenting. This view has been expressed by social

commentators and demographic researchers (King, 2002; Mackay, 2003; Neal, Groat, &

Wicks, 1989). In many nations, including Australia, there have been three inter-related

changes pertaining to women’s fertility. First, women are having fewer children with

the result that birth rates have declined to below population replacement levels (ABS,

2003; Caldwell, Caldwell, & McDonald, 2002). Second, women are having children

later, with the median age of women giving birth increasing from 28.5 in 1991 to 30.2

in 2002 (ABS, 2003). Third, increasing numbers of women are remaining childless

(ABS, 2003). A number of related factors have been cited as contributing to these

changes, the most potent being advances in reproductive technology that have given

women greater control over their fertility (Weston & Parker, 2002). In addition,

increases in women’s education levels and labour force participation and the associated

economic independence of women means that they have role and occupational choices

other than those of wife and mother (Blossfield & Huinink, 1991; Langdridge et al.,

2000; Mahaffy & Ward, 2002; Santow & Bracher, 2001).

There is relatively little research on young people’s expectations of parenthood

but the research that does exist suggests that this group may have more balanced

attitudes, which entertain the possibility of positive and negative expectations, than

expectant parents. In contrast to the pregnant women in the previous two studies,

childless couples in the early years of marriage perceive a range of costs associated with

parenthood including financial costs, increased stress and worry, making drastic

lifestyle changes, and having less time and energy to put into their careers (Neal et al.,

1989; Seccombe, 1991). However, they also cite a number of benefits including giving

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and receiving love and affection and forming a family unit. These are similar to the

benefits of parenthood that are cited by expectant parents (Landridge et al., 2000).

Other research has found that university students value career pursuits as well as having

children and many female students anticipate having a break in their working career or

stopping work altogether while their children are young (Schroeder, Blood, & Maluso,

1992; Spade & Reese, 1991).

Few studies have made a direct comparison between the expectations of those

about to become parents and those for whom this event is less imminent. This type of

research would clarify whether it is only expectant parents who are optimistic about

parenthood. In a study examining expectations of toddlers’ temperaments, Silverman

and Dubow (1991) compared the expectations of university students with those of

expectant parents. These authors found that university students were more pessimistic

than expectant parents about their future toddlers’ temperaments: the students expected

to have toddlers with more difficult temperaments. One of Silverman and Dubow’s

explanations for this finding was that the decision to become a parent resolves some of

the doubts that individuals have about toddlers’ temperaments and that individuals’

expectations of parenthood become more positive as they approach the role. A similar

explanation, which is consistent with thought in the unrealistic optimism area, is that

expectant parents are particularly motivated to expect that their children will have happy

and easy-going temperaments. Expectant parents may attend to examples of happy

toddlers and discount examples of crying toddlers leading to the formulation of


Contrasting with the findings of Silverman and Dubow (1991), other research

has found that young people have very idealised attitudes towards parenthood. In a

study examining adolescents’ views on a broad range of issues pertaining to parenthood,

Condon, Donovan, and Corkindale (2000) found that between a third and a quarter of

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Australian never-pregnant adolescents held idealised views of pregnancy and

parenthood. They appeared to endorse folk myths about parenthood such as “you don’t

need to learn how to be a competent parent – it just comes naturally” (p. 732) and

“parenting is almost always enjoyable” (p. 732). These young people seem to

overestimate the positives of parenthood and underestimate the negatives. Condon et al.

(2000) did not compare these adolescents expectations with those of expectant parents

but from these results seem to indicate that the optimistic expectations held by the

women in Studies 1 and 2 are shared more broadly. This counters the view that the

decline in birth rates reflects a growing ambivalence towards parenthood.

Other research has examined whether the greater choices available to women

and changing demographic trends has led to a change in attitudes towards parenting.

This research indicates that women’s age, education levels, and current life

circumstances influence their attitudes to parenting. Ex and Janssens (2000) examined

the perceptions of motherhood held by Dutch women and female adolescents. The

researchers found that adolescents were more likely to emphasise the need for mothers

to be child-centered whereas young women emphasised the importance of a mother

being family orientated without losing her autonomy. Females with higher levels of

education tended to stress the importance of autonomous and self-assertive attitudes in

mothers whereas those with less education emphasised the importance of child-

centeredness and a well-groomed appearance more frequently. Ex and Janssens also

asked their participants how they expected themselves to perform as mothers. Overall,

the women thought they would be moderately traditional and devoted to care-giving and

domestic duties, but placed more importance on being assertive and nurturing

relationships with their children and others in their lives. These findings indicate that

age and education influence females’ attitudes on what constitutes a good mother but

they do not inform on whether these girls and women expect parenthood to be a positive

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or negative experience.

Results from other research suggest that attitudes towards childbearing influence

childbearing behaviour. In a longitudinal study, Barber (2001) found that positive

attitudes towards children and parenting in 18-year-old men and women were associated

with earlier marital childbearing subsequently. In comparison, positive attitudes

towards activities that compete with childbearing such as education, career pursuits, and

the purchase of luxury goods were associated with a decreased likelihood of premarital

childbearing and a delay in marital childbearing. Barber argues that as a broader range

of values become socially acceptable, individuals become freer to act on their personal

preferences when making childbearing choices. Thus, individual attitudes towards

childbearing may be more likely to be important in determining individual behaviour

than social pressures. In addition, as it becomes more common and socially acceptable

for women to remain childless, it may also mean that women who are not yet about to

become mothers find it more acceptable to express negative as well as positive beliefs

about the role.

Goals of the Present Study

The current study had two aims. The first aim was to compare the expectations

of pregnant women with those of women who did not have children and were not

pregnant in order to explore whether the optimism displayed by the pregnant women

reflected their own circumstances or are representative of women’s attitudes to

parenthood in general. The women in the previous two studies were facing the

significant challenge of childbirth and parenthood. Therefore, they may have been

particularly motivated to focus on positive aspects of parenthood and formulate

optimistic expectation. This positive bias may reflect an adaptive strategy to cope with

any fears or concerns that lay ahead. Indeed, the results from Study 2 indicate that very

positive expectations of parenthood were associated with positive psychological

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adjustment. The current study sought to explore whether those for whom parenthood

was still a hypothetical event displayed the same optimism to parenthood.

The second aim was to gather information on how young women view

parenthood. The childbearing decisions of this group bear importantly on future

demographics. Yet, little is known about how this group views parenthood or of their

childbearing plans. The research that does exist has provided contradictory results.

Some research indicates that young people may be more likely than expectant parents to

hold positive and negative expectations of parenthood (Neal et al., 1989; Seccombe,

1991; Silverman & Dubow, 1991) and other research has found that young people can

have very optimistic expectations of parenthood (Condon et al., 2000). Greater

understanding of young women’s expectations of parenthood is important because their

beliefs about this role may influence their childbearing decisions (Barber, 2001). Other

factors that influence childbearing decisions are education, relationship status, and age

(ABS, 2003; Blossfeld & Huinink, 1991; Rindfuss, Morgan, & Offutt, 1996; Wu &

MacNeill, 2002). This study aimed to provide some empirically-based information on

what young women expect parenthood to be like, when they expect to have children and

whether these expectations are influenced by their relationship status and age.

To participate in this study, women had to be aged between 18 and 29 years of

age, childless, and not pregnant. Women studying and working at a university

completed the parenting expectations measure used in the previous study. They were

also asked about their plans regarding children - whether they wanted to have children

sometime in the future and if so, in approximately how many years they would like to

become a parent. The expectations of the university sample were compared to the

expectations of the women recruited in Study 2, that is, women pregnant with their first

child.

In accordance with the theoretical issues outlined, it was predicted that as

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parenthood became a more likely option or more imminent for the women in the study

they would be more likely to focus on the positive aspects of parenthood and less likely

to focus on the negative aspects. Therefore, their expectations would become more

optimistic. The first hypothesis was that the pregnant women would hold more

optimistic expectations of parenthood than the women in the university sample. Given

previous research on factors that influence the timing of childbearing, the second

hypothesis was that there would be a significant association between the university

women’s estimates of when they would have children, and their age and relationship

status. Specifically, those that were older and those in relationships would expect to

have children sooner than those who were younger and single. The third hypothesis

was that those in the university sample who were more likely to become parents sooner

- that is, those who were older and those in relationships - would have more positive

expectations of parenthood.

Increased years of education may influence women’s attitudes to childbearing,

in that, the more years they have invested in their education, the less likely they are to

have children in the near future. However, a university sample has limited variability in

this area and no significant relationships between the nature of women’s expectations

and their education levels were expected.

Method

Participants

The participants in this study were 85 women from the University of Western

Australia. Participants who stated that they did not want to have children were not

included in the final sample. This was to ensure that the difference between the two

groups was the timing of when they would have children and that the differences

between their expectations would not be confounded by parenting expectations of

participants who did not want to have children.

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The final sample consisted of 79 women aged between 19 and 29 years of age.

The women all worked or studied at the University of Western Australia. Most of the

participants were undergraduate students (85.9%), while 9.0% were postgraduate

students and 5.1% were university employees. Given that the expectations of this

sample were being compared to those of the pregnant women in Study 2, it was

necessary to examine whether the two samples differed on demographic variables. The

mean ages, mean years of education, relationship types, and ethnic backgrounds of the

two groups are displayed in Table 5.1. As expected, the university sample was

significantly younger, t(148) = -9.60, p < .001, and had significantly more years of

education, t(147) = 6.38, p < .001, than the pregnant sample. The samples also differed

in their ethnic backgrounds and their relationship types. While the entire pregnant

sample was co-habiting with their partner, only 25.4% of the university sample were in

this type of relationship. Over a third of the university sample was single. For those

that were in a relationship there was a great deal of variation in the lengths of these

relationships. The shortest relationship length was three weeks and the longest was 9

years. The mean was 33.9 months (SD = 24.52).

In order to establish whether ethnicity influenced the variables in question,

independent sample t-test was used to detect differences in expectation scores for

participants from different ethnic backgrounds within the university sample. There no

difference between expectation scores for Australian participants and expectation scores

for non-Australian participants. Likewise, there were not differences between ethnic

groups in regards to their estimates of when they would have children.

Procedure

Three recruitment strategies were used in this study. In the first strategy,

participants were approached in second, third, and fourth year psychology lectures,

given a brief explanation of the research, and invited to participate. Interested

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Table 5.1 Demographic variables for pregnant women and university women. University group

n = 79

Pregnant group

n = 71

Age M (SD) 22.0 (2.55) 27.7 (4.47)

Years of tertiary education

M (SD)

3.06 (1.57) 1.13 (1.99)

Relationship Types 5.1% Married

20.3% De facto

36.7% Partner but not

living together

38.5% Single

60.9% Married

39.1% De facto

Ethnic Background 73.5% Australian

5.2% European

21.8% Asian

64.6% Australian

23.0% European

12.4% Other

individuals took a questionnaire, information sheet, and consent form away with them;

completed the material in their own time; and returned it in an envelope at the next

lecture. In the second strategy, first year psychology students were recruited via their

course website. These students gained course credits as remuneration for their

participation and completed their questionnaire in a quiet room. In the third strategy,

participants were recruited via the university’s general email list. Individuals who

volunteered to participate were sent a questionnaire, consent form, and information

sheet in the mail and returned through the internal mail system. The questionnaire and

information sheet used in this study are displayed in Appendix E.

Materials

The parenting expectations measure was used again in this study (see Chapter 3

for a description of this measure). The instructions were altered slightly to make them

appropriate for women who were not pregnant with their first child. Rather than asking

women to think about how they expected life to be when their baby arrived, women

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were asked to “think about how you would expect life to be for you, if you were the

parent of an infant”. The overall alpha for the parenting expectations measure in this

sample was .94. For the subscales, the alphas were: .78 for the infant expectations, .82

for partner expectations, .86 for self expectations, and .73 for social expectations.

In addition to the parenting expectations measure, the participants were asked

about their age, their relationship status, education, whether they expected to have

children in the future and, if they did, approximately how many years in the future they

thought they would have children.

Results

Comparison Between the Pregnant Women and the University Women

The first hypothesis of this study was that the university sample would be less

optimistic about parenthood than women who were pregnant with their first child. To

test this hypothesis a one-way between groups multivariate analysis of variance

(MANOVA) was performed to investigate differences between the expectations of the

university sample and the expectations of the pregnant women in Study 2. The four

dependent variables were infant expectations, partner expectations, self expectations,

and social expectations. The means for each group on the dependent variables are

displayed in Table 5.2. There was a statistically significant difference between the

pregnant women and the university sample on the combined dependent variables, F(4,

145) = 3.15, Wilks’ Lambda = .92, partial eta squared = .08. When the groups were

compared on each of the dependent variables, the pregnant women had significantly

higher scores that the university sample on infant expectations and partner expectations.


Expectations in the University Women

It was predicted that women who were older and in relationships would expect

to have children sooner than women who were younger and single. Pearson’s

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Table 5.2 Means, standard deviations, and results of the between-subject comparisons for the expectations scores in the pregnant sample (n = 71) and the university sample (n = 79). Pregnant Group University Group

Expectation Category Mean SD Mean SD F(1, 148)

Infant Expectations 60.55 6.74 57.01 7.78 8.81*

Partner Expectations 60.96 7.81 57.32 8.05 7.87*

Self Expectations 102.21 12.91 96.66 14.4 6.11

Social Expectations 64.96 8.21 63.34 7.84 1.59

* p < 0.012 (Bonferroni corrected alpha level for multiple comparisons).

correlations were performed to determine whether there were significant relationships

between women’s estimates of the number of years until they would have children and

their age and years of education. The mean for women’s estimates for the number of

years until they had children was 6.89 (SD = 2.93) with a range of 0 to 15 years. There

was no significant relationship between number of years of education and expectations

of number of years until childbearing (r = -.10, ns). There was a large, inverse

correlation between age and estimates of years until childbearing (r = -.58, p < .001).

A one-way between-groups analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was conducted

to determine whether relationship status influenced expected timing of childbearing.

The independent variable was relationship status, which had three levels: single, partner

but not cohabiting, partner and cohabiting. The dependent variable was the participants’

estimates of the number of years until they would have children. Given that age appears

to have a significant influence on expected years until childbearing, it was entered as a

covariate in this analysis. The descriptive statistics for this ANCOVA are displayed in

Table 5.3. Preliminary checks were conducted to ensure that the assumptions of

normality, linearity, homogeneity of variance, and homogeneity of regression slopes

were met. After adjusting for age, there was a significant effect of relationship status on

expected years until childbearing, F (2, 76) = 3.50, p < .05, eta squared = .08. Pairwise

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Table 5.3

Means and standard deviations for the university participants’ ages and their estimates of the number of years until they would have children. Single

(n = 30)

Partner – not

cohabiting

(n = 29)

Partner –

cohabiting

(n = 20)

Age (M, SD) 21.70 (2.19) 21.17 (1.87) 23.75 (3.13)

Years until childbearing (M, SD) 7.98 (2.54) 6.84 (2.60) 5.30 (3.31)

Adjusted means (and SE) for years

until childbearing

7.72 (.43) 6.29 (.44) 6.42 (.56)

comparisons between the estimated marginal means revealed that women in non-

cohabiting relationships expected to have children significantly sooner than women not

in relationships. The other pairwise contrasts were not significant.

The final prediction was that women who were likely to have children sooner

would have more optimistic expectations of parenthood. Pearson’s correlation was used

to determine whether age and years of education were related to expectation scores.

There were no significant relationships between expectations scores and age (r = -.04,

ns), estimated years until childbearing (r = -.02, ns), or years of education (r = -.01, ns).

A one-way between groups analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted to

determine whether participants’ relationship status had an effect on their expectation

scores. The three groups in this analysis were single participants (n = 30, M = 277.20,

SD = 29.40), participants who were in a relationship but not living with their partner (n

= 29, M = 275.62, SD = 36.92), and those who were married or living with their partner

(n = 20, M = 268.15, SD = 36.41). There was not a significant effect for relationship

status on expectation scores, F (2, 76) = .45, ns.

Discussion

As predicted, the expectations of pregnant women were more optimistic than

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those of the university sample. That is not to say that the women in the university

sample had negative expectations of parenthood. Like the pregnant women, they tended

to agree with positively worded items and disagree with negatively worded items but

the strength of their agreement was weaker. Consistent with the hypothesis, within the

university sample, there was a significant relationship between women’s age and their

estimates of when they would like to have children with older women estimating that

they would have children sooner than younger women. Similarly, relationship status

was linked to estimates of childbearing with women in non-cohabiting relationships

estimating that they would have children sooner than those not in relationships.

However, age and relationship status were not associated with expectations in the

university sample and, as expected, there were no significant relationships between

education levels and estimates of childbearing timing or parenting expectations.

These results are consistent with the notion that the optimism displayed by the

pregnant women reflected their own circumstances. The pregnant women were about to

become parents and as such may be particularly motivated attend to positive

information of parenthood and discount negative information leading to the formulation

of very optimistic expectations. In comparison, the women in the university sample,

who wanted to become parents in the future but still had some choice over whether this

would occur, appeared to be less optimistic. This study examined a broader range of

expectations than Silverman and Dubow (1991) who focussed on toddlers’

temperaments. However, as in their study, the findings from the current study indicate

that individuals for whom parenthood was imminent viewed the experience more

positively than those for whom the role was more distant. Based on these results, it

appears that individuals facing a challenge are more likely to focus on potential positive

outcomes than individuals who are not facing the challenge. This is consistent with

Taylor and colleagues’ view (Armor & Taylor, 1998; Taylor & Brown 1988) that

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optimistic expectations are likely to become exaggerated when individuals are faced

with a challenging event. For the university women, who were not about to face the

challenging event of childbirth, it may have been easier to entertain the idea that their

future lives as parents may involve less than ideal experiences, which in turn led to less


Although the expectations of the university women were less optimistic than

those of the pregnant women, the university women had positive expectations of

parenthood. These findings are similar to previous work, which has found young

people have very optimistic views on their own futures even when it relates to life

events that may be some years away (Weinstein, 1980; Fowers et al., 2001). The results

of the current study do not support the positions put forward by social commentators

and demography researchers that young women are generally ambivalent or negative

about parenting (King, 2002; Mackay, 2003; Neal et al., 1991). Here, both pregnant

women and a sample of university women expect that the role will be a positive

experience and will have a positive influence on their lives. The rationale and

methodology of the current study differed from Condon et al.’s (2000) work in that their

study examined idealisation of early parenting by adolescents and this study examined

expectations held by young women and expectant mothers. Yet, taking into account the

results of both studies, it is possible to conclude that many young people view

parenthood as a positive experience.

The current study also examined links between the university women’s attitudes

towards childbearing and their age, relationship status, and level of education. The

university sample’s estimates of when they intended to have children indicate that on

average they expect to have children within seven years from the time of the study.

Given the average age of the sample, this would mean that on average the participants

wanted to have children at around age 29. This mirrors previous findings, which have

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indicated that university students plan to have children in their late 20s (Spade & Reese,

1991). It is a few years later than the latest available figure for maternal age at first

birth in Australia: 27.3 years (AIHW National Perinatal Statistics Unit, 2003).

Examining the factors associated with timing of childbirth, women’s age was

significantly associated with their estimates of when they would have children. The

older the women were, the sooner they thought they would have children. None of the

women in the sample had estimates that indicated they expected to have children in their

late 30s or into their 40s. This is interesting in light of recent media reports that women

are unaware that, even with the advances in reproductive technology, the probability of

conceiving and carrying a pregnancy to term becomes smaller as women age (Gibbs,

Horowitz, Rawe, & Song, 2002; Kalb et al., 2001). Future research may investigate

whether women are aware of the relationship between age and fertility and whether this

awareness influences their childbearing plans. Of course, intentions are often different

to actual behavioral outcomes. It is possible that as the women in this study age, they

will encounter circumstances that compete with childbearing, such as pursuing higher

education and establishing a career. These women may have children later than they

intend to. Longitudinal research in this area would be useful in order to determine how

women’s intentions and life events interact to influence the timing of childbearing.

Relationship status also significantly contributed to women’s estimates of when

they would have children. When statistically controlling for age, women who had a

partner but were not cohabiting with their partner expected to have children sooner than

those who were single. However, this relationship did not hold for women who

cohabiting with their partner. This group was older than the other two groups and there

was no significant difference between cohabiting women and the other two groups once

age was statistically controlled for. For single women, that is those that are not married

or cohabiting with their partner, it appears that being in a relationship influences when

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they expect to have children.

Neither age nor relationship status were significantly associated with parenting

expectations. This is contrary to the hypothesis that women who were likely to have

children sooner, in this case women who had a partner or were older, would have more

optimistic expectations of parenthood. The results from this study suggest that

parenting expectations may become more optimistic when the event is inescapable but

not simply if the event is more likely or a more proximal prospect. In some ways, this

supports Taylor and colleagues’ (Armor & Taylor, 1998; Taylor & Brown 1988) view

that expectations become exaggerated in response to potential adversity. The women in

the university sample who were older and in a relationship may have been more likely

to have children sooner than other women in the university sample. However, they

were still in a position to choose whether they became parents and were not faced with

the immediate challenge of childbirth and parenthood. This may be one reason why

their expectations were not as optimistic as those of the pregnant sample. The results

suggest that expectations do not become more optimistic as an event becomes more

likely, rather they become more optimistic when an event is imminent and an individual

has no control over the occurrence of that event.

At this stage, it is only possible to assume that the difference in the timing of

parenthood led to the differences in expectations between the pregnant women and the

university women. Longitudinal research is needed to confirm this relationship. For

example, research that followed women from a stage where they were contemplating

having children in the future through to a stage where they became pregnant would lend

stronger support to the notion that the optimism of parenting expectations becomes

exaggerated when parenthood is imminent.

Due to differences in the way the pregnancy and the university sample were

recruited, it was not possible to match the two samples on demographic variables. The

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parenthood statuses of the two groups were not the only variables distinguishing them.

The university sample was significantly younger and had significantly more years of

education than the pregnancy sample. Further, less than half of the university sample

was living in cohabiting relationships whereas the entire pregnancy sample were living

with their partner. These differences may have contributed to the differences in

expectations between the two groups. Other research has found that women’s education

level does influence their perception of parenthood (Ex & Janssens, 2000). However,

within the university sample, the relationships between expectations and age, education,

and relationship status were not significant. This suggests that the demographic

differences between the university and pregnancy sample may not be the reason for the

observed differences in expectations. However, further research is needed with samples

that are matched on demographic variables to confirm that this is the case.

Given that higher education is a pursuit that has been associated with higher

rates of childlessness and a delay in parenting (Blossfeld & Huinink, 1991; Rindfuss et

al., 1996; Wu & MacNeill, 2002), one would expect that these women might have

somewhat ambivalent attitudes to this role. However, this assumption is not supported

by these results. It is also possible that because women were asked to comment on their

own futures, they gave responses that were motivated by their own hopes and desires

for their future lives as parents. In other words, the university sample may also have

endorsed positively biased expectations. Other research has demonstrated that young

people have overly optimistic expectations about a number of aspects of their lives

(Weinstein, 1980). One way to get a more objective assessment or to examine the

extent to which the women’s parenting expectations reflect a positive bias regarding

their own futures may be to ask what they expect parenthood to be like for the average

individual. If their expectations for the average individual were lower than their

expectations for themselves, it would suggest that parenthood is another area where

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individuals are prone to displaying a positive bias when predicting their own futures.

The very positive parenting expectations of the women in the previous two

studies come at a time when there is growing concern that young people view parenting

as a negative experience. In a sample of women on a university campus, it was found

that these women also have positive expectations about parenthood, although not as

positive as the pregnant sample. The findings do lend support to the notion that

expectations are likely to become very optimistic when individuals are faced with an

event over which they have limited control and which may be difficult or have negative

outcomes. However, the results also suggest that the positive views of parenthood held

by the pregnant women in Study 2 are more widespread and are to some extent shared

by younger women. The next chapter explores further the cultural context in which the

expectations of the women in the three studies conducted thus far were formulated.

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CHAPTER 6

STUDY 4: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF IMAGES IN PARENTING MAGAZINES

The previous studies have revealed that both pregnant women and those for

whom parenthood is less imminent have positive expectations about parenthood. This

prompts questions about how expectations of parenthood are constructed. Why do

people have predominantly favourable images of a major life transition that they have

not yet experienced? Why are these images socially shared (i.e., held by many people)?

Widely held expectations form part of the cultural context within which lives are lived

and futures planned. Yet, relatively little research attention has been paid to the ways in

which early parenthood is represented within Western societies and to the content of the

information sources used by new parents. One way to address these questions is to

examine the content of media devoted to the transition to parenthood. Media content

can reflect the cultural context in which it was produced (Riffe, Lacy, & Fico, 1998).

For example, Lee (1997) suggests that media images of parenthood reflect the cultural

value that new mothers should experience “unalloyed happiness and love” (p. 99). In

addition, people select and use media sources to satisfy their individual needs and

desires (Rubin, 1994). For example, first-time parents often have limited direct

experience with infants and report relying on parenting books and magazines, amongst

other sources, for parenting information (Carruth & Skinner, 2001; Deutsch, Ruble,

Fleming, Brooks-Gun, & Stangor, 1988). In this way, media sources may shape,

influence, or reinforce the expectations or attitudes that individuals hold about a

particular issue. Therefore, examination of media representations of parenting may

inform of the cultural context in which parenting expectations are formed and of the

nature of an information source used by new parents.

Images of infants, young children, and their parents appear to be widely used

within the media. Indeed, in Australia and other countries, there are magazines devoted

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to pregnancy, parenting infants, and parenting in general. While the transition to

parenthood can have profound implications for women, limited attention has been paid

to the way it is presented in the media. This is despite the fact that media content has

been examined with reference to a broad range of other issues relating to women,

including media representations of feminine attractiveness and gender roles (Bartsch,

Brunett, Diller, & Rankin-Williams, 2000; Malkin, Wornian, & Chrisler, 1999;

Mazzella, Durkin, Cerini, & Buralli, 1992; Milburn, Carney, & Ramirez, 2001).

Two authors who have examined the transition to parenthood have argued that

the media misrepresent early parenting experiences. Kitzinger (1993) argues that new

mothers who turn to the media for guidance are presented with a false and glamorised

picture of the transition to parenthood. In her view, books and magazines targeted to

new mothers fit a particular formula where “whatever the subject and however grim the

information presented, every piece must end positively” (p. 7). She also notes that the

media present infants as “pink, plump”, “smiling adorably”, and “gurgling with

delight”. Similarly, Maushart (1999) describes parenting magazines as “relentlessly

upbeat” (p. 87). The implication is that the not-so-cute aspects of early parenthood such

as changing a dirty nappy or listening to an infant cry all night are avoided in media

devoted to parenting issues. If these views are accurate, perhaps it is not surprising that

the women in the previous studies of this project have had such optimistic expectations

about parenthood. Yet until now, there has been little quantitative evidence to support

descriptive critiques, such as those of Maushart and Kitzinger. Research that has

explored the way parenthood is represented in the media has tended to focus on two

topics: the way motherhood is represented generally and the way media content

pertaining to mothers changed as women’s workforce participation increased in the

second half of the 20th Century.

Knijn (1994) analysed the way representations of mothers in Dutch magazines

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evolved as women’s roles changed in the period spanning from the 1960s to the 1980s.

She found that 1960s magazine content emphasised the self-sacrifice involved in

motherhood, whereas 1980s content focused on motherhood as a role that would bring

self-fulfillment and self-realisation to women. Research examining whether media

content has reflected the changing nature of women’s roles in Western countries has

focused on attitudes towards mothers’ involvement in paid employment and the

utilisation of childcare (Etaugh, Williams, & Carlson, 1996; Keller, 1994). One of the

conclusions drawn from this research is that magazines seek to reflect the views of their

readers. Therefore, in the 1950s when many of the readers’ primary role was that of a

homemaker, the magazines espoused the benefits of this role for women and their

families (Keller, 1994). As the number of women in paid employment increased

throughout the 1970s and 1980s, these magazines reflected a wider range of attitudes

about what was best for women and their children (Etaugh et al., 1996; Keller, 1994).

Presumably aware that their readership could contain both women who had chosen to

stay at home with their children and those who were mothers and paid employees, the

magazines took up the view that each of these situations was good even if this meant

embracing contradictory positions (Keller, 1994). For example, within the same issue, a

magazine may champion the position that the best-adjusted children are those who

receive the constant care of their mothers and then, in another article, advocate the

seemingly contrary position that the best-adjusted children are those who go to daycare.

Of more direct relevance to the transition to parenthood is research investigating

the way parenthood, or more often motherhood, is represented in magazines and books

targeted to parents. Marshall (1991) conducted a discourse analysis of popular

childcare and parenting manuals published between 1979 and 1988. Although these

manuals are aimed at parents, often their content seems to be directed to mothers in

particular. The findings indicated that one of the dominant themes was that motherhood

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is a satisfying and important role that provides ultimate fulfillment for women. Another

theme was that a mother’s love for her child comes naturally and is a given in parenting.

Marshall’s conclusion was that these manuals generally presented the nuclear family as

the best environment for raising children, within which fathers were depicted as an

essential component to successful child-rearing. However, fathers’ role was as a helper

rather than primary caregiver. Marshall argued that the manuals implied that any

domestic or occupational scenarios discrepant with this traditional model were

inherently problematic. Most of these manuals are over two decades old now and, given

that women’s participation in paid employment has increased since their publication, it

is possible that current media representations of parenting may not place such a heavy

emphasis on traditional gender roles.

More recent content analyses of American parenting magazines have found

parenthood is portrayed as a private affair in which parents rather than a wider family

circle bear the sole responsibility for the care of their children (Johnson & Swanson,

2003; Kakinuma, 1993). Representations of mothers in this medium suggested that

mothers were still confined to the domestic sphere, regardless of whether they were

employed outside the home or were an at-home mother (Johnson & Swanson, 2003).

Thus, the magazines continued to present a traditional image of mothers: at home with

the children. Johnson and Swanson’s study only examined mother-related content.

Therefore, it is not possible to determine how these magazines portrayed fathers’ role in

parenting.

Overall, media representations of motherhood have been criticised for

perpetuating gender role stereotypes: children do best when their mothers are home with

them, caring for children is the domain of women, and motherhood brings complete

fulfillment and satisfaction to women (Johnson & Swanson, 2003; Marshall, 1991).

However, research that has explored media representations of parenthood has done so at

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a relatively broad level and there is little in the literature on the nature of the

information that is targeted to new parents. Furthermore, researchers have been

particularly interested in the representations of motherhood in the media, with far less

attention paid to how fathers are represented. Given that previous research has found

that the transition to parenthood can be more difficult for women when they have

unrealistic expectations about how their relationship with their partner will be

influenced by parenthood (Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988; see also Study 2),

it is important to examine how fathers are portrayed in information sources used by

expectant and new parents.

Some authors have expressed concern that if the information sources that women

rely on present only the positive side of early parenthood, they may formulate

unrealistically optimistic expectations of parenthood and feel a sense of failure and guilt

if their experience is not wholly joyful (Kitzinger, 1993; Lee, 1997). This is consistent

with the findings of Study 2, which indicated that unrealistic expectations lead to

decreases in relationship satisfaction and contentment. If magazines are an information

source that expectant parents use, and if they reinforce or lead to the formulation of

unrealistic expectations, they may indirectly contribute to the difficulties that some

experience during this important transition. In addition, magazine content may reflect

broader cultural values pertaining to the transition to parenthood, which may also have

an influence on women’s expectations.

The aim of the current study was to examine how the transition to parenthood,

that is pregnancy and early parenthood, is presented in the media. Because previous

authors have raised concerns about the media messages targeted to new mothers and as

the expectations of first-time parents are the predominant concern of this thesis, images

in magazines targeted towards parents of infants or expectant parents were selected as

the focus of study. Of particular interest was whether early parenthood was portrayed

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as a positive or negative experience. One way to glean this information is to examine

the images - that is, pictures or photographs – displayed in these magazines. From

images in magazines, it is possible to observe the emotions typically displayed by

individuals in these magazines, the behaviour displayed by infants and parents, and who

is displayed caring for infants. It is also possible to infer meanings that may be

conveyed to readers. For example, previous research has found that media images tend

to display men and women in traditional and stereotypical gender roles (Milburn et al.,

2001).

The participants in Study 2 and Study 3 were asked about their perceptions of

media containing images of parents and children. The results for these measures are

presented in this chapter in order to address two questions. First, do women use

parenting magazines during the transition to parenthood? Second, what are women’s

perceptions of the way the transition to parenthood – pregnancy and the early stages of

parenthood - is presented in the media? Women’s ratings of media content will also

allow for comparison between women’s perceptions of this content and the results from

the analysis of this content.

This study analysed the photographic images of infants, pregnant women,

expectant fathers, mothers of infants and fathers of infants in two Australian parenting

magazines. Parenting magazines were selected as a medium because they are an

information source targeted at and used by new and expectant parents. In addition,

previous research has found that this medium is likely to present views that are

consistent with that of its readership and therefore, parenting magazines may provide an

indicator of current Australian attitudes towards the transition to parenthood.

Based on findings of Studies 1, 2, and 3, it was predicted that the way the

transition to parenthood is represented in parenting magazines would be consistent with

the expectations that women appear to hold about parenthood, that is, that parenting is a

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largely positive experience. Five hypotheses were formulated:

1. Parents, including expectant parents, and infants will be portrayed experiencing

positive emotions more often than negative emotions.

2. Mothers will be portrayed as the primary caregiver, that is, mothers will be shown

with infants more often than fathers will.

3. Women will be involved in care-taking and domestic labour behaviour more often

than men.

4. It will be uncommon for those other than parents to be involved in infant care.

Therefore, most images will contain infants with their parents or infants alone and

instances where other individuals are presented caring for infants will be rare.

5. The physical appearance of both parents, including expectant parents, and babies

will be idealised. Both parents and infants will be presented as well-groomed and

clean.

Women’s Media Use and Perceptions of Media Pertaining to Pregnancy and Parenting

Method

Participants

The participants in this study were the same as those in Studies 2 (transition to

parenthood women) and 3 (university women). The demographic information for the

women involved in the longitudinal study is presented in the Participants section of

Chapter 4. The demographic information for the university students is presented in the

Participants section of Chapter 5.

Procedure

In the questionnaire used in Study 2, women were asked about the media they

had been using and their perceptions of these media. They responded twice: once while

they were pregnant and once approximately four months after the birth of their infant.

Women were asked about the extent to which they had been reading or watching

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content relating to parenting and pregnancy in each of the following: parenting or

pregnancy books, television shows, films, internet sites, newspaper or magazine articles,

magazines devoted to parenting or pregnancy, and advertisements. In each case,

participants were asked to rate the frequency with which they used the relevant medium

using the following options: not at all, rarely, occasionally, nearly every day, or every

day. In the postpartum questionnaire, participants were asked to comment on whether

their use of these media had increased or decreased.

Participants were also asked about their general perceptions of the way the

media presents pregnancy or parenting. They were asked to rate the media on 7-point

scales for each of the following continuums (in each case, 4 is not sure): happy or

unhappy (where 1 is very happy and 7 is very unhappy), fulfilling or unfulfilling (very

fulfilling, 1; very unfulfilling, 7), easy or difficult (very easy, 1; very difficult, 7), and

accurate or inaccurate (very accurate, 1; very inaccurate, 7). The questions on the

nature of media content were also presented via questionnaire to the university sample

in Study 3. The questions assessing frequency of use of media content relating to

parenting and pregnancy was not presented to the university sample.

Results

In terms of frequency of use, parenting and pregnancy magazines were the most

frequently used medium after parenting and pregnancy books, parenting or pregnancy

items on news and current affairs television shows, and advertisements for childcare

products and toys. During pregnancy, 67.6% of participants used parenting or

pregnancy magazines at least occasionally. After the birth of their infants, 56.2% of the

participants noted that their use of parenting magazines had remained the same or

increased.

The means and standard deviations for women’s perceptions of parenting media

are displayed in Table 6.1. Both groups seemed to suggest that the media presented

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pregnancy and early parenthood as happy and fulfilling rather than depressing and

unfulfilling. The groups appeared relatively unsure about whether the relevant media

content was accurate or inaccurate and on whether pregnancy and parenthood were

presented as easy or difficult. Comparisons were made between the transition to

parenthood women’s perceptions of parenting media during pregnancy and their

perceptions after the birth. The postnatal ratings on the easy/difficult scale were

significantly lower than the pregnancy ratings, t(70) = 2.23, p < .05. Similarly, the

postnatal ratings on the accurate/inaccurate scale were significantly higher than the

pregnancy ratings, t(70) = -3.25, p < .01. There were no significant differences between

pregnancy rating and prenatal ratings on the fulfilling/unfulfilling scale, t(70) = 1.59, ns,

or on the easy/difficult scale, t(70) = 1.28, ns.

Table 6.1 Means and standard deviations for women’s impressions of media pertaining to pregnancy and parenting.

University Women Transition to Parenthood Women

Pregnancy Postnatal

M (SD) M (SD) M (SD)

Easy/Difficult 4.31 (1.71) 3.83 (1.17) 3.43 (1.40)

Fulfilling/Unfulfilling 2.24 (.94) 2.52 (.98) 2.30 (.92)

Happy/Depressing 2.77 (1.22) 2.49 (.98) 2.32 (.96)

Accurate/Inaccurate 4.49 (1.17) 3.63 (1.12) 4.17 (1.31)

Content Analysis

Method Sample

Two parenting magazines were selected for analysis: Practical Parenting and

Mother and Baby. These magazines were selected because they are the two major

monthly or bimonthly magazines targeted to new mothers in Australia. Practical

Parenting has a readership of approximately 134,000 (Roy Morgan Research, 2004) and

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is published monthly. Mother and Baby magazine has a readership of 167,000 and is

published bimonthly (Roy Morgan Research, 2004). Given that 251,000 women gave

birth in Australia in 2002 (ABS, 2003), these magazines appear to reach a large

proportion of new mothers.

The sample for this study included six issues of Practical Parenting magazine

published between February 2002 and February 2003 and seven issues of Mother and

Baby magazine published between May 2001 and March 2003. The sampling aim was

to include all the issues published across a year for each magazine. However, limited

back issues were available from the publisher. As a result, the final sample consisted of

the issues that were available at the time this study was conducted. Every image

containing an infant, a mother, a father, a pregnant woman, or an expectant father was

coded. The final sample consisted of 1,216 images. Of these, 500 were from Practical

Parenting and 716 were from Mother and Baby.

Procedure

The key figures were defined as parents, expectant parents, and infants. For

each image where one or more of these key figures were present, the affect, behaviour,

appearance, and ethnicity of the key figures were coded. No more than three

individuals were coded for each image; for example, an infant, mother and father. The

coding criteria are outlined below. Copies of the coding instructions and coding sheet

used in this analysis are displayed in Appendix F.

Image type and accompanying content/advertisement: In order to obtain

descriptive data on the nature of the images used in the content analysis, the images

were classified as either magazine content or advertisement and as either professional

photographs or amateur photographs. The accompanying magazine content or the

advertised product was also noted.

Individuals present in photograph: The people present in the picture were noted.

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For example, whether it was an image of an infant alone, a mother alone, or an infant

and mother with other adults present.

Affect: The affect of each key figures was classified as one of: smiling; calm or

relaxed; frowning/anxious/tense; crying; or cannot determine. For infants, there was an

additional category of funny, strange, or humorous facial expression. Images that fell

into this category were often photographs sent to the magazine by parents because their

infants were displaying idiosyncratic, comical or otherwise unusual facial expressions.

Ethnicity: The ethnicity of the central figures was coded as Caucasian,

Aboriginal, other, or not sure.

Appearance: For mothers and fathers, their appearance was coded as either neat

or dishevelled. Their clothing was coded as either stained or unstained and the type of

clothing was coded (formal/evening wear, business attire, smart casual, at home casual,

medical gown, exercise wear, or nothing). For infants, two measures of skin quality

were coded: clean versus unclean and clear versus irritated (i.e., evidence of a rash or

skin irritation). Their clothing was coded as stained or unstained and the type of

clothing was coded (nothing, nappy, fully clothed, costume, or cannot determine).

Behaviour: The behaviour that parents displayed in the photographs was coded.

After coding, parent behaviour was classified into nine categories, which are displayed

in Table 6.2.

Reliability

While the coding procedure was being refined, a second coder coded 20 images

in order to check the applicability and reliability of the coding criteria. Any

disagreements at this stage were resolved by reviewing the image and discussing its

properties until agreement was achieved. Then, the entire data set was coded, followed

by a reliability check. A trained coder coded 93 (7.65% of the entire sample) randomly

selected images. This is the proportion recommended by Riffe et al. (1998) in order to

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Table 6.2 Parent behaviour categories used in the content analysis.

Category Examples of Behaviour

Infant Care and Domestic Behaviour

Nurturing Parent holding infant, looking at/watching infant,

parent kissing infant, reading to infant, playing with

infant, talking to infant, touching infant

Domestic Chores Domestic chores, shopping

Care-Giving Breastfeeding infant, bottle-feeding infant, feeding

infant solids, pushing infant in pram,

bathing infant, giving infant medicine, dressing infant,

changing infant

Social and Self-Care Behaviour

Self-Care Sleeping, eating, drinking, preparing food or drink,

reading, exercising, bathing self

Health-Care Talking to health professional, undergoing medical

procedure

Pregnancy and Labour In labour, practicing labour positions, relaxation

exercises

Social Interaction Talking on phone, talking to or interacting with

another adult, embracing or touching another adult

Work Related Working, using computer

Not-Meaningful Sitting, looking directly at camera and not engaged in

any other behaviour

ensure to a 95% level of probability that a 90% level of agreement would be observed

between the coders if the entire content population was coded by both coders. The

observed agreement between coders ranged between 85.4% and 100% across the

measures listed above, with a mean of 92.65 % (SD = 4.74). For the variables included

in the final analysis, Scott’s pi ranged between .63 and 1.0 with a mean of .84 (SD =

.08). The initial coding variables included variables tapping infant behaviour and

attachment behaviours but as the Scott’s pi for these variables revealed that the

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agreement between the coders was no greater than would be expected by chance, these

variables were not used in the subsequent analyses.

Results

Image Characteristics

In total, 1,216 images were obtained for coding. From these images, 1,686 key

figures were coded. Of the images, 26.2% were advertisements and 73.8% were

magazine content. Most of the images (75.6%) were professional photographs and

24.4% were amateur photographs. When the magazine content accompanying the

images was examined the five most frequent topics were readers’ letters and photos

(17.9%), pregnancy related articles (16.6%), labour and birth related articles (13.3%),

infant care-giving advice (10.0%), and articles on the development and growth of

infants (8.9%). The five most common categories of advertised goods and services

were products for parents and infants (65.8%), pregnancy related products and services

(16.6%), infant feeding related products (8.5%), infant health care products and services

(6.6%), and parental health care products and services (1.6%).

Parent and Infant Affect

Hypothesis 1 predicted that positive emotions would be portrayed more often

than negative emotions. Table 6.3 displays the frequencies for the affects of key

figures. There were significant differences in the frequencies of the emotions portrayed

(infants: χ2 = 108.2, df = 4, p < .001; mothers: χ2 = 40.6, df = 1, p < .001; fathers: χ2 =

23.4, df = 2, p < .001). For infants, mothers, and fathers positive emotions were

displayed in close to 90% of cases.

Division of Caregiving Responsibility Between Parents and Others

Hypotheses 2, 3, and 4 are related and the results will be examined together.

Hypothesis 2 was that women would be portrayed with infants more often than fathers

would be portrayed with infants. There were significant differences in the frequency

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Table 6.3 Percentages for emotions displayed by mothers, fathers, and infants in magazine images. Key Figures

Infants Mothers Fathers na = 807 na = 559 na = 112

Emotion Smiling/joyful 35.6% 58.5% 48.2%

Relaxed/calm 53.0% 34.2% 41.1%

Frowning 6.9% 7.0% 10.7%

Crying 1.6% 0.4% 0.0%

Funny/strangeb 2.8%

Note. In this analysis, expectant mothers were included in the mothers group and expectant fathers were included in the fathers group. a Represents the number of key figures for whom it was possible to code their affect. b This category was used for infants only.

with which infants were presented with their mothers, fathers, or both parents (χ2 =

33.2, df = 2, p < .001). Mothers were shown with infants in 25.4% of images, fathers

were shown with infants in 3.1% of images, and both parents were shown with infants

in 2.1% of images. The remaining percentage consists of images where parents were

depicted without their infants, infants were depicted without their parents, or expectant

parents were depicted.

Hypothesis 3 was that mothers would be involved in care-taking behaviour more

often than fathers. Table 6.4 displays the types of behaviour parents were engaged in

within the images sampled. Overall, mothers were more likely to be portrayed carrying

out infant caregiving tasks and domestic duties and fathers were more likely to be

portrayed carrying out social and self-care behaviour (χ2 = 16.39, df = 1, p < .001).

Hypothesis 4 was that in images of mothers, fathers, and infants, the presence of

others would be uncommon. Others such as grandparents, health professionals, and

other children and adults were portrayed with infants and their parents in 5.8% of

images (χ2 = 78.4, df = 1, p < .001).

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Table 6.4 Percentages for parent behaviours in the magazine images.

Mothers Fathers

Behaviour n = 662 n = 129

Infant Care & Domestic

Nurturing 41.6 31.8

Domestic Chores 2.3 0.8

Care-Giving 7.9 4.7

Total 51.8 37.3

Social & Self-Care

Self-Care 14.4 9.3

Health-Care 3.5 0.0

Social Interaction 7.9 33.3

Work Related 0.8 1.6

Pregnancy and Labour 7.9 NA

Total 34.5 44.2

Note. Figures in table do not add up to 100 because non-meaningful behaviour (e.g. staring directly at camera with no other behaviour depicted) was not included in this analysis. In this analysis, expectant mothers were included in the mothers group and expectant fathers were included in the fathers group.

Physical Appearance of Key Figures

Hypothesis 5 was that the appearance of parents, including expectant parents,

and infants would be idealised.

Clothing and grooming: Table 6.5 displays the percentages for clothing and

grooming criteria for mothers and fathers. In the vast majority of cases, mothers and

fathers were presented in clean clothes and were neatly groomed. Parents were

generally presented in casual wear rather than clothing that may indicate they had

another role, such as business attire.

Infants’ clothing and appearance were also presented in a positive manner.

Infants were presented with clear skin significantly more often than they were presented

with irritated skin or rashes (93.2% vs. 6.8% of cases; χ2 = 73.96, df = 1, p < .001).

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Their clothing was clean in 98.9% of cases (χ2 = 96.04, df = 1, p < .001) and their skin

was clean in 97.0% of cases (χ2 = 88.36, df = 1, p < .001). In 60.1% of images, infants

were fully clothed. In the remainder of the images infants were wearing nothing

(21.5%), a nappy (9.1%), were wrapped in a towel or blanket (6.2%), or were wearing a

costume (3.1%).

Table 6.5 Percentages for clothing and grooming variables for mothers and fathers.

Key Figure

Mother Father

% %

n = 593a n = 118b

General appearance Neat 80.3 85.6

Disheveled 19.7 14.4

n = 545c n = 106d

Clothing cleanliness Stained 1.7 4.7

Clean 98.3 95.3

n = 557e n = 118f

Clothing type Formal/evening wear 1.4 3.4

Business attire 3.8 11.0

Smart casual 53.5 45.8

At home casual 27.8 20.3

Medical gown 1.1 1.7

Exercise wear 9.7 9.3

Nothing 2.7 8.5

Note. Sample sizes exclude occasions where it was not possible to code the appearance of the key figures (e.g., where the image was too blurred). In this analysis, expectant mothers were included in the mothers group and expectant fathers were included in the fathers group. a χ2 = 36.84, df = 1, p < .001. b χ2 = 49.91, df = 1, p < .001. c χ2 = 93.16, df = 1, p < .001. d χ2 = 81.99, df = 1, p < .001. e χ2 = 92.76, df = 6, p < .001. f χ2 = 93.39, df = 6, p < .001.

Ethnicity: Caucasian infants, mothers, and fathers were portrayed significantly

more often than infants, mothers, and fathers from other ethnic groups (infants: χ2 =

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84.64, df = 1, p < .001; mothers: χ2 = 88.36, df = 1, p < .001; fathers: χ2 = 84.64, df = 1,

p < .001). The percentages for infants, mothers, and fathers that fell into the other

ethnicity category were 4.5%, 3.2%, and 3.8% respectively. These figures are lower

than the actual figures for the number of non-Caucasian parents and infants in Australia.

For example, among women giving birth in Australia in 2000, 3.4% were indigenous

Australians, 8.4% were born in Asia, and 2.2% were born in the Middle East or North

Africa (AIHW National Perinatal Statistics Unit, 2003). None of the images examined

in this study contained indigenous Australians.

Discussion

The findings from the first section of this study, examining women’s perceptions

of parenting media, revealed that women about to become parents and those in the early

stages of parenthood do use parenting magazines. During pregnancy, 67.6% of women

reported using magazines at least occasionally and 56.2% of new mothers reported that

their use had remained the same or increased.

New mothers, pregnant women, and other women believed that the media

represent the transition to parenthood as a happy and fulfilling event. The participants

were less sure about whether these magazines were accurate or whether they presented

the transition to parenthood as an easy or difficult event, with mean scores largely in the

middle of the scale suggesting participant ambivalence on these variables. On these

latter two variables, the ratings of the parenting sample changed significantly across the

transition to parenthood. New mothers’ postnatal ratings suggested that they believed

that the magazines presented parenthood as a somewhat easy rather than difficult. This

contrasts to their pregnancy ratings, which seemed to indicate greater ambivalence over

whether the media present parenthood as an easy or difficult experience. In addition,

the accuracy ratings of new mothers suggested that they were less likely, when

compared to their pregnancy ratings, to suggest that parenting media were accurate.

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The postnatal mean on this measure was in the middle of the scale, which may suggest

that women’s perception of the accuracy of parenting media depends upon their own

experiences. Those that have had a relatively easy and happy transition may see these

media as accurate; those that have had a more difficult transition may see these media as

inaccurate. One way to explore this in the future would be to ask women how easy,

fulfilling, and happy they had found parenthood and compare these ratings with their

ratings of parenting media.

Examination of the results for the content analysis revealed that all five

hypotheses were supported. Individuals in parenting magazines displayed positive

emotions far more often than they displayed negative emotions. Mothers were

portrayed as the primary caregiver. They were depicted with infants more often than

fathers were and they were more likely than fathers to be portrayed carrying out infant

care-taking behaviour. The involvement of others was uncommon. People such as

grandparents, health professionals, friends, or relatives were rarely seen in images of

parents and their infants. The physical appearance of key figures was idealised. Parents

were neatly groomed in most images. Parents were seen in casual clothing more often

than in more formal clothing, such as business wear. Infants were presented as clean

with clear skin. Consistent with previous research, Caucasian mothers, fathers, and

infants were over-represented in parenting magazine images and individuals of other

ethnic backgrounds were under-represented (Johnston & Swanson, 2003). In summary,

parenting was represented as a positive affair in which parents are well groomed and

composed and infants are smiling with glowing skin. The difficult aspects of parenting

were neglected in the photographic images favoured by these magazines.

In the current content analysis, less than half a percent of the images coded

showed women crying and only one and a half percent of images showed an infant

crying. In the majority of images, women looked happy and composed both during

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pregnancy and as new mothers. Infants looked content and calm. In addition, the neatly

groomed appearances of both parents and infants added to the impression that parenting

was a calm and composed affair. There were few images of an exhausted or depressed

mother attempting to care for a screaming infant. In this respect, the magazine images

contrast with the practical realities of routine parenting. On average, normal infants

spend six percent of their day crying (Pauli-Pott, Becker, Mertesacker, & Beckmann,

2000). Those with colic spend on average 20% of the day crying (Pauli-Pott et al.,

2000). While many new parents do experience positive emotions, 60% of new mothers

report exhaustion and fatigue in the early stages of parenthood (Thompson et al., 2002).

Depressed mood is less prevalent but it does occur in a significant proportion of women

both before and after the birth (Matthey et al., 2000; Morse et al., 2000).

When the findings of the current study are compared with research examining

the experiences of parents and their infants, the arguments of Kitzinger (1993) and

Maushart (1999) that parenting magazines present an overwhelmingly and possibly

unrealistically positive view of those undergoing the transition to parenthood and their

children are vindicated. The present findings are also consistent with previous

discourse analysis, which has found that parenting media present motherhood as an

overwhelmingly positive event (Marshall, 1991). If women used these images as their

sole information source when they are formulating their expectations, they would be

unlikely to expect negative emotions during the early stages of parenthood nor to expect

to have to cope with a baby who cries frequently. The joyful, casual-smart and content

mothers and cheerful, clean infants that appear in the vast majority of parenting

magazine images do not appear to provide a comprehensive picture of early parenthood.

In terms of the division of childcare between mothers and fathers, mothers were

more likely to be represented with infants. When fathers were presented, they were less

likely than mothers to be depicted carrying out care-giving activities. More often, they

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were presented interacting with the mother rather than alone with the infant. Even the

title of one of the magazines, Mother & Baby, indicated that the parenting of infants is

assumed to be the domain of women (there is no male equivalent, e.g. Father & Baby,

magazine published in Australia). To a certain degree, this may accurately reflect the

way labour is divided between new parents. Women are responsible for the majority of

the childcare in early parenthood (Cappuccini & Cochrane, 2000; Hackel & Ruble,

1992). Hence, the magazines may be reflecting the circumstances of their readers. This

is consistent with findings of previous studies that magazines reflect the values of the

broader culture (Etaugh et al., 1996; Keller, 1994). Nevertheless, these magazines do

perpetuate the value that most of the responsibility of caring for infants belongs to

women.

Consistent with previous research (Johnson & Swanson, 2003; Kakinuma,

1993), parenting was portrayed as a private affair where the presence of others was

uncommon. Parents were more likely to be seen in casual clothes rather than business

clothes or other clothes indicating that they had a role other than that of parent. It is

somewhat ironic that, at a time when individuals are more likely to need support from

others (Cutrona & Suhr, 1990; Morse et al., 2000), parenting magazines present new

parents in something akin to a social vacuum – separated from the rest of society. This

may be a misrepresentation of how parenthood affects friendships. Other research has

demonstrated that while the nature of parents’ relationships with others may differ to the

relationships of non-parents, parents have an equal number of friends to non-parents and

report feeling closer to their families than non-parents (Ganiere, Dinsmoore, &

Silverman, 1995).

Parenting magazine images provide information on the sociocultural context in

which new parents formulate their expectations. The results from this content analysis

indicate that this medium provides an overwhelmingly positive view of parenthood.

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Even in articles that focussed on parenting problems, the images were frequently

positive. For example, a Mother & Baby article on soothing crying infants was

accompanied by the headline “we show you simple ways to soothe and settle your new

baby” (Soothing Ways, 2002; pp. 32-33) with pictures of calm infants and a smiling

mother. While the content may provide useful information, it is possible that the

pictures and headline send the message that for most people soothing a crying infant is

an easily achievable task. This seems consistent with Kitzinger’s (1993) view that

parenting magazines fit a formula where, regardless of the seriousness of the problem,

the tone must be upbeat. In this way, the idealised images in these magazines may lead

individuals who have no experience of caring for infants to formulate unrealistic

expectations or perceptions of parenthood.

Nonetheless, media use is not simply a one-way transaction in which the

audience absorbs the message (Rubin, 1994; Segrin & Nabi, 2002). People select their

media to meet their needs and interests. The website for Mother & Baby magazine

argues that new mothers want information and reassurance. More specifically, they

want answers to two questions “Is this normal?” and “Am I doing it right?” (Emap,

2004, the reader section, para. 1). It is not surprising that individuals approaching or

experiencing a life transition would purposefully seek out relevant, appealing, and

authoritative information sources. Some women may turn to parenting magazines for

the reassurance that “everything will be okay” and the positive messages in these

magazines may address this need effectively. Women also turn to these magazines for

parenting information (Carruth & Skinner, 2001). While they may turn to the

magazines in search of parenting information, they may be exposed to sociocultural

values about parenting in addition to the information that they sought. If a tired and

harried mother with a crying infant and no time to shower compared herself to the

immaculately groomed, smiling, composed women in parenting magazines, she may

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well come to the conclusion that parenting seems to be easy for other mothers and

wonder why this is not the case for her. This message may not be reassuring for women

who are struggling with the early stages of parenting. One way to examine how media

images influence women’s perception of themselves would be to compare the way

depressed and non-depressed new mothers react to these images. The effects magazines

have on women may also be influenced by their reasons for using these magazines.

Therefore, more research on the reasons women use parenting magazines is appropriate.

It is important to avoid confusing descriptions of media content with media

effects. At this stage, it is not known whether the images in these magazines influence

women’s expectations of parenthood. These magazines are one of many possible

influences on women’s attitudes towards and expectations of parenthood. It is

important to understand the nature of other information sources used by women. It is

possible that health professionals, family members, and friends provide more cautious

advice about parenthood, which balances the very positive view provided by parenting

magazines. No doubt, some expectant parents would also be able to weigh up the

information presented in magazines with their own experiences of witnessing others

parent infants and young children.

Based on the results from this study and the previous studies in this project it is

possible to say that women have very positive expectations about parenthood and these

expectations are mirrored or even amplified in parenting magazines. Both parents and

their media appear to reflect current Australian values towards parenthood – that it is an

overwhelmingly positive experience. Given that Study 2 found that unrealistically

positive expectations are associated with a more difficult adjustment to parenthood,

further investigation into the factors that influence women’s expectations is warranted.

This includes an examination of the information sources that women use, the reasons for

this use, and how this use influences their attitudes and expectations.

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CHAPTER 7

GENERAL DISCUSSION

The four studies described in this thesis have furthered knowledge of the

transition to parenthood by examining factors that influence individuals’ psychological

adjustment during this transition and investigating broader cultural perceptions of early

parenthood. Studies 1 and 2 addressed three central aims in the current project. The

first aim was to examine, in a valid and reliable manner, a broader range of parenting

expectations than has been addressed in previous research. The second aim was to

compare parenting expectations with experiences of parenthood. The third aim was to

determine if differences between expectations and experiences were associated with

adjustment to parenthood and whether parenting efficacy beliefs moderated this

relationship. Following on from the findings of the first two studies, Studies 3 and 4

examined the wider cultural context within which the women formulated their

expectations of parenthood, and broadened understanding of how the transition to

parenthood is viewed within Australian culture. This chapter will review the central

findings and conclusions of this thesis and will discuss directions for future research.

The Relationship Between Expectations and Adjustment to Parenthood

Study 1 produced a valid and reliable measure that encompasses expectations

pertaining to the broad range of changes that the transition to parenthood brings.

Although previous research had looked at parenting expectations across several

domains, there tended to be a focus on the marital relationship (Belsky, 1985; Hackel &

Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988). Research that has focussed on a broader range of

expectations used measures that did not have established reliability and validity

(Kalmuss et al., 1992). Study 1 produced a measure that addresses these gaps. The

parenting expectations measure assesses four categories of expectations, including two

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categories that have been given less attention in previous work. One category of

parenting expectations neglected in previous work was women’s expectations of the

way parenthood would influence their own well-being and sense of self. This

expectation category was included because the transition to parenthood has significant

consequences for women’s psychological and physical well-being and can change their

perceptions of themselves (Fawcett, 1988; O’Hara, 1997; Thompson et al., 2002; Wells

et al., 1999).

Another category of expectations that was given less attention in previous work

was women’s expectations about the nature of parenting itself – that is, expectations of

caring for their baby and of their relationship with their infant. Previous research has

demonstrated that women enjoy looking after their infants and derive pride from

parenting (Green & Kafetsios, 1997).

The third and fourth expectation categories has been a focus of previous work

and were included in the current parenting expectations measure because they relate to

constructs that have been demonstrated to be important during the transition to

parenthood. These categories were expectations pertaining to the influence of

parenthood on women’s relationships with their partners and the way it influences their

relationships with others in their lives (Belsky et al., 1985; Belsky et al., 1983; Cowan

& Cowan, 1992; Cutrona & Suhr, 1990; Morse et al., 2000).

Thus, the four categories of expectations included in the parenting expectations

measure are self expectations, infant expectations, partner expectations, and social

expectations. Each set of expectations assesses a range of positive and negative aspects

of parenthood allowing for the expression of positive and negative expectations. The

measure also allows a direct comparison between expectations and experiences. In this

way, the measure makes it possible to determine how optimistic expectations relate to

adjustment during the transition to parenthood, whether these expectations match later

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experiences, and consequently, how any discrepancies between expectations and

experiences influence postnatal adjustment.

Initial testing suggested that the parenting expectations measure had sound

validity and reliability. In Study 2, variations in expectations were significantly

predicted by variations in measures of relationship adjustment, efficacy beliefs, and

social support. Furthermore, discrepancies between expectation scores and experience

scores predicted postnatal adjustment after the effects of prenatal adjustment had been

statistically controlled for. The results from Study 3 indicate that the measure

discriminates between the expectations of pregnant women and the expectations of

women who were not pregnant in theoretically expected ways – the expectant parents

were significantly more positive than women who were not pregnant. Hence, the results

from Studies 2 and 3 provide further information on the construct validity of the

measure. The processes of validating and assessing the reliability of this measure needs

to continue. One area that needs particular attention is the underlying structure of the

measure. Currently, the items are divided into categories based on the topic of the

expectations; for example, items relating to expectations about the infant are in the

infant expectations category. Factor analysis is needed to confirm the factor structure of

the measure. This type of analysis was not possible in the current research due to the

sample sizes.

Using the parenting expectations measure, it was possible to determine that

pregnant women, facing a role with which they had no direct experience, formulated

optimistic expectations of parenthood. The results from Studies 1 and 2 indicated that

women expected to experience positive aspects of parenthood and avoid negative

aspects. While this optimism could be attributed to the naivety of individuals who have

no experience with their new role, the new parents’ optimism is consistent with work in

other areas, which has found that people are optimistic about their own futures (Fowers

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et al., 2001; Weinstein, 1980). Research that has examined expectations pertaining

specifically to parenting has also found that women are optimistic about their futures as

parents (Belsky, 1985). However, this work has not examined the relationship between

these expectations and adjustment during pregnancy. It has tended to focus on the

potentially negative consequences of optimistic expectations: optimistic expectations

formulated by individuals with little experience of parenthood could be disconfirmed in

a negative direction.

In contrast, this thesis drew on the work of Taylor and Brown (1988, 1994) and

predicted that optimism during pregnancy may be psychologically adaptive. This

theory appeared to hold true for the pregnant women in Study 2. In the prenatal period,

where women do face a number of challenges including depression, fears about

childbirth and pregnancy, and varying levels of physical discomfort (Da Costa et al.,

2000; Dunkel-Schetter & Lobel, 1998; Green, 1998; Morse et al., 2000; Melender,

2002), optimistic expectations were associated with positive adjustment. The results

from this study suggest that women who are well adjusted - that is, have positive

relationship adjustment, high perceived social support, and an optimistic sense of their

own parenting efficacy - have optimistic expectations of parenthood. What is unknown

here is whether the optimistic expectations of the women were a result of their positive

adjustment, whether their optimistic expectations led to positive adjustment, or whether

there was a third underlying factor accounting for the positive adjustment and the

optimistic expectations. Longitudinal research that assesses women’s psychological

adjustment and their parenting expectations a number of times during pregnancy and

possibly in the time leading up to pregnancy may elucidate the causal links between

optimism and psychological adjustment.

Study 2 also examined how these optimistic expectations compared to parenting

experiences and whether expectations that were overly positive, relative to experiences,

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were associated with a more difficult adjustment to parenthood. This addressed a gap in

previous work. Research that has found links between optimistic expectations and

positive psychological adjustment in other areas of human endeavour has not made this

comparison nor has it examined the consequences for adjustment if experiences do not

match optimistic expectations (Buehler et al., 1994; Coleman et al., 1999; Delmore-Ko

et al., 2000; Green & Kafetsios, 1997; Kach & McGhee, 1982; Leedham et al., 1995;

Wylie, 1979).

Surprisingly, given that previous research has found that individuals tend to be

overly optimistic about parenthood (e.g., Belsky, 1985; Hackel & Ruble, 1992), women

in Study 2 found some aspects of parenting more positive than their already optimistic

expectations. Notably, this occurred for the two expectation categories that previous

research has tended to overlook - women’s expectations of how parenthood would

influence their own well-being and their expectations of caring for their infants. Their

reported experiences of the way parenthood affected their relationships with their

partners and others matched their positive expectations. Overall, women’s positive

reports of their early parenting experiences concurred with their scores on the mood and

relationship adjustment measures – both of which were indicative of positive

psychological adjustment. However, there was considerable variation within the sample

and for some, parenthood was not as positive as they had expected. This type of

expectancy discrepancy was associated with lower mood and poorer relationship

adjustment with this pattern evident for all expectation categories other than infant

expectations, where unrealistic expectations were not associated with poorer

relationship adjustment. This latter finding is in line with other research which found

that relationship satisfaction was not associated with expectations of infant care-giving

(Hackel & Ruble, 1992; Ruble et al., 1988).

While optimism may be associated with better psychological adjustment during

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pregnancy, this optimism may be psychologically hazardous if it is proven

unrealistically optimistic. Even with relatively small gaps between expectations and

experiences, where experiences were less positive than expected rather than the

antithesis of positive expectations, there was a significant association between

expectancy discrepancies and psychological adjustment. Armor and Taylor (1998) note

that their arguments for the benefits of unrealistic optimism are often based on research

that is not longitudinal, meaning it is difficult to determine the long term consequences

of unrealistic optimism. The current research suggested that there are benefits and the

dangers of optimism. When the consequences of this optimism were examined in

longitudinal research, it appeared that the effects of unrealistic optimism were not

always innocuous.

There did appear to be some instances where unrealistically optimistic

expectations were not linked to poorer adjustment to parenthood. The relationships

between expectancy discrepancies and adjustment were moderated by efficacy beliefs,

that is, there was a non-significant or weak relationship between expectancy

discrepancies and adjustment measures in women with moderate efficacy and a strong

relationship between these variables in women with high efficacy. Specifically, having

self expectations disconfirmed in a negative direction and having partner expectations

disconfirmed in a negative direction were associated with lower postnatal mood in

individuals with high efficacy beliefs. Likewise, the relationship between self

expectancy discrepancies and postnatal relationship adjustment was moderated by

efficacy beliefs, such that the relationship was stronger for women with high parenting

efficacy beliefs. For women with high parenting efficacy, self expectations that were

overly positive relative to expectations were associated with poorer relationship

adjustment. These moderator relationships were unexpected and need further

consideration. The findings suggest that expectancy disconfirmation may be

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problematic in certain areas for women with a very high sense of efficacy but not for

those with a moderate sense of efficacy. It may be that for women who believe that

they are highly efficacious in their parenting role, it is difficult to cope when the impact

of parenthood on their relationship and their own well-being is not as positive as they

had expected, despite their own parenting efficacy. Again, it suggests that excessive

optimism can be risky for individuals’ psychological well-being.

The findings that moderate efficacy beliefs were associated with a weaker

relationship between expectancy discrepancies and psychological adjustment are

consistent with the findings of Hackel and Ruble (1992) that expectancy

disconfirmation is not always a problematic event during the transition to parenthood.

The current study produced a sample of women with very high efficacy and a sample

with moderate efficacy. This differed from the hypothesis, which assumed that the

sample would split into a high efficacy group and low efficacy group. Self-efficacy

theory predicts that individuals with a high sense of efficacy cope more effectively with

challenges than those with a low sense of efficacy (Bandura, 1997). By recruiting a

sample that included a group of individuals with low efficacy, it may be possible to

further delineate how efficacy interacts with disconfirmed expectations. It may be that

very high efficacy and very low efficacy do not buffer the effects of expectancy

discrepancies. In this research, women who believed that they were very efficacious

parents appeared to be particularly disappointed when parenthood did not have the

expected effect on their lives. It is also possible that women with low efficacy would

cope poorly with disconfirmed expectations, perhaps seeing it as evidence of their own

perceived inadequacy.

Optimistic Parenting Expectations in a Broader Context

One question raised by the optimism of women in Studies 1 and 2 was whether

this optimism was an artifact of their pregnancy. Taylor and colleagues (Armor &

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Taylor, 1998; Taylor & Brown 1988) have argued that expectations are particularly

likely to become unrealistically optimistic in the face of challenging circumstances. In

Study 3, pregnant women who were facing a challenging event - childbirth - held more

optimistic expectations of parenthood than women who were not pregnant but wanted to

have children in the future. One conclusion that could be drawn from this finding is that

individuals who are faced with a difficult event over which they have limited control

may be particularly motivated to focus on the potential positive outcomes and formulate

optimistic expectations. However, the participants’ childbearing status was not the only

difference between the two groups: The university sample was significantly younger

and had significantly more years of education than the pregnant sample. Longitudinal

research is needed to confirm the relationships observed in the Study 3. By tracking

women’s expectations as their childbearing status changes – for example, from a period

of contemplating whether or not to have children through to pregnancy – it may be

possible to examine how the imminence and controllability of an event changes the

nature of individuals’ expectations about that event.

The findings from Study 3 also contribute to a debate where there appears to be

considerable speculation yet not a lot of research: young women’s expectations of

parenthood. No previous work has examined in detail what young women expect

parenthood to be like on a day-to-day basis, even though these expectations may bear on

women’s childbearing decisions, which in turn influence future demographics. In Study

3, a group of university educated women had positive expectations of parenthood. The

optimism of the young women about parenthood is consistent with previous research

suggesting that young people have optimistic expectations about their futures (Carnelly

& Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Fowers et al., 2001; Weinstein, 1980). The consistency of the

expectations of two different groups of women about a life transition they had not yet

experienced suggested that their expectations may reflect broader cultural values of

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parenthood.

In order to gain insight into cultural context in which women formulated their

expectations, Study 4 examined media representations of parenthood and focused on

photographic images in parenting magazines. Media representations provide

information on the cultural values that may shape the expectations and attitudes of

individuals living within that culture. The women in Study 2 read parenting magazines

during pregnancy and early parenthood and other research has found that women use

these magazines as a source of parenting information (Curruth & Skinner, 2001).

Consistent with the results relating to the nature of women’s parenting expectations,

these magazines presented a very positive picture of parenthood. Both adults and

infants were far more likely to be portrayed expressing positive emotions than negative

emotions. Infants and their parents were often impeccably groomed adding to the calm

and composed image of early parenthood conveyed by the magazines. The presence of

those other than parents and their infants was uncommon in these images, suggesting

that the care of infants is the sole domain of parents and assistance from others is not

necessary. In addition, women were portrayed carrying out care-giving tasks more

often than men who were portrayed with mothers and infants rather than as the sole

caregiver of the infant. When compared to research on the actual experiences of parents

(Matthey et al., 2000; Morse et al., 2000; Pauli-Pott et al., 2000; Thompson et al.,

2002), the overwhelmingly positive affect of parents and infants in the magazine images

appears to be unrealistic. In contrast, the division of labour that is displayed, where

women are depicted carrying out most of the early childcare, is consistent with research

on the actual division of childcare during the early stages of parenthood (Cappuccini &

Cochrane, 2000; Hackel & Ruble, 1992). Taken together, the results suggest that

parenting magazines present stereotypical images of parenthood: Parenthood is a calm

and mostly joyous affair and is chiefly the responsibility of women.

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The stereotypes that are presented in these images mean that while women may

turn to these magazines for factual information, they are also presented with the implicit

message that parenthood should be a fulfilling, happy, and trouble-free experience. If

the implicit messages in these magazines are consistent with and contribute to the

dissemination of current cultural values of parenthood, it may explain why the women

in the previous three studies held positive expectations of parenthood. Armour and

Taylor (1998) have suggested that one of the mechanisms that contribute to the

formulation of unrealistically optimistic expectations are attentional processes which

lead individuals to attend to positive information and discount negative information.

Although expectant parents may gain information from a range of sources, including

sources that tell them that early parenthood is difficult, they may be particularly

motivated to attend to the positive information and images presented in parenting

magazines. The information presented in these magazines - that parenthood is a

positive experience and while they may encounter problems, these problems are easily

solved - may be more appealing to expectant parents than more negative information

that they may receive elsewhere. In this way, these magazines could reinforce positive

expectations of parenthood. At this stage, it is only possible to speculate on how

parenting magazines and other media may influence women’s expectations. In order to

determine what, if any, influence the media have on parenting expectations, it is

necessary to examine the reasons women use these media as well as messages they

attend to within these media (this is discussed in more detail below).

General Conclusions

The findings of this thesis suggest that parenthood, despite the challenges it can

present to individuals, is viewed as a positive experience by those about to become

parents, by those for whom parenthood is some time away, and by media targeted to

new parents.

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For many of the women in Study 2, the actual experience of parenthood was

positive but for some, the experiences were not as positive as expected and this

discrepancy was associated with poorer adjustment. The images in parenting magazines

may suggest to expectant or new parents that there is a high likelihood that they will

have a trouble-free transition to parenthood, or that most people experience a trouble-

free transition to parenthood. This is not a problem for those whose expectations are

exceeded or matched by parenting experiences. However, some parents have

unrealistically optimistic expectations and the disconfirmation of these expectations is

associated with poorer adjustment to parenthood.

These findings suggest that while optimism may be psychologically adaptive

before an event, it should be realistic. This contrasts with Taylor and Brown’s (1988;

1994) position that unrealistically optimistic expectations are associated with positive

adjustment in the face of challenging circumstances. While the current research

focussed on the transition to parenthood, unrealistically optimistic expectations may be

associated with poorer adjustment in individuals facing other challenging life events,

such as coping with life threatening or chronic illnesses. Other research has explored

whether unrealistic optimism is associated with psychological adjustment but relatively

little work has looked at whether disconfirmed expectations have a detrimental effect on

adjustment in these circumstances (e.g., Fournier et al., 2002; Leedham et al., 1995).

The cultural values and personal importance ascribed to parenting may mean that

unrealistic optimism during the transition to parenthood is a unique example of the

hazards of unrealistic optimism. However, given the problems associated with

unrealistic optimism in the current research, further research is needed before it is

possible to say that being unrealistically optimistic is an adaptive strategy in the face of

other challenging life circumstances.

This widely held view that parenthood is an overwhelmingly positive experience

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may exacerbate the distress of those that experience difficulties during this time. As

Lee (1997) argued, even those who adjust well to parenthood experience difficulties and

challenges, yet, they are faced with a broader cultural view that parenthood brings

absolute contentment. Having negative or difficult experiences during the transition to

parenthood and finding the role less positive than expected may be particularly

distressing for new parents. They may feel that they are not having the same joyous

experience of parenthood that comes easily to others or are failing to meet the culturally

expected standard for parenthood.

The widespread positive view of parenthood observed in four studies in this

thesis needs to be considered when interpreting the findings. The consistent finding that

many people share positive views of parenthood suggests that there may be a broader

cultural value that parenthood is an overwhelmingly positive experience. Consequently,

women may have been reluctant to provide responses inconsistent with this view. It is

possible that the optimism and positive views expressed by women in Studies 1, 2, and

3 are inflated due to social desirability effects. However, even if this was the case,

effects for disconfirmed expectations were found and significant differences in

measures of adjustment were observed. This is noteworthy because previous research

has found that individuals attempt to avoid experiencing expectancy disconfirmation by

discounting or reappraising disconfirming information (Klaaren et al., 1994; Mitchell et

al., 1997). Even if individuals in the current research did attempt to reconcile their

expectations with their experiences, for a significant percentage discrepancies between

their expectations and their reported experiences remained.

The current research has identified important associations between

psychological adjustment and expectations in first-time parents. It has also identified

similarities between these expectations, the expectations of young women, and media

representations of parenthood. Future research could build on these findings by

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focussing on three broad areas. The first is to confirm the correlational findings

observed in Study 2 and examine the causal links between expectancy discrepancies and

adjustment to parenthood. One area that could be examined is whether there are events

or characteristic of parents or infants that influence the disconfirmation of expectations.

For example, temperamental factors, such as a fussy infant may mean that the effect of

parenthood on the woman’s relationship with her partner is different to her prenatal

expectations. It could be these events or individual characteristics rather than the

discrepancies that lead to poorer adjustment to parenthood. More detailed information

on the nature of individuals’ experiences in the postnatal period may elucidate factors

that lead to expectancy discrepancies and the causal nature of the relationship between

expectancy discrepancies and adjustment. Similarly, another avenue for future research

would be to examine whether it is possible to manipulate factors that lead to expectancy

discrepancies and whether changing these factors leads to a decrease in disconfirmed

expectations and a more positive adjustment to parenthood. For example, individuals

who undergo prenatal parenting education may be more aware of the challenges of early

parenthood and less likely to formulate unrealistic expectations. Hence, they may have

an easier transition to parenthood. Research that compares the expectations and

subsequent adjustment to parenthood of groups with and without prenatal parenting

education would be useful in confirming these relationships.

The second area to examine is the relationship between women’s expectations

about parenthood and their childbearing status. Study 3 indicated that the parenting

expectations of non-pregnant women differ from those of pregnant women but the way

in which women’s expectations change as parenthood becomes imminent is unknown.

Parenting expectations are likely to be an important governing factor in women’s

childbearing decisions. Longitudinal research examining how these expectations

change, as women’s childbearing status changes, would increase understanding of the

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link between expectations and behaviour, generally, and the way cognition influences

childbearing behaviour, specifically. More broadly, this type of research would also

elucidate how the nature of optimistic expectations change as an event becomes more

imminent and the individual has less control over occurrence of that event.

Third, the similarities observed between women’s expectations and media

representations of parenthood warrant further investigation. The current research

observed considerable similarity between the nature of women’s expectations of

parenthood and media representations of early parenthood. These results suggest that

there may be links between women’s expectations and media representations of

parenthood, yet, at this stage it is only possible to speculate on what associations exist

between these variables. Given that the media appear to present an unrealistically

positive view of parenthood and unrealistic optimism is associated with poorer

adjustment to parenthood, it is important to determine whether there is a specific

connection between women’s media use and their expectations of parenthood. It is

unlikely that media content will influence all individuals in the same way (Rubin,

1994). As has been seen in other areas (Segrin & Nabi, 2002), the relationship between

the media use and beliefs about parenthood may depend upon individual differences in

parents’ personalities, perceptions, and beliefs; the type of media they use; and the

reasons for this use. Future research should examine each of these variables and the

relationships between them in detail.

The current research focussed on women’s expectations of parenthood and

Study 2 examined the expectations of women who were cohabiting with their infant’s

fathers. A significant minority of individuals enter parenthood in circumstances

different to those observed in the current research, which may affect their parenting

expectations. If expectancy discrepancies have a significant effect in women who

experienced relatively few difficulties during the transition to parenthood, then these

154

discrepancies may have an even larger effect in individuals that face more considerable

challenges during the transition to parenthood. Further, it is possible that some

individuals may be more prone to having overly optimistic expectations about

parenthood just as there may be some individuals who are less likely to be overly

optimistic. For example, Condon et al. (2000) found that adolescents have idealised

views of pregnancy and parenthood. If these idealised views translate into unrealistic

expectations of parenthood, it may add to the significant challenges that adolescent

parents already face.

It is important to recognise that parenting and attitudes to parenting are likely to

differ from one culture to another. The current study detected some minor differences

in attitudes in the different samples studied. However, these samples were

predominantly made up of middle class, Anglo-Saxon women. The results of the

magazine content analysis suggest that media images may be one variable that shapes

attitudes to parenting. It is reasonable to assume that the implicit messages and images

inherent in this socialisation process may differ from one society to the next and that

individuals from different cultural backgrounds may not formulate such optimistic

expectations of parenthood. Therefore, care should be taken when generalising these

findings to samples drawn from different cultures. Future research should investigate

whether expectations vary across different cultural groups. It is possible that there is

limited cross-cultural variation in the nature of parenting expectations. From an

evolutionary perspective, it may be adaptive for humans to be optimistic about

parenting. If this were the case, it would make sense for individuals from a wide range

of cultures to focus on the positive aspects of parenthood and disregard the negative

aspects when formulating their expectations.

Another area that needs greater attention in future research is the effect of

infants’ characteristics on expectancy disconfirmation. As mentioned earlier in this

155

section, individual differences between infants may influence whether their parents’

expectations are confirmed or disconfirmed. Infants’ temperaments, sleep patterns, and

feeding patterns influence the care-giving demands placed on new parents and the way

the arrival of the infant affects the parents’ lives. For example, an infant who sleeps

through the night at 6 weeks may not result in as many disruptions to parents’ social and

occupational functioning as an infant who still needs to be attended to in the night at 9

months. It is also possible that disconfirmed expectations may influence parents’

relationship with their infants. A parent who expected to master the activities of

parenting easily might have an infant with a particularly fussy temperament and,

consequently, find that parenting is much more difficult than he or she had anticipated.

Given that in this research disconfirmed expectations influenced women’s relationships

with their partner, it is also possible that disconfirmed expectations could influence their

relationship with their infant. The importance of the early attachment between an infant

and his or her primary caregiver (Carlson, 1998; Kochanska, 2001; Lyons-Ruth, 1996;

Waters et al., 2000) means that the effect that disconfirmed expectations have on this

relationship is worthy of investigation. The relationship between the expectations and

the experiences of parents who have infants with disabilities or serious illnesses may

also warrant further investigation. It is probable that these parents may face larger

discrepancies between their expectations and their experiences and, given that only

small discrepancies had an affect on adjustment in Study 2, these discrepancies may

have a much larger effect on the parents’ adjustment and possibly their relationships

with their infants.

In conclusion, the research described in this thesis has broadened understanding

of how expectations influence psychological adjustment during the transition to

parenthood and in doing so has also contributed to the understanding of the relationship

between expectations and psychological adjustment more broadly. It has also

156

elucidated what women, both those about to become mothers and those for whom

motherhood is some time away, expect from parenthood and what they experience once

they become mothers. Finally, this research has provided a description of an

information source that may influence women’s perceptions of parenthood namely,

media images. In each study, positive perceptions of parenthood were observed. This

socially shared, positive view of parenthood may be one factor that results in women

formulating very positive expectations of parenthood.

157

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180

APPENDIX A

PARENTING EXPECTATIONS ITEMS

Table A1 Items used in the development of the parenting expectations measure and the sources of those items.

Infant Expectations

Final version Source

Retained Items

I will enjoy my baby’s company Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

I will be disturbed by feelings I have

towards my baby

Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

My baby will be fun to play with Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

The messes that my baby will make will

bother me a lot

The messes that babies make bother me a lot

(Ruble et al., 1990)

I will sometimes regret having my baby I sometimes regret having my baby (Warner

et al., 1997)

I will feel that my baby loves me Generated for the current study

Breastfeeding will make me feel close to

my baby

Generated for the current study

I will enjoy breastfeeding my baby Generated for the current study

Caring for a baby will be very difficult Generated for the current study

I will find breastfeeding uncomfortable Generated for the current study

I will resent being the main caretaker of

the baby


Removed Items

I will feel pride in my baby’s development Same as original version, (Wylie, 1979)

I will have no difficulties in becoming

comfortable caring for my baby

Same as original version except for minor

change (baby changed from child; Wylie,

1979)

I will enjoy the care-taking activities

involved in being a mother

Have you enjoyed caring for your baby’s

needs? (Kumar et al., 1984)

I will find myself worrying about my

baby’s health

I often find myself worrying about my baby’s

health (Ruble et al., 1990)

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Infant Expectations


Removed Items

I will love my baby Generated for the current study

It will be difficult to breastfeed my baby Generated for the current study

Being the parent of a baby will be very

time consuming


I will be responsible for most of the child-

care tasks


Breastfeeding will come very naturally to

me


Being the parent of a baby will involve a

lot of hard work


I will find breastfeeding embarrassing Generated for the current study



Retained Items

My partner will show less attention to me Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

I will feel more distant from my partner Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

My partner will show too little attention to

the baby

Same as original version, (Wylie, 1979)

My partner and I will have more fun

together

Adapted from Belsky’s (1985) overall marital

relationship domain

My partner will be less sensitive to my

feelings


relationship domain

My partner and I will enjoy spending time

together

Adapted from Kalmuss et al.’s (1992)

maternal satisfaction domain assessing

amount enjoyment from the time together

The arrival of the baby will cause

difficulties in my relationship with my

partner

The baby will estrange my spouse (Levy-

Shiff et al., 1991)

My partner will be able to take care of the

baby when I go out

I expect to feel free to ask my husband to take

care of the baby when I go out (Ruble et al.,

1990)

182



Retained Items

My partner will get on my nerves My husband/mate often gets on my nerves


I will feel satisfied with my partner’s

involvement in the daily care of the baby

I expect to be bothered by my

husband’s/mate’s lack of involvement in the

daily care of a baby (Ruble et al., 1990)

My partner will help out more with

household chores


Removed Items

I will have more things to talk to my

partner about


My partner and I will argue less about how

we spend our money

Adapted from Belsky’s (1985) marital

conflict and co-operation domain

I will have stronger feelings of love for my

partner


relationship domain

My partner will respect me more Adapted from Belsky’s (1985) relations with

extended family domain

My partner will give me the emotional

support that I need

Adapted from Kalmuss et al.’s (1992) non-

maternal domain of relations with spouse

assessing amount of emotional support

My partner and I will spend a great deal of

time together



amount of time together

Self Expectations


Retained Items

I will have a feeling of “fulfillment” Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

I will feel “edgy” or emotionally upset Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

I will be less sexually responsive Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

Being a parent will fit into the life that I

want to live

I wonder if this experience will fit into the life

that I want to live (Affonso & Sheptak, 1989)

I will feel more vulnerable to being

criticised by others

I am more vulnerable now to feeling criticised

by others (Affonso & Sheptak, 1989)

183

Self Expectations


Retained Items

My life will change for the better I believe that my life is changing in ways that

are good (Affonso & Sheptak, 1989)

I will return to my normal physical self

within a few months of the birth of the

baby

I wonder “ Will I ever return to my normal

physical self again?” (Affonso & Sheptak,

1989)

Being a parent will make me feel happy Adapted from Kalmuss et al.’s (1992)


feelings of happiness in the maternal role

Being a parent will make me feel satisfied Adapted from Kalmuss et al.’s (1992)


feelings of satisfaction in the maternal role

There will not be enough money for non-

essential items or services (for example,

going to the movies, buying CDs or gifts)


maternal domain of financial well-being

assessing availability of money for non-

essentials

Being a parent will make me feel

frustrated



feelings of frustration in the maternal role

I will have more periods of boredom Adapted from Kalmuss et al.’s (1992)


feelings of boredom in the maternal role

Being a mother will make me feel fulfilled

as a woman

Being pregnant makes me feel fulfilled as a

woman (Ruble et al., 1990)

Being a parent will increase my sense of

independence

Being pregnant increases my sense of

independence


My life will lack variety My life lacks variety (Ruble et al., 1990)

I will feel proud to be a parent I feel proud of being a mother (Warner et al.,

1997)

I will feel disappointed by parenthood I am disappointed by motherhood (Warner et

al., 1997)

184

Self Expectations


Retained Items

Being a parent will be the most important

thing in my life


Becoming a parent will be the best thing

that ever happened to me


I will feel confined to the house Generated for the current study

Removed Items

There will be an interruption of routine

habits of sleeping, going places, etc.


I will not get much sleep at night Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

There will be increased money problems Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

My life will change in a way that seems

scary


I will worry about my loss of figure Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

I will be worried about my personal

appearance


There will be reduced feelings of privacy Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

I will be unable to sleep after going to bed Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

Meals will be off schedule Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

My feelings will be more intense My feelings are now more intense (stronger)

than before (Affonso & Sheptak, 1989)

I will be more sensitive I am more sensitive these days (Affonso &

Sheptak, 1989)

With all the changes that the birth of a

baby brings, I will sometimes feel like I

don’t know myself anymore

I have a sense that I will lose who I am or

who I was in all of this/When I look in the

mirror I ask myself, “Who is this person?”

“Where is the person I used to know”

(Affonso & Sheptak, 1989)

I will feel more physically attractive than I



maternal domain of physical well-being

(physical attractiveness)

185

Self Expectations


Removed Items

I will feel a greater desire to work outside

the home


maternal domain of employment assessing

desire to work (non-financial)

I will feel healthier Adapted from Kalmuss et al.’s (1992) non-

maternal domain of physical well-being

(overall status of physical health).

I will feel less desire to work outside the

home


maternal domain of employment assessing

desire to work (non-financial)

For financial reasons, it will be necessary

for me to work


maternal domain of financial well-being

assessing financial necessity of respondent’s

working

I will be more interested in sex I feel I am less interested in sex than I used to

be (Ruble et al., 1990)

Daily life will be no more difficult after

the baby is born

My daily life has been no more difficult since

my baby was born (Warner et al., 1997)

I will resent not having enough time to

myself after the baby is born

I have resented not having enough time to

myself since having my baby (Warner et al.,

1997)

I will not have time to do the housework

that is usually my responsibility



religious tradition


I will feel physically tired and fatigued Generated for the current study

Being a parent will make me feel like I

have a purpose for living


Social Expectations


Retained Items

I will have less contact with friends Same as original version (Wylie, 1979)

186

Social Expectations


Retained Items


family tradition


My relationship with my relatives will be

closer


I will receive emotional support from my

family and friends

Adapted from separate measures taken by

Belsky (1985) to assess domains of relations

with extended family and relations with

friends and neighbours

I will form new friendships Adapted from Belsky’s (1985) relations with

friends and neighbours domain

I will continue my social activities as usual We will continue our social activities as usual

after the baby’s arrival (Levy-Shiff et al.,

1991)

I will become too dependent on others

when the baby is born

I am concerned about becoming too

dependent on others during my pregnancy


I will be able to go to my family and

friends for advice


The demands of being a parent will restrict

my social life


There will be unwanted interference from

other people in my life


I will feel that my friends without

children no longer understand me


My friends and colleagues will think that I

am less interesting


Removed Items


my own parents


I will receive uninvited advice from my

family and friends

Adapted from Belsky’s (1985) relations with

extended family domain

187

Social Expectations


Removed Items

I will strengthen old friendships Adapted from Belsky’s (1985) relations with

friends and neighbours domain




maternal domain of relations with extended

family (amount of time with extended family)




maternal domain of relations with extended

family (amount of time with extended family)


my in-laws


My circle of friends will become smaller Generated for the current study

I will have increased contact with my

neighbours


188

APPENDIX B

STUDY 1 INFORMATION SHEET AND QUESTIONNAIRE

Telephone (08) 9380 3719

The University of Western Australia Department of Psychology Nedlands, Western Australia 6907 Fax (08) 9380 1006

Email [email protected]

The transition to parenthood: The effect of prenatal expectations and self-efficacy

beliefs on adjustment

Project Information Sheet

Thank you for considering participation in this research project. The aim of this project is to provide further understanding into the parenting expectations that women hold prior to the birth of their first child, and how these expectations match reality when the baby arrives. Most people would agree that the transition to parenthood is one of the most significant transitions of adulthood. Being a parent is a role that is emotionally, intellectually, and physically demanding, as well rewarding. This research is investigating people’s expectations when they become parents for the first time. In this study, we are developing a questionnaire about parenting expectations. The questionnaire developed in this study will be used in future research. As a participant in this study, you will be asked to complete a questionnaire on the expectations you have about how life will be when you become a parent. The questionnaire covers expectations in a range of areas including your feelings about yourself, your relationships with other people in your life, and your daily routines. This questionnaire should take no more than 45 minutes to complete. All information collected will remain strictly confidential. You are free to withdraw from this study at any time without prejudice in any way. It is hoped that the findings from this research will provide greater understanding of the processes involved in the transition to parenthood. The findings will inform future attempts to provide counselling and other psychological services to persons at this stage of their life. By participating in this study you will assist us in achieving these aims. If you have any further questions please contact: Kate Harwood, 9380 3719, email [email protected], Neil McLean, 9380 3580, [email protected], or Kevin Durkin, 9380 2479, [email protected].

189

mailto:[email protected]



Department of Psychology

The University of Western Australia

The transition to parenthood: The effect of prenatal expectations and self-efficacy beliefs on adjustment

Instructions

1. Read the information sheet provided. Keep this information sheet and the consent

form attached to it for your own records. 2. Read and sign the consent form attached to this questionnaire. 3. Fill in the questionnaire. Ensure that you read all of the instructions and questions

carefully. 4. Once you have completed the questionnaire put it in the addressed envelope

provided and post it back to UWA. The envelopes are pre-paid so there is no need to pay any postage.

Thank you for participating in this research project. If you have any questions feel free to contact Kate Harwood by phone on 9380 3719 or by e-mail, [email protected]

190

Parenting Expectations CODE: Age:_______________________________ How many weeks pregnant are you? ____________________ Marital status: Single Married De facto Instructions: For this questionnaire you are asked to think about your expectations about being a parent. The questionnaire consists of a number of statements about expectations of how your life is going to be when your baby arrives. Read each statement carefully, and then indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with each statement by circling the response that most applies to you. Here is an example already completed: I will continue my social activities as usual.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 strongly disagree

disagree somewhat disagree

neither agree nor disagree

somewhat agree

agree strongly agree

This response would mean that you agree that you will continue your social activities as usual when your baby arrives. Try not to spend too much time on each question. If a question does not apply to you (for example if it asks about breastfeeding and you do not plan to breastfeed your baby or if it asks about a partner and you are single) just write “NA” next to the question. Remember each statement is about how you expect life to be when your baby arrives. Your task is to decide whether or not you agree with the statement and then to circle the appropriate response. 1. I will not have time to do the housework that is usually my responsibility.




somewhat agree


2. I will have a feeling of “fulfillment”.




somewhat agree


3. I will have an increased appreciation for family tradition.




somewhat agree


191

4. I will be worried about my personal appearance.




somewhat agree


5. I will have more things to talk to my partner about.




somewhat agree


6. Being a parent will make me feel frustrated.




somewhat agree


7. I will be less sexually responsive.




somewhat agree


8. I will find myself worrying about my baby’s health.




somewhat agree


9. I will have stronger feelings of love for my partner.




somewhat agree


10. Caring for a baby will be very difficult.




somewhat agree


11. I will feel more distant from my partner.




somewhat agree


192

12. I will feel pride in my baby’s development.




somewhat agree


13. I will resent not having enough time to myself after the baby is born.




somewhat agree


14. My partner will help out more with household chores.




somewhat agree


15. Breastfeeding will make me feel close to my baby.




somewhat agree


16. Being a parent will make me feel like I have a purpose for living.




somewhat agree


17. I will have less contact with friends.




somewhat agree


18. Becoming a parent will be the best thing that ever happened to me.




somewhat agree


19. There will be unwanted interference from other people in my life.




somewhat agree


193

20. My friends and colleagues will think that I am less interesting.




somewhat agree


21. I will have no difficulties in becoming comfortable caring for my baby.




somewhat agree


22. My partner will show too little attention to the baby.




somewhat agree


23. I will worry about my loss of figure.




somewhat agree


24. My feelings will be more intense.




somewhat agree


25. I will feel less desire to work outside the home.




somewhat agree


26. I will enjoy my baby’s company.




somewhat agree


27. My partner will show less attention to me.




somewhat agree


194

28. I will feel “edgy” or emotionally upset.




somewhat agree


29. I will resent being the main caretaker of the baby.




somewhat agree


30. Being a parent will fit into the life that I want to live.




somewhat agree


31. I will find breastfeeding embarrassing.




somewhat agree


32. My partner will get on my nerves.




somewhat agree


33. My relationships with my relatives will be closer.




somewhat agree


34. Daily life will be no more difficult after the baby is born.




somewhat agree


35. I will have increased contact with my neighbours.




somewhat agree


195

36. Meals will be off schedule.




somewhat agree


37. I will receive uninvited advice from my family and friends.




somewhat agree


38. There will be increased money problems.




somewhat agree


39. Being a parent will make me feel happy.




somewhat agree


40. I will be disturbed by feelings I have towards my baby.




somewhat agree


41. I will feel a new positive appreciation of my own parents.




somewhat agree


42. There will be an interruption of routine habits of sleeping, going places, etc.




somewhat agree


43. I will be unable to sleep after going to bed.




somewhat agree


196

44. My partner will respect me more.




somewhat agree


45. There will be a reduced feeling of privacy.




somewhat agree


46. I will enjoy breastfeeding my baby.




somewhat agree


47. My partner will be able to take care of the baby when I go out.




somewhat agree


48. My family and friends will help me out after the baby is born.




somewhat agree


49. Being a mother will make me feel fulfilled as a woman.




somewhat agree


50. My partner and I will spend a great deal of time together.




somewhat agree


51. My life will change for the better.




somewhat agree


197

52. I will feel proud to be a parent.




somewhat agree


53. Being a parent will be the most important thing in my life.




somewhat agree


54. I will feel disappointed by parenthood.




somewhat agree


55. I will be more sensitive.




somewhat agree


56. Being a parent of a baby will involve a lot of hard work.




somewhat agree


57. My life will change in a way that seems scary.




somewhat agree


58. I will feel healthier.




somewhat agree


59. I will feel that my friends without children no longer understand me.




somewhat agree


198

60. My partner will give me the emotional support that I need.




somewhat agree


61. I will return to my normal physical self within a few months of the birth of the baby.




somewhat agree


62. I will feel more vulnerable to being criticised by others.




somewhat agree


63. I will find breastfeeding uncomfortable.




somewhat agree


64. My partner and I will argue less about how we spend our money.




somewhat agree


65. I will be responsible for most of the child-care tasks.




somewhat agree


66. I will have increased appreciation for religious tradition.




somewhat agree


67. My partner and I will have more fun together.




somewhat agree


199

68. I will feel more physically attractive compared to before I was pregnant.




somewhat agree


69. I will see my extended family less than I did before I was pregnant.




somewhat agree


70. My partner will be less sensitive to my feelings.




somewhat agree


71. I will be able to go to my family and friends for advice.




somewhat agree


72. I will feel physically tired and fatigued.




somewhat agree


73. I will be satisfied with my partner’s involvement in the daily care of the baby.




somewhat agree


74. I will receive emotional support from my family and friends.




somewhat agree


75. My baby will be fun to play with.




somewhat agree


200

76. I will form new friendships.




somewhat agree


77. I will feel that my baby loves me.




somewhat agree


78. Breastfeeding will come very naturally to me.




somewhat agree


79. My circle of friends will become smaller.




somewhat agree


80. The arrival of the baby will cause difficulties in my relationship with my partner.




somewhat agree


81. I will continue my social activities as usual.




somewhat agree


82. I will feel confined to the house.




somewhat agree


83. Being a parent of a baby will be very time consuming.




somewhat agree


201

84. My partner and I will enjoy spending time together.




somewhat agree


85. I will not get much sleep at night.




somewhat agree


86. I will feel a greater desire to work outside the home.




somewhat agree


87. There will not be enough money for non-essential items or services (for example, going to

the movies, buying CDs or gifts).




somewhat agree


88. I will become too dependent on others when the baby is born.




somewhat agree


89. I will have more periods of boredom.




somewhat agree


90. Being a parent will make me feel satisfied.




somewhat agree


91. I will strengthen old friendships.




somewhat agree


202

92. For financial reasons, it will be necessary for me to work.




somewhat agree


93. With all the changes that the birth of a baby brings, I will sometimes feel like I don’t know

myself anymore.




somewhat agree


94. I will enjoy the care-taking responsibilities involved in being a mother.




somewhat agree


95. It will be difficult to breastfeed my baby.




somewhat agree


96. I will be more interested in sex.




somewhat agree


97. The messes that my baby will make will bother me a lot.




somewhat agree


98. I will sometimes regret having my baby.




somewhat agree


99. My life will lack variety.




somewhat agree


203

100. The demands of being a parent will restrict my social life.




somewhat agree


101. I will love my baby.




somewhat agree


102. Being a parent will increase my sense of independence.




somewhat agree


103. I will feel a new positive appreciation of my in-laws.




somewhat agree


Instructions: In the next section, please complete each question by putting a circle around the answer that most closely applies to you. Work quickly and please remember to answer each question. The aim is to record how you have been feeling during the past month. If you have not considered some of the questions during the past month, go ahead and answer them on your present feelings. 1. Have you been worrying that you may not be a good mother?

1 2 3 4 Not at all A little A lot Very much

2. Have you been worrying about hurting your baby inside you?


3. Has it worried you that you may not have any time to yourself once your baby is born?


4. Have you regretted getting pregnant?

1 2 3 4 Never Rarely Often Very often

5. Has the thought of wearing maternity clothes appealed to you?

1 2 3 4 Very much A lot A little Not at all

204

6. Have you been feeling happy that you are pregnant?


7. Has the thought of having several more children appealed to you?


8. Have you felt that pregnancy was unpleasant?

1 2 3 4 Very much A lot A little Not at all

9. Have you been looking forward to caring for your baby’s needs?


10. Have you been wondering whether your baby will be healthy and normal?


11. Have you felt that life will be more difficult after the baby is born?


12. Has the thought of breast-feeding your baby appealed to you?


Thank you for completing this questionnaire. Your responses will be used to develop a shorter version of this questionnaire that will be used in future research. We are interested in any feedback you may have about the questionnaire. In particular were there any questions that were ambiguous, that is you were not sure what they were asking? In your opinion were there any irrelevant questions? Did you think any of the questions were inappropriate? If you wish to make a comment please do so in the space below.

205

APPENDIX C

STUDY 2 PRENATAL INFORMATION SHEET AND QUESTIONNAIRE

Email [email protected]

The University of Western Australia Department of Psychology 35 Stirling Highway, Crawley WA 6009 Fax (08) 9380 1006 Telephone (08) 9380 3719

The transition to parenthood: The effect of prenatal expectations and self-efficacy beliefs on adjustment


Thank you for considering participation in this research project. The aim of this project is to provide further understanding into the parenting expectations that women hold before the birth of their first child, and how these expectations match reality when the baby arrives. Most people would agree that the transition to parenthood is one of the most significant transitions of adulthood. Being a parent is a role that is emotionally, intellectually, and physically demanding, as well rewarding. This research is investigating people’s expectations when they become parents for the first time. As a participant in this study you will be asked to complete a questionnaire on two occasions, once while you are pregnant and again about four months after the birth of your baby. The questionnaire in this phase of the study covers several areas: 1. Some general information about yourself including your age, your education, and your

employment. 2. The expectations you have about being a parent. 3. Your relationship with your partner, family members and friends. 4. How you have been feeling. 5. Your coping resources. 6. The types of entertainment and information you have been watching and reading during

your pregnancy. This questionnaire should take no more than 45 minutes to complete. All information collected will remain strictly confidential. Approximately four months after the birth of your baby you will be contacted by telephone and asked if you are willing to participate in the second phase of the study. If you are willing to participate again a follow up questionnaire will be sent to you. If at any time you wish to withdraw from the study, you are free to do so without prejudice.

It is hoped that the findings from this research will provide greater understanding of the processes involved in the transition to parenthood. The findings will inform future attempts to provide counselling and other psychological services to persons at this stage of their life. By participating in this study, you will assist us in achieving these aims. If you have any concerns about this study, or if you require further information, please do not hesitate to contact: Kate Harwood, phone 9380 3719, email [email protected], Neil McLean, 9380 3580, [email protected], or Kevin Durkin, 9380 2479, [email protected]. Keep this information sheet for your own records.

206




Department of Psychology


The transition to parenthood: The effect of prenatal expectations and self-efficacy beliefs on adjustment.

Instructions

1. Read the information sheet provided. Keep this information sheet and the consent form

attached to it for your own records. 2. Read and sign the consent form attached to this questionnaire. 3. Complete the questionnaire. Ensure that you read all of the instructions and questions

carefully. 4. Once you have completed the questionnaire put it in the addressed envelope provided and

post it back to UWA. The envelopes are pre-paid so there is no need to pay any postage. 5. Please return the questionnaire within two weeks of receiving it. If you have any questions feel free to contact Kate Harwood by telephone on 9380 3719 or by e-mail, [email protected]. We will contact you approximately four months after the birth of your baby to find out how everything is going and to send out the follow-up questionnaire.

Thank you for participating in this research project.

207

Prenatal Participant No. Date: 1. What is your age?

2. What is your ethnic background?

3. What is your Occupation?

4. What is the highest level of education that

you have obtained?(tick the appropriate box)

Secondary School up to Year 10 Secondary School up to Year 12 TAFE University degree Postgraduate degree

5. Are you employed currently? Yes No

Employment status: Full-time Part-time

Casual On Maternity Leave

6. Do you plan to return to work after the birth of your baby? Yes

No If yes, how long after the birth do you plan to return to work?

7. What is your relationship status?

Married De Facto Relationship

8. How long have you been married to/lived with your partner?

9. What is your partner’s age?

10. What is your partner’s ethnic background?

11. What is your partner’s occupation?

12. What is the highest level of education that

your partner has obtained?

Secondary School up to Year 10 Secondary School up to Year 12 TAFE University degree Postgraduate degree

208

13. Is your partner employed

currently? Yes No

Employment status: Full-time Part-time Casual

14. What is your baby’s due date?

15. How many weeks pregnant are you?

16. Was your pregnancy planned?

Yes No

If yes, how long have you been trying to become pregnant?

17. Have you experienced any complications or problems

during your pregnancy? Yes No

If yes, could you describe the problems/complications? 18. Did you use any reproductive technologies to assist with conception (e.g. IVF, GIFT)?

Yes No If yes, state which procedure was used:

19. Have you ever had a miscarriage? Yes No

If yes, how many?

20. Have you ever had a termination? Yes No

If yes, how many?

21. Do you plan to breastfeed your baby? Yes No The following pages consist of a number of questionnaires. Please read the instructions of

each questionnaire carefully then answer the questions. Thank you.

209

Social Provisions Scale (Russell and Cutrona, 1984) Instructions: In answering the following questions, think about your current relationships with friends, family members, co-workers, community members, and so on. Please indicate to what extent each statement describes your current relationships with other people. Use the following scale to indicate your opinion.

1 Strongly Disagree

2 Disagree

3 4 Strongly Agree Agree

So, for example, if you feel a statement is very true of your current relationships, you would respond with a 4 (strongly agree). If you feel a statement clearly does not describe your relationships, you would respond with a 1 (strongly disagree). Rating 1. There are people I can depend on to help me if I really need it. _____

2. I feel that I do not have any close personal relationships with other people. _____

3. There is no one I can turn to for guidance in times of stress. _____

4. There are people who depend on me for help. _____

5. There are people who enjoy the same social activities I do. _____

6. Other people do not view me as competent. _____

7. I feel personally responsible for the well-being of another person. _____

8. I feel part of a group of people who share my attitudes and beliefs. _____

9. I do not think other people respect my skills and abilities. _____

10. If something went wrong, no one would come to my assistance. _____

11. I have close relationships that provide me with a sense of emotional security and wellbeing. _____

12. There is someone I could talk to about important decisions in my life. _____

13. I have relationships where my competence and skills are recognized. _____

14. There is no one who shares my interests and concerns. _____

15. There is no one who really relies on me for their well-being. _____

16. There is a trustworthy person I could turn to for advice if I were having problems. _____

17. I feel a strong emotional bond with at least one other person. _____

210

18. There is no one I can depend on for aid, if I really needed it. _____

19. There is no one I feel comfortable talking with about problems. _____

20. There are people who admire my talents and abilities. _____

21. I lack a feeling of intimacy with another person. _____

22. There is no one who likes to do the things I do. _____

23. There are people who I can count on in an emergency. _____

24. No one needs me to care for them anymore. _____

211

EPDS (Cox, Holden, & Sagovsky, 1987)

Instructions: As you are pregnant, we would like to know how you are feeling. Please underline the answer which comes closest to how you have felt in the past 7 days, not just how you feel today. Here is an example, already completed: I have felt happy: Yes, all of the time Yes, most of the time No, not very often No, not at all This would mean, “I have felt happy most of the time” during the past week. Please complete the other questions in the same way. In the past 7 days: 1. I have been able to see the funny side of things

As much as I always could Not quite so much now Definitely not so much now Not at all

2. I have looked forward with enjoyment to things As much as I ever did Rather less than I used to Definitely less than I used to Hardly at all

3. I have blamed myself unnecessarily when things went wrong Yes, most of the time Yes, some of the time Not very often No, never

4. I have been anxious or worried for no good reason No, not at all Hardly ever Yes, sometimes Yes, very often

5. I have felt scared or panicky for no good reason Yes, quite a lot Yes, sometimes No, not much No, not at all

6. Things have been getting on top of me Yes, most of the time I haven’t been able to cope at all Yes, sometimes I haven’t been coping as well as usual No, most of the time I have coped quite well No, I have been coping as well as ever

212

7. I have been so unhappy that I have had difficulty sleeping

Yes, most of the time Yes, sometimes Not very often No, not at all

8. I have felt sad or miserable Yes, most of the time Yes, quite often Not very often No, not at all

9. I have been so unhappy that I have been crying Yes, most of the time Yes, quite often Only occasionally No, never

10. The thought of harming myself has occurred to me Yes, quite often Sometimes Hardly ever Never

213

DAS (Spanier, 1976) Instructions: Most people have disagreements in their relationships. Please indicate the extent to which you and your partner agree or disagree on each of the items on the list below. Use the following scale to indicate the level of agreement or disagreement.

5 Always agree

4 Almost

always agree

3 Occasionally

disagree

2 Frequently

disagree

1 Almost always

disagree

0 Always disagree

1. ______ Handling family finances

2. ______ Matters of recreation

3. ______ Religious matters

4. ______ Demonstration of affection

5. ______ Friends

6. ______ Sexual relations

7. ______ Conventionality (correct or proper behaviour)

8. ______ Philosophy of life

9. ______ Ways of dealing with in-laws

10. ______ Aims, goals, and things believed important

11. ______ Amount of time spent together

12. ______ Making major decisions

13. ______ Household tasks

14. ______ Leisure time interests

15. ______ Career decisions

Instructions: Please indicate below approximately how often the following circumstances occur between you and your partner. Use the scale below when making your responses.

5 Never

4 Rarely

3 Occasionally

2 More often

than not

1 Most of the

time

0 All the time

16. ______ How often do you discuss or have you considered divorce, separation, or

terminating the relationship?

17. ______ How often do you or your partner leave the house after a fight?

18. ______ In general, how often do you think that things between you and your partner are

going well?

19. ______ Do you confide in your partner?

20. ______ Do you regret that you ever married or lived together?

21. ______ How often do you and your partner quarrel?

22. ______ How often do you and your partner “get on each other’s nerves”?

214

23. Do you kiss your partner? (Circle appropriate response)

4 3 2 1 0 Every day Almost every day Occasionally Rarely Never

24. Do you and your partner engage in outside interests together? (Circle appropriate response)

4 3 2 1 0 Every day Almost every day Occasionally Rarely Never

How often would you say the following events occur between you and your partner?

1 Never

2 Less than

once a month

3 Once or twice a month

4 Once or

twice a week

5 Once a day

6 More often

25. ______ Have a stimulating exchange of ideas

26. ______ Laugh together

27. ______ Calmly discuss something

28. ______ Work together on a project

Instructions: These are some things about which couples sometimes agree and sometimes disagree. Indicate if either issue below caused differences of opinion or has been a problem in your relationship during the past few weeks. (Circle yes or no) 29. Being too tired for sex Yes No 30. Not showing love Yes No 31. The numbers on the following line represent different degrees of happiness in your

relationship. The middle point, “happy”, represents the degree of happiness of most relationships. Please circle the number that best describes the degree of happiness, all things considered, of your relationship.

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Extremely unhappy

Fairly unhappy

A little unhappy

Happy Very happy

Extremely happy

Perfect

215

32. Please circle the number of one of the following statements that best describes how you feel

about the future of your relationship.

5 I want desperately for my relationship to succeed, and would go to almost any length to see that it does

4 I want very much for my relationship to succeed, and will do all that I can to see that it

does

3 I want very much for my relationship to succeed, and will do my fair share to see that it does

2 It would be nice if my relationship succeeded, but I can’t do much more than I am

doing now to make it succeed 1 It would be nice if it succeeded, but I refuse to do any more than I am doing now to

keep the relationships going

0 My relationship can never succeed, and there is no more that I can do to keep the relationship going

216

PSOC –Efficacy Scale (Gibaud-Wallston & Wandersman, 1978, as cited in Johnston & Mash, 1989)

Instructions: Please indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with each of the following statements by circling the appropriate response. 1. I will make a fine role model for a new mother to follow in order to learn what she would

need to know to be a good parent.

1 2 3 4 5 6 strongly disagree


somewhat agree


2. The problems of taking care of a baby are easy to solve once you know how your actions

affect your baby, an understanding I will acquire.



somewhat agree


3. Being a parent is manageable, and any problems are easily solved.



somewhat agree


4. I will meet my personal expectations for expertise in caring for my baby.



somewhat agree


5. If anyone can find the answer to what is troubling my baby, I will be the one.



somewhat agree


6. It will not take me long to become thoroughly familiar with the role of being a mother.



somewhat agree


7. I honestly believe that I have all the skills necessary to be a good mother to my baby.



somewhat agree


217

Parenting Expectations

Instructions: This questionnaire consists of a number of expectations commonly held by first-time parents. You are asked to think about what you expect life to be like when your baby arrives. Indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with each statement by circling the response that most applies to you. Here is an example already completed: I will feel tired and fatigued.




somewhat agree


This response would mean that you agree with the statement that you will feel tired and fatigued when you are a parent of a baby. 1. I will have a feeling of “fulfillment”.




somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


218





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


219





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


220





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


221





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


222





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


44. There will not be enough money for non-essential items or services (for example, going to

the movies, buying CDs or gifts).




somewhat agree






somewhat agree


223





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


224





somewhat agree






somewhat agree


225

Entertainment and Information Use

Please indicate the extent to which you have been watching or reading the following types of entertainment and information recently. Please use the following scale to make your responses.

0 1 2 3 4 Not at all Rarely Occasionally Nearly every

day Every day

1. Books about parenting and pregnancy ____ 2. Talk shows on TV, e.g. Oprah, when they cover pregnancy/ parenting issues ____ 3. News and current affairs programmes covering pregnancy/ parenting issues ____ 4. TV comedies with characters that are either pregnant or parents of young children ____ 5. TV dramas with characters that are either pregnant or parents of young children ____ 6. Films with characters that are either pregnant or parents of young children ____ 7. Internet sites about pregnancy and parenting ____ 8. Magazines devoted to pregnancy and parenting e.g. Mother & Baby, Pregnancy ____ 9. Articles about pregnancy/ parenting in women’s magazines e.g. New Idea,

Australian Women’s Weekly ____ 10. Newspaper articles about pregnancy/ parenting ____ 11. Advertisements with parents and their children ____ 12. Advertisements for childcare products and toys ____

226

To answer the questions below think about the images of pregnancy and parenthood that you have seen in the media and indicate how closely you think they match the descriptions below. Circle the appropriate response. 1. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as easy or difficult experiences?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very easy Easy Somewhat

easy Not sure Somewhat

difficult Difficult Very

difficult 2. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as fulfilling or unfulfilling

experiences?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very

fulfilling Fulfilling Somewhat

fulfilling Not sure Somewhat

unfulfilling Unfulfilling Very

unfulfilling 3. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as happy or depressing

experiences?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very happy Happy Somewhat

Happy Not sure Somewhat

depressing Depressing Very

Depressing 4. Taking into account your own experiences during pregnancy, how accurate do you think

media images of pregnancy and parenthood are?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very

accurate Accurate Somewhat

Accurate Not sure Somewhat

inaccurate Inaccurate Very

Inaccurate

227

APPENDIX D

STUDY 2 POSTNATAL INFORMATION SHEET AND QUESTIONNAIRE

35 Stirling Highway, Crawley WA 6009

The University of Western Australia Department of Psychology

Fax (08) 9380 1006 Telephone (08) 9380 3719 Email [email protected]



Thank you for considering further participation in this research project. Your participation in the first phase of this study is greatly appreciated. The aim of this project is to provide further understanding into the parenting expectations that women hold before the birth of their first child, and how they feel about these expectations after the baby arrives. In order for us to achieve this aim, your participation in the second phase of this study is particularly important. As in the first phase of the study, you will be asked to complete a questionnaire. The first phase of the study was interested in your expectations about being a parent. This phase of the study is interested in the experiences you have had since the birth of your baby. The questionnaire in this phase of the study covers several areas: 1. Your parenting experiences. 2. Your relationships with your partner, family members, and friends. 3. How you have been feeling. 4. Your coping resources. 5. The types of entertainment and information you have been watching and reading

during your pregnancy. This questionnaire should take no more than 45 minutes to complete. All information collected will remain strictly confidential. You are free to withdraw from this study at any time without prejudice in any way. It is hoped that the findings from this research will provide greater understanding of the processes involved in the transition to parenthood. The findings will inform future attempts to provide counselling and other psychological services to persons at this stage of their life. By participating in this study you will assist us in achieving these aims. If you have any further questions please contact: Kate Harwood, 9380 3719, email [email protected], Neil McLean, 9380 3580, [email protected], or Kevin Durkin, 9380 2479, [email protected]. Keep this information sheet for your own records.

228




School of Psychology



Instructions

1. Read the information sheet provided. Keep this information sheet for your own

records. 2. Read and sign the consent form on the next page of this questionnaire. 3. Complete the questionnaire. Ensure that you read all of the instructions and

questions carefully. 4. Once you have completed the questionnaire put it in the addressed envelope

provided and post it back to UWA. The envelopes are pre-paid so there is no need to pay any postage.

If you have any questions feel free to contact Kate Harwood by telephone on 9380 3719 or by e-mail, [email protected].

Thank you for participating in this research project.

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Postnatal Participant No. Date: 1. What is your baby’s date of birth?

2. What was your baby’s weight at birth?

3. What sex is your baby?

Male Female

4. Did you experience any complications during your

pregnancy? Yes No

If yes, could you describe the complications?

5. Did you experience any complications during your

labour? Yes No

If yes, could you describe the complications? 6. Do you have any ongoing health problems due to

complications during your labour and/or pregnancy? Yes No

If yes, could you describe the health problems? 7. Has your baby experienced any health problems? Yes No If yes, could you describe the health problems:

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8. Are you employed currently? Yes No

Employment status:

Full-time Part-time Casual On Maternity Leave

9. Is your partner employed currently?

Yes No

Employment status:

Full-time Part-time Casual

10. Are you breastfeeding your baby? (tick the most appropriate response for you) a) Yes, I am breastfeeding currently b) I did not breastfeed at all c) I am not breastfeeding now, but I did initially If you ticked c) how old was your baby when you stopped breastfeeding?

The following pages consist of a number of questionnaires. Please read the instructions of each questionnaire carefully then answer the questions. Thank you.

231

Social Provisions Scale (Russell and Cutrona, 1984) Instructions: In answering the following questions, think about your current relationships with friends, family member, co-workers, community member, and so on. Please indicate to what extent each statement describes your current relationships with other people. Use the following scale to indicate your opinion.

1

Strongly Disagree

2

Disagree

3

Agree

4

Strongly Agree

So, for example, if you feel a statement is very true of your current relationships, you would respond with a 4 (strongly agree). If you feel a statement clearly does not describe your relationships, you would respond with a 1 (strongly disagree).

Rating 1. There are people I can depend on to help me if I really need it. _____

2. I feel that I do not have any close personal relationships with other people. _____

3. There is no one I can turn to for guidance in times of stress. _____

4. There are people who depend on me for help. _____

5. There are people who enjoy the same social activities I do. _____

6. Other people do not view me as competent. _____

7. I feel personally responsible for the well-being of another person. _____

8. I feel part of a group of people who share my attitudes and beliefs. _____

9. I do not think other people respect my skills and abilities. _____

10. If something went wrong, no one would come to my assistance. _____

11. I have close relationships that provide me with a sense of emotional security and wellbeing. _____

12. There is someone I could talk to about important decisions in my life. _____

13. I have relationships where my competence and skills are recognized. _____

14. There is no one who shares my interests and concerns. _____

15. There is no one who really relies on me for their well-being. _____

16. There is a trustworthy person I could turn to for advice if I were having problems. _____

17. I feel a strong emotional bond with at least one other person. _____

18. There is no one I can depend on for aid, if I really needed it. _____

19. There is no one I feel comfortable talking with about problems. _____

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20. There are people who admire my talents and abilities. _____

21. I lack a feeling of intimacy with another person. _____

22. There is no one who likes to do the things I do. _____

23. There are people who I can count on in an emergency. _____

24. No one needs me to care for them anymore. _____

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EPDS (Cox, Holden, & Sagovsky, 1987) As you have recently had a baby, we would like to know how you are feeling. Please underline the answer which comes closest to how you have felt in the past 7 days, not just how you feel today. Here is an example, already completed: I have felt happy: Yes, all of the time Yes, most of the time No, not very often No, not at all This would mean, “I have felt happy most of the time” during the past week. Please complete the other questions in the same way. In the past 7 days: 1. I have been able to see the funny side of things

As much as I always could Not quite so much now Definitely not so much now Not at all

2. I have looked forward with enjoyment to things As much as I ever did Rather less than I used to Definitely less than I used to Hardly at all

3. I have blamed myself unnecessarily when things went wrong Yes, most of the time Yes, some of the time Not very often No, never

4. I have been anxious or worried for no good reason No, not at all Hardly ever Yes, sometimes Yes, very often

5. I have felt scared or panicky for no good reason Yes, quite a lot Yes, sometimes No, not much No, not at all

6. Things have been getting on top of me Yes, most of the time I haven’t been able to cope at all Yes, sometimes I haven’t been coping as well as usual No, most of the time I have coped quite well No, I have been coping as well as ever

234

7. I have been so unhappy that I have had difficulty sleeping

Yes, most of the time Yes, sometimes Not very often No, not at all

8. I have felt sad or miserable Yes, most of the time Yes, quite often Not very often No, not at all

9. I have been so unhappy that I have been crying Yes, most of the time Yes, quite often Only occasionally No, never

10. The thought of harming myself has occurred to me Yes, quite often Sometimes Hardly ever Never

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DAS (Spanier, 1976) Instructions: Most people have disagreements in their relationships. Please indicate the extent to which you and your partner agree or disagree on each of the items on the list below. Use the following scale to indicate the level of agreement or disagreement.

5 Always agree

4 Almost

always agree

3 Occasionally

disagree

2 Frequently

disagree

1 Almost always

disagree

0 Always disagree

1. ______ Handling family finances

2. ______ Matters of recreation

3. ______ Religious matters

4. ______ Demonstration of affection

5. ______ Friends

6. ______ Sexual relations

7. ______ Conventionality (correct or proper behaviour)

8. ______ Philosophy of life

9. ______ Ways of dealing with in-laws

10. ______ Aims, goals, and things believed important

11. ______ Amount of time spent together

12. ______ Making major decisions

13. ______ Household tasks

14. ______ Leisure time interests

15. ______ Career decisions

Instructions: Please indicate below approximately how often the following circumstances occur between you and your partner. Use the scale below when making your responses.

5 Never

4 Rarely

3 Occasionally

2 More often

than not

1 Most of the

time

0 All the time

16. ______ How often do you discuss or have you considered divorce, separation, or

terminating the relationship?

17. ______ How often do you or your partner leave the house after a fight?

18. ______ In general how often do you think that things between you and your partner are

going well?

19. ______ Do you confide in your partner?

20. ______ Do you regret that you ever married or lived together?

21. ______ How often do you and your partner quarrel?

22. ______ How often do you and your partner “get on each other’s nerves”?

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23. Do you kiss your partner? (Circle appropriate response)

4 3 2 1 0 Every day Almost every

day Occasionally Rarely Never

24. Do you and your partner engage in outside interests together? (Circle appropriate response)

4 3 2 1 0 Every day Almost every

day Occasionally Rarely Never

How often would you say the following events occur between you and your partner?

1 Never

2 Less than

once a month

3 Once or twice a month

4 Once or

twice a week

5 Once a day

6 More often

25. ______ Have a stimulating exchange of ideas

26. ______ Laugh together

27. ______ Calmly discuss something

28. ______ Work together on a project

Instructions: These are some things about which couples sometimes agree and sometimes disagree. Indicate if either issue below caused differences of opinion or has been a problem in your relationship during the past few weeks. (Circle yes or no) 29. Being too tired for sex Yes No 30. Not showing love Yes No 31. The numbers on the following line represent different degrees of happiness in your

relationship. The middle point, “happy”, represents the degree of happiness of most relationships. Please circle the number that best describes the degree of happiness, all things considered, of your relationship.

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Extremely unhappy

Fairly unhappy

A little unhappy

Happy Very happy

Extremely happy

Perfect

237

32. Please circle the number of one of the following statements that best describes how you feel

about the future of your relationship.

5 I want desperately for my relationship to succeed, and would go to almost any length to see that it does

4 I want very much for my relationship to succeed, and will do all that I can to see that it

does

3 I want very much for my relationship to succeed, and will do my fair share to see that it does

2 It would be nice if my relationship succeeded, but I can’t do much more than I am

doing now to make it succeed 1 It would be nice if it succeeded, but I refuse to do any more than I am doing now to

keep the relationships going

0 My relationship can never succeed, and there is no more that I can do to keep the relationship going

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PSOC –Efficacy Scale (Gibaud-Wallston & Wandersman, 1978, as cited in Johnston & Mash, 1989)

Instructions: Please indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with each of the following statements by circling the appropriate response.

1. I would make a fine role model for a new mother to follow in order to learn what she would

need to know to be a good parent.



somewhat agree


2. The problems of taking care of a baby are easy to solve once you know how your actions

affect your baby, an understanding I have acquired.



somewhat agree


3. Being a parent is manageable, and any problems are easily solved.



somewhat agree


4. I meet my personal expectations for expertise in caring for my baby.



somewhat agree


5. If anyone can find the answer to what is troubling my baby, I am the one.



somewhat agree


6. Considering how long I’ve been a mother, I feel thoroughly familiar with this role.



somewhat agree


7. I honestly believe that I have all the skills necessary to be a good mother to my baby.



somewhat agree


239

Parenting Experiences

Instructions: This questionnaire consists of a number of statements that relate to the experiences of early parenthood. We are interested whether you have experienced any of the feelings or situations listed below. Read each statement carefully, and then indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with each statement by circling the response that most applies to you. Here is an example already completed: I have felt tired and fatigued.




somewhat agree


This response would mean that you agree that you have felt tired and fatigued since the birth of your baby. 1. I have a feeling of “fulfillment”.




somewhat agree


2. I have an increased appreciation for family tradition.




somewhat agree


3. I have less contact with friends.




somewhat agree


4. My partner helps out more with household chores.




somewhat agree


5. I enjoy my baby’s company.




somewhat agree


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6. Being a parent makes me feel frustrated.




somewhat agree


7. Caring for a baby is very difficult.




somewhat agree


8. I feel more distant from my partner.




somewhat agree


9. Breastfeeding makes me feel close to my baby.




somewhat agree


10. Becoming a parent is the best thing that ever happened to me.




somewhat agree


11. There is unwanted interference from other people in my life.




somewhat agree


12. My friends and colleagues think that I am less interesting.




somewhat agree


13. My partner shows too little attention to the baby.




somewhat agree


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14. I feel “edgy” or emotionally upset.




somewhat agree


15. I resent being the main caretaker of the baby.




somewhat agree


16. My partner gets on my nerves.




somewhat agree


17. My relationships with my relatives are closer.




somewhat agree


18. Being a parent makes me feel happy.




somewhat agree


19. I am disturbed by feelings I have towards my baby.




somewhat agree


20. I enjoy breastfeeding my baby.




somewhat agree


21. My partner is able to take care of the baby when I go out.




somewhat agree


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22. My family and friends have helped me out since the baby was born.




somewhat agree


23. Being a mother makes me feel fulfilled as a woman.




somewhat agree


24. My life has changed for the better.




somewhat agree


25. My partner shows less attention to me.




somewhat agree


26. I feel proud to be a parent.




somewhat agree


27. Being a parent is the most important thing in my life.




somewhat agree


28. I feel disappointed by parenthood.




somewhat agree


29. I am less sexually responsive.




somewhat agree


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30. I feel that my friends without children no longer understand me.




somewhat agree


31. I returned to my normal physical self within a few months of the birth of the baby.




somewhat agree


32. I feel more vulnerable to being criticised by others.




somewhat agree


33. I find breastfeeding uncomfortable.




somewhat agree


34. My partner and I have more fun together.




somewhat agree


35. My partner is less sensitive to my feelings.




somewhat agree


36. I am able to go to my family and friends for advice.




somewhat agree


37. I am satisfied with my partner’s involvement in the daily care of the baby.




somewhat agree


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38. I have formed new friendships.




somewhat agree


39. I feel that my baby loves me.




somewhat agree


40. The arrival of the baby has caused difficulties in my relationship with my partner.




somewhat agree


41. I have continued my social activities as usual.




somewhat agree


42. I feel confined to the house.




somewhat agree


43. My partner and I enjoy spending time together.




somewhat agree


44. There is not enough money for non-essential items or services (for example, going to the

movies, buying CDs or gifts).




somewhat agree


45. I have become too dependent on others since the baby was born.




somewhat agree


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46. I have more periods of boredom.




somewhat agree


47. The messes that my baby makes bother me a lot.




somewhat agree


48. I sometimes regret having my baby.




somewhat agree


49. My life lacks variety.




somewhat agree


50. The demands of being a parent have restricted my social life.




somewhat agree


51. Being a parent has increased my sense of independence.




somewhat agree


52. Being a parent makes me feel satisfied.




somewhat agree


53. My baby is fun to play with.




somewhat agree


246

54. Being a parent fits into the life that I want to live.




somewhat agree


55. I receive emotional support from my family and friends.




somewhat agree


247

Entertainment and Information Use

Please indicate the extent to which you have been watching or reading the following types of entertainment and information recently. Please use the following scale to make your responses.

0 1 2 3 4 Not at all Less than usual About the same

as usual More than

usual Much more than usual

1. Reading books about parenting and pregnancy

____ 2. Watching talk shows on TV, e.g. Oprah, when they cover pregnancy/ parenting issues

____ 3. Watching news and current affairs programmes covering pregnancy/ parenting issues ____ 4. Watching TV comedies with characters that are either pregnant or parents of young children

____ 5. Watching TV dramas with characters that are either pregnant or parents of young children ____ 6. Watching films with characters that are either pregnant or parents of young children

____ 7. Reading internet sites about pregnancy and parenting

____ 8. Reading magazines devoted to pregnancy and parenting e.g. Parenting, Pregnancy

____ 9. Reading articles about pregnancy/ parenting in women’s magazines e.g. New Idea,

Australian Women’s Weekly ____

10. Reading newspaper articles about pregnancy/ parenting

____ 11. Advertisements with parents and their children

____ 12. Advertisements for childcare products and toys

____

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To answer the questions below think about the images of pregnancy and parenthood that you have seen in the media and indicate how closely you think they match the descriptions below. Circle the appropriate response. 5. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as easy or difficult experiences?




difficult 6. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as fulfilling or unfulfilling

experiences?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very





experiences?


Happy Not sure Somewhat


Depressing 8. Taking into account your own experiences of pregnancy and parenthood, how accurate do

you think media images of pregnancy and parenthood are?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very




Inaccurate

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APPENDIX E

STUDY 3 INFORMATION SHEET AND QUESTIONNAIRE

SCHOOL OF PSYCHOLOGY

35 Stirling Highway Crawley, Western Australia

Facsimile: 9380 1006 Kate Harwood Telephone: 9380 3719

Email: [email protected]



Thank you for considering participation in this research project. The broad aim of this project is to examine the parenting expectations and self-efficacy beliefs of first-time mothers, how expectations match later experiences, and the effect of these factors on adjustment to parenthood. So far, we have examined the expectations of women who are pregnant with their first child and we are interested in how these expectations compare to perceptions of parenthood held by women who are not about to become a mother. Even people who are not parents have either direct or vicarious experience with parenting. We have all been parented, know people that are parents, or have observed parenting in our daily lives or in the media. For this study, we are interested in your perceptions of what life as a parent would be like. As a participant in this study, you will be asked to complete a questionnaire on your perceptions of what life as the parent of an infant would be like for you. The questionnaire contains a number of statements tapping how you think being a parent would affect different aspects of you life including your feelings, your relationships, and your lifestyle. You will be asked whether you plan to have children in the future and if so at approximately what age you would like to have children. We will also collect some demographic information such as your age, level of education, and ethnic background. The questionnaire should take approximately 10 to 15 minutes to complete. All information collected will remain strictly confidential. You are free to withdraw from this study at any time without prejudice in any way. Psychology 100 students will receive half a credit point for participation in this study. It is hoped that the findings from this study, combined with the findings of studies we have already conducted with women going through the transition to parenthood, will provide greater understanding of the processes involved in the transition to parenthood. The findings will inform future attempts to provide counselling and other psychological services to persons at this stage of their life. By participating in this study, you will assist us in achieving these aims. If you have any further questions please contact: Kate Harwood, 9380 3719, email [email protected], Neil McLean, 9380 3580, [email protected], or Kevin Durkin, 9380 2479, [email protected].

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Participant No.

Background Information Instructions: Please answer the following questions about yourself.

Date: 1. What is your age?

2. What is your ethnic background?

3. What degree are you enrolled in?

Alternatively, if you are not a student, what is your occupation?

4. What year of your degree are you

enrolled in? (If applicable)

5. Do you have any other qualifications e.g. university

degree, TAFE diploma? Yes No

If you answered yes, please list your qualifications: 6. What is your relationship status?

Single Single, but have a boyfriend/girlfriend De Facto Relationship/Living with my

partner Married

If you are in a relationship at the moment, please state how long you have been with your partner: 7. Do you want to have

children at some point in the future?

Yes No

If you answered yes, approximately how long from now (in years) would you like to have children?

251

Perceptions of Early Parenthood This questionnaire consists of a number of parenting expectations commonly held by first-time parents. We are interested in your perceptions of what life as a parent of an infant would be like. Think about how you would expect life to be for you, if you were the parent of an infant. Read each statement carefully, and then indicate the extent to which you agree or disagree with each statement by circling the response that most applies to you. Here is an example already completed: I will feel tired and fatigued.




somewhat agree


This response would mean that you agree with the statement that you will feel tired and fatigued when you are a parent of a baby.

1. I will have a feeling of “fulfillment”.




somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


252





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


253





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


254





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


255





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


256





somewhat agree


44. There will not be enough money for non-essential items or services (for example,

going to the movies, buying CDs or gifts).




somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


257





somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree






somewhat agree


258

Perceptions of Parenting in the Media We are interested in your impressions of how being the parent of a young infant is portrayed in the media (including, television programmes and advertisements, advertisements and articles in newspapers and magazines, internet sites). To answer the questions below think about the images of early parenthood that you have seen in the media and indicate how closely you think they match the descriptions below. Circle the appropriate response. 1. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as easy or difficult

experiences?




difficult 2. In general, do the media present pregnancy and parenthood as fulfilling or

unfulfilling experiences?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very





experiences?


happy Not sure Somewhat


depressing 4. Taking into account your own experiences of pregnancy and parenthood, how

accurate do you think media images of pregnancy and parenthood are?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Very




Inaccurate

259

APPENDIX F

STUDY 4 CODING INSTRUCTIONS AND CODING SHEET

Coding Instructions Key figures:

Adults presented alone will be coded as parents unless something about their appearance denotes that they are portraying another role: e.g., stethoscope conveying the person is a health professional.

Pregnant women are coded As are expectant fathers: denoted by references in the text. Code infants: Toddlers or older children not coded unless they are in an image with

an infant. Parents of infants coded: If parents are portrayed with older children and no infant,

do not code. Do not code images so small that it is impossible to determine affect, clothing,

cleanliness etc. Do not code images that present only part of a body (e.g. infant’s foot or pregnant

woman’s stomach) making it impossible to derive meaningful information. Not applicable: Circle NA when the category does not apply e.g. asks for information about father when father is not present, or asks for information about clothing when baby is naked. Can’t determine: Applies when it is impossible to code a variable due to:

The way the photo is cropped (e.g. only face seen making it impossible to code clothing type)

The relevant figure is out of focus (e.g. cannot determine affect because facial features are blurred)

Figure is facing away from the camera (e.g. can code behaviour but not affect because figure has back to camera)

Parent appearance: Smart casual vs. at home casual distinction:

Sheet lists t-shirts as at home casual but code as smart casual if there are factors suggesting a higher dress standard e.g. well groomed hair & makeup, clothing & accessories worn with the t-shirt.

Baby appearance: Clean vs. dirty skin:

Counted suds/bubbles from bath as clean. Counted saliva as dirty

Attachment variables: Code these variables when a parent and infant are featured.

Congruent parent & baby affect counted as both expressing a positive emotion (e.g. one was calm and one was joyful) or both expressing a negative emotion. Incongruent coded when one key figure was expressing a negative emotion and the other was expressing a positive emotion.

For parent attachment behaviour “parent holding baby away from body” does not

260

apply to situations where the parent is holding the baby away from their body for the purposes of caretaking activities e.g. bathing, feeding.

Code “not applicable” if one or both faces are not visible. For baby attachment behaviour, if there is no sign that the baby is either trying to

maintain contact or trying to resist contact (e.g. being passive while being held by a parent) code as “not applicable”.

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Coding Sheet

Image identification number: Magazine: Magazine issue: Accompanying magazine content or advertised product: Image Type: 1 = Advertisement 2 = Magazine content 3 = Cover

_________ Photograph type: 1 = Professional 2 = Amateur

_________ Key figures: 1 = Baby 2 = Mother 3 = Pregnant woman 4 = Father 5 = Pregnant woman & expectant father 6 = Mother & Father 7 = Mother & Baby 8 = Father & Baby 9 = Mother, father, & baby 10 = Mother, baby, & other children 11 = Father, baby, & other children 12 = Mother, father, baby, & other children 13 = Mother/pregnant woman with health professionals 14 = Baby with health professionals 15 = Mother, father, & baby with other adults 16 = Mother with other adults 17 = Father with other adults 18 = Mother & father with other adults 19 = Mother & baby with other adults 20 = Mother, father, baby with other adults and/or children

21 = Baby with another child/other children 22 = Pregnant woman with another child/other children 23 = Pregnant woman, expectant father, & another child/other children 24 = Expectant father 25 = Expectant father, pregnant woman, & health professionals 26 = Infant with another infant 27 = Baby with another adult 28 = Mother, infant, other adults & children 29 = Mother, father, infant & health professional/s 30 = Mother, father & health professional 31 = Pregnant woman, older child/children, & another adult 32 = Mother, infant, & health professional 33 = Pregnant woman with other pregnant women/another pregnant woman 34 = Infant with another adult & older children 35 = Pregnant woman with another adult

_________ Ethnicity key figures: 1 = Caucasian 2 = Other 3 = Aboriginal 4= Not sure Baby _________ NA Mother _________ NA Father _________ NA Parent affect: 1 = Smiling, joyful 2 = Relaxed, calm, serene 3 = Frowning, tense, anxious, stressed 4 = Crying 5 = Can’t determine Mother_________ NA Father _________ NA

262

Baby affect: 1 = Smiling 2 = Calm, relaxed 3 = Frowning, anxious, tense 4 = Crying

5 = Funny/strange/humorous facial expression 6 = Can’t determine

_________ NA Parent behaviour: 1 = Parent holding baby 2 = Sleeping 3 = Talking to health professional/undergoing medical procedure 4 = Eating/drinking/preparing food or drink 5 = Domestic chores (ironing/washing clothes etc.) 6 = Breastfeeding baby 7 = Bottle-feeding baby 8 = Feeding baby solids 9 = Looking at/watching baby 10 = Pushing baby in pram 11 = Bathing baby 12 = Reading to baby 13 = Playing with baby 14 = Sitting 15 = Shopping

16 = Talking on phone 17 = Reading 18 = Talking to baby (not holding) 19 = Exercising 20 = In labour 21 = Kissing baby 22 = Touching baby e.g. stroking, massaging, applying skin care product 23 = Bathing self 24 = Talking to/interacting with another adult 25 = Posing for picture 26 = Embracing/touching another adult 27 = Giving baby medicine 28 = Dressing baby/changing nappy 29 = Other

Mother B1_________ Mother B2 _________ Mother B3 _________ NA Father B1 _________ Father B2 _________ Father B3 _________ NA Baby behaviour: 1 = Sitting 10 = Walking/standing supported 2 = Lying on stomach 11 = Riding in pram 3 = Lying on back 12 = Holding object/body part in mouth 4 = Holding object 13 = Pointing at something 5 = Sleeping 14 = Showing something 6 = Being held 15 = Bathing 7 = Drinking/eating 16 = Crawling/kneeling 8 = Undergoing medical procedure 17 = Looking at another person 9 = Walking/standing unsupported 18 = Can’t determine 19 = Other

B1 _________ B2 _________ NA Parent appearance: 1 = Neat appearance 2 = Disheveled appearance 3 = Can’t determine Mother _________ NA Father _________ NA 1 = Stained/dirty clothing 2 = Clean/stain free clothing 3 = Can’t determine Mother _________ NA Father_________ NA

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Clothing type: 1 = Formal, evening wear 5 = Medical gown 2 = Business attire 6 = Exercise wear 3 = Smart casual wear 7 = Nothing

8 = Can’t determine Mother _________ NA Father_________ NA

Baby appearance 1 = Rash/skin irritation 2 = Clear skin 3 = Can’t determine _________ NA 1= Stains/dirt on clothes 2 = Clean clothes 3 = Can’t determine _________ NA 1= Stains/dirt on skin 2 = Clean skin 3 = Can’t determine _________ NA Clothing type: 1 = Nothing 4 = Fully-clothed 2 = Nappy 5 = Costume 3 = Wrapped in blanket/towel 6 = Can’t determine

_________ NA Attachment: Congruent parent & baby behaviour: 1 = Presence of mutual gaze between parent and baby 2 = Baby or parent avoiding eye contact - parent looking at baby and baby looking away or vice versa 3 = Joint attention (including looking at camera together) 4 = Congruent parent and baby affect 5 = Incongruent parent and baby affect

A1_________ A2_________ NA Baby attachment behaviour: 1 = Contact maintaining behaviour – looking towards parent, reaching for parent, clinging/holding on to parent. 2 = Contact resisting behaviour – turning away from parent in distress, disinterest in parent, pushing parent away.

_________ NA

Parent attachment behaviour: 1 = Parent holding baby close to body 2 = Parent holding baby away from body _________ NA

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women’s parenting expectations and their influence …€¦ · perceived social support. on...

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