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Women of power and influence Macedonian royalty a Homeric Legacy During the Argead dynastic period of Macedonia the power and influence of barbarian women cannot be denied, while no woman could hope to rule in what was seen as a traditional Greek monarchy, they were more than willing to risk everything to ensure their families legacy. 2012 Amos Greig Belfast History Society 7/31/2012

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A brief look at the role of women in Ancient Macedonia and a comparision between Homeric women and the historic.

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Page 1: Women of Power and Influence

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Women of power and influence Macedonian royalty a Homeric Legacy During the Argead dynastic period of Macedonia the power and influence of barbarian women cannot be denied, while no woman could hope to rule in what was seen as a traditional Greek monarchy, they were more than willing to risk everything to ensure their families legacy.

2012

Amos Greig Belfast History Society

7/31/2012

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Table of contents

Introduction

Chapter one: marriage a double edged sword

Chapter Two; Illyrian connections in the Argead Dynasty

Chapter three: Eurydice I

Chapter four: Cynnane Illyrian blooded

Chapter five; Royal tombs and other memorials

Chapter six; royal women and courtly intrigue

Chapter seven: Cleopatra II and Olympias

Chapter Eight: Into the Antigonid period and beyond

Conclusion

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Introduction

During the Argead dynastic period women in the court of Macedonia appeared

to have greater influence than their classical Greek counterparts. While there is no

evidence which suggests that royal women ruled in the place of men there is evidence

that sees royal women leading armies (Cynnane, Adea Eurydice) and being interested in

the political arena Eurydice I, Olympias and Adea Eurydice). The Macedonian

monarchy during the Argead period used marriage as a political tool, where Philip used

several marriages to create ties with his neighbours he was following what appears to

have been the rule rather than the exception. These marriage alliances played a key role

in keeping Macedonia from being consumed by her aggressive and expansionistic

neighbours. Perhaps these two factors combined represent why so much has been

written about Macedonian women. With Olympias being the obvious example, the

Athenian writers appeared to have a great antipathy towards women and this was

especially true of their poems and plays three of Aristophanes plays show women in

successful opposition of their men folk, Hippolytus wrote an incredibly long tirade

against women;

“O Zeus, why, as a fraudulent evil for men, have you brought women into the

sun? For if you wished to engender the mortal race, there was no need for

women as source of supply. But in your shrines mortal men could have offered

up either gold or iron or heavy weight bronze to purchase their breed of

offspring, each paid in sons according to his own gifts worth, and in their homes

they could live without women entirely free.”1

. What little evidence we have comes to us through a sometimes polarized and

often hostile lens. In Athens women had no voice so to speak they were not allowed to

participate in politics. The Macedonian’s had been either uninterested in commentating

on their origins or more likely were concerned with trying to stay alive. Elizabeth

Carney claims that;

“Those who attempt to understand the role of women in monarchy must

1 Pomeroy pg 119

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determine the significance of silence. What, for instance, should we make of the

fact that royal women in the Antigonid period are virtually invisible in the

literary sources.”2

Macedonia was an unstable region surrounded by warlike tribes and often unable to

maintain stability within their own region. Thucydides gives us an example of a

Thracian invasion of Macedonia as well as the occupation of various mines and

locations which technically were Macedonian. Their first contact with the Athenians

was related to Pydna and Amphipolis Athenian colonies. Pydna was taken by

Timotheus thus creating an Athenian pocket in what was technically Macedonian

territory. Philip’s recovery of this territory would earn him the ire of Demosthenes.

Many of the sources that we can rely on come in different formats, ranging from grain

shipment lists, through to the naming of towns or islands and also the development of

monuments.

The Athenian orators of the time also operate as a distinct source however there

is an obvious bias in their writings. Macedonia seemed to share more in common with

the Homeric world tradition than the Polis and City states of her southern neighbours

due in no small part to being surrounded by openly hostile enemies without and a

fragmented nation within. Whilst the southern Greek City States of Athens, Corinth,

Sparta and Thebes all adopted the Polis Macedonia remained a kingship one based

around personal power and physical strength. The women of Macedonia and the

neighbouring regions appear as more active counterparts to their Athenian and Spartan

sisters especially in the case of Olympias and Arsine whose actions were at odds with

perceived Hellenic expectations of women’s behaviour. These differences may well

have been due to contact with the more warlike Illyrian’s, Mollosian’s and other tribes

with whom the Macedonian’s had many conflicts. Women from these tribes may well

have been interested in and more active in politics and thus led to Macedonian women

becoming interested in politics, securing their families legacies and proved more than

2 Women and Monarchy in Macedonia p 10

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willing to fight and when necessary die for their principles. The possible power and

influence of the women of this region mirrors the roles of the Queen’s of the Homeric

period. In Homer’s epic the Odyssey women play an important role, whilst not the equal

of their men folk they are interested in maintaining their husband’s interests. Penelope

wife of Odysseus would often enter into the great hall and engaged in debate with the

men there3. She also summoned people to her chambers for discussions. Her

engagements with men saw her with handmaids,4 other royal women acted in a similar

way and Nausicaa would also appear in her father’s halls.

Comparisons’ can be made between the Bronze Age Royal women such as

Penelope, Clytemnestra, Andromache and the Macedonian royal women. In the Bronze

Age as well as with Macedonia familial ties were split between Matrilineal and

Paterlineal bloodlines. Pomeroy suggests that in the Homeric age marriage was used in

one of two ways patrilocal and matrilocal. These were “In the Patrilocal pattern the

suitor brought a bride back to his own house and the bride was used as a bridge in a new

alliance”5 and “ In the Matrilocal it was a roving warrior who married a princess and

settled down in her kingdom”6. Macedonia appeared to have incorporated both

Matrilocal and Patrilocal traditions tied to a patriarchal monarchy and this can be

witnessed in the power struggles surrounding Philip’s children especially after

Alexander died.

Chapter one; Marriage a double edged sword

The power of these dynasties lasted until the time that Roman expansion saw the

monarchies of Macedonia expunged in 169BCE. Two dynasties in particular will be

looked at namely the Argead and Antigonid dynastic periods of the fourth and third

3 (Odyssey 1:329-35; 4.675-714)

4 (Odyssey. 1.331-35;4.791; 16.409-33)

5 Pomeroy pg 32

6 Pomeroy pg 32

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centuries BC. The Argead dynasty appeared to have used marriage to expand outwards

establishing alliances and strengthening Macedonia’s position whilst there are signs that

during the Antigonid period the marriages became closed and more internalized,

concerned with maintaining the bloodlines.

One of the first examples of a political marriage with outsiders can be traced

back to Gygaea 1 according to Herodotus

“Gygaea, daughter of Amnytas I and sister of Alexander I, married Bubares son

of Megabazus”7

Gygaea’s marriage helped develop ties with Persia and would not be the last

marriage alliance between Persia and Macedonia. A Persian Satrap and his family lived

in Macedonia during Philip’s reign and were treated as allies. During Alexander’s

campaign not only would he take a Persian wife but he encouraged several of his

generals to do so as well. Philip of Macedon used marriage as a political tool his

marriages enabled him to ease foreign pressure on Macedon and gave him the time he

needed to build Macedon into a military powerhouse. However by using marriage as a

political lever Philip appears to have been continuing a long established tradition within

Macedonia. Archelaus also made use of political marriages, one to a ruler from Elimeia

and one to a fellow Argead. Modern scholars have studied the differences between

Argead and classical Greeks one of the main features appears to be males marrying in

their late twenties and women in their teens. There are several exceptions most notably

Alexander married close to his thirties and Adea Eurydice married in her late teens.

Carney suggests that these two marriages were for political reasons hence the

difference. Both Greenwalt and Carney argue that Argead marriages were concerned

with the stability linked to producing heirs

“In the Argead period, the emphasis seems to have been on producing numerous

heirs, probably because (apart from the high infant and childhood mortality) so

many kings died fairly young and royal successions were generally

7 (Herod. 5.21)

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problematic.”8

Trying to piece together Macedonian royal marriages during the Argead and

Antigonid periods outside of Philip II and Alexander is difficult at best. Carney

suggests;

“that in Argead times the tendency was to broaden the dynasty, not only through

royal polygamy but also through other marriages involving the reigning dynasty,

but that this pattern changed by the beginning of the Antigonid period.”9

What this theory suggests then is that the Macedonian ruling family used

marriage to develop connections to the ruling elite both within Macedonia and without

in the neighbouring states. Women could therefore be used to prevent annihilation and

assimilation Thucydides gives us an example of such a reprieve;

“he took the advice of his nephew Seuthes, the son of Sparadocus, who was the

most important of his commanders, and retreated as quickly as he could. Seuthes

had been secretly won over by Perdiccas, who had promised him his daughter in

marriage and a large sum of money as well.”10

Thucydides also goes on to indicates that the Macedonian king Perdiccas kept

his word and gave his daughter in marriage”11

This is a clear example of a marriage alliance being used by Macedonian royalty

to turn a position of weakness into one of strength by establishing closer ties to Thrace

through marriage. Thucydides clearly suggested that the Thracian rampage had

decimated the countryside of Macedonia and that a harsh winter was setting in the

marriage gave the country the time it needed to recover and maintain its independence.

During the Antigonid period marriage contracts are developed and the position and

power of women gradually changes. One example dating from the reign of Alexander

son of Alexander in 311B.C. highlights a wedding between a Greek man and an

Egyptian woman it is interesting to note that the licence shows that both a free and that

8 Carney Women and monarchy in Macedonia pg 19

9 Women and Monarchy in Macedonia pg 21

10 Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 6.101

11 Thucydides History of the Peloponnesian War 6.101 “Later Perdiccas gave his

daughter Stratonice to Seuthes, as he had promised” a clear example of a marriage

alliance.

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only the husband and the father may decide where the new couple will live and what

each can or cannot do. It is also interesting to note that the contract specifies two codes

of marital behaviour

“Heraclides takes as his lawful wife Demetria of Cos from her father Leptines of

Cos and her mother Philotis. He is free; she is free. She brings with her to the

marriage clothing and ornaments valued at a 1000 Drachmas. Heraclides shall

supply Demetria all that is suitable for a freeborn wife. We shall live together in

whatever place seems best to Leptines and Heraclides, deciding together If

Demetria is caught in fraudulent machinations to the disgrace of her husband

heraclides; she shall forfeit all that she has brought with her. But Heraclides

shall prove whatever he charges against Demetria before three men whom they

both approve it shall not be lawful for Heraclides to bring home another woman

for himself in such a way as to inflict contumely on Demetria, nor to have

children by another woman, nor to indulge in fraudulent machinations against

Demetria on any pretext.” 12

Chapter Two Illyrian connections in the Argead Dynasty

Athenaeus’ famous list of the wives and children of Philip II showed that he

took many wives. In 355bce he had five wives and by this time his policies appear to

have switched from the defensive bolstering on Macedonia, towards a military

expansionistic policy. Several of these wives were not native to Macedonia and their

marriages had been used to secure Macedonia these included Olympias, Meda and

Audata. Athenaeus describes Philip’s marriages as follows;

“Philip always married in connection to a war. Anyway, in the twenty two years

in which he reigned, as Satyrus says in his Life of him, Philip, having married

Audata an Illyrian woman, had by her a daughter Cynnane”13

Audata was one of Philip’s first wives and it can be assumed that his marriage

to her was designed to help deal with one of the main threats facing Macedonia locally,

namely the Illyrian’s. What is interesting in Athenaeus’ description of Audata is the

failure to positively identify her as being royalty or nobility. Neither his text nor the

fragments of Satyrus’ writings establish her lineage issue with the writings of

Athenaeus concerning Audata is related to her lineage. Most scholars assume that she 12

Pomeroy pg 140-141 13

Deipnosophistai (13.557b-e)

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must be related to Bardylis the same warrior who had defeated Perdiccas III in 359bce.

This event had led to Philip II attaining the throne of Macedonia and Philip would

eventually defeat Bardylis as covered by Diodorus 14

Dr Carney questions the

chronological order of Athenaeus’ list suggesting that because so little is known about

the marriages of Philip’s siblings that there may be errors in the ordering of Philip’s

wives;

“The obscurity of Argead rulers before Philip should make one question whether

he did. We know nothing for instance about the marriages of his older brothers;

the existence of his son Amyntas indicates that Perdiccas III married, but when

or to whom is unknown”15

A number of ancient sources claim that the daughter of Audata and Philip

engaged in combat and trained her own daughter Adea Eurydice to fight in battle.16

Macedonian women generally did not appear to actively fight in battles, Illyrian women

however it seems did so. It is interesting to note that Athenaeus calls Cynnane daughter

of Philip II ‘the Illyrian’ this would seem to suggest that in his eyes at least matrilineal

descent is important for deciding a person’s lineage.

Chapter 3: Eurydice I

Eurydice I was also an Illyrian princess suggesting that marriage was a powerful

tool for maintaining peace between the two nations. Eurydice I appear to have been a

very active political figure her activities according to Strabo she was the daughter of

Sirras and a granddaughter of Arraebus of Lyncestis17

if everything that has been

written and preserved surrounding Eurydice I is to be believed then she was an

important figure in the Macedonian court apparently even dedicating statues to the cult

14

Diodorus (16.4.3-7) 15

Women and Monarchy pg 54 16

(Athenaeus 560f; Polyaen 8.60) 17

(Strabo. 326c)

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of Eucleia at Vergina18

. Amyntas III needed help his reign started badly with the

Illyrian’s seeking to replace him. The only way he could save his throne was through a

political marriage. Plutarch called Eurydice an Illyrian which raises a significant

question. If Eurydice I is of Illyrian descent as the mother of Philip II then by

Athenaeus’ description Philip could be seen as Illyrian or at best half Macedonian if so

then it would lend credence to the struggle he had in obtaining the throne. The historian

Justin paints a rather lurid picture of Eurydice I suggesting that she had planned to

assassinate Amyntas and have him replaced with her supposed lover Ptolemy Alorites19

(Justin). It is also suggested that she appealed to an Athenian general Iphicrates to help

remove a hindrance to her legacy in the shape of Pausanias a popular figure within the

Macedonian court. Aeschines discusses the role of Eurydice I in his speeches;

“When Iphicrates had come into this region--with a few ships at first, for the

purpose of examining into the situation rather than of laying siege to the city--

"Then," said I, "your mother Eurydice sent for him, and according to the

testimony of all who were present, she put your brother Perdiccas into the arms

of Iphicrates, and set you upon his knees--for you were a little boy--and said,

`Amyntas, the father of these little children, when he was alive, made you his

son, and enjoyed the friendship of the city of Athens; we have a right therefore

to consider you in your private capacity a brother of these boys, and in your

public capacity a friend to us.' After this she at once began to make earnest

entreaty in your behalf and in her own, and for the maintenance of the throne--in

a word for full protection. When Iphicrates had heard all this, he drove

Pausanias out of Macedonia and preserved the dynasty for you.”20

Aeschines appears to be determined to highlight that Eurydice I was an ardent

defender of her sons and their legacy, he is also very careful not to mention facts such as

Philip’s absence (as a hostage in Thebes). Even the cult she was involved with did not

appear to be a traditional Macedonian practice. Even Plutarch paints her in a good

picture stating that she was a good instructor of children, learning to read and develop

an education so that she could educate her sons. It is possible the Eurydice I represents a

transitional shift in female politics in the Argead dynasty introducing a blend of Illyrian

beliefs and power.

18

Abbreviations in Greek: Inscriptions, Papyri, Manuscripts pp 62-64 19

Justin 20

http://www.fordham.edu/Halsall/ancient/aeschines-embassy.asp

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Chapter 4: Cynnane Illyrian blooded

Cynnane is one of the first women in the Argead dynasty to engage in active

warfare participating in her father’s campaigns against the Illyrian’s. According to

Polyaeanus in one such battle she confronted and slew the Illyrian queen;

“Cynane, the daughter of Philip was famous for her military knowledge: she

conducted armies, and in the field charged at the head of them. In an

engagement with the Illyrians, she with her own hand slew Caeria their queen;

and with great slaughter defeated the Illyrian army.”21

Cynnane’s role in Macedonian politics took a significant shift after the death of

Philip it is possible that she encouraged her husband Amyntas to seek the throne leading

to his death, by order of Alexander. Cynnane and her daughter Adea are silent for a time

until they appear at Sardis, Arrian suggests that she was able to force her way through

Antipater’s lines at or near the Styrmon. Cynnane and her daughter led a large military

force presumably paid for out of their own purse. It would appear that Cynnane sought

to marry her daughter to Philip Arrhidaeus. However she would die before seeing her

plans to fruition see chapter 6. Military combat roles appear to be an Illyrian tradition

according to Polybius Teuta acted as regent for her sons and defeated several greek

armies before being forced to yield to Rome22

. Philip had arranged a marriage between

Cynnane and her cousin Amyntas possibly recognising him as a new heir apparent. This

marriage could be seen as a possible beginning for the move away from the Argead

dynasty.

Chapter 5: Royal tombs and other memorials

Studying the royal Macedonian marriages is difficult primarily due to a mix of

opnions and hostility by later scholars. One thing that remains useful for study is the use

of royal tombs and other dedications especially during the Argead and Antonigid

21

Polyaenus Stratagem 8.60 22

Polybius Histories Book 2 2-24

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period. The royal tomb of Eurydice I was located in Vergina the tomb was discovered in

1987 and identified by Greek archaeologist Manolis Andronicos several inscribed pots

within the tomb dated it to around 344/3 B.C. 23

Meda was another of Philip’s wives, she is only mentioned in the writings of

Athenaeus. Athenaeus wrote that her father was Cothelas a Thracian king and suggests

that their marriage took place after Philip defeated the Thracians. Strangely there is no

other mention of her or any children in any of the sources. Since 1977 Vergina has been

identified as Aegae, the ancient burial place of Macedonian royalty. Three tombs have

been identified with the male occupant of Tomb II being identified by Andronicos as

Philip II, the scholarly community is divided over this. Some believe that the remains

are actually Philip Arrhidaeus and if that is the case then the woman must be Adea

Eurydice his one and only wife. Hammond has his own hypothesis believing that the

remains are those of Meda. One of the reasons for this debate is the presence of warlike

objects in the antechamber. The construction of the Great Tumulus is much later than

the tombs it stands over perhaps built as a tribute to Philip II. All of the weaponry and

armor are made of gold and several pieces appear Thracian in origin. Further

exploration of the site uncovered a tomb sometimes known as the “Tomb of

Persephone”24

due to an impressive wall mural but more often simply as Tomb I.

Andronicos also discovered a tomb which he described as the tomb of Eurydice, he

believed that it represented Philip’s mothers final resting place unfortunately the tomb

had been robbed at some point but much of the architecture survived. Inside the tomb is

a throne covered in lions, sphinxes, griffons and other animals. Dr Carney feels that the

evidence in the tomb could suggest a resting place of either gender. Over time

Andronicos would find over eight female tombs all showing signs of wealth and at least

one containing Illyrian items alongside bracelets, beads and busts. Another example of

23

http://www.archaeology.org/0111/newsbriefs/tombrobbery.html 24

The Chronology of the Macedonian Tombs pg 2

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tribute to ones wife can be found in Cassander’s naming of a newly found city in her

name. That woman was Thessalonice who had been found in Olympias’ entourage

during the siege of Pydna and taken as a wife. Another important legacy was the tribute

made to Nicaea by her husband Lysimachus who renamed a conquered city in her

honor. This city would go on to play an important role in the fledgling Christian faith

with the first Ecumenical council being held there. Her legacy would also live on

through her children

Chapter 6: royal women and courtly intrigue

Several of the women in Homer’s Odyssey would be involved in the running of

their husbands, father’s courts. Penelope struggled to keep the suitors seeking her

husband’s throne. The royal wives of Macedonia were no different although many of

those who were more interested seemed to be of non Macedonian backgrounds. Susan

Pomeroy suggests that in Macedonia mothers had a stronger connection to their sons.

“Among Macedonian ruling families, the relationship between mother and son

could be much stronger and more significant that between husband and wife.”25

She suggests that this helped foster an atmosphere of intrigue and could lead to

power struggles within the court. As has been previously indicated Eurydice I was

clearly determined to see her family maintain the throne, a tradition which would

continue throughout the Argead period and would see an increase in political

opportunity during the age of the successors. Whilst Alexander was on campaign his

mother Olympias ran the court in his absence and found herself at odds with Antipater

at the same time Alexander’s sister Cleopatra appeared to have been responsible for

running Molossia. One of Alexander’s encounters whilst on campaign are reminiscent

of Odysseus’s travels and interactions with powerful monarchies. He helped Ada of

Caria return to power the consequences of which saw a woman made monarch of a

25

Pomeroy pg 134

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nation in return she adopted Alexander as her son thus giving him the right to claim the

nation as part of his empire.26

Alexander showed respect to the royal women of other

nations when he defeated Darius in battle he also captured his immediate family, he

treated them with respect and allayed their fears that Darius had died in battle27

Adea Eurydice was the daughter of Cynnane and she had travelled with her on

campaign, when her mother was killed by Alcetas,28

this sparked an atmosphere of

discontent amongst his soldiers who saw a member of the ruling family in danger made

Perdiccas spare her life and gave her in marriage to Philip of Arrhideaeus. This course

of action had been part of Cynnane’s plan, another benefit of such a union would have

been a child closer to Macedonian blood, an Argead and at this time the majority of the

army was favourable to the dynasty which had helped shape and change Macedonia’s

position over the past 40 or so years. Such a child may well have been received with

greater respect than either Barsine’s or Roxanne’s child a child who had not been

recognised by Alexander before his death. The difference between Cynnane and Adea’s

plans were more open almost masculine in nature compared to Olympias and

Cleopatra’s manipulations carried out less openly but with the same overall objectives.

Chapter 7: Cleopatra II and Olympias

Difficulties flared between Antipater and Olympias as long as she questioned his

authority and continued to be a public presence then the Macedonian people would link

her presence to Alexander by blood. At some point Olympias left Macedonia and

withdrew to Epirus. Plutarch suggests that mother and daughter divided Europe between

them whilst Alexander was on campaign.29

One of the key elements in Molossia has

got to be Cleopatra her husband had left her as regent whilst Olympias appeared to bare

26

Plutarch Alexander 22.4, 22.5 27

Plutarch Alexander 21.1-3 28

Polyaenus. 8.60 suggests that Cynnane’s death was in combat rather than

murder. 29

Plutarch Alexander.68.3.

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the title prostasia. Plutarch felt that mother and daughter had conspired against

Antipater and sought to share Alexander’s (arche). Aeschines30

mentions that an

Athenian delegation brought their condolences to Cleopatra on the death of her husband

Alexander. Cleopatra appears to have taken her responsibilities seriously and oversaw

several official activities. In 333 or 332B.C Cleopatra shipped grain supplies to Corinth,

again in 330 she appears as Thearodoch, essentially someone who receives visiting

officials.

Evidently Cleopatra and Olympias changed places with Olympias returning to

Molossia and Cleopatra Macedonia on hearing this Alexander is supposed to have

approved of this change stating that Macedonia could not bear to be ruled by a woman.

Cleopatra’s name appears on a list of grain supplies to the Greek states shipped from

Cyrene during a drought roughly 331,324.31

Both Olympias and Cleopatra are named on

this list, it has been suggested that their names are used instead of the countries they

represent, something which echoes Macedonian practice wherein the dominant rulers

name is used to represent Macedonia as a whole. Cleopatra also appears to have had

influence over her brother and interceded on behalf of Dionysius of Heracleia. The fact

that she handled food supplies could mean that she actively supported Alexander’s

eastern campaign. Plutarch suggests that Alexander did not seek to use his sister

politically and encouraged her to seek lovers rather than a husband.32

In Plutarch’s tale

Alexander congratulates his sister on taking a lover and implied that it was a privilege

of being basileia.

After Alexander’s death Cleopatra became politically motivated she sought to

marry Leonnatus Plutarch suggests that this proposal suited Leonatus as he sought to

rule Macedonia, this caused a difficult situation as Antipater had offered one of his

daughters hands in marriage. Political marriages had now turned inwards seeking to

30

Aeschines (3.242) 31

Harding Pp 143-144 32

Plutarch Morality 818b-c

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bolster the Macedonian dynasties by linking them through marriage. Elizabeth Carney

suggests that Cleopatra’s proposal may well have been due to her families rivalry with

Antipater.33

In Macedonia Cleopatra proposal to Leonnatus carried several benefits for

her, he had been a close associate of Alexander’s and he was geographically closer to

Cleopatra ultimately he would die in battle and neither woman would marry him. 34

Her next gambit was a proposal to Perdiccas yet another close associate of

Alexander’s and related to the royal line. It is said that Alexander gifted his signet ring

to Perdiccas on his death bed, once again Antipater had decided on the same goal

sending Nicaea as a potential marriage alliance35

. For whatever reason the period

immediately after Alexander’s death appeared to have seen a temporary end of

polygamous marriages perhaps in an attempt not to offend other powerful generals.

Perdiccas deferred marriage to Cleopatra planning to marry her as soon as he could

however this choice caused several rivals to rise in arms against him. Perdiccas is

eventually assassinated by his own officers. Cleopatra would spend the remainder of her

political life in Sardis and according to Diodorus she quarrelled with Antigonus and was

murdered by the governor of Sardis on Antigonus’ order and yet she was then given a

royal burial.

Olympias, Cynnane and Adea Eurydice could all be considered politically

active and ruthless women determined not to lose control over the Argead dynasty. This

however was to be expected the empire built by Philip and Alexander was on the brink

of collapse with signs of trouble appearing during Alexander’s lifetime. Many stories

portray Macedonian queens as ruthless, ambitious and willing to eliminate enemies.

Both Justin and Pausanias suggest that Olympias was responsible for the murder of

Cleopatra III along with her child, Justin also suggests in the same work that Alexander

may have murdered them. Cleopatra was Macedonian any children from her marriage

33

Women and Monarchy pg 123 34

Diodorus (18.15.3-4) 35

Diodorus (18.23.1-3)

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with Philip would have presented heirs capable of challenging or even usurping

Alexander’s position as successor.36

Chapter 8: Into the Antigonid period and beyond

Antipater used political marriages to tie as many of the successors to himself as

was possible, this showed a switch to internal marriage alliances. One of the most

interesting things about this approach his the role Phila II played. Phila was given as a

bride to three different men, her first husband was Balacrus Satrap of Cilicia and one

time body guard of Alexander, she bore him a son with the same name. This marriage

ended when Balacrus died and not long after her father arranged another political

marriage to Craterus37

this marriage was one of Antipater’s attempts to forge alliances

with the successor kings, the marriage was brief producing another son also named after

the father. Her last marriage was to Demetrius who had to be persuaded to marry by his

own father indicating the political benefit of such a marriage, Demetrius is an

interesting character as he appeared to have returned to polygamous marriages, taking

several wives and several lovers. It is interesting to note that Diodorus claimed that

Antipater relied on his daughter for advice valuing her input on important matters.38

Phila’s legacy however would be her son Antigonus Gonatus who would go on

to establish a new dynasty in Macedonia namely the Antigonid’s there is also evidence

that shows her being recognised as basilissa or royal woman. She was a dutiful wife

who sent supplies to her husband whilst he was on campaign in Rhodes.39

Phila may

well have been the first Macedonian woman to be given a royal title as well as having

been afforded cult worship during her life. Diodorus compares her Adea Eurydice

suggesting that she was able to manipulate without resorting to overt militarism, a good

36

Justin (9.7.12), (11.5.1), (12.6.14) & Pausanias (8.7.7) 37

Diodorus (18.18.7) 38

Diodorus (19.59.5) 39

Plutarch Demetrius (22.1)

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patron able to arrange marriage for the deserving.

Conclusion

The Argead dynasty did not start with Philip II however he established several

changes which would resonate for most of the Hellenistic period. His actions elevated

the status of royal dynastic tradition, something which, previously had only been seen in

the dynasties of tyrant’s. He managed to do this whilst at the same time managing to

maintain a status quo between his wives many later historians, especially those who

struggled against the idea of polygamous relationships tried to elevate or demote the

positions of several of his wives. Similarly many of the royal women who tried to have

influence over their husbands or the state found themselves equally demonized Gygaea,

Eurydice I all having been accused of going against traditional greek values. One of the

main reasons for the collapse of the Argead period is a dearth of viable heirs as has

already been mentioned child mortality rates were incredibly high and during the

Argead period polygamous marriages were about producing heirs preferably as many as

possible. The lack of male heirs forced the women in the royal court to take desperate

actions to seek political alliances with members of the Diadoche, generals who by now

recognised the possibility of seizing kingships for themselves in their eyes then these

women with ties to the Argead line probably made a tempting solution. Most of the

royal women of the Argead dynasty would die, murder proving to be a popular way of

creating the way for new dynasties. When it came to leadership to rule was seen as a

patriarchal privilege several royal women tried to change this directly Adea Eurydice

being one such example whilst others sought to influence the men in the Argead court.

Even with the influx of barbaroi practices no woman could ever hope to rule.

“In this man-centered monarchical system the women of the royal house played

little part in public life...they might become influential in court intrigues and in

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manners of succession to the throne, especially when they were queen mothers

or queen grandmothers; this happened particularly when the heir was an infant.”40

The comparisons between Penelope, Clytemnestra, Andromache, Nausicaa and

the Royal women of Macedonia are hard to ignore, they engaged in politics, listened in

on the court and could influence their men folk. The women in Homer’s epic’s

conspired, betrayed and protected creating a precedent which seems to be reflected in

the Argead marriages. These marriages helped to shape the Macedonia which would

precede the Hellenism of the known world. Whilst men fought in wars and pushed the

frontiers of the empire the women usually stayed home and engaged in intrigues.

Carney suggests that the fourth century saw significant political movements by

figures such as Olympias, Cleopatra, Cynnane and Adea Eurydice due in no small part

because of Philip II providing a stable Macedonia and bringing the royal family to

central position. Mothers and daughters in the royal court became important however

they owed whatever power they had to their husbands, fathers and brothers.

40

Hammond pg 16

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