women and the failure to achieve the 30 per cent quota...

Women and the Failure to Achieve the 30 Per cent Quota in the 2004-2009 Indonesian Parliaments: The

Role of the Electoral System

Paper Presented at the 20th IPSA World Congress, Fukuoka, 9-13 July 2006

Wahidah Zein Br Siregar

Abstract Women’s right to vote and stand for parliament has existed since the first Indonesian election in 1955 but has not resulted in significant numbers of women in parliament. After the 1999 election, the first election held after the fall of Soeharto’s regime, women made up only 45 out of 500 total members in the national parliament. This election was seen as the transition to democracy and an election in which people, including women, could freely exercise their political rights. The low representation of women in the legislative bodies at national and sub-national levels is now being challenged by Indonesian women. After a long struggle, they finally got a 30 per cent non compulsory quota included in the General Election Law (Law no 12, 2003). In the 2004 election, a successful effort to get the quota enacted seemed likely to provide momentum for Indonesian women activists to win 30 per cent of the seats in parliament. They made a lot of effort to promote female candidates. However, this election resulted in only 11.3 per cent of the seats in the national parliament in the 2004-2009 period. Results were similarly disappointing at sub-national levels and this paper looks at East Java for case studies. My study shows that proportional representation with a semi-open list system was a significant factor in the failure of women to achieve the 30 per cent quota. This paper looks at how the semi-open list system operated in the 2004 Indonesian election and how Indonesian women were the losers in this system.

Keywords

Quota, women’s parliamentary representation, Indonesia, electoral system

Introduction

Women have always been poorly represented in Indonesian parliaments. Since the first

Indonesian election in 1955 up to the 1999 election, the highest percentage of women in

national parliament was only 13 per cent (the 1987-1992 period). In the lead-up to the

2004 election the demand from women activists to increase women’s representation in

parliament was very strong. Women constituted more than half of the Indonesian

population, therefore, based on the justice principle the number of women in the

parliament should not be lower than the number of men (Shanti, 2001: 21; Kompas, 18

February 2003; Bylesjo and Seda, 2006: 261). One of their strategies was to demand that

a 30 per cent quota for women be stated in Indonesian law. Their struggle was finally

fruitful in Law no. 12, 2003 on General Election which enacted a non-compulsory quota

for women in the lists of candidates put up by parties in the multi-member electorates.

In the 2004 election, the quota seemed likely to provide momentum for Indonesian

women activists to win 30 per cent of the seats in parliament. The electoral system

practised in Indonesia which uses the semi-open list of proportional representation,

encouraged the hope that more women could be elected to parliament. Therefore, women

activists put a lot of effort into promoting female candidates. In reality, the election still

resulted in only small proportion of women in Indonesian parliaments, at national and

sub-national levels. Only 11.3 per cent of the seats in the national parliament are held by

women in the 2004-2009 parliamentary period. Results were similarly disappointing at

sub-national levels: in the case studies presented here, for example, women won 16 per

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cent of seats in the East Java provincial parliament and a meagre 2.2 per cent (one

woman out of 45) in the Sidoarjo district parliament. How could this happen?

Although other factors play a part, the semi-open list system of proportional

representation is a significant factor in explaining the failure the legislated quota to

deliver significant gains for women. This system has led to stiff competition within

political parties, whose male elites are privileged to get winnable positions in the lists

over women candidates. This paper aims to look at how the semi-open list system makes

it difficulty to increase women’s representation in three levels of parliament in Indonesia,

national, provincial and local. East Java has been chosen as the provincial parliament to

be examined because the result of the election in this province is quite different from

other provinces in Indonesia. While Golkar (Partai Golongan Karya-Functional Group

Party) won the majority of votes in the 2004 election nationally, in East Java province the

majority of votes was gained by PKB (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa-National Awakening

Party). Meanwhile, Sidoarjo was chosen to look at the local parliament because this

district was one of the 26 districts selected for a decentralization project in 1995. Unlike

other districts, Sidoarjo has experienced decentralization since the Soeharto era.

Therefore, it leads to interesting questions concerning whether decentralization which

was in part intended to increase democratisation has been associated with improved

women’s representation in the Sidoarjo local parliament.

This chapter will be divided into three main sections. The first section looks at the

implementation of the quota in the 2004 election, in particular, the percentage of women

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in the list of candidates and the positions of women on the lists of eight political parties.

The eight political parties studied in this paper are PBB (Partai Bulan Bintang-Crescent

and Stars Party), an Islamic party, established to reincarnate Masyumi (Majelis Syuro

Muslimin Indonesia) that was banned by Soekarno in 1960, PPP (Partai Persatuan

Pembangunan-United Development Party), an Islamic party that was one of the three

contestants stand for elections in the Suharto’s era, PD (Partai Demokrat-Democratic

Party), a nationalist party that was newly established to succeed Susilo Bambang

Yudhoyono in the presidential elections, PAN (Partai Amanat Nasional-National

Mandate Party), an Islamic-nationalist party that was formed by leaders of

Muhammadiyah, one of the biggest Muslim organizations in Indonesia, PKB (Partai

Kebangkitan Bangsa-National Awakening Party), known as Abdurrahman Wahid’s party,

an Islamic-nationalist party formed by activists of Nahdlatul Ulama, the largest Muslim

organization, PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera-Justice and Prosperous Party), formerly PK

(Partai Keadilan-Justice Party) an Islamic party that was formed by Muslim students from

many Indonesian universities, PDIP (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan-Indonesia

Democratic Party of Struggle), a nationalist party led by Megawati Soekarno Putri, and

Golkar (Partai Golongan Karya-Functional Group Party), the ruling party in Suharto’s era.

Seven of the eight parties (PPP, PD, PAN, PKB, PKS, PDIP and Golkar) are chosen

because they are the only parties were able to reach the three per cent threshold and

allowed to contest the next election. Meanwhile PBB is chosen because in the 1999

election this party reached the threshold and allowed to contest in the 2004 election, but

failed to contest in the 2009 election because it could not reach the threshold. The second

section will see the result of the 2004 election in particular it looks at the number of

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women elected to the national, East Java and Sidoarjo parliaments. The last section will

explain the electoral system and its effects on women’s representation in the three levels

of Indonesian parliaments.

Implementation of the 30 per cent quota in the 2004 election

The issue of parliamentary representation by women was a priority area for the Beijing

Platform for Action adopted by 189 countries at the United Nation’s Fourth World

Conference for Women in 1995. A quota for women has been viewed as a fast way to

improve women’s representation. In fact, 97 countries around the world have adopted a

quota either as reserved seats, a statutory quota or a quota voluntarily adopted by political

parties (IDEA, 2006). In Indonesia, the 30 per cent quota was introduced through Law

No. 12, 2003, on General Elections which was enacted in preparation for the 2004

election. The introduction of this 30 per cent quota for candidates was basically the result

of a hard struggle of women activists, such as NGO women, female academics, women

from political parties, and mass organizations. At first, women activists wanted the quota

mentioned in the Law No 31, 2002 on Political Parties. Women activists demanded that

the law should require that 30 per cent of the members of the boards of political parties at

levels should be women, but they were unsuccessful.

They succeeded in having a 30 per cent quota for women in party lists of candidates

which, however, is non-compulsory. Political parties are only encouraged to consider

nominating women for 30 per cent of their candidates’ lists. Part one of article 65 of the

Law No 12, 2003 states, “Setiap Partai Politik Peserta Pemilu dapat mengajukan calon

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anggota DPR, DPRD Provinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/Kota untuk setiap Daerah

Pemilihan dengan memperhatikan keterwakilan perempuan sekurang-kurangnya 30%”

(every Political Party in the election may propose candidates for members of the national,

provincial and local parliaments for each electoral district with consideration for at least

30 per cent of women’s representation). Therefore, implementation of the law is really

dependent on the will of the political parties. There are no sanctions against parties that

do not implement the law.

The candidates’ lists for the national, East Java and Sidoarjo parliaments of the eight

political parties studied showed that they nominated 30 per cent women in only a few

instances.

Table 1

Numbers of Female and Male Candidates for the National Parliament in the 2004 Election (Eights Political Parties Studied)

Political Party Total

Candidates

Male and Female Candidates

Electoral District with 30 % Female Candidates

Male % Fe-male

% No of Elec-toral District

No of District with 30 % Female Candidates

% District with 30% Female Candidates

PBB 336 256 76.1 80 23.8 69 42 60.8 PPP 497 386 77.6 111 22.3 69 30 43.4 PD 433 316 72.9 117 27.0 69 31 44.9 PAN 520 338 65.0 182 35.0 69 45 65.2 PKB 451 281 62.3 170 37.6 69 45 65.2 PKS 446 266 59.6 180 40.3 69 65 94.2 PDIP 558 400 71.6 158 28.3 69 31 44.9 Golkar 652 467 71.6 185 28.3 69 24 34.7

Source: Subiyantoro, E.B (2004: 71)

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From Table 1 above, it can be seen that not one party fulfilled the 30 per cent quota for

women in all 69 electoral districts for the national parliament. In addition, only three

parties fulfilled the 30 per cent quota overall: PAN, PKB and PKS. Among these three

parties, PKS had the highest proportion, women making up 40.3 per cent of its total 446

candidates, with more than 30 per cent women in 65 of the 69 electoral districts for the

national parliament. Meanwhile, PPP, PDIP and Golkar, the three biggest and oldest

parties, and the only parties allowed to contest elections during the New Order

government did not fulfill the 30 per cent quota overall and had 30 per cent of women

candidates in less than half of the 69 electoral districts for the national parliament.

The overall performance of the parties was better in their candidate lists for the East Java

provincial parliament, as shown in Table 2 below.

Table 2

Numbers of Female and Male Candidates for the Parliament of East Java Province in the 2004 Election

Political Party Total

Candidates



Male % Fe-male


No of District with 30 % Female Candidates


PBB 56 37 66.1 19 33.9 10 6 60 PPP 80 49 61.2 31 38.8 10 6 60 PD 48 23 47.9 25 52.1 10 9 90 PAN 63 39 61.9 24 38.1 10 9 90 PKB 116 77 66.4 39 33.6 10 8 80 PKS 65 33 50.8 32 49.2 10 10 100 PDIP 108 84 77.8 24 22.2 10 3 30 Golkar 104 62 59.6 42 40.4 10 9 90

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur -East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

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PKS was the only party with at least 30 per cent of women candidates in all 10 electoral

districts for the East Java parliament. Meanwhile, PDIP was the only party that did not

fulfil the 30 per cent quota overall. Furthermore, PDIP was the only party which failed to

meet the 30 per cent quota in more than half of the 10 electoral districts. This is ironic as

the leader of PDIP was the retiring female President, Megawati Sukarno Putri.

For the Sidoarjo parliament, however, the political parties studied seemed to make less

effort to fulfil the quota (Table 3). In fact, only PBB, PAN and PKS met the 30 per cent

quota overall. No political party met the 30 per cent quota in all six electoral districts.

Four political parties, furthermore, only fulfilled the 30 per cent quota in two electoral

districts. The most extreme case was Golkar which has a very low per cent of female

candidates in all electoral districts for Sidoarjo parliament (only 15.7 per cent overall).

Table 3

Numbers of Female and Male Candidates for Sidoarjo Parliament in the 2004 Election

Political Party Total Candidates



Male % Fe-male


District with 30 % Female Candidates


PBB 26 17 65.4 9 34.6 6 4 66.7 PPP 48 35 72.9 13 27.1 6 2 33.3 PD 37 28 75.7 9 24.3 6 2 33.3 PAN 28 19 67.9 7 32.1 6 2 33.3 PKB 48 35 72.9 13 27.1 6 2 33.3 PKS 37 20 54.1 17 45.9 6 5 83.3 PDIP 44 33 75.0 11 25.0 6 3 50.0 Golkar 51 43 84.3 8 15.7 6 0 0

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo -Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

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However, once again it was PKS that had the highest percentage of female candidates, 17

of its 37 total candidates for Sidoarjo parliament (45.9 per cent) were women.

Furthermore, they achieved the 30 per cent quota in five of the six electoral districts for

the Sidoarjo parliament.

Since a quite significant number of political parties did not fulfil the 30 per cent quota in

their lists of candidates, what were the female candidates’ chances to be elected? This

question might be answered by looking at their positions in the list. As mentioned

previously, law on General Elections enacted a semi-open list system of proportional

representation. In this system one candidate can win a seat in parliament if he/she can

achieve a quota (BPP-Bilangan Pembagi Pemilih) calculated as the number of votes

divided by seats allocated for the electoral district where the candidate contests).

Regardless of the position of the candidate on his/her party’s list, he/she can be elected to

the parliament if he/she achieves the BPP. If the candidate cannot achieve the BPP,

his/her number of votes will go to the candidates in higher positions on his/her party’s list

(Chapter X article 107 of the Law No 12, 2003). Achieving the BPP, however, may not

easy because of the large number of parties: 24 contesting the election. Therefore, a

candidate’s position on the list becomes very important in determining the possibility of

his or her being elected. Table 4 below shows the numbers of female candidates in the 1st

and 2nd positions (winnable positions) on the lists of candidates for the national

parliament of the eight political parties studied.

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Table 4 Numbers and Percentage of Female Candidates in the First and Second Position of the

List of Candidates for the National Parliament in the 2004 Election Party No of

female candi-dates

Total no of candi-dates

No of women in 1st and 2nd positions on party lists

Total womenin 1st & 2nd posi-tions

% of women in 1st & 2nd positions of total candidates

% of women in 1st & 2nd positions of total female candidates

1st

2nd

PBB 80 336 14 10 24 7.1 30.0 PPP 111 497 6 8 14 2.8 12.6 PD 117 433 8 12 20 4.6 17.1 PAN 182 520 9 12 21 4.0 11.5 PKB 170 451 8 16 24 5.3 14.2 PKS 180 446 6 14 20 4.5 11.1 PDIP 158 558 6 11 17 3.1 10.8 Golkar 185 652 6 11 17 2.6 9.2 Total 1183 3893 63 94 157 Average 4.0 13.3 Source: Subiyantoro, E.B (2004: 73)

From this Table, it can be seen that most female candidates were placed in non-winnable

positions. Only 13.3 per cent of all 1183 female candidates from the eight parties were

placed in the first and the second (the winnable) positions. Therefore, only a few female

candidates were likely to be elected for the national parliament. Here it can be seen that

the political parties were not really trying to promote the election of women. For instance,

although the PKS looked as if it was performing well with 40.3 per cent female

candidates for the national parliament, only 20 (11.1 per cent) of them were placed in

first and the second positions. This means that even if all those female candidates in first

and the second position were elected, PKS would only have 11.1 per cent of females

among all its members of parliament. This is certainly still far below the 30 per cent

which the women activists aspired to.

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Furthermore, there is no guarantee that holding the first or the second position means one

can be elected. Another fact which still needs to be examined is whether those female

candidates in the first and second positions were placed in mass base districts of their

political parties or not. If they were in districts where not many voters supported their

parties, even first or second positions on the list might not have a significant impact on

their chance to be elected.

A similar situation is found in the East Java parliament and Sidoarjo Parliament. Few

female candidates were placed in the first and the second positions on the lists of

candidates of political parties, as shown in Table 5 and Table 6.

Table 5

Numbers and Percentage of Female Candidates in the First and Second Position of the List of Candidates for the Parliament of East Java Province in the 2004 Election

Party No of

female candi-dates






1st

2nd

PBB 19 56 1 3 4 7.1 21.1 PPP 31 80 2 2 4 5.0 12.9 PD 25 48 3 4 7 14.6 28 PAN 24 63 0 3 3 4.8 12.5 PKB 39 116 3 2 5 4.3 12.8 PKS 32 65 3 0 3 4.6 9.4 PDIP 24 108 2 0 2 1.9 8.3 Golkar 42 104 1 2 3 2.9 7.1 Total 236 640 15 16 31 Average 4.8 13.1 Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur -East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

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Table 5 indicates that, like their counterparts for the national parliament, most female

candidates for the East Java parliament were placed in non-winnable positions on the list.

In East Java, for instance, only 13.1 per cent of the 236 female candidates of the eight

political parties studied were placed in first and second positions.

Furthermore, some parties only had female candidates in the first position and none in the

second positions and vice versa. PAN, for instance, had only three female candidates in

winnable positions. Since they were in second position, however, if in these electoral

districts PAN could only win one seat, no female candidates would be elected to the East

Java parliament. Meanwhile, PKS and PDIP had some female candidates in the first

position on the lists and none in second position. Although the possibility of these female

candidates being elected seems to be higher than those of PAN, much still depended on

whether or not they were districts in within the party had a mass base.

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Table 6 Numbers and Per centage of Female Candidates in the First and Second Position of the

List of Candidates for Sidoarjo Parliament in the 2004 Election Party No of

female candi-dates






1st

2nd

PBB 9 26 1 2 3 11.5 33.3 PPP 13 48 0 1 1 2.1 7.7 PD 9 37 0 3 3 8.1 33.3 PAN 7 28 0 0 0 0 0 PKB 13 48 1 0 1 2.1 7.7 PKS 17 37 2 1 3 8.1 17.6 PDIP 11 44 0 0 0 0 0 Golkar 8 51 0 1 1 2.0 12.5 Total 87 319 4 8 12 Average 3.8 13.8 Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

The chances of female candidates in the Sidoarjo parliamentary election were no better

than their counterparts for the national and East Java parliaments. Five among the eight

political parties studied had no female candidates in the first position. Two- PAN and

PDIP- had no female candidates either in the first or in the second positions on their

candidate lists. Therefore, the chance of female candidates in these parties to be elected

was very small.

What were the results of the elections? How many women were elected to the national,

East Java and Sidoarjo parliaments? The following section will respond the questions.

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The Result of the 2004 elections

Table 7 below shows that of the 24 parties that contested the 2004 election, only 16 won

seats in national parliament. Furthermore, only seven parties:Golkar, PDIP, PPP, PD,

PAN, PKB and PKS will be allowed to contest the next (2009) election because only

these seven parties met the three per cent threshold required by article 143 chapter XVI

of Law no. 12, 2003. Golkar won most seats in the 2004 election for national parliament,

with 127 of the 550 seats (23.1 per cent). However, this was less than in the 1999 election,

when Golkar won 118 of the 500 seats (25.76 per cent) in the national parliament

(CETRO, 2004). Meanwhile PDIP lost quite a significant number of seats. After the 1999

election, PDIP won 151 of the 500 seats (32.97 per cent) (CETRO, 2004), while in the

2004 election PDIP only won 109 seats (19.8 per cent).

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Table 7 Seats of Political Parties in the National Parliament Based on the 2004 Election

No Parties No of Seats Percentage 1 Partai Golongan Karya (Golkar) 127 23.1 2 Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan

(PDIP) 109 19.8

3 Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) 58 10.5 4 Partai Demokrat (PD) 56 10.2 5 Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN) 53 9.6 6 Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) 52 9.5 7 Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) 45 8.2 8 Partai Bintang Reformasi (PBR) 14 2.5 9 Partai Damai Sejahtera (PDS) 13 2.4 10 Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB) 11 2.0 11 Partai Persatuan Demokrasi

Kebangsaan (PDK) 4 0.7

12 Partai Pelopor 3 0.5 13 Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa (PKPB) 2 0.4 14 Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan

Indonesia (PKPI) 1 0.2

15 Partai Penegak Demokrasi Indonesia (PPDI)

1 0.2

16 Partai Nasional Indonesia Marhaenisme (PNI Marhaenisme)

1

0.2

Total 550 100 Sources: Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004)

Table 8 shows that only nine of the 24 parties contesting in the 2004 election won seats in

the East Java parliament. While Golkar won the majority of seats in national parliament,

PKB won the majority of seats, 31 out of 100 (31 per cent) in the East Java parliament.

Meanwhile PBB won only one seat in the East Java parliament.

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Table 8 Seats of Political Parties in East Java Parliament Based on the 2004 Election

No Political Parties No of Seats Per centage of

Total Seats 1 PKB 31 31 2 PDIP 24 24 3 Golkar 15 15 4 PD 10 10 5 PPP 8 8 6 PAN 7 7 7 PKS 3 3 8 PBB 1 1 9 PDS 1 1 Total 100 100

Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur-East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Similar to the East Java parliament, PKB won the majority of seats in the Sidoarjo

Parliament, 16 out of 45 (35.6 per cent) as seen in Table 9. However, only seven of the 24

parties which stood for election were successful.

Table 9 Seats of Political Parties in Sidoarjo Parliament Based on the 2004 Election

No Political Parties No of Seats Percentage of

Total Seats 1 PKB 16 35. 6 2 PDIP 8 17.8 3 Golkar 6 13.3 4 PAN 6 13.3 5 PD 6 13.3 6 PKS 2 4.5 7 PDS 1 2.2 Total 45 100

Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004)

Table 8 and Table 9 show that whereas nationally Golkar and PDIP are the most popular

parties, PKB is the most popular in East Java province, and this is also reflected in the

Sidoarjo district legislature. The majority of the Muslim community in East Java are

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members of Nahdlatul Ulama’s members, the largest Muslim organisation in Indonesia,

which has its heart land in East Java and PKB was established by leaders of Nahdlatul

Ulama. Therefore, it is understandable that PKB won the majority of seats in the East

Java and Sidoarjo parliaments.

Returning to the central issues of this paper, how many women were elected to the 2004-

2009 national, East Java and Sidoarjo parliaments? The answer to this question can be

found in Tables 10, 11 and 12 below.

Table 10 Numbers of the 2004-2009 Female and Male Member of the Indonesian National

Parliament According to Political Parties No Political Party Total Male Female

No % No % No %

1 Golkar 127 23.1 109 85.8 18 14.2 2 PDIP 109 19.8 98 89.9 12 11.0 3 PPP 58 10.5 55 94.8 3 5.2 4 PD 56 10.2 49 89.1 6 10.9 5 PAN 53 9.6 46 86.8 7 13.2 6 PKB 52 9.5 45 86.5 7 13.5 7 PKS 45 8.2 41 91.1 3 8.9 8 PBR 14 2.5 12 85.7 2 14.3 9 PDS 13 2.4 10 76.9 3 23.1 10 PBB 11 2.0 11 100 0 0 11 PDK 4 0.7 4 100 0 0 12 Partai Pelopor 3 0.5 2 66.7 1 33.3 13 PKPB 2 0.4 2 100 0 0 14 PKPI 1 0.2 1 100 0 0 15 PPDI 1 0.2 1 100 0 0 16 PNI Marhaenisme 1 0.2 1 100 0 0 Total 500 100 488 88.7 62 11.3

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004); Kompas (2005) Tabulation by author

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From Table 10 above, it can be seen that 62 of the 550 members of national parliament of

the 2004 election were women (11.3 per cent). This is 25 per cent increase over the

number of women in the 1999-2004 period of the national parliament, when 45 of the 500

members were women (9 per cent). However, referring to the total members of the

national parliament, the increasing number of women is not significant, and in fact only

matches to the representation of women in the period of (1997-1999) parliament.

The number of women in the national parliament now is 63 (11.5 per cent) since one of

the male members of parliament from Golkar (Fahmi Idris) resigned. He was replaced by

Retno Susilowatty Amir, a female candidate who was in the 2nd position on DKI Jakarta

II electoral district’s list after Fahmi Idris (DPR RI, 2005; Kompas, 2005). Recently two

more women have been appointed as members of parliament, Lena Maryana from PPP,

and Eva Kusuma Sundari from PDIP. Lena was in 2nd position on the DKI Jakarta I

electoral district list. She replaced Surya Dharma Ali who was in 1st position, because

Surya Dharma Ali became a minister in Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s cabinet.

Meanwhile, Eva who was in 3rd position on the Jawa Timur V electoral district list has

replaced Pramono Anung (in 1st position) who chose to resign from parliament in order to

concentrate on working for the party. However, the coming of these two women did not

increase the number of women in the national parliament because two women have left.

Ema Wirandrati (in 1st position on the PDIP candidates’ list for Jawa Tengah I) passed

away and was replaced by Willem Maximillian, a male candidate in 2nd position. While

Noviantika Nasution (in 1st position of PDIP candidates’ list for Jawa Barat IV) resigned

from PDIP membership and from parliament. She was replaced by A.H Pareira, a male

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candidate who was in 3rd position. Comprising only 11.5 per cent means continuing

difficulty for female members of parliament to influence political decisions. Therefore,

women activists’ efforts to increase women’s representation through a quota system have

not been satisfactory.

In the East Java parliament, however, the increase in women’s representation has been

better (Table 11). The 1999 election resulted in 11 women sitting in East Java parliament.

In the 2004 election, the numbers have increased to 16. Therefore, the percentage of

women in the East Java parliament has increased by 45 per cent. Although this increase is

positive, the percentage of women of the total members of East Java parliament still

remains far below 30 per cent. As a consequence, it remains difficult for female members

of parliament of East Java parliament to gain a bargaining position among the majority of

male members.

Table 11

Numbers of the 2004-2009 Female and Male Member of the East Java Provincial Parliament According to Political Parties

No Political Party Total % Male Female

No % No % 1 PKB 31 31 24 77.4 7 22.6 2 PDIP 24 24 21 87.5 3 12.5 3 Golkar 15 15 13 86.7 2 13.3 4 PD 10 10 7 70 3 30 5 PPP 8 8 7 87.5 1 12.5 6 PAN 7 7 7 100 0 0 7 PKS 3 3 3 100 0 0 8 PBB 1 1 1 100 0 0 9 PDS 1 1 1 100 0 0 Total 84 84 84 84 16 16

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur-East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

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Although the numbers of women sitting in the East Java parliament is still small, the

result of the 2004 election has indicated that PKB and PD have tried to implement the

quota law. PD has even reached the 30 per cent target: of the ten total members of this

party in the East Java parliament, three are women.

Unlike the national and East Java parliaments, the 2004 election has failed to increase the

number of women in Sidoarjo parliament, as shown in Table 12 below.

Table 12 Numbers of the 2004-2009 Female and Male Member of Sidoarjo Parliament

According to Political Parties No Political Party Total % Male Female

No % No % 1 PKB 16 35.6 15 93.3 1 6.7 2 PDIP 8 17.8 8 100 0 0 3 Golkar 6 13.3 6 100 0 0 4 PD 6 13.3 6 100 0 0 5 PAN 6 13.3 6 100 0 0 6 7

PKS PDS

2 1

4.5 2.2

2 1

100 100

0 0

0 0

Total 45 100 44 97.8 1 2.2 Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

While the 1999 election resulted two women into Sidoarjo parliament, the 2004 election

has resulted in only one woman. This decreasing number certainly implies that the

implementation of the 30 per cent quota for women in Sidoarjo parliament is still a long

way from reality. The decentralisation of the region has not led to improved women’s

representation in Sidoarjo parliament. Why is it still difficult for women to increase their

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parliamentary representation even though the quota has been introduced? As mentioned

before, the electoral system practiced in the 2004 election contributed to the difficulty.

The following section will specifically look at the electoral system and how it influences

the failure to achieve the 30 per cent seats in these three levels of Indonesian parliaments.

Electoral System: Its Role in Determining Women’s Representation

In Indonesia, Proportional Representation has been used as the only system of

parliamentary election since the first election in 1955 up to the 2004 election. According

to Reilly (1999, 17; 32), this is because it was practiced by the Dutch in colonial times.

Furthermore, for a country in democratic transition like Indonesia, proportional

representation is quite suitable because it is able to derive representatives from various

segments within the society.

Some argue that compared to other systems, proportional representation is more effective

in increasing women’s parliamentary representation (Norris, 2004: 187; Kunovich and

Paxton, 2005: 515; Matland, 2006: 85). In Indonesia, although the list system of

proportional representation has been consistently used, the percentage of female members

of national parliament has never been higher than 13 per cent. Certainly many other

factors contribute to this situation, such as the level of democracy in the country or

gender ideology. However, the type of the proportional representation used may also

have played a part. In the early elections, a closed system was used. Under this system,

only political parties have the right to select which candidates can be elected to

parliament. Voters vote for the parties and let the parties determine their possible

21

representatives. In other words, voters rely on the parties to choose their representatives

in the parliament.

In the 2004 election, the list was semi-open. In this system, a voter could vote for both

the party and the candidates or for the party only. However, vote for the candidate

without the party was not accepted. As a result, there was more hope for an individual

candidate to be elected to parliament as long as he/she could achieve the BPP. For

women activists, this was a chance to increase their representation, particularly because

the 30 per cent non-compulsory quota was also first implemented in this election.

However, this was a false hope. In fact, of all the candidates for national parliament, only

two were able to achieve the BPP, Saleh Djasit from Golkar and Hidayat Nur Wahid

from PKS. Saleh gained 195,348 votes while in his electoral district (Riau) the BPP was

187,883, and Hidayat gained 262,019 votes while the BPP for his electoral district (DKI

Jakarta II) was 232,355. None of the candidates for the East Java parliament was able to

achieve the BPP. In the Sidaorjo parliamentary election, only one candidate achieved the

BPP, Utsman Ihsan from PKB. He gained 25,118 votes, while the BPP for his electoral

district (Sidoarjo VI) was 19,351 votes. However, his candidacy was cancelled because

he was proven guilty of corruption, and now he is in jail. Therefore almost all of the

current parliamentary members were elected not based on the number of votes they

collected but based on their winnable positions on candidates’ lists. In other words, most

of today’s parliamentary members were still chosen by their parties, not the voters.

Political party’s elites have dominated parliaments because they are ones who were

placed in the winnable positions on candidates’ lists.

22

It is not only the candidates who cannot achieve the BPP but also the parties. Article 106

of the Law no. 12, 2003 states that in the first round, seats in the parliament will be given

to parties that achieve the same or more votes than the BPP. They can achieve more that

one seat if their total votes equal to multiple of the BPP. If a party gain less votes than the

BPP, the votes ranked along with the sisa suara (remainder of votes) of the already

successful parties. After calculating seats allocated on the basis of the BPP, the remainder

of votes (sisa suara) are set aside for consideration in the second round of allocation. In

the second round the seats will be given to the parties according to the rank of the number

of sisa suara. In 2004, in the first round of allocating national parliamentary seats based

on the BPP, only eight parties won seats. These seats were less than half of the total seats

in the national parliament (as shown in table 13 below).

Table 13 Parties’ Parliamentary Seats in the First and the Second Round of National Parliamentary

Seats Division

Political Party Seats gained in 1st round

Seats gained in 2nd round

Total

Golkar PDIP PPP PD PAN PKB PKS PBR PDS PBB PDK Partai Pelopor PKPB PKPI PPDI PNI Marhaenisme

88 63 8 9 5 29 13 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0

39 46 50 47 48 23 32 14 13 10 4 3 2 1 1 1

127 109 58 56 53 52 45 14 13 11 4 3 2 1 1 1

Total 216 334 550 Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004)

23

Furthermore, most of the parties gained more seats in the second round than they had in

the first round. For example, PPP, PD and PAN gained only about ten per cent of their

total parliamentary seats in the first round.

In East Java (as shown in table 14) more than half of the parliamentary seats were gained

by political parties in the first round, but only six parties were in this group.

Table 14

Parties’ Parliamentary Seats in the First and the Second Round of East Java Parliamentary Seats Division

Political Party Seats gained in 1st

round Seats gained in 2nd

round Total

PKB PDIP Golkar PD PPP PAN PKS PBB PDS

28 14 9 2 2 1 0 0 0

3 10 6 8 6 6 3 1 1

31 24 15 10 8 7 3 1 1

Total 56 44 100 Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur-East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Meanwhile, in Sidoarjo (as shown in table 15), only three parties (PKB, PDIP and PD)

were able to get parliamentary seats in the first round. The number of seats gained by

these parties was less than half of the total number of parliamentary seats. Therefore, the

majority of parliamentary seats gained by the parties did not fulfill the BPP. These data

strengthen the argument that the semi-open list system simply gave a false hope to

candidates, including women, as in principal, most candidates were successful because of

24

their rank position on the party list, rather than because they could attract support in their

own right.

Table 15

Parties’ Parliamentary Seats in the First and the Second Round of Sidoarjo Parliamentary Seats Divisions

Political Party Seats gained in 1st

round Seats gained in 2nd

round Total

PKB PDIP Golkar PD PAN PKS PDS

13 6 0 1 0 0 0

3 2 6 5 6 2 1

16 8 6 6 6 2 1

Total 20 25 45 Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004)

If the system used in the 2004 election had been open rather than semi-open but open,

that is the candidates who the most votes would be elected provided their parties achieved

the BPP, it would have had the effect of increasing women’s parliamentary representation,

as confirms in the Table 16, 17 and 18 below. For explanation of the number of votes

received by unsuccessful and elected candidates see appendix 1, 2 and 3.

25

Table 16 Number of Unsuccessful Candidates Who Received More Votes than Elected Candidates

for National Parliament by Sex and Estimated Number of Additional candidates by Gender if the List was Open

Party No of unsuccessful

candidates who received more votes than the successful candidates by sex

No of Elected Candidates by sex

Estimated no of additional candidates by gender if the

list was open

Male Female Male Female Male Female PBB PPP PD PAN PKB PKS PDIP Golkar

2 11 11

13

14 5

24

30

0 0 4 2 4 2 8 6

2 11 14

12

16 6

30

29

0 0 1 3 2 1 2 7

no change no change no change

1 additional

man no change

no change

no change

1 additional

man

no change no change

3 additional women

no change

2 additional women

1 additional woman

6 additional women

no change

Total 110 26 120 16 2 additional men

12 additional women

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author Table 16 above shows that from the 550 total members of the 2004-2009 national

Parliament, 136 of them would not have become members if the system used in the 2004

elections had been open. Furthermore, there would have been an increase in the number

of women. Ten more women would be sitting in the 2004-2009 national Parliament,

increasing the percentage of women in national parliament from 11.3 per cent to 13.3 per

cent. This percentage is slightly higher than the largest percentage (13 per cent) of

parliamentary representation that women have ever achieved in Indonesian history.

26

Considering that the quota was only introduced one year before the election date, 13.3 per

cent of women in the national parliament would bode well for the future.


for East Java Parliament by Sex and Estimated Number of Additional candidates by Gender if the List was Open





list was open


0 2 1 2 8 0 3 1

0 0 1 0 1 0 2 1

0 2 0 2 6 0 5 2

0 0 2 0 3 0 0 0

no change no change

1 additional man

no change 2 additional

men no change no change

no change

no change no change no change

no change no change

no change

2 additional women

2 additional women

Total 17 5 17 5 3 additional men

3 additional women

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur-East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by the author

For the East Java parliament, however, no additional women would have been elected to

parliament even if the open system had been practiced (as shown in Table 17).

Nevertheless, an open system would be fairer to every candidate. In fact 22 of the 100

total members of parliament of East Java would not be sitting in this high political

institution if the system used were an open system. This means that the quality of

representation is also in question.

27


for East Java Parliament by Sex and Estimated Number of Additional candidates by Gender if the List was Open





list was open


0 0 1 2 4 0 3 1

0 0 0 0 1 0 2 0

0 0 1 2 5 0 5 1

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

no change no change no change no change no change

no change no change

no change

no change no change no change no change

1 additional woman

no change 2 additional

women no change

Total 11 3 14 0 No change 3 additional women

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by the author

As in the election for the national parliament, an open system would have been beneficial

to women in the Sidoarjo parliament. If this system had been used in the 2004 elections,

the number of women members of Sidoarjo parliament would not be only one but four.

This means that the percentage of women in Sidoarjo parliament would be 8.9 per cent.

In general then, an open system will be more favourable to women candidates and

increase the number of women in Indonesian parliaments. Although the percentage is still

far from the 30 per cent women activists demanded, it promises better future.

28

Another aspect of the electoral system that contributed to the failure of female candidates

to get 30 per cent of seats in the parliament was the validity of votes. According to article

96 of Law No. 12, 2003, a vote for a political party is not valid until the voter chooses a

candidate by name. In other words, a voter should choose the name of a candidate in the

ballot paper. However, later on, the central electoral commission issued a decision letter

that changed the Law. Part 1 of article 40 of the Decision Letter of the Central Electoral

Commission 2004 mentioned two categories of valid votes. First, a vote is valid if there

are two holes1 in the ballot paper, one in the box containing the party’s number, symbol

and name, and another against the name of candidates. Second, a vote is also valid if

there is only one hole in the ballot paper, that is, in the box where the symbol of the party

is placed (KPU, 2004).

After this decision was made, political parties encouraged their constituents to vote for

the parties’ symbol. There are two reasons for this. First, parties might be afraid of losing

votes. As mentioned above, the 2004 election was the first election that required the

voters to choose not only the symbol of a party but also the name of a candidate on the

chosen party’s list. In previous elections, voters were only asked to vote for the symbol of

the party. Second, the party elites prefer voters to vote only for their party’s symbol

because it means that the votes will be given to the candidates according to the list’s

order on the party list. Since in general the party’s elites are placed in the winnable

positions on the list, the votes will be given to them.

1 A nail is provided in the voting room to mark the ballot paper. The voter has to use this nail to mark the ballot paper. Hence, the popular expression for voting in Indonesia is “tusuk”-piece.

29

Voters may prefer to choose only the symbol of the party because they do not know the

candidates. Therefore, they vote for candidates according to the party’s preference. The

one year interval between the enactment of the Law no. 12, 2003 and the election date

may not have been long enough for candidates to introduce themselves to the wider

society. This is especially true for women who are typically late comers to the party and

do not sit in the leadership of party’s board. Therefore, people do not know them very

well. In 2004 elections, more than 40 per cent of votes for the national, East Java and

Sidoarjo parliaments were for parties’ symbols only, as shown in tables 19, 20 and 21

below.

Table 19 Number of Votes for the Symbol of Party and Candidate, and Votes for Symbol of Party

only for National Parliament Party Votes Total Votes for

symbol and candidate

Per cent of total votes

Votes for symbol


PBB PPP PD PAN PKB PKS PDIP Golkar

2,970,487 9,154,496 8,455,225 7,303,324 11,999,564 8,325,024 21,026,629 24,480,757

1,464,465 4,492,124 4,684,441 4,407,382 6,358,876 5,123,910 9,698,968 13,648,773

49.3 49.1 55.4 60.3 52.9 61.5 46.1 55.8

1,506,022 4,662,372 3,770,784 2,895,942 5,640,688 3,201,114 11,327,661 10,831,984

50.7 50.9 44.6 39.7 47.1 38.5 53.9 44.2

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

From table 19 above, it can be seen that, in general, more than 40 per cent of the votes for

national parliament were for party symbols only. These votes will automatically be given

to candidates in the winnable positions. In addition, those in winnable positions will have

their total number of votes boosted from the votes gained by candidates in the non

30

winnable positions. Clearly, encouraging voters to vote for the party’s symbol and not for

candidates will benefit those in winnable positions, notably the parties’ elites. This

system is less fair, particularly for candidates in non-winnable positions, including

women, because most female candidates were in these positions under the semi-open

system.

Table 20 Number of Votes for the Symbol of Party and Candidate, and Votes for Symbol of Party

only for East Java Parliament Party Votes Total Votes for



Votes for symbol


PBB PPP PD PAN PKB PKS PDIP Golkar

270,728 1,414,733 1,523,165 1,014,338 6,298,317 618,466

4,330,264 2,712,827

106,988 627,418 773,498 548,889

3,226,401 325,924

1,678,892 1,112,631

40.3 44.3 50.8 54.1 51.2 52.7 38.8 41.0

161,740 787,315 749,667 465,449

3,071,916 292,542

2,651,372 1,600,196

59.7 55.7 49.2 55.9 48.8 47.3 61.2 59.0

Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur-East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

In the case of the East Java parliament, the percentage of votes for a party’s symbol was

much higher, generally more than 50 per cent. Hence in East Java the problem for women

in not being ranked in winnable positions (1 and 2) was amplified.

31

Tabel 21 Number of Votes for the Symbol of Party and Candidate, and Votes for Symbol of Party

on for Sidoarjo parliament Party Votes Total Votes for



Votes for symbol


PBB PPP Partai Demokrat PAN PKB PKS PDIP Partai Golkar

13,520 25,574 106,585 69,741 332,344 39,775 166,600 63,772

8,660 12,892 60,284 47,034 217,077 26,035 87,573 36,645

64.1 50.4 56.6 67.4 65.3 65.5 52.6 57.5

4,860 12,682 46,301 22,707 115,267 13,740 79,027 27,127

35.9 49.6 43.4 32.6 34.7 34.5 47.4 42.5

Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author Interestingly, the number of votes for parties’ symbols and candidates were higher in

Sidoarjo. More than 60 per cent of votes gained by PBB, PAN, PKB and PKS were for

the relevant party’s symbol as well as candidates. This indicates that more voters at this

local level did not merely rely on the parties’ preferences, but chose their own

representatives. Probably they know the candidates on the lists well.

The 2004 election of DPD (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah-regional representatives’

assembly) also proved that Indonesian voters could independently choose their

representatives and willing to vote for women. In the same date of parliamentary election

(5 April 2004), the election of members the regional representatives’ assembly was also

held to elect four representatives for each province. Unlike the parliamentary election that

required political party to nominate candidates and used semi-open list of proportional

representation, the regional representatives election used single non-transferable vote and

32

the candidates stand for the election independently without party affiliation. Whoever got

the first to the fourth rank of votes in a province would be directly elected to sit in the

regional representatives’ assembly. There were only 83 female of the 940 total candidates

(8.8 per cent) stand for the election (Soetjipto, 2004), but 27 of them were elected to the

assembly (21.1 per cent of 128 total members) (Kompas, 2005; Bylesjo and Seda, 2006:

262). These phenomena give more hope to female candidates in the future. When women

can promote themselves and show their ability to improve society, voters will vote for

them. Achieving the 30 per cent seats in Indonesian parliament may therefore be only a

matter of time.

Conclusion

This paper has explained the role of the electoral system in determining women’s

representation in Indonesian parliaments. Proportional representation, which is assumed

to be more women friendly because of its ability to bring more women into parliaments

world wide, does not seem to be working in increasing women’s representation in

Indonesia. Since the first election in 1955, Indonesia has always used a list system of

proportional representation as the only electoral system, but the percentage of women in

the Indonesian national parliament has never been higher than 13 per cent.

However, proportional representation alone cannot be blamed for the difficulty of women

to increase their parliamentary representation in Indonesia. The kind of proportional

representation needs to be examined further. My study shows that the closed list system

of proportional representation has not really been an advantage to Indonesian women. In

33

a closed list system, political parties have the full authority to nominate candidates and to

place them in order on the candidates’ lists.

The 2004 election seems to give more hope for increasing the number of female

parliamentary members in Indonesia. In this election, a 30 per cent voluntary quota for

women candidates on party lists was first implemented. Furthermore, the list was semi-

open. Therefore, there was a possibility for female candidates to be elected. Regardless of

their positions on the lists, they could have been elected to the parliament as long as they

achieved the BPP. However, this hope is a false hope. As the quota was not compulsory,

many political parties did not really try to implement it. Furthermore, achieving the BPP

was almost impossible, not only for individual candidates but also for political parties.

Instead of using a semi-open list, my study shows that an open list system would be

better for women. In fact, if the system had been used in the 2004 election, there would

be more women in the national and Sidoarjo parliaments. Therefore, as long as women

can show their ability to improve the society, participate fully in political parties, and

gain strategic positions in political parties, gaining the 30 per cent of parliamentary seats

will eventually become a reality.

34

Appendix

Table A Non Elected Candidates Who Gained More Votes than Elected Candidates to the

National Parliament Party Electoral

District Non- Elected Candidate

Pos on list

Votes Gained

Elected Candidate

Pos on List

Votes Gained

M F M F PBB PPP PD PAN

Jabar II Kalsel Sumsel I DKI I Jabar I Jabar VIII Jabar X Jateng II Jatim III Jatim IV Jatim X Banten II Sumut II Lampung I DKI I Jabar I Jabar V Jateng II Jateng VII Yogyakarta Jatim I Jatim IV Jatim IX NTB NTT II Kalbar Papua NAD I Sumut I Sumsel I Sumsel II Lampung II

X X X X X X X X X X X X X - X X X X X - - X - X X X X X X X X X -

- -

3 2 2 3

31, 902 X X X

- - - - - -

1 1 1

16, 020 14, 869 10, 866

- - - - - - - - -

18, 698 15, 783 43, 223 X 1 23, 847

2 15, 826 X X X X X X X X

1 1 1 2

14, 598 22, 243 45, 322 7, 518

3 5 3 2 4 4 6 2

25, 197 59, 971 - 14, 919 -

- - - - - -

38, 373 1 14, 512 22, 250 70, 914 91, 554 24, 264 14, 772 17, 836

1 1 2 1

9, 914 17, 332 23, 499 18, 874

- - X - - - - - X

X X X X X X X X

3 1

1 2 1

12, 671 17, 645 21, 248 38, 804

2 6 2 5 3 4 4 3 2

- 40, 981 -

- - - - - - -

38, 835 26, 609 11, 396 12, 537 33, 064 41, 517 20, 563 21, 604 12, 113 11, 162

2 15, 492 1 1 1 1

8, 578 12, 188 23, 253 36, 518

X X - X - - - - - -

X X X X - X X

1 16, 898 2 - 1

1 1 1

12, 211 11, 922 10, 210 23, 981

2 2 2 2 2 3 2 3

- X - - - - -

25, 955 10, 993 31, 295 29, 667 32, 109 26, 294 13, 799

1 5, 096 1 1 1

27, 207 27, 913 12, 858

X - X

X X -

- - X

- 1 16, 064 4 X 1 12, 493

35

PKB PKS PDIP

Jabar III Jabar X Jateng I Jateng IV Jateng VII Jateng X Jatim X Kalsel Sulteng Papua Jabar VII Jateng II Jateng III Jateng VII Jateng VIII Jateng IX Jatim I Jatim II Jatim IV Jatim V Jatim VIII Jatim IX Jatim X Banten I Kalsel Papua NAD II Sumut III Sumbar DKI I Jabar V Sumut I Sumut II Sumut III Bengkulu Lampung I Lampung II DKI I Jabar I

X X X X X X - X X X - X X X X X - X X - - X X X X X X X X X X X - - X - X X - X X X X

- - - - - - X - - - X - - - - - X - - X X - - - - - - - - - - - X X - X - - X - - - -

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 3 2 2 3 2 2 4 4 4 5 6 5 5 4 5 4 2 2 4 2 2 2 4 7 5 7 4 2 3 2 3 4 4 2

15, 017 53, 267 27, 511 21, 361 42, 244 22, 568 8, 987 20, 706 12, 027 21, 804 56, 245 56, 257 29, 372 43, 364 76, 284 37, 328 124, 008 78, 859 120, 392 47, 492 40, 079 58, 767 63, 501 81, 157 146, 317 16, 595 18, 177 27, 979 15, 364 28, 132 21, 661 50, 992 53, 023 49, 941 39, 683 30, 594 40, 225 23, 423 11, 454 35, 358 37, 640 22, 102 30, 065

X - X - X X X X X X X X X X X X X X - X X - X X X X X X X X X - X X X X X X - X X X X

- X - X - - - - - - - - - - - - - - X - - X - - - - - - - - - X - - - - - - X - - - -

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 3 1 2 3 2 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 2 3 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 1

10, 395 24, 357 20, 546 15, 255 24, 600 17, 957 8, 539 15, 950 8, 994 3, 404 52, 165 25, 862 26, 804 33, 594 15, 545 31, 594 43, 978 78, 859 120, 392 47, 492 30, 168 47, 772 30, 442 45, 603 75, 418 10, 219 14, 660 6, 371 15, 021 18, 415 18, 961 32, 916 30, 992 31, 874 37, 259 17, 206 21, 653 22, 043 11, 454 24, 875 32, 438 18, 936 26, 881

36

Golkar

Jabar IV Jabar VIII Jabar IX Jabar X Jateng II Jateng V Jateng VII Jateng VIII Jateng X Jatim I Jatim IV Jatim V Jatim VI Jatim VII Jatim VIII Jatim IX Banten II Bali NTB NTT II Kalbar Kaltim Papua NAD II Sumut I Sumut II Sumut III Sumbar II Riau Bengkulu Lampung I Jabar I Jabar VI Jabar VII Jabar VIII Jabar IX Jabar X Jateng IV Jateng V Jateng VI Jateng VIII Jateng IX Jatim VIII Banten II

X X X X X - X X - X X X - X X X X - - - X X X X - X X X - X X X X - X - X X X X X X - X -

- - - - - X - - X - - - X - - - - X X X - - - - X - - - X - - - - X - X - - - - - - X - X

5 3 3 2 4 4 4 4 5 3 5 3 4 4 3 4 5 3 8 3 4 3 2 7 3 4 3 3 4 5 2 4 2 3 3 3 4 6 2 4 2 3 3 3 4

19, 140 37, 947 41, 179 32, 454 19, 372 69, 678 82, 584 32, 197 42, 106 29, 095 38, 516 21, 536 41, 513 23, 293 45, 282 33, 052 21, 225 23, 901 38, 119 16, 492 70, 299 48, 065 26, 035 16, 178 69, 704 31, 595 36, 009 81, 163 40, 943 30, 963 40, 590 32, 555 55, 540 86, 576 51, 913 82, 191 74, 046 68, 362 87, 701 50, 947 32, 472 52, 954 30, 076 26, 000 63, 111

X X X X X X X - X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X - X X X X X X X X X X - X X X X X X - X

- - - - - - - X - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - X - - - - - - - - - - X - - - - - - X -

2 2 1 1 1 2 3 2 3 1 2 2 2 3 2 2 2 2 4 1 2 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 2 1

15, 018 34, 552 31, 013 31, 019 16, 590 22, 605 32, 482 28, 595 30, 753 22, 635 23, 007 19, 572 24, 066 15, 237 29, 850 24, 253 18, 507 21, 428 37, 947 11, 606 12, 340 40, 831 21, 985 15, 253 23, 226 24, 019 31, 012 21, 298 31, 366 27, 061 35, 648 27, 784 34, 754 60, 064 30, 549 52, 668 24, 133 36, 526 28, 982 34, 266 19, 069 38, 988 28, 378 23, 424 41, 123

37

Bali NTB NTT I NTT II Kaltim Sulsel I Sulsel II Sultra Gorontalo Maluku Papua

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

- - - - - - - - - - - - -

3 5 3 4 8 3 6 14 6 9 3 3 4 5 6

26, 846 30, 208 72, 788 59, 134 44, 727 38, 119 95, 950 68, 062 94, 124 75, 063 59, 739 55, 138 34, 801 40, 099 35, 836

- X X X X X X X X - - - X X X

X - - - - - - - - X X X - - -

2 3 1 2 2 2 3 4 3 5 2 2 1 1 2

25, 455 23, 316 38, 580 52, 434 36, 440 31, 834 42, 508 33, 759 53, 304 59, 362 40, 611 29, 100 29, 301 21, 502 26, 199

Total 110 26 120 16 Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

Table B Non Elected Candidates Who Gained More Votes than Elected Candidates to the East

Java Parliament Party Electoral

District Non Elected Candidate

Pos on list

Votes Gained

Elected Candidate

Pos on List

Votes Gained

M F M F PBB PPP PD PAN PKB

- Jatim 3 Jatim 10 Jatim 1 Jatim 5 Jatim 4 Jatim 6 Jatim 2 Jatim 3 Jatim 4 Jatim 5

- X X X - X X X X X X

- - - - X - - - - - -

- 6 4 3 2 5 2 6 4 5 4

- 19, 116 65, 347 40, 429 41, 737 14, 949 16, 241 73, 780 65, 269 37, 534 50, 299

- X X - - X X - - - X

- - - X X - - X X X -

- 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2

- 19, 097 26, 394 36, 322 36, 014 10, 339 13, 190 38, 517 38, 205 28, 112 47, 552

38

PKS PDIP Golkar

Jatim 6 Jatim 8 Jatim 9 - Jatim 1 Jatim 3 Jatim 4 Jatim 5 Jatim 6 Jatim 3 Jatim 8

X X X X - - - X - X X - X

- - - - X - X - X - - X -

4 7 4 5 6 - 4 3 4 4 6 2 3

46, 519 50, 928 41, 452 42, 022 73, 546 - 50, 950 16, 768 25, 145 35, 244 32, 728 25, 453 32, 862

X X X X X - X X X X X X X

- - - - - - - - - - - - -

2 3 1 3 4 - 3 2 2 2 3 1 2

41, 760 24, 903 37, 782 40, 631 36, 940 - 23, 591 13, 346 14, 153 26, 080 22, 829 18, 977 21, 723

Total 17 5 17 5 Data Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur-East Java Electoral Commission (2004) Tabulation by author

Table C Non Elected Candidates Who Gained More Votes than Elected Candidates to Sidoarjo

Parliament Party Electoral

District Non-Elected Candidate

Pos on list

Votes Gained

Elected Candidate

Pos on List

Votes Gained

M F M F PBB PPP PD PAN PKB

- - Sidoarjo 4 Sidoarjo 3 Sidoarjo 6 Sidoarjo 1 Sidoarjo 2 Sidoarjo 3 Sidoarjo 4 Sidoarjo 5

- - X X X - X X X X

- - - - - X - - - -

- - 2 2 2 8 5 3 5 5

- - 2, 226 2, 847 3, 598 6, 620 9, 577 8, 157 4, 663 11, 007

- - X X X X X X X X

- - - - - - - - - -

- - 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 3

- - 2, 102 1, 634 1, 166 2, 747 3, 377 6, 244 2, 576 3, 878

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PKS PDIP Golkar

- Sidoarjo 1 Sidoarjo 2 Sidoarjo 3 Sidoarjo 4 Sidoarjo 5 Sidoarjo 3

- X - X X - X

- - X - - X -

- 2 5 4 4 7 2

- 4, 734 3, 662 2, 599 5, 661 5, 790 2, 464

- X X X X X X

- - - - - - -

- 1 1 1 1 2 1

- 3, 084 1, 532 1, 943 3, 039 3, 141 1, 361

Total 11 3 14 0 Source: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo-Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004)

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References Bylesjo, Cecilia and Seda, Francisia S.S.E. (2006), “Indonesia: The Struggle for Gender Quotas in the World’s Largest Muslim Society” in Dahlerup, Drude (ed), Women, Quotas and Politics, Routledge, Abingdon, pp 259-265 CETRO (2004), Perolehan Kursi Parpol DPR RI Hasil Pemilu 2004 Dibandingkan 1999(Seats of Parties in national parliament Based on the 2004 election compare to the 1999 election), <http://www.cetro.or.id> , (2 August 2004) DPR RI (2005), Daftar Nama Anggota DPR RI 2004-2005 (List of Names of 2004-2009 Members of National Parliament), <http://www.dpr.go.id/humas/anggota100_files/sheet001.htm>, (3 February 2005) International IDEA (2006), Global Database of Quotas for Women: A joint project of International IDEA and Stockholm University, <http://www.quotaproject.org/country.cfm> (1 May 2006) Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Jawa Timur -East Java Electoral Commission (2004), Perhitungan Perolehan Kursi Partai Politik Peserta Pemilihan Umum Penetapan Calon Terpilih Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Provinsi Dalam Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2004-Seats of Political Parties and Candidates Elected for the East Java Provincial Parliament in the 2004 Elections Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah Sidoarjo -Sidoarjo Electoral Commission (2004), Perolehan Kursi Partai Politik dan Penetapan Calon Terpilih Anggota DPRD Kabupaten Sidoarjo Dalam Pemilu 2004-Seats of Political Parties and Candidates Elected for Sidoarjo Parliament in the 2004 Elections Komisi Pemilihan Umum-National Electoral Commission (2004), Berita Acara Nomor 139/15-BA/VIII/2004 tentang Penetapan Calon Terpilih Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2004-Decision Letter No. 139/15-BA/VIII/2004 on Elected Candidates for the National Parliament in the 2004 Elections Kompas 18 February 2003, “Muslimat NU Desak DPR Setujui Kuota 30 Persen Perempuan di Parlemen” Muslimat NU Forced the parliament to agree for the 30% women’s quota), <http://www.kompas.com/kompas%2Dcetak/0302/18/nasional/136052.htm>, (14 July 2003) Kompas (2005), Wajah DPR dan DPD 2004-2009-Face of Parliament and Senate 2004-2009, Jakarta, Penerbit Buku Kompas Kunovich, Sheri and Paxton, Pamela (2005), “Pathways to Power: The Role of Political Parties in Women’s National Political Representation”, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 111, Number. 2, pp 505-52

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http://www.cetro.or.id/

http://www.dpr.go.id/humas/anggota100_files/sheet001.htm

http://www.quotaproject.org/country.cfm

http://www.kompas.com/kompas%2Dcetak/0302/18/nasional/136052.htm

Matland, E. Richard (2006), “Enhancing Women’s Political Representation: Legislative Recruitment and Electoral Systems” in International IDEA, Women in Parliament: Beyond Numbers, pp 77-96 <http://www.idea.int/publications/wip2/index.cfm>, (27 April 2006) Norris, Pippa (2004), Electoral Engineering: Voting Roles and Political Behavior, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press Reilly, Ben (1999), “Reformasi Pemilu di Indonesia: Sejumlah Pilihan” -Electoral Reform in Indonesia: Some Alternatives, in Almanak Parpol Indonesia: Pemilu 1999-Directory of Indonesian Political Parties: the 1999 Elections, Jakarta, API, pp 17-32 Shanti, Budi, 2001, “Quota Perempuan Parlemen: Jalan Menuju Kesetaraan Politik (Quota for Women in Parliament: Toward Political Equality)”, Jurnal Perempuan, 19, pp. 19-36. Soetjipto, Ani (2004), Analisa Perolehan Suara Perempuan Dalam Pemilu Legislatif 2004-Analyses of Votes Gained by Women in the 2004 Legislative Election, Unpublished Paper Subiyantoro, E.B (2004), “Keterwakilan Perempuan Dalam Politik: Masih Menjadi Kabar Burung”-Women Representation in Politics: Still Become “Bird Telling” News, Jurnal Perempuan No 34, pp 69-81 Undang-undang Nomor 12 Tahun 2003 tentang Pemilihan Umum Aggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, dan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah -Indonesian Law No. 12, 2003 on General Election of Member of National Parliament, Regional Representation and Provincial and Regional Parliament Undang-undang Nomor 31 Tahun 2002 tentang Partai Politik-Indonesian Law No. 31, 2002 on political Party

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http://www.idea.int/publications/wip2/index.cfm

Biographical Note Wahidah Zein Br Siregar is a PhD student at the Department of Anthropology-Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, The Australian National University-Canberra. She is a junior lecturer at Fakultas Dakwah, The Sunan Ampel State Institute of Islamic Studies-Surabaya-Jawa Timur-Indonesia

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women and the failure to achieve the 30 per cent quota...

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