women and men in organizations_nodrm

Pagei

WomenandMeninOrganizationsSexandGenderIssuesatWork

Pageii

SERIESINAPPLIEDPSYCHOLOGYEdwinA.Fleishman,GeorgeMasonUniversitySeriesEditor

TeamworkandtheBottomLine:GroupsMakeaDifferenceNedRosen

PatternsofLifeHistory:TheEcologyofHumanIndividualityMichaelD.Mumford,GarnettStokes,andWilliamA.Owens

WorkMotivationUweE.Kleinbeck,HansHenningQuast,HenkThierry,andHartmutHcker

PsychologyinOrganizations:IntegratingScienceandPracticeKevinR.MurphyandFrankE.Saal

HumanError:Cause,Prediction,andReductionJohnW.SendersandNevilleP.Moray

ContemporaryCareerDevelopmentIssuesRobertF.MorrisonandJeromeAdams

JusticeintheWorkplace:ApproachingFairnessinHumanResourceManagementRussellCropanzano

PersonnelSelectionandAssessment:IndividualandOrganizationalPerspectivesHeinzSchuler,JamesL.Farr,andMikeSmith

OrganizationalBehavior:theStateoftheScienceJeraldGreenberg

PolicePsychologyintothe21stCenturyMartinI.KurkeandEllenM.Scrivner

BenchmarkTasksforJobAnalysis:AGuideforFunctionalJobAnalysts(FJA)ScalesSidneyA.FineandMauryGetkate

StressandHumanPerformanceJamesE.DriskellandEduardoSalas

ImprovingTrainingEffectivenessinWorkOrganizationsJ.KevinFord,SteveW.J.Kozlowski,KurtKraiger,EduardoSalas,andMarkS.Teachout

TeamPerformanceAssessmentandMeasurement:Theory,Research,andApplicationsMichaelTBrannick,EduardoSalas,andCarolynPrince

JobFeedback:Giving,Seeking,andUsingFeedbackforPerformanceImprovementManuelLondon

TheRussianTheoryofActivity:CurrentApplicationstoDesignandLearningGregoryBednyandDavidMeister

FunctionalJobAnalysts:AFoundationforHumanResourcesManagementSidneyA.FineandStevenF.Cronshaw

WomenandMeninOrganizations:SexandGenderIssuesatWorkJeanetteN.Cleveland,MargaretStockdale,andKevinR.Murphy

Pageiii

WomenandMeninOrganizationsSexandGenderIssuesatWork

JeanetteN.ClevelandColoradoStateUniversity

MargaretStockdaleSouthernIllinoisUniversity,Carbondale

KevinR.MurphyColoradoStateUniversity

LawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Publishers2000Mahwah,NewJersey

London

LibraryofCongressCataloginginPublicationData

Pageiv

Copyright2000byLawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Inc.

Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthisbookmaybereproducedinanyform,byphotostat,microfilm,retrievalsystem,oranyothermeans,withoutthepriorwrittenpermissionofthepublisher.

LawrenceErlbaumAssociates,Inc.,Publishers10IndustrialAvenueMahwah,NJ07430

coverdesignbyKathrynHoughtalingLacey

Cleveland,Jeanette.Womenandmeninorganizations:sexandgenderissuesatwork/JeanetteN.Cleveland,MargaretStockdale,KevinR.Murphy.p.cm.(Appliedpsychologyseries)Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.ISBN0805812679(cloth:alk.paper).ISBN0805812687(pbk.:alk.paper)1.SexroleintheworkenvironmentUnitedStates.I.Stockdale,MargaretS.II.Murphy,KevinR.,1952III.Title.IV.Series.HD6060.65.U5C581999331.11'43dc219937807CIP

BookspublishedbyLawrenceErlbaumAssociatesareprintedonacidfreepaper,andtheirbindingsarechosenforstrengthanddurability.

PrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmerica10987654321

Pagev

Thisbookisdedicatedtoourparentsandourchildren.Onegaveusrootsandwingstheothergivesushopesanddreams.RobertandKathleenTomandPatFrederickandJoanKathleenandMichaelSarah,Susan,andGeoffrey

Pagevii

CONTENTS

SeriesForeword

EdwinA.Fleishman

xi

Preface xiii

PartI:Introduction

Chapter1IntroductiontoWomenandMeninOrganizations

3

WhatDoWeMeanbyWork? 6

HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation 7

ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce 11

Summary 16

Chapter2UnderstandingMen'sandWomen'sExperiencesintheWorkplace:MethodsandTheoreticalPerspectives

18

Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork 19

UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations 34

Summary 36

Pageviii

PartII:ProcessesUnderlyingMaleFemaleAttitudesandBehaviorintheWorkplace

Chapter3HowStereotypesAffectOurPerceptionsofMenandWomenatWork

41

GenderStereotypes 42

GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,andDisability

50

EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace 56

Summary 63

Chapter4PhysicalAttractiveness,InterpersonalRelationships,andRomanceatWork

67

GenderandPhysicalAttractiveness 69

PhysicalAttractivenessandInterpersonalRelations 71

InterpersonalAttractionintheWorkplace 76

WorkplaceRomance 82

Summary 90

Chapter5LanguageandCommunicationAmongOrganizationalMembers

93

FemaleandMaleWaysofSpeaking:DataVersusStereotypes 95

UnderstandingGenderDifferencesinLanguage 99

WomenandMenSpeakinginGroups 102

GenderandNonverbalLanguage 106

ASocialPsychologicalApproachtoUnderstandingLanguageandLinguisticGroups

112

AdditionalIssuesConcerningLanguageintheWorkplace 118

Summary 121

Chapter6PowerandRelationshipsatWork

125

DefinitionsandSourcesofPowerandInfluence 126

TheEffectsofPowerandInfluence 137

GenderandPowerintheWorkplace 143

Summary 149

Pageix

PartIII:WomenandMenintheWorkplace:ImportantIndividualandOrganizationalOutcomes

Chapter7GenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace

155

PrejudiceandDiscrimination 157

OccupationalSegregationandGenderDiscrimination 167

Summary 182

Chapter8GenderandtheLegalContextinWhichMenandWomenWork

185

TheLegalFrameworkforDealingWithGenderDiscriminationintheWorkplace

187

EnforcingGenderDiscriminationLaws 199

FamilyRelatedLegislation 207

IsAffirmativeActionaHelporaHindrancetoWomenintheWorkplace? 209

Summary 214

Chapter9SexualHarassment

218

EmergingAwarenessandLabelingofSexualHarassment 220

MultifacetedImpactofSexualHarassment 233

BadApplesorBadBarrels?TheoriesandModelsofSexualHarassment 238

CombatingSexualHarassment 243

Summary 247

Chapter10CareerIssuesforWomenandMen:Mentoring,Children,andDualCareerCouples

252

Careers:TraditionalDefinitionsandEmergingForms 253

Women'sCareerDevelopment 259

MentoringintheWorkplace 265

Childbearing,ChildCare,andCareers 268

DualCareerCouples 274

Summary 279

Chapter11GenderandLeadership

285

DefinitionsandTheoriesofLeadership 287

GenderandLeadership 303

TheGlassCeiling:ASpecialChallengeforWomen 312

Summary 319

Pagex

Chapter12Stress,Health,andGender

323

StressandWork 325

Gender,Stress,andHealthOutcomes 334

ConsequencesofStress 339

StressReduction:CopingStrategiesandInterventions 344

HealthIssuesUniquetoWomen 347

Stress,Work,andEthnicMinorities 349

Summary 351

PartIV:WhatDoWeDoWithWhatWeKnowandDoNotKnow?

Chapter13ManagingDiversity:ResearchandInterventions

357

WhatDoesItMeantoManageDiversity? 358

ApproachestoDevelopingGenderInclusiveOrganizations 368

Summary 382

References 384

AuthorIndex 445

SubjectIndex 459

Pagexi

SERIESFOREWORD

EdwinA.FleishmanSeriesEditor

Thereisacompellingneedforinnovativeapproachestothesolutionofmanypressingproblemsinvolvinghumanrelationshipsintoday'ssociety.Suchapproachesaremorelikelytobesuccessfulwhentheyarebasedonsoundresearchandapplications.ThisSeriesinAppliedPsychologyofferspublicationswhichemphasizestateoftheartresearchanditsapplicationtoimportantissuesofhumanbehaviorinavarietyofsocietalsettings.Theobjectiveistobridgebothacademicandappliedinterests.Thisbookaccomplishesthisobjectivewithrespecttotheincreasingdiversityoccurringintheworkplace.

Womennowmakeupover45%oftheU.S.workforceandthisproportionislikelytoincrease.Workingwomenareadiversegroup(e.g.,Whitewomen,minorities,womenwithchildren,immigrants,olderworkers)withwidelyvaryingneeds,values,experiences,andexpectations.Yetoftenwhenemployeesorworkersarediscussed,implicitly(oroftenexplicitly)itismaleworkersthataredescribed.Furthermore,whenworkingwomenarediscussedtheyareoftendiscussedseparatelyandincomparisontomen.

Thisbookisintendedtodiscusswomenandmenwithinthecontextofappliedworkpsychologyandmanagement.Itistheauthors'hope

Pagexii

thatthebookcanbeusedforcoursesinindustrialandorganizationalpsychology,appliedworkpsychology,humanresourcesmanagement,andorganizationalbehavior.Itisdifficulttoimaginethatstudentsofindustrialandorganizationalpsychologyhasanaccurateorcompletegraspofleadershipunlesstheyknowtheliteraturebasedonresearchonbothmenandwomenasleaders.Anydiscussionofcareerswouldbemisleading,andperhapsinaccurate,ifitexcludedmaterialonwomen'scareers.Totheextentthatthesediscussionsignoretheresearchliteratureonwomenintheworkplace,traditionaltextsusedinthecoursesjustmentionedreflectinformationononlyasubsetoftheworkforce.

Theauthorsdiscussfourbasicprocessesthatsubstantiallyinfluencemen'sandwomen'sexperiencesatworkstereotyping,theroleofattractivenessinevaluatingothers,thewaysmenandwomencommunicate,andtheacquisitionandexerciseofpowerandinfluenceinorganizations.Theyshowhowtheseprocessescanbelinkedtogenderdiscrimination,sexualharassmentinorganizations,men'sandwomen'scareerdevelopment,leadershipandleaderfollowerinteractions,andstress.Theydiscusshowprogramsto''manage"genderdiversitymightbenefitfrompayingexplicitattentiontotheseissues.

Thisbookdrawsfromanumberofdisciplines,includingpsychology,sociology,women'sstudies,economics,andlinguisticstohelpthereaderunderstandrelationshipsbetweengenderandwork.Eachdisciplinecarriesitsownassumptionsandfavorsitsownparticularapproachestoresearchandscholarship.Itisclearthattheissuesfacingmenandwomenatworkextendbeyondtheboundariesofspecificacademicfieldsofstudy.Theapproachtakeninthisimportantbookhelpstocapturethecomplexityoftherelationshipsbetweenwomen,men,andworkorganizations.

Pagexiii

PREFACE

ThegenderandracialcompositionoftheU.S.workforceisrapidlychanging.Asmorewomenentertheworkforceandastheyenterjobsthathavetraditionallybeendominatedbymen,issuesrelatedtosexandgenderinworksettingsbecomeincreasinglyimportantandcomplex.Researchaddressingsexandgenderintheworkplaceisconductedinseveraldistinctdisciplines,rangingfrompsychologyandsociologytomanagementandeconomics.Booksongenderatworkoftenreflecteitheramoretraditionalmanagementperspectiveoramorerecentfeministperspectiverarelyarethesetwoorientationsonwomenandworkacknowledgedwithinthesametext.However,giventheincrediblechallengesfacingorganizationstodayintermsoffullandeffectiveutilizationofqualityemployees,thetraditionalliteratureandfeministresearchliteraturemustbebroughttogether.

Thegoalofthisbookistocommunicateavarietyofsocialpsychologicalresearchongenderissuesthataffectworkbehaviorstoupperlevelundergraduateandgraduatestudentsinappliedpsychologyandbusiness.Thebookisdesignedtosupplementupperlevelundergraduatecoursesinindustrialandorganizational(I/O)psychology,organizationalbehavior,managementinorganizations,personneladministration,career

Pagexiv

andvocationalcounseling,women'sstudies(particularlythoseaddressingworkissues),andselectedtopics.Furthermore,itcanserveasacenterpieceinatopicscoursedevotedtogenderintheworkplacethatmightbeofferedwithinthecurriculumofI/O,vocationalpsychology,ormanagement,whereitcanbesupplementedbyprimaryresearcharticlesorselectedbookchapters.

Acknowledgments

Thisbookcouldnothavebeencompletedwithoutthehelpofanumberofcolleaguesandinstitutions.First,weareextremelygratefultoFrank(Skip)SaalandBarbaraGutek,bothofwhomcollaboratedintheearlierstagesofthisproject.Theirsuggestions,insights,andcontributionswereextremelyvaluableandhelpedtoshapethebook.Second,wearegratefulforthesupportwereceivedfromColoradoStateUniversity(specifically,ScottHamiltonaschairoftheDepartmentofPsychology)andSouthernIllinoisUniversityinallofthephasesofproducingthisbook.SomeoftheearlyworkonthisbookwasdonewhileonvisitingappointmentstotheUniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley(ClevelandandMurphy),andtheUniversityofArizona(Stockdale)wegreatlyappreciatetheuseoftheirfacilitiesandtheopportunitiestointeractwithcolleaguesinseveralrelateddisciplines.We(ClevelandandMurphy)completedthisbookwhileonsabbaticalattheUniversityofLimerick,Irelandwethanktheuniversity,theCollegeofBusiness,andtheDepartmentofPersonnelandEmploymentRelations,particularlyJoeWallace,fortheirhelpandsupport.

Finally,weappreciatethehelpandencouragementofRayO'ConnellandAnneDuffy,whohavebeenpatientandsupportivethroughouttheprocessofwritingandpublishingthisbook.

IINTRODUCTION

1IntroductiontoWomenandMeninOrganizations

I.WhatDoWeMeanbyWork?

II.HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation

III.ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce

A.StructureoftheBook

IV.Summary

ThefamilypictureisonHISdesk.Ah,asolid,responsiblefamilyman.ThefamilypictureisonHERdesk.Umm,herfamilywillcomebeforehercareer.

HEistalkingwithhiscoworkers.Hemustbediscussingthelatestdeal.SHEistalkingwithhercoworkers.Shemustbegossiping.

HE'snotintheoffice.He'smeetingcustomers.SHE'snotintheoffice.Shemustbeoutshopping.

HE'shavinglunchwiththeboss.He'sonthiswayup.SHE'shavinglunchwiththeboss.Theymustbehavinganaffair.

HEgotanunfairdeal.Didhegetangry?SHEgotanunfairdeal.Didshecry?

HE'sgettingmarried.He'llgetmoresettled.SHE'sgettingmarried.She'llgetpregnantandleave.

HE'shavingababy.He'llneedaraise.SHE'shavingababy.She'llcostthecompanymoneyinmaternitybenefits.

HE'sleavingforabetterjob.Heknowshowtorecognizeagoodopportunity.SHE'sleavingforabetterjob.Womenarenotdependable.(Gardenswartz&Rowe,1994)

Womenmakeupmorethan45%oftheU.S.workforce(W.B.Johnson&Packer,1987U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,1997),andthisproportionislikelytogrow.Workingwomenareadiversegroup(e.g.,Whitewomen,minorities,womenwithchildren,immigrants,olderworkers)withwidelyvaryingneeds,values,experiences,andexpectations.However,workingwomenshareacommonbondinthat,untilrecently,theworldofwork

wasprimarilyorientedtowardmen.Historically,womenhavebeensegregatedintojobsthatprovidedverylimitedaccesstothetoplevelsoforganizations,andthissegregationpersistsinmanysectorsoftheeconomy.Morerecently,however,therehasbeenaninfluxofwomenintonontraditional,higherstatusoccupations,anditappearsthattraditionalpatternsofoccupationalsegregationmaybeslowlychanging.

Changesintheworkforceposebothopportunitiesandchallengestoorganizations,andhumanresourcemanagement(HRM)expertshavedevotedincreasinglevelsofattentiontotheissuesandproblemsthatindividualsandgroupsbringtoandencounterintheworkplace.Researchersinappliedworkpsychology,organizationalbehavior,andotherrelatedfields(socialpsychology,sociology,andeconomics)arealsoshowinggreaterinterestintherolesofgenderandsexatwork.Furthermore,thereisarichtraditionofresearchandscholarshipintheareaofwomen'sstudiesdealingwithsimilaritiesanddifferencesinmen'sandwomen'sworkplaceexperiences.Eachperspectivebringsitsownsetofassumptions,insight,andconclusionstobear,andthereisagooddealtobelearnedbybridgingthemanydisciplinesconcernedwithwomenandmenintheworkplace.

Onegoalofthisbookistocoverarangeofissuesthatbothwomenandmenencounterintheworkplacebutthatarenotcommonlyexploredinanydepthinmanagementorworkpsychologytextbooks.Wehopetoexpandtheconceptualizationof"human"inHRMtoincludebothwomenandmen.WebelievethatgenderandsexissueshaveimportantimplicationsforworkrelatedandHRMissues.Unfortunately,discussionsofworkoftenrefer(explicitlyorimplicitly)toworkersasmen.Therefore,anydiscussionofanothergroupofworkers(inthiscasewomen)isatriskofbeingdismissedasaspecialtybook(aboutwomen).However,thisbookisnotsimplyaboutwomenatwork.

Thisisabookaboutpeopleinteractingwitheachotherinthecontextofworkorganizations.Ourdiscussionincludesliteraturethatrevealssimilaritiesanddifferencesbetweenmenandwomenatworkand,whereverpossible,amongmenandwomenofcolorandofvaryingsocioeconomicstatus.Wehopetoidentifywhatweknowaboutemployedmenandwomenaswellaswhatwedonotknowconcerninggenderandimportantworkandorganizationalproblems.

Throughoutthebook,weidentifyimportanthumanresourceissuesandtopicsthathavenottraditionallybeentreatedasmainstreamtopicsinindustrialandorganizational(I/O)psychologyorHRM.Amongthetopicsthathavehistoricallybeenperceived(andsometimesdismissed)aswomen'sissues,yetarenowincreasinglyofconcerntobothmaleandfemaleHRMandI/Oprofessionals,aresexualharassment,childcareand

childbearingissues,careerprogress,andstressandhealth.Webelievetheentranceofincreasingnumbersofwomenintotheworkforcerenderstheseissuesimportanttomen,women,andorganizations.

Thistextisintendedprimarilyforupperlevelundergraduateandentrylevelgraduatestudentsandresearchersinmanagement,psychology,women'sstudies,sociology,andrelatedfields.Althoughthebookdrawsheavilyfromdatabasedresearchfindings,wehopethatitappealstoteachersandstudentswhoareinterestedinamoregeneralunderstandingoftheprocessesandissuesencounteredbyemployedwomenandmen.

Chapter1defineswhatwemeanbythesetsofactivitiesthatwecallworkandprovidesabriefhistoricalperspectiveontheparticipationofmenandwomenintheworkplace.Asthedefinitionofworkhasevolvedovertheyears,sohavethetypeandtheextentofmaleandfemaleinvolvementintheworkforce.

WhatDoWeMeanbyWork?

AlookatWebster'sDictionaryreveals20definitionsofthenounand30definitionsoftheverbwork(Neff,1985).Overall,thedefinitionstendtohave"purposefulactivity"incommon.However,determiningthesetofactivitiesweincludeinadefinitionofworkiscomplex.Asisseeninthereviewofthehistoryofgenderandwork,menandwomenhavealwaysworked(Nieva&Gutek,1981b).BeforetheIndustrialRevolution,bothmenandwomenworked,notforwages,butforfamilysurvivalandmaintenance.Inthiscontext,womenandmenwereconsideredpartners.However,withtheoccurrenceoftheIndustrialRevolution,laborwasdividedintoamaleworkspherethatwaspaid,public,andexternaltothefamilyandafemalefamilyspherethatwasunpaidandprivate(i.e.,workinthehome).Therefore,priortotheIndustrialRevolution,thedefinitionofworkweoftenusetoday(i.e.,whatpeopledotoearnaliving)wouldhavebeeninadequatebecauseitdoesnotincludeanumberofactivitiesthathistoricallywereconsideredwork.Thisdefinitionprobablyreflectswhatmanypeopleinoursocietycurrentlyviewaswork,"themeansofsubsistence"(Schwimmer,1980).However,themeaningofwork,orspecificallythedefinitionofwork,ishistoricallyrelative(Brief&Nord,1990).

Activitiesthatonedoesforpayhavealsobeencalledoccupationalwork(G.Miller,1980).Thecharacteristicsofoccupationalworkare"(1)itsexistenceasarolediscreetandseparatefromotherrolesoccupiedbytheindividual,and(2)theprimaryuseofsuchdirectfinancialrewardsassalariesorwagestoobtainaminimallevelofinvolvementintherole

bytheworker"(G.Miller,1980,p.382).Thisdefinitionofoccupationalworkisconsistentwithwhatmostpeopletodaymeanbythetermwork(Brief&Nord,1990).However,thereareatleasttwoproblemswiththisdefinitionofwork.First,thetermfinancialdoesnotdescribeallpossiblecompensationarrangements.Forexample,informalworkcanincludebarteringandsocialexchangeofservices(Brief&Nord,1990).Thesecondproblemisthatworknonworkroleseparationisrarelycompletemanytypesofoccupationalworkinvolveinterrelatedroles.Furthermore,inthe1990s,bothwomenandmenbecameincreasinglyawarethattheyweremembersoftwo"workgroups,"oneexternaltothehomeandonewithinthehome.

Inthisbook,werecognizethatthetermworkcoversbothpaidandunpaidactivitiesinbothpublicandprivateareasofourlives.However,muchofthematerialreviewedinthemanagement,psychology,andsociologyliteraturesisbasedonworkthatisdefinedaspaidwork.Therefore,whenusingthetermworkoremployment,werefertoactivitiesortasksthatoneengagesinforpay.

Wheneverpossible,wedistinguishamongresearchfindingsandtheoriesthatarebasedlargelyonbluecollar,pinkcollar,andwhitecollar,professional/managerialjobs.Werecognizethatwhatmaybetrueforoneoccupationalgroupmaynotholdforanother.Furthermore,race,gender,and,tosomeextent,ageareconfoundedwithoccupationaltypeaswellassocioeconomicstatus.Therefore,weattempttohighlightthecharacteristicsoftheoccupationsandthesubjectsusedintheresearchwereview.

HistoryofMaleandFemaleWorkforceParticipation

Themeaningofworkhasevolvedconsiderablyoverthecenturies(Brief&Nord,1990),andourcurrentconceptionofworkasasetofstructured,paidactivitiesisrelativelynew.Simplyput,womenaswellasmenhavealwaysworked(F.D.Blau&Ferber,1985HarrisKessler,1985R.Marshall&R.Paulin,1987).However,thetypesofactivitiesandforwhomoneworkshavechangeddramatically.Inpreindustrialsociety,thefamilywastheunitorfocusofwork.Thewomanandthetaskssheperformedwereanintegralpartofthatunit(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Menlargelyobtainedgoodsexternaltothefamily.However,atthispoint,bothwomenandmenengagedinfamilyworkactivitiesthatwereeitherpaidwork(e.g.,womensellingproducethattheirhusbandshadharvested)orexchangeofgoodsforotherdesiredgoods.Thepreindustrialsociety

wasorientedtowardlargelyagriculturallaborandhomemanufacture.Homeordomesticlifewasnearlyindistinguishablefromeconomiclife.Thiseconomicperiodwascalledthe"familyeconomy."

Throughindustrialization,thelabormarketexpandedandpaidworkbecameworkexternaltothefamily.Hereiswhereweobserveasplitbetweenwhatiscalledprivate(i.e.,family),nonpaidworkperformedprimarilybywomenandpublic(i.e.,external),paidworklargelyperformedbymen.Women'sworkinsidethehomebecameviewedassupplementaltothepresumablymoreimportantandprestigiousexternalandpaidemploymentofmen.Furthermore,oncemenlefttheprivatesphereoffamilyworkforpublicemploymentandwomenremainedwithinthefamilysphere,perceptionsandexpectationsdevelopedthatreinforcedthissegregationofprivateandpublic,womenandmen,andsecondaryandprimaryfacetsofwork.Womenwereconsideredas,atbest,temporaryparticipantsinamaledominatedpublicrealmofwork.

Duringearlystagesofindustrialization,whenwomenworkedforpayoutsidethehomethesituationtypicallyinvolvedsinglewomenworkinginlowpayingjobsthatweregendersegregated.Whenawomanmarried,shewasstronglyexpectedtorelinquishthefewrights(especiallyeconomicindependence)shehadasasinglewoman.Fewmarriedwomenwereemployedoutsidethehome,althoughoccasionallyawomanmightworkformoneyifherfatherorhusbandwasunabletoprovideadequately.Additionally,duringearlyindustrialtimes,themeaningofworkformenandwomenwasverydifferentespeciallyifonefocusedonthesocialaspectsofwork.Forawoman,therewaslimitedpoweroverherowndestinythehusband'soccupationandsocialstandingdefinedthewomansocially.Thewoman'sworkwassupposedtobeforthebenefitofthefamily,notforherself.Fortheman,workdefinedhimsociallyandeconomically.Womenwerefrequentlypreventedfromenteringtheworkforcebecausemenfearedthattheirentrywoulddecreasetheirownwages.Thesocialattitudesduringthisperiodconveyedtowomenthattheonlywaytoachievewomanlinesswastobearandnurturechildren.

Threefactorscontributedtotheentranceofwomenintotheworkforceby1940:demographicchanges,thewar,andtheincreaseinlaborforceparticipationofmarriedwomen(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Thedemographictrendinvolvedpopulationgrowthandaredistributionofwomeninvariousagecategories,increasingthenumberofworkingwomenbetween20and64yearsofage.In1870,marriedwomenmadeup15%ofthefemalelaborforce,whereasby1940,theproportionwas35.5%(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Whyweremoremarriedwomenenteringtheworkforcein1940?Thereasonsincludedmandatoryschoolingforyoungchildren,decreasingfertilityrates,andinadequacyofthemaleincometosustainthefamily(i.e.,theneedtohaveasecondincome).

Interestingly,weseepreciselythesefactorscitedinthepopularpresstodayasexplanationsforcontinuedparticipationofwomenintheworkforce.

WiththeonsetofWorldWarII,womenincreasedtheirpresenceinsuchfieldsasteaching,nursing,andclothingmanufacture.Additionally,womenenteredlumbermills,autoandaircraftfactories,electricalandmunitionsindustries,andtelephoneoperation.However,women'sexperiencesinthesetraditionallymasculinejobsduringthewarweretransitory.Oncethewarwasover,womenreturnedtomorefemaledominatedwork(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).Duringthispostwarperiod,occupationalsexsegregationwasonceagainprevalent.In1900,approximately90.2%ofworkingwomenworkedinonly25of252occupations.Fortyyearslater,notmuchhadchanged,for86.7%ofworkingwomenwereemployedintheseoccupations(Hooks,1947).Womenwereamajority(90%)inonly11of451occupationsin1940.

Althoughheldbackbyracialdiscrimination,Blackwomenandmenalsoenterednewoccupationsandindustriesduringthisperiod.However,aslateas1910,95%ofallBlackwomencontinuedtoworkinagricultureanddomesticandpersonalservice.Blackwomenenteredthelowerlevelsoftheworkhierarchy(e.g.,textile,clothing,andfoodindustriestobaccofactoriesandwoodproductmanufacture)asWhitewomenlefttraditionaljobsforbetteroccupationsduringthewar(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).InthesamewaythatWhitewomenlostmanyoftheirgainstomenafterthewar,BlackwomenlostthesegainsasWhitewomenmovedbackintotheseprewaroccupations.

AsaresultofgreatchangesintechnologyduringWorldWarII,womenagainmadesignificantprogressinlaborforceparticipation,occupationalintegration,andearnings.From1940to1944,womenincreasedintheworkforcebyalmost50%,up6millionto20.6million(24.7%35%).In1944,thenumberofmarriedwomenintheworkforceexceededthenumberofsinglewomenforthefirsttime(44%vs.43%).Thegreatestincreaseofwomenoccurredinwarrelatedmanufacturing(R.Marshall&Paulin,1987).

BlackwomenalsomadesignificantgainsduringWorldWarII.Again,theyinitiallymovedintojobsatthelowerendoftheworkhierarchy(jobsleftbyWhitewomen)andthenfilteredintowarindustries.DuringthistimetherewasaparalleldecreaseinthepercentageofBlackwomeninfarming,domestics,personalservice,andsoforth.Thiswasatimeofmuchchangeandnumeroussocietalandlegalcontradictions.Forexample,whereasthemeninournationwerecalledontobepatrioticandtofightforfreedomandequality,womenwereshutoutofmanyoccupationsandindustriesinmanystates.Awomanwasnotallowedtomakepropertytransactionswithoutherhusband'sconsent,toenterintocontracts,orevenobtainlegalguardianshipofchildren.Further,Blackpeoplewere

barredfromcertainrestaurantsandhotels.Economically,women(WhiteorBlack)werenotpaidthesamewagesinjobsheldbyWhitemales.

Duringthepostwarperiodofthe1960sto1970s,womenbecamepermanentparticipantsintheworkforce.Furthermore,duringthe1970s,marriedwomenparticipatedintheworkforceatratessimilartothoseofsingleanddivorcedwomen(Reskin&Padavic,1994).Throughacombinationofeconomic,social,andtechnicalchanges,womenmovedfromthemargintothemainstreamintermsofparticipation.Ratherthanbeingincidentalworkers,womenwereasignificantcoreoftheworkforce.By1985,menprovidedthesoleincomeinlessthan15%ofU.S.households.Historically,BlackandminoritywomenhavehadhigherparticipationratesintheworkforcethanWhitewomen.Whitewomentypicallyarepulledintotheworkforceduetolabormarketdemands(Iglehart,1979).Furthermore,traditionalsexrolenorms,especiallyregardingworkandgender(discussedinchapter3),cannotbegeneralizedfromoneracialgrouptoanother,asmanydonotholdforBlackwomen(King,1975).Whenwritersinthepopularpressdescribedthedramaticincreaseofwomenintheworkforceduringthe1980s,theyoftenwerereferringtothestatisticsonWhitewomen.Therewas,asTable1.1shows,adramaticincreaseintheparticipationofWhitewomeninpaidworkbetween1963and1998.AlthoughbothBlackwomen(4864%)andWhitewomen(3759%)showedsignificantinroadsintotheworkforcebetween1963and1998,BlackwomenhistoricallyshowgreaterlaborforceparticipationthanWhitewomen.By1998,79%ofmenand60%ofwomenparticipatedinthelaborforce.Furthermore,morethan75%ofwomen35to44yearsoldparticipatedinthelaborforce(Reskin&Padavic,1994).Figure1.1

Table1.1ProportionofMenandWomeninPaidWork

Men Women

Year Men Women White Black&Other White Black&Other

1963 81.4 38.3 81.5 80.2 37.7 48.1

1970 79.7 43.3 80.0 76.5 42.6 49.5

1980 77.4 51.5 78.2 70.6 51.2 53.2

990 76.4 57.5 77.1 71.0 57.4 58.3

1998 79.0 60.0 77.5 73.1 59.3 64.3

Note:19631976datafromU.S.WorkingWomen:ADatabook,U.S.DepartmentofLabor,BureauofLaborStatistics,1977,Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.19771982datafromStatisticalAbstracts,U.S.DepartmentofCommerce,BureauoftheCensus,1991,1997,Washington,DC:U.SDepartmentofCommerce.1990datafromBulletin2307,U.S.BureauofLaborStatistics,1995,Washington,DC:U.S.GovernmentPrintingOffice.1998datafromTheEmploymentSituation,[online],1998,July2,available:stats.bls.gov.newrels.htms.

Fig11.TrendsinUSlaborforceparticipationratesbysex,1890to1992DatafromUSBureauoftheCensus,1975,pp.131132USBureauoftheCensus,1992d,Table609U.SWomen'sBureau,1993,p.1Source:Reskin,BandPadavic,

1(1994).Womenandmenatwork.pp24,copyright1999byPineForgePress.ReprintedbypermissionofPineForgePress

showsmaleandfemaleparticipationratesintheU.S.workforcefrom1890to1992.Participationratesin1990ofmenandwomenfromaroundtheworldareshowninFig.1.2.

ModelforUnderstandingMenandWomeninaDiverseWorkforce

AframeworkoutlinedinTable1.2isproposedforexaminingsexandgenderissuesatwork.Theframeworkorganizesthematerialpresentedinthistextinthewaythatweseethelinkagesamongthechapters.Althoughthisframeworkisstraightforward,itconveysthenotionthatbehavioratworkiscomplexlydeterminedbybothpersonalandsituationalfactors,someofwhicharemoremutableormodifiablethanothers.The

Page13

Fig.1.2.Percentageofeconomicallyactivewomenandmenages15andoverforselectedcountries,1990FromUnitedNations,1991,Table8,pp.104107.Source:Reskin,BandPadavic,I(1994).womenandmenatwork.pp.2828.copyright1999byPine

ForgePressReprintedbypermissionofPineForgePress.

Table1.2FrameworkDepictingLinkagesAmongChaptersPresentedinThisBook

Context Processes IndividualandOrganizationalOutcomes

Stereotypes Discrimination/occupationalsegregation

(chapter3) (chapters7&8)

Culture Physicalattractiveness Sexualharassment

(chapter4) (chapter9)

Society Languageandcommunication Careermanagement


Organization Powerandworkrelationships Leadership


Stressandhealth

(chapter12)

bookdescribestopicsintermsofbothpersoncenteredandsituationcenteredexplanations,buttheemphasisvariesfromonechaptertothenext.Attributesoftheindividualareusedastheprimarycausesofoutcomeswhenpersoncenteredexplanationsareemployed.Theseindividualfactorscanincludeone'sphysicalattractiveness,thewayonespeaks,andhowfeminineormasculineoneappearstobe.Ontheotherhand,whencharacteristicsofthesituationareemployedasprimaryexplanatoryagents,thenamoresituationcenteredapproachistaken.

AsTable1.2suggests,thesocietyandcultureinwhichweliveandtheorganizationsinwhichweworkreflectthecontextorsituation,andthiscontextinfluencesseveralbasicprocessesthatinturninfluencebehaviorsandoutcomesintheworkplace.Examplesofbasicprocessesincludestereotypes(especiallymaleandfemalesexrolestereotypes),theeffectsofattractivenessonmenandwomeninorganizations,malefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesintheuseoflanguageandincommunicationstyles,andmalefemalesimilaritiesanddifferencesinaccesstoanduseofpowerinorganizations.Thesebasicprocessvariablesinfluenceanumberoforganizationaloutcomes,includingdiscriminationandoccupationalsegregationintheworkplace,sexualharassment,malefemaledifferencesincareerdevelopment,theexerciseandtheeffectsofleadershipinorganizationalsettings,andstress.

StructureoftheBook

Theprincipalgoalofthisbookistointegrateresearchliteraturesongenderissuesthataffectworkplacebehaviorsandcommunicatethesefindingstoupperlevelundergraduateandgraduatestudentsinappliedpsychologyandbusiness.Currentsocialpsychologicalandmanagementtheoriesandempiricalresearchontheprocessesandbasicissuesrelated

tosexandgenderinorganizationsarepresented.Thefirsttwochapterslaythegroundworkfordiscussingtherangeoftopicsinthisbook.Followingtheseintroductorychapters,thebookisorganizedintotwoparts.InPartI,thebasicsocialpsychologicalandsocietalelementsthatsetthestageformalefemaleinteractionsintheworkplacearepresented.Researchonsocialstereotypesofwomenandmenisreviewedinchapter3.Thischapterconsiderstheinfluenceofsuchstereotypesonone'ssenseofselfandonothers'expectationsandbehaviors.Chapter4coverstheempiricalliteratureonattractiveness,akeyphysicalcharacteristicthataffectsbothmen'sandwomen'sbehaviorsandinteractions.Thisalsoconsidersthelinksbetweenattractivenessandinterpersonalrelationshipsandonefacetofsexualityromanceintheworkplace.Inchapter5,similaritiesanddifferencesinwomen'sandmen'suseoflanguageandcommunicationintheworkplacearepresented.Becauseoralcommunicationisabasicchannelforconveyinginformation,differencesbetweenmenandwomeninstylesorcontentofcommunicationmayleadtomisperceptions,misunderstanding,andperpetuationofcounterproductivestereotypesandattitudesintheworkplace.ThefinalchapterinPartI(chapter6)examinesresearchonpowerintheworkplace,includingvariousbasesofpowerandperceptionsandreactionsbyotherstotheexerciseofpowerbywomenandmen.

PartIIfocusesonworkrelateddomainswheretheprocessesdescribedinPartIarelikelytoaffectworkbehavior.Inchapter7,psychologicalexplanationsunderlyingdiscriminationatworkarediscussed.Researchonoccupationalsegregationandgenderdiscriminationisreviewed,anddifferentexplanationsfordiscriminationarecompared.Chapter8presentslegalissuesandlawsprotectingthestatusofwomenandmenintheworkplace.Chapter9presentspsychologicalresearchandtheorydealingwithsexualharassmentintheworkplace.Ourexaminationofsexualharassmentpaysparticularattentiontotheconditionsunderwhichitismorelikelytooccuranditseffectsonwomenandmen.

Oneofthemostcriticalissuestoemergefromchangingpatternsofwomen'semploymentistheneedforbothmenandwomentobalanceworkandfamily.Thecareerdevelopmentcycleisdescribedinchapter10aswellassomeuniquefactorsthatinfluenceandshapewomen'scareers.Inaddition,suchissuesasmentoring,pregnancyandchildcare,anddualcareerissuesarediscussedastheyimpactcareerexperiencesofwomenandmen.Inchapter11,thediscussionturnstoleadership.Therehasbeenmuchpopularliteratureontheneedfornewleadershipstylesthatwillbeeffectiveforanincreasinglydiverseworkforce.Researchonmaleandfemaleleadershipbehaviorsisreviewedinchapter11,withspecialemphasisonstudiesexamininggendercomparisonsinleaderstyles,decisionmaking,andglassceilingeffects.Chapter12examines

stressandhealthrelatedfactorsthataffectmaleandfemaleworkers,includingstressresearchconductedusingbiologicalandpsychologicalperspectives.

Thefinalchapterofthebook(chapter13)examineswhatorganizationsandindividualscandototurndiversityfromaproblemintoanopportunity,enhancingtheresponsivenessoftheworkplacetoindividualdifferences,andwaysinwhichorganizationscanenhancetheproductivityandsatisfactionofalltheirmembers.

Summary

Althoughwomenandmenhavealwaysengagedinpurposefulactivity,thesetofactivitiesthatmanypeopleconsiderworkoremploymentisnotalwaysclear.Historically,menandwomenworkedsidebysidetogetherinthefields.Today,however,adistinctionismadebetweenpaid,publicworkexternaltothefamilyandunpaid,privateworkinthehome.Eachofthesespheresofworkhascometobesextyped,withpaidworkbeingviewedbymanyasthedomainofmalesandunpaidworkinthehomethedomainoffemales.Theseperceptionsarechangingbutarestilldeepseatedinmanyrespects.

Historically,menandwomenhavehadverydifferentexperiencesofwork.Menhaveeithersecuredgoodsorworkedexternaltothefamilyunit,whereaswomenoftenhaveworkedmoreintegrallyaspartofthatunit.Beginningwithindustrializationandcontinuingtotheworkplacetoday,men'sandwomen'sexperiencesofworkhavevariedsignificantly,largelyduetothecontinuingsexsegregationofoccupations.However,withtheonsetoftwoworldwars,bothBlackandWhitewomensteadilyincreasedtheirnumbersintheexternal,paidworkforce.Duringthe1990s,themajorityofbothmenandwomen,BlackandWhite,wereemployedoutsideofthefamilyunit.

Withtheinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelast20years,therehasbeenincreasedattentiontocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenonanumberofworkrelatedattributesandbehaviors.Thisbookisdesignedtointegrateresearchfromanumberoffieldstoprovidemultipleperspectivesontheissuesfacingmenandwomenintoday'sworkplace.Theformatofthisbookisguidedbyamultilevelmodeloffactorsthatshapeandinfluencetherelationshipsandbehaviorsamongmenandwomenatwork.Keyfactorsthatprovidethefoundationformalefemale,malemale,andfemalefemaleinteractionsatworkarediscussedinchapters3through6(genderstereotyping,physicalattractivenessandinterpersonalrelations,languageandcommunication,andpowerrelations).These

factorsarecriticalinunderstandinghowmenandwomenbehaveandcomparetoeachotherintermsofmoretraditionalandworkrelatedconcernssuchassexualharassment,workplacediscrimination,leadership,careersanddualcareerissues,andworkstressandhealth,topicsthatareaddressedinchapters7through13.

Glossary

Employment:Activitiesortasksthatoneengagesinforpay.

Humanresourcemanagement:Sectionwithinanorganizationwhosefunctionistoattractandselectqualifiedjobapplicants,developperformancemanagementandcompensationsystemsthatalignemployeebehaviorswithorganizationalgoals,andassistinthedevelopmentandretentionofadiverseworkforcetomeetcurrentandfutureorganizationalrequirements.

Occupationalsexsegregation:Theconcentrationofwomeninoccupationsthatarepredominantlyfemaleandtheconcentrationofmeninoccupationsthatarelargelymale.

Personcenteredexplanations:Explanationsthatuseattributesoftheindividualastheprimarycausesofimportantoutcomesordifferences.

Situationcenteredexplanations:Explanationsthatusecharacteristicsofthesituationasprimaryexplanatoryagentsofsimilaritiesordifferencesinimportantbehaviorsandoutcomes.

Work:Purposefulactivity,usuallyforpay,gain,ormaintenance.

2UnderstandingMen'sandWomen'sExperiencesintheWorkplace:MethodsandTheoreticalPerspectives

I.Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork

A.ApproachestoUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons

1.BiologicalModels

2.SocializationModels

3.SocialStructural/CulturalModelsofGender

B.Connotationsof''SexDifferences"and"GenderDifferences"

C.ConsiderationsintheConductofResearchonSexandGender

1.TheoreticalParadigms

2.BiasesintheStagesofResearch

3.EvolutionofResearchonGenderComparisons

II.UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations

III.Summary

Beforeweexamineresearchandtheoryonthewaysmenandwomendealwith,progressin,andinteractintheworkplace,itisusefultostepbackandexaminethewayswetalkabout,thinkabout,andwriteaboutsex,gender,andsexuality.Someauthorswouldhaveusbelievemenandwomenaresofundamentallydifferentthattheymightaswellinhabitdifferentplanets(e.g.,MenAreFromMars,WomenAreFromVenusbyGray,1992),whereasotherssuggestthattherearenorealdifferencesandthatwhatweseeasessentialdifferencesinthebehaviorsofmenandwomenareinfactnothingmorethansocialconventions.Theoryandresearchonsex,gender,andsexualityaregreatlycomplicatedbythenumberofperspectivesonhowweshouldviewwhethermenandwomenaresimilarordifferentandhowweshouldintegrateresearchonsimilaritiesanddifferencesatonelevel(e.g.,adultmenandwomenshowsimilarlevelsofverbalability)withsimilaritiesanddifferencesatanother(e.g.,regardlessofoccupation,womenaremorelikelythanmentotakegreaterresponsibilityforchildcare).

Men'sandWomen'sExperiencesofWork

Inrecentyears,theinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceingeneral,andintonontraditionaloccupationsinparticular,hasledtoincreasedattentioninthepopularmedia.Oneresultoftherecentprofusionofbooks,magazinearticles,andnewspaperstoriesdealingwiththesetopicsisanincreasinglevelofconfusionaboutwhetherthereare,infact,sexorgenderdifferencesbetweenwomenandmenoriftherearesuchdifferences,inwhatways(i.e.,personality,skills,leadership,intelligence,etc.)menandwomendiffer,howmuchtheydiffer,andwhetherthedifferencesreallymeananything.Althoughitwouldbeconvenienttoplacemuchofthisconfusiononthedoorstepofthemedia,theresponsibilitycanbeequallysharedbothbythescientificcommunityandbythemediainattemptingtointerpretresearchfindings,andcommunicatethemtothepublic.

Thereareatleastthreesourcesofconfusioninunderstandingandinterpretingresearchfindingscomparingmenandwomen:

1.Theapproaches,theories,orexplanationsforobservedorunobserveddifferencesbetweenwomenandmen.

2.Thetermsusedtodescribesuchcomparisons(i.e.,sexorgenderdifferences).

3.Researchbiasesassociatedwithcomparingmenandwomenatworkandinothersettings.

Thesethreesourcesofconfusionarenotcompletelyindependentfromeithertheresearcherinvestigatinggendercomparisonsorthestudentlearningaboutthem.Forexample,anindividualmaybelieve,aspartofhisorhervaluesystem,thatmenandwomendodiffersubstantiallyfromeachotherbecause,"Gee,justlookatthem.Theylookdifferent,sotheirbiologicalmakeupmustbedifferent."Giventhisbeliefaboutthesourceofdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen,anindividualmayusewordsorlanguagesthatconnotesorimpliesthatalldifferencesbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicalandperhapsimmutable.

Bothone'sbeliefsaboutexplanationsforobservedgenderdifferencesandthewordsoneusestoreinforcethosebeliefsinfluenceand,perhapstosomeextent,determinetheinformationthatboththeresearcherandthestudentgatherabouttheactualbehaviorofmenandwomen.Forexample,ifaresearcherbelievedthatalldifferencesbetweenwomenandmenweretheresultofanunfaireducationalsystemandadiscriminatoryworkenvironment,thenprogramscouldbedesignedandimplementedattheearlyschoolagelevelaswellaswithinorganizationstocombatsuchbehavior.Ontheotherhand,ifaresearcherbelievedthatmaleandfemalebehaviorwasbiologicallydetermined,therewouldbelittleincentivetodesignorimplementsuchprograms.Eachofthesethreesourcesofconfusioninunderstandinggendercomparisonsisdiscussednext.Inaddition,thenotionofsexualityinorganizationsisaddressedasamuchignoredissueintheorganizationalresearchliterature.

ApproachestoUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons

Numeroustheoriesandmodelsexisttoexplainhowsexandgenderrelatedbehaviorsemergeorareacquired(Deaux&Major,1987).Theseapproachescanbegroupedintothreemajorcategories:biological,socialization,andstructuralculturalmodels.Theseperspectivesarenotmutuallyexclusive.AsTable2.1indicates,eachperspectivemakescertainassumptionsaboutthebasesandchangeabilityofdifferentbehaviorsamongmenandwomen.

BiologicalModels

Thefocusofthebiologicalmodelsofsexandgenderrelatedbehavioristoidentifygenetic,hormonal,andphysicalfactorsthatdeterminethebehaviorofmenandwomen(e.g.,E.O.Wilson,1975).Fewpeopledoubtthatbiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninfluencebehavioratleasttosomedegree.However,thereisdisagreementbothamongexpertsinthisfieldandamongthepublicastothedegreetowhichourbehavior,especiallysocialbehavior,isdeterminedbyoursex.Twoassumptionsofthebiologicalapproachesare

Table2.1KeyFeaturesofthePerspectivesforUnderstandingSexandGenderComparisons

PerspectiveKeyFeatures

Biological Implicitlyassumesexistingdifferencesbetweenwomenandmen.

Differencesareduetogenetic,hormonal,andphysicalfactors.

Differencesareimmutable.

Differencesarenecessaryforsurvival.

Researchgoalistoreinforcedetectingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.

Drawbackisthatdifferencesmaybeexaggerated.

Socialization Acknowledgesobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.

Assumesthatmenandwomenbehavedifferentlyasaresultoflearning.

Differencesobservedarenotimmutableandaresubjecttochange.

Differencesemergeaspartofsocialandcognitivedevelopmentprocess.

Researchfocusisondescribingwayschildrenandadultslearngenderidentityandsocialrulesthatcontributetoobserveddifferences.

Drawbackisthatsmall,systematicbiologicalvariationsamongmenandwomenmightbeignored.

Structural/cultural Assumesfewinherentdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.

Differencesobservedaretheresultofsocialstructuresandsystemsthatreinforcesuchdifferencestoreinforcecurrentpowerhierarchy

Differencesarechangeable.

Differencesexisttokeepthepowerfulincontrolandthepowerlesswithoutpower.

Researchfocusisonidentifyingsimilarityorsamenessbetweenmenandwomeninsimilaroridenticalcontexts.

Drawbackispotentialtoignoresmallyetrealindividualvariationamongmenandwomen.

thatdifferencesexistbetweenmenandwomen,andthatmalenessandfemalenessaregivencharacteristicsoftheindividualthatprovidethefoundationfordifferencesinsocialbehavior(Hess&Ferree,1987).

Usingthebiologicalapproach,researcherstendtoexpect,lookfor,andconfirmdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandtousethesedifferencestoexplainmalesuperiorityanddominancebyimplyingthatsuchdifferencesare"large,sociallysignificantandconsistentlyfavormen"(Hess&Ferree,1987,p.14).Forexample,earlyresearchonthetopicofintelligencefocusedonidentifyingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomeninintellectualfunction.Thepopularargumentwasthatbrainsizewasadirectindicatorofintelligencetherefore,women,whoonaveragehavesmallerbrains,mustbelessintelligentthanmen(Hyde,1990).Althoughactualevidenceofthiswasmixed,researchers"refining"thislogicthenhypothesizedthatvariousfunctionsofthebrainwerelocatedindifferentregions.Itwasfurtherbelievedatthistimethatthefrontallobesofthebrainwerethelocationofthehighestmentalabilitiesnotsurprisingly,

researchersclaimedthatmenhadlargerfrontallobesthanwomen.Whenempiricaldataonceagainfailedtosupportthisclaim,researchersreconsideredandassertedthattheparietallobeswerethesiteofintelligence.Onceagain,becausewomenpossessedsmallerparietallobesthanmen,theywerethereforedeemedlessintelligent(Shields,1975Unger&Crawford,1992).In1910,areviewofthepsychologicalresearchongenderdifferencesinintelligencefoundnosupportfortheargumentthatbrainsizewasanindicatorofintelligence.Furthermore,researchinthisareawasfoundtobeflawedandtoreflect"flagrantpersonalbias...andunfoundedassertions"(Woolley,1910,p.340).Aftercorrectingforbodysize,theresimplyisnosignificantdifferencebetweenthebrainsizesofwomenandmen(Gould,1981Unger&Crawford,1992).

Thereareatleasttwovariationsofthebiologicalapproachtoexplainingdifferencesamongmenandwomen.Functionalism(Lips,1988Shields,1975)involvesunderstandinghowanimalbehaviorsandmentalprocessesarefunctionalforsurvival.Itisassumedthatmenandwomenhavedifferentandcomplementaryfunctionstoensuresurvivalandthattheyhaveeachevolvedinwaysthataddressthesedifferentfunctions(Lips,1988).Forexample,accordingtofunctionalism,womenarenaturallymorenurturantthanmenandmenarenaturallymoreaggressivethanwomen,tofacilitatehumansurvivalthroughchildrearingandprovidingfoodandshelter.Althoughfunctionalismisseductively(nopunintended)simple,thereislittleevidencesupportingitsassumptions.

Asecondbiologicalperspectivethathasemergedrecentlyisknownassociobiology.Accordingtothisapproach,menandwomenhaveevolveddifferentmethodsofsexualselectionandreproductiontoensurethesurvivaloftheirowngenes(Lips,1988).Thatis,itisbelievedthatmenhaveaninnatetendencytotrytoreproducetheirowngeneswithasmanywomenaspossible.Women,ontheotherhand,tendtobemoreselectiveandattempttochooseonlythebestmalesforreproductionbecausewomencommitmoretimeandenergytoreproduction(i.e.,bearingandnurturingthechild).Sociobiologistsstatethatoursocialbehaviorsandcharacteristicsaregeneticallybased,whichmakessocialpatternsofbehaviorpredeterminedor"wiredin."WhereasDarwinwasconcernedwithsurvivalofthefittestwithrespecttophysicalcharacteristics,sociobiologistsareconcernedwiththegeneticbasesofsocialbehavior.Therefore,thetheoryimpliesthatsocialbehaviorssuchaswar,rape,andracismarelargelyinevitableandthatfundamentalchangesinthesocialbehaviorsofmenandwomenareunlikely(Lips,1988).Scientificopponentsofthispositionemphasizethreethemes:

1.Completelackofevidencethatspecificsocialbehaviorsarelinkedtogivengenesorsubgroupsofgenes.

2.Useofcircularlogicifabehaviorcontinuesacrossgenerations,itisgeneticandbecauseitisgenetic,thebehaviorwillpersist.

3.Selectiveinclusionoromissionofdatabasedonanimalresearchtosupportclaimsforthegeneticbasesofhumanbehavior(Lips,1988).

Onecontributionofthebiologicaldeterministsistheirrecognitionthatmenandwomenarenotbiologicallyalikeandthattheremaybelinksbetweenourbodies,ourminds,andourbehaviors.However,biologicaldeterministserroneouslyinferthatbiologicaldifferencesbetweenmenandwomenpredictspecificactionsorbehaviors.Experience,learning,andculturalstructuresinoursocietycanaffectandmaydominatetheinfluenceofbiologicalfactorsonourbehavior.Forexample,peopleinterpretandlabelbodilychangesconsistentwithculturalandsocialnormsandthecuesprovidedintheimmediatesocialcontext(Averill,1982Mandler,1984Tavris&Wade,1984).Furthermore,whenpeoplebelievethatatraitissexlinked,thebiologicalapproachsuggeststhatallmembersofonesexandnoneoftheothersexpossessit.Thiscertainlyisnottrue.Finally,becausewetendtobecomeimmersedinourownviewpoint(Tavris&Wade,1984),biologicalresearchersmayexaggeratesexdifferencesorassumesexdifferencesinareaswheretheyhavenotbeendocumented.Theremayalsobeatendencytoinferinappropriatelyfromresearchonbraincellstocomplexsocialandbehavioraldifferences.

SocializationModels

Thesocializationmodelssuggestthatgenderidentityanddifferencesbetweenwomenandmenareacquiredbyhowwepassthroughvariousdevelopmentalstages.Sexdifferencesingenderidentityandrolesresultfromalearningprocessthatinvolvesmodeling,imitation,andreinforcement.Forexample,knowledgeofgenderstereotypesincreasesbetweenpreschoolandcollege(DelBoca&Ashmore,1980),andsamesexmodelingalsoincreasesduringthesameperiod(Bussey&Bandura,1984)withboyswatchingotherboysandmentolearnacceptablebehaviorandgirlsobservingothergirlsandwomen.Thelearningprocessmaybemorecomplexthansimplymodelingandimitation,however.Thereisevidencethatchildrenareactiveparticipantsinlearningandactivelystrivetounderstandsocialrulesandtobeviewedassociallycompetent.However,genderroleexpectationscannotbelearneduntilthechildhasreachedaspecificstageofintellectualdevelopment.Oncethechildhaslearnedtocategorizehimorherselfasmaleorfemale,thegendercategorywillbeusedtorecognize,organize,andattachvaluetootherbehaviors.Thechildactivelysearchesforcuesregardingcompetentandcorrectbehaviorratherthanbeingapassiverecipientinthelearningprocess(Lips,1988).

Thesocializationmodelshavereceivedempiricalsupport(Bussey&Bandura,1984Bussey&Perry,1982Coker,1984DelBoca&Ashmore,1980Leahy&Shirk,1984Reis&Wright,1982)althoughsomeresearchfindingsaremixed(Bussey&Bandura,1984C.L.Martin&Halverson,1983O'Keefe&Hyde,1983).Twoexamplesofthisapproach,sociallearningandcognitivedevelopmenttheories,focusmoreonhowgendersimilaritiesanddifferencesoccurratherthanonwhysuchdifferencesoccur(Lips,1988).Foramoredetaileddiscussionoftheseapproaches,refertoLips(1988).Onecontributionofthesocializationmodelsistheviewthatbehaviorsamongwomenandmencananddochange.Furthermore,thisapproachsuggeststhatlearningatvariousdevelopmentalstagesmaybeonemethodforimplementingoraffectingbehaviorchangeamongmenandwomen.

SocialStructuralCulturalModelsofGender

Biologists,physiologists,andpsychophysiologistshavebeenthesourceofbiologicaltheoriesofsexandgender,whereassociallearningandsocializationtheorieshavebeenpopularamongpsychologists.Thesocialstructuralapproach,whichisgainingacceptanceinpsychology,haslongbeenpopularamongsociologistsandanthropologists(Lips,1988).Thisapproachfocusesonthesocialstructure,systems,andarrangementsthatdefineandsupportgenderdifferencesandonthereasonswhyoursocietysupportslittleboysandgirlslearningthesemessages(Lips,1988).Thefeaturesofsocialstructurethathavebeenexaminedoftenarepowerandstatusdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen(Gitter,Black,&Mostofsky,1972Henley,1972Kanter,1975,1977aWeitz,1976)andthedivisionoflaborreflectingmen'sworkandwomen'swork(W.T.Bielby&Baron,1984Nieva&Gutek,1981bWalby,1986).

Accordingtothisperspective,numerousinstitutions(e.g.,educational,political,military,andreligious,amongothers)havetraditionalwaysofperformingtheirfunctions.Thesetraditionshavebecomeinstitutionalizedasthecorrectorfightwaystooperate(LipmenBlumen,1984).Societalmembers,includingthosewhoacquiredandmaintainpowerthroughthesetraditionsandthosewhoarerenderedpowerlessthroughsuchtraditions,cometoacceptthemasnatural(Cleveland&Kerst,1993Lips,1991).Thenaturalappearanceofsocietalsystemsisasourceofinstitutionalizedorsocietalpowerthathelpstokeepthepowerfulinpowerandthepowerlessdocile.Structuralorinstitutionalpowerappearssonaturalthatitisdifficultforeitherthepowerfulorthepowerlesstoquestionit.Thereisevidencethatitisparticularlydifficultforwomentoseetheirpowerlessnessatworkbecausetheyfrequentlyjoinmorepowerfulmeninothersexgendersystemsincludingmarriageandchildbearing(LipmenBlumen,1984).Thatis,especiallyWhitewomenmayhavedifficultyseeing

theirpowerlessnessbecausetheyarenotseparateorsegregatedfromthemorepowerfulgroup.Becausethesewomenderivesomeadvantagefrommorepowerfulmales,itisdifficulttoidentifytheirownweakness.

Ontheotherhand,whenthelesspowerfulliveapartfromthepowerful(e.g.,racialsegregation),thereisincreasedawarenessofpowerimbalances(LipmenBlumen,1984).Poweristhe"infrastructure"ofthesexgendersystem.Genderrolesprovidethebasisforallotherpowerrelationsincludingpowerrelationsbetweengenerations,socioeconomicclasses,andreligious,racial,andethnicgroups(LipmenBlumen,1984).Therefore,reinforcementandsupportforgenderrolesareveryimportantformaintainingthestatusquoandimpedingrealchange.

Asecondwaytheculturalstructuralapproachhasbeenappliedtocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenistoinvestigatethesexstructureandsegregationofmenandwomeninworkactivitiespaidandunpaid,internalandexternaltothehome.Thislineofresearchisnotcompletelyindependentoftheresearchonpower.Forexample,Kanter(1977a)andothers(Eagly,1983Ragins&Sundstrom,1989)foundthatthestructureofjobsinorganizationsaffectsone'sabilitytoexercisepowerandinfluence.Womenaremorelikelytooccupyjobsthatlackpowerand,therefore,findlittleopportunitytoexerciseit.Thereisevidencethatwomenarealsoexcludedfrominformalpowerandopportunitystructureswithinorganizations(Kanter,1977a).Thewaysinwhichwomenaretreatedinorganizationsperpetuatethisstructuralsegregation.Forexample,althoughthereislittleevidenceofgenderbiasinperformanceappraisalbasedonpastperformance,thereisconsistentbiasinselection,promotion,andperceivedcausesofperformancethatfavorsmen(Cleveland&Kerst,1993Nieva&Gutek,1981a).Furthermore,womenfinditdifficulttogainpowerbyeitherpersonalstrategies(e.g.,beingassertiveorhavingcontroloverrewards)orbystructuralones(e.g.,beinginapositiontosecurevaluedorganizationalinformation).Personalpowercannotovercomestructuralbarriers(H.L.Smith&Grenier,1982).Forexample,althoughawomanpersonallycanbeassertiveandhavecontrolovertheallocationsofrewards,shewillremainlesspowerfulifsheoccupiesapositionoroccupationthatisnotvitaltoorganizationalsurvivalorishousedwithinadepartmentthatisnotcentraltotheorganization'smission(Kanter,1977aRagins&Sundstrom,1989V.E.Schein,1977).

Sexsegregationinmostoccupationshasbeenresistanttochange(Colwill,1982).Giventhepercentageofwomenwhowouldberequiredtochangejobsinordertobalancetheproportionofmenandwomeninoccupationswithintheworkplace(F.D.Blau,1978),therewaslittlechangebetween1900and1970.Althoughwomenhavebeenenteringprofessionalschoolsinincreasingnumberssince1970,estimatessuggestthatitwouldtake100yearsatthecurrentrateofchangebeforewomen'srepresentation

inmanagerialjobsequalstheirrepresentationinthejobmarket(Colwill,1982).Thehighestpercentagesofemployedwomenaresecretaries,nurses,teachers,andsocialworkerstheyarealsomarried.Furthermore,increasesinfemaleemploymentmayreinforceandexacerbatesexsegregationofjobsbecausemostwomencontinuetoenterservicepositionsthatentailnurturingandcaretakingorpositionsthatrequirephysicalbeauty(Colwill,1982Prather,1971).Jobsegregationbysexprovidesthebasisandjustificationforlowerwagesforwomen(Hartmann,1979).Furthermore,itisaprimarymeansbywhichoursocietymaintainsmen'spoweroverwomen.Occupationalsegregationwillbediscussedinrelationtoworkplacediscriminationinchapter7.

ImplicationsofSexSegregationofWork

Sexsegregationofworkhasimplications,beyondwomen'sandmen'semployment,forsocialization,educationalaspirations,discrimination,andorganizationstructure(Colwill,1982).Socializationdoesnotendonceoneleaveschildhoodandenterstheworkforce.Womenaresociallyreinforcedforabilitiesnecessaryforcaretakingjobs,abilitiesthatareseenasnaturalforwomen.Menatworkarealsoreinforcedforsuchstereotypicalabilitiesortraitsasassertiveness,leadership,andstrength.Beyondthesesocialrewards,organizationseconomicallyrewardandreinforcedisplaysofsexorgenderrolesandbehaviorsthatperpetuatethesegregationofwork.Sexsegregationofoccupationscontributestodifferenteducationalandtrainingaspirationsamongyounggirlsandboys.Girlslearnearlytoavoidhighprestigejobs,whereasboysprefersuchoccupations.Thesepreferencesmaypromptboysandgirlstoseekdifferenttrainingandeducationconsistentwiththeirsexroles(Barnett,1975Colwill,1982).Sexsegregationofoccupationsprovidesthefoundationforsexbaseddiscriminationinatleasttwoways:accesstojobs(e.g.,refusingtohireindividualsforspecificpositionsonthebasisofsex,ordiscriminatoryrecruiting),andpreferentialtreatmentonthejobwithrespecttopayorpromotion(Levitin,Quinn,&Staines,1971).Finally,organizationalstructuresreflectthestructureoftheU.S.societyandshapewomen'sandmen'sbehaviors(Colwill,1982).Thatis,thestructureoforganizations(includingoccupationalstructures)andsocietyprovidesdifferentialopportunitiesandresourcestomenandwomen,whichdifferentiallyinfluencetheiraspirations,ambitions,andcommitmenttowork,whichinturnperpetuatesgenderdifferencesandreinforcessocietalexpectationsofmaleandfemalebehavioratwork.Occupationalsexsegregationisdiscussedintermsoflinkstodiscriminationintheworkplaceinchapter6.

Proponentsofthestructuralapproachmaintainthattoomuchattentionhasbeengiventoidentifyingdifferencesbetweenmenandwomenandexplainingthoseobserveddifferencesasgeneticallybased,immutableto

culturalinfluences.Structuralproponentspointtoresearchevidencethatsocialtrainingcanovercometraditionalsextypingandtopsychologicalandphysiologicaldatashowingasignificantoverlapbetweenmenandwomenonsexlinkedtraitsthatmaybemoreimportantthantheaveragedifferencesbetweenthem(Maccoby&Jacklin,1974).Forexample,someresearchershavefoundthat40%ofwomenmayshowgreaterassertivenessthanmales,whereasasimilarpercentageofmenexhibitmoreinterdependence(ordependenceonothers)thanfemales(McCleland,1975).However,theseresearchfindingstendtobeignoredinboththescientificandpopularpress(LipmenBlumen,1984).

Connotationsof"SexDifferences"and"GenderDifferences"

Thedebatesinthemediaovertheuseoftermssuchasgenderversussex,comparisonsversusdifferences,mayseemlikesplittinghairs.However,anumberofimportantissuesareinvolvedinthechoiceoftermsandinthespecificlanguageusedtodescribetheissuesfacedbybothwomenandmeninwhatwasoncetheexclusivedomainofthemale,thatis,theworldofpaidwork.Specifically,thetermsexisdefinedbybiologicaldifferencesingeneticcompositionandreproductiveanatomyandfunction(Unger&Crawford,1992).Thetermgenderreflectsasociety'sorculture'sinterpretationsoforconstructionsbasedonthecharacteristicsassociatedwithbiologicalsex.Biologicalsexservesasaphysicalcuetobegintheprocessofsocializingahumanbeingintomaleorfemalebeginningatbirthbasedontheappearanceoftheinfant'sgenitals.

Althoughgenderandsexareoftenusedinterchangeably(aswellasgenderdifferencesandsexdifferences),expertsonresearchonmenandwomen(e.g.,Unger,1979)recommendedthatsexbedistinguishedfromgenderinresearchfortworeasons.First,byusingtheminterchangeably,onecaneasilyslipintobelievingthatdifferencesintraitsbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicallydeterminedandimmutablewhensuchtraitsorbehavioraldifferencesmaybeattributabletosocietyorculture.Second,bykeepingthemdistinct,wearebetterabletorememberthathumanbehaviorisdeterminedincomplexways.Biologicalapproachestendtodescribeobserveddifferencesas"sexdifferences,"implyinggenetic,immutabledifferences,whereassocializationandsocialstructural/culturalmodelsrefertosuchobservationsas"genderdifferences,"implyingtheyarenotimmutablebutaresociallydetermined.

Thetermgenderiscomplexandcanbereflectedatthreelevels:individual,interpersonal,andsocietal(Unger&Crawford,1992).Attheindividuallevel,genderreferstothenotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Wehavecometoassociatecertaincharacteristicsandbehaviorswithmen

andwomenandassumetheyareappropriatetoeachsex.Furthermore,genderisassumedtobedichotomousanindividualiseithermasculineorfeminine,butnotboth.Genderattheindividuallevelreflectsaformofstereotyping.Forexample,itisdifficultformostpeopletobelievethatapersoncouldhavetwooppositetraits(e.g.,becompetitiveandnurturing).Ontheotherhand,theconceptofandrogynysuggeststhatmenandwomencanpossessseeminglyoppositetraits(e.g.,bothmasculineandfemininecharacteristicsBem,1979).Attheinterpersonallevel,genderinformsushowtobehaveproperlyininteractionswithothers.Oftenwhenmenandwomenbehaveidentically,theirbehaviorsareinterpretedverydifferently.Thesamebehaviorbyawomanandamanmayelicitverydifferentreactionsbyothers,reactionsthatmaydifferentiallyinhibitorenhancesubsequentbehaviorsbythemanorwoman.Thatis,others'reactionsmayreinforceandtherebyincreasetheoccurrenceofcertainbehaviorsormaydiscourageandtherebyeliminatethebehavior.Atthesocietalandstructurallevel,gendercanserveasasystemofpowerrelationsinthatitreflectsasystemofsocialclassificationorstatus.Assuch,genderinfluencesone'saccesstopowerandresources(Unger&Crawford,1992).Forexample,variousworktaskshavecometobeknownas''men'swork"or"women'swork."Thevalue,prestige,andeconomicrewardsassociatedwiththesegenderedtasksvarydramaticallywithmen'sworkmoreoftenlinkedwithgreaterpowerandfinancialrewards.

Notonlyisitimportanttoarticulateclearlytheunderlyingdistinctionsbetweensexandgender,itiscriticaltonote(andkeepinmindthroughoutthisbook)thedramaticindividualdifferencesthatcharacterizemen'sandwomen'sbehaviors.Simplyput,menarediverseanddifferonawidevarietyofphysical,mental,andemotionalcharacteristicswomenareequallydiverse.Weoftenneglectorforgetthisdiversitywithingroupsofpeople.Forexample,inoursociety,weoftenhavespokespersonsforthe"women'sview"orforthe"Blackcommunityview,"apracticethatminimizestherealityofdiversitywithinthesegroups.Yetthererarelyisonlyonespokespersonrepresentingthediverseviewsfoundinthemajoritygroup.

ConsiderationsintheConductofResearchonSexandGender

Inthissection,wediscusstheassumptionsofscientificparadigmsusedinpsychologicalandsociologicalresearchandhowourorientationstoresearchandtheworldcaninfluenceeachphaseofthescientificprocess.Thesephasesincludeproblemidentification,formulationofresearchquestions,researchdesign,analysisofresults,andinterpretationoffindings.

Manystudentsandresearchersareunawareofhowtheirownbeliefsandvaluesaffecttheirperceptions,theproblemstheyselecttoinvestigate,andtheresearchmethodstheyemploy(Unger,1983).

TheoreticalParadigms

Logicalpositivism(Wittig,1985),orthepositivistempiricistmodel,isimportanttopsychologyandmanagementbecauseitguidesmostoftheresearchintheirfields.Logicalpositivismassumesthatscientificfactsexist,thatthescientist'sjobistouncoverthosetruefacts,andthattheprocessoffactfindingisvalueneutral(Unger,1983Wittig,1985).Thisapproachfocusesonanalyzingobservablebehaviorssothatexperimenters'ownbeliefsarenotimposedontheprocess.Thatis,whatwestudyandhowwestudyitareassumedtobeindependent.However,thisassumptionofobjectivitymaybeinaccurateandmayleadtofaultyconclusions.Forexample,animalandhumanbehaviorsareoftenstudiedinlaboratorieseventhoughthispracticeremovessubjectsfromtheirnaturalsurroundingsandreducesorignoresthehistoricalcontextsoftheirbehaviors.Psychologistsandresearcherswhodenythatperceptionsoftheworlddependontheobserver'sviewpointmayalsobeunable(orunwilling)toassesstheirimpactontheirownresearch(Unger,1983).Furthermore,psychologicaltrainingleadsustolookwithinthepersonforexplanationsofsocialproblemsratherthanequallyconsideringsituationalfactors.Forexample,only16%ofthestudiesdealingwithBlackAmericansthatappearedinsixissuesofthe1970PsychologicalAbstractslookedatsituationalvariablesaspossiblecausalfactorsofbehaviors,andnostudyexaminedbothsituationalvariablesandpersonalfactorssimultaneously(N.Caplan&Nelson,1973Unger,1983).Accordingtosome,thetendencytoexplainbehaviorfromapersonorientedperspectiveisstrongeramongpsychologiststhanamongthegeneralpublic(R.L.Kahn,1972).

Althoughnotasoftenembraced,(Wittig,1985),thereareothertheoreticalperspectivesonresearchinpsychology.Subjectiverelativismassumesthatfactfinding,analysis,andconclusionsaresubjectiveinscientificresearch.Thus,itisassertedthatresearchersarequitecapableofvalidatingtheirownprejudicesthroughdatacollection.Consistentwiththistheoreticalperspective,psychologyandrelateddisciplinesareaffectedbytheresearcher'svaluesbecauseexplanatorymethodsandtheobjectsofresearch(e.g.,humanbeingsinasocialcontext)arevaluesensitive.

Athirdtheoreticalapproachtopsychologicalresearchhasemergedinrecentyears.Themajorassumptionunderlyingconstructionismisthathumanbeingsinventreality.Theroleassignedtotheoryhereismorecircumscribedinthatweattempttoexplainpsychologicalandsocialphenomenabutnotnecessarilytopredictthem.Morecomplexcausal

relationshipsareexploredandencouraged,whilelessemphasisisplacedontryingtoidentifyuniversalprinciplesanddeterministiclaws(Wittig,1985).

Eachofthesetheoreticalparadigmsacknowledgesinvaryingdegreesinherentbiasesthataccompanyeachapproach.However,thelogicalpositivistparadigmcontinuestobethemorewidelyusedapproachtothescientificstudyofmenandwomenatwork.Yetwithitsassumptionofscientificobjectivity,researcherswhoenthusiasticallyembracelogicalpositivismmaylullthemselvesintobelievingthattheirresearchiswithoutbias.Sexistbiaseshavebeenidentified,however,ineachstageofscientificexperimentationandarediscussednext.

BiasesintheStagesofResearch

Earlyfeministpsychologistsfocusedontheomissionofbothhistoricalcontextandthesituationfrompsychologicalexperimentation,especiallyinthestudyofsexandgendercomparisons.Historically,womenwerenotincludedassubjectsinresearch(e.g.,researchonheartdisease),theeffectsoftheexperimenter'ssexonbehaviorwereignored(e.g.,menoftendonotadmitfeelingsofweaknessorincompetencetoothermalesbutmaybemoreinclinedwithfemales),therewasatendencytogeneralizeresearchresultstohumankindwhenfindingsweresolelybasedonmalesamples(e.g.,characteristicsofsuccessfulleadership),andthereweresexbiasesinhowconstructswereoperationalizeddependingonwhichsexwasstudied(e.g.,aggressivebehaviordefinedasphysicalbehaviorformenandverbalbehaviorwomen).

Furthermore,sexistbiasescanaffectpsychologicalresearchmorespecificallyateachofthefourstagesoftheresearchprocess(Denmark,Russo,Frieze,&Sechzer,1988Hyde,1985McHugh,Koeske,&Frieze,1986Riger,1992).Inordertomorefullyappreciateandinterprettheresearchliteraturereviewedinthisbook,webelieveitiscriticaltoconveythepotentialforsuchbiasestoourreaders.Weunderstandthat,indoingso,weriskbeingperceivedasbiasedourselves(i.e.,antiscientificmethod,antimaleasnorm,etc.).However,wehopethatreaderswillnot"killthemessenger."Althoughwereadilyadmitourownbiases,wedonotbelievewearesupportingoneperspectiveoveranother.Ouronlygoalistoilluminatesomeofthealternativeperspectivesandbiasesthataffectresearchonsexandgendercomparisons.

Biasedviewsonsexandgenderentereachstageoftheresearchprocess,includingquestionformulation,researchmethods,dataanalysis,andconclusions(Denmarketal.,1988).Atthequestionformulationstage,fourpotentiallybiasingfactorshavebeenidentified.First,genderstereotypesmaybeassociatedwithspecificresearchtopics.Thesestereotypescanbiasthemannerinwhichaquestionisformulatedoraskedandthe

outcomesofresearch.Untilrecently,forexample,leadershipwasdefinedusingtraitsthatareconsistentwiththemalestereotype(Loden,1985),includingstrong,forceful,competent,andlogical.Today,leadershipcharacteristicsalsoincludesupportiveness,opennesstoalternativeperspectives,facilitatingothers,andteamorientation,whichreflectbehaviorsassociatedmorewithwomen(Loden,1985).Second,newtheoriesdependheavilyonexistingtheoryandresearch,whichisbasedlargelyonmalesamples.Forexample,currentconceptualizationsofjobsatisfactionoftenignoreworkfamilyflexibilityorjobdiscriminationfactorsatwork,bothofwhichareoftenfacetsofwomen'slevelsofsatisfaction.Third,women'sexperiencesinresearchareasareoftennottakenintoaccountoraremarginalized.Whenwomen'sexperiencesareacknowledged,topicsmorecloselyassociatedwithwhitemalesareviewedasmoreimportantandmorebasictostudy.Women'sandminoritygroupissuesareviewedasspecializedorasexceptionsratherthanasreflectingthenorm.Topicsrelevanttowomenareconsideredlessvalued,moreapplied,lessbasic,taboo,ortrivialandreceivelessattentionbecausetherearefewerfemaleresearchers(McHughetal.,1986).Fourth,evencurrentreviewsofpreviousresearchfindingsperpetuatebiasesinquestionorproblemformulation.Thesereviewsarefrequentlyinsensitivetosubjectselectionandothermethodologicalbiasesofearlierresearchonsexandgender.Additionally,withinscientificexperimentation,thereisapreferenceforobjectivitywheretheexperimentercanbeviewedas"neutral,disinterestedandnondisclosing"(McHughetal.,1986).Onedrawbackofthisassumptionofcompleteobjectivityisthattopicswithsocialsignificancemaybeignored,andthosechoosingtoengageinsuchresearchmaybeaccusedofbeing"involved,passionate,orenthusiastic"abouttheirresearch.Anotherconsiderationiswhetheritisrealistictohavedisinterestedordispassionatepeopleconductingscientificresearchonbiological,social,andorganizationalproblems.Dowereallyexpectscientiststodedicateyearsoftheirworklivestostudyingphenomenaaboutwhichtheyhavenoenthusiasmorpassion?

Anumberofconcernshavebeenraisedabouttheresearchmethodsusedtostudysexorgenderissues(Denmarketal.,1988).Theseincludethepopulationsstudied,includingselectionofsubjectsbasedonstereotypicalassumptionsthatdonotallowforgeneralizationtoothergroupsselectionofsubjectsthatislimitedtoonesexonthebasisofconvenienceandeliminationoffemalesassubjectswhenanunexpectedsexorgenderdifferenceemerges.Inaddition,genderandgenderidentityareoftenconfoundedwithothervariablesincludingsex,race,andageandoftenthesex,race,andotherdemographiccharacteristicsofexperimentersarenotspecified,leavingthepossibilityofunexploredpotentialcombinationsofdemographicvariables,sexcompositionofgroups,andsoforth.Finally,

theselectionofresearchorstimulustasksandmaterialsisoftenbiasedinthatmaterialsreflectstereotypicalmasculinetasks.

Withinagivenresearchmethod,variablescanalsobeinappropriatelyconceptualizedandoperationalizedormeasured(Denmarketal.,1988McHughetal.,1986).Themeasurementofvariablescanbeinfluencedandguidedbystereotypes.Forexample,womenarestereotypicallyperceivedasmoredependentthanmen,yetthismayreflecthowindependenceisdefined.Menarenotlabeledasdependenteventhoughtheyrelyonotherstocook,clean,andwritethankyounotesforthem.Furthermore,nontraditionalbehaviorexhibitedbymenandwomenisoftenperceivedandevaluatednegatively.Forexample,womenwhospeakupatmeetingsorengageindebatesarecalledaggressiveorruderatherthanindependent(McHughetal.,1986).

Intermsofdataanalysis,thereismoreofanemphasisonreportingdifferencesamongpeopleorbetweengroupsthanonexaminingsimilarities.Fewjournals(ifany)makeapracticeofpublishingnonsignificantresults(Hyde,1985).Thisdataanalyticbiasselectivelyscreensoutresearchhighlightingsimilaritiesamongmenandwomenandtherebyperpetuatesapotentiallybiasedresearchliterature.Thus,genderdifferencesarereportedwhenfound,butexplicitreferencesinresearchtoanabsenceofgenderdifferencesarerare.Whengenderdifferencesarefound,somearemagnifiedinaccurately.Thereisaneedtodifferentiateinouranalysesbetweenstatisticalsignificanceandsubstantiveorpracticalsignificanceofmalefemaledifferences(Denmarketal.,1988).Finally,journalsinthedisciplineofpsychologydonotencouragereplicationoffindings,includingthosepertainingtosexorgenderdifferences.Oddlyenough,whenresearchershaveattemptedtoreplicatereportedsexandgenderdifferences,especiallyintheareaofintelligence,theinitiallyreporteddifferencesareoftennotfound(Tavris,1992).

Ourinterpretationofresultsandtheconclusionswedrawonthebasisofouranalysescanreflectbias.Medicalresearchresults(Tavris,1992)arecommonlybasedononesex(males)andaregeneralizedtobothgroups.Differencesinspecifictaskperformanceareinterpretedasreflectinggeneralgenderdifferencesinglobalability.Personcenteredconclusions(e.g.,itisbecausesheisfemale)aredrawnmorefrequentlythansituationcenteredconclusions(e.g.,itisbecausethejobshavelittlerewardpower)orconclusionsbasedonanintegrationofthetwoexplanations.Usingpersoncenteredexplanationsofgenderdifferences,psychologistsandpractitionerscouldconcludethatdifferencemeans"deficient"andrecommendremedialactionforthegroup(oftenwomen)thatwasdifferent.Evaluativelabelingofresearchresultsoftenusesmalesasthestandardornorm(e.g.,malelevelsofaggressivenessarethenormandareviewedasacceptableHareMustin&Marecek,1988).Finally,therearefew

referencestosubjectbasedlimitationsofstudiesinresearchtitlesorabstracts,therebyimplyingthatresultshavebroaderimplicationsthanarewarrantedbythedata(Denmarketal.,1988Gannon,Luchetta,Rhodes,Pardee,&Segrist,1992Riger,1992).

Evenwiththeexplicitassumptionofscientificobjectivity,logicalpositivistparadigmsforexperimentationinvolvebiasesassociatedwitheveryphaseofresearch.Itisimportanttoquestionthevalidityoraccuracyofresearchoutcomesandalsoaskwhyaresearchquestionisframedasitis,whoisaskingthequestions,andhowtheresultsareinterpreted.

EvolutionofResearchonGenderComparisons

Onewaytoidentifysourcesofbiasinresearchongenderandsexistousethestagesofscientificinquiryaswehavejustdoneandidentifypotentialbiasesthatenterateachstage.Anotherwayistoexaminesomebasicassumptionsthatresearchershavemadethroughoutthelast30ormoreyears,andcontinuetomake,intheirapproachtogendercomparisons(Tavris,1992).Duringthe1960s,researchonwomenandworktreatedwomenasaproblem(Crawford&Marecek,1989Tavris,1992).Thatis,womenwerecomparedwithmen,andwhendifferencesoccurred,attemptsweremadetoexplainwhywomenweredeficientorwhytheirbehaviorsdeviatedfrommen'sandhowto"correct"them.Men's(masculine)behaviorwasregardedasthenorm:asnormalandcorrectandbetter.Ontheotherhand,feministresearchersatthetimewereattemptingtoshowthattherewere,infact,trivialdifferencesbetweenmenandwomen.Duringthe1970sand1980s,withtheriseofwomen'sstudiesprogramsandfeministresearchersexamininggendersimilaritiesanddifferences,women'sbehaviorcametobeviewedasthesolution.Specifically,differencesbetweenmen'sandwomen'sbehaviorswereacknowledged,andwomen'swaysweredeemedbetter.Today'sresearchongenderseemstohaveadoptedtheperspectivethatoneneverreallyknowstheessenceoressentialqualitiesofmenandwomenbecausetheyareconstantlychanging(Tavris,1991Tiefer,1987).Todaythequestionofmalefemaledifferenceshasshiftedto,"Whyarewesointerestedindifferencesandwhatarethefunctionsthatbeliefsindifferencesserve?"(Tavris,1992,p.92).

Allthreeoftheseapproachescontinuetoexisttodayandarereflectedincontemporarygenderresearch.Theyexistinthecontextofwhathasbeencalledthe"paradoxofgender"(Crosby,1989)thepersistentbeliefthatmalesandfemalesdifferinimportantqualitiesdespitemanystudiesthathavefailedtofindorreplicatethosedifferences(Tavris,1991,1992).Tavrisstatedthatthisparadoxofgenderistheresultof(a)usingmalebehaviorasthenorm(b)thetypesofskills,behaviors,andqualitiesthatresearchershaveselectedasimportanttostudyand(c)thescientificpracticeofattemptingtoattributegenderdifferencestobiology,

personality,orpersoncenteredexplanationsratherthanlifeexperiences,resources,andpower.Thelattergroupoffactors,ofcourse,issubjecttobothculturalandhistoricalchanges(Tavris,1992).Theoverridingproblemwithalltheseperspectivesisnotthestudyofdifferences.Werecognizethatpeoplediffer.Theproblemisthatonegroup'sbehaviorisviewedasthestandardornormaccordingtowhichallotherbehaviorsarecompared,andiftheotherbehaviorsdiffer,theyarejudgedasdeficient.

UnderstandingSexualityinOrganizations

"Entermostorganizationsandyouenteraworldofsexuality"(Hearn&Parkin,1987,p.3).Thisbookconcernsissuessurroundinggenderandemployment.Traditionally,mosttextsinmanagementorindustrialandorganizationalpsychologyignoretheissueofsexualityatwork.Infact,twoBritishmanagementresearchersstatedthatorganizationalscholarsavoidtheissueofgenderina"waythatisbizarre"(Hearn&Parkin,1987,p.4).Sexualityisoneofthemostobviousaspectsofgenderrelations.Therefore,wewouldberemissifweexcludedabriefdiscussionofthenotionofsexualitywithinworkorganizations.Somehavesuggestedthatignoringsexualityatworkintheindustrialsociology,industrialandorganizationalpsychology,sociology,organizationaltheory,managementtheory,andindustrialrelationsliteraturesreflectsblatantsexism(Hearn&Parkin,1987).Inanycase,thereisagreatvoidonthistopicasitpertainstoorganizations.

Genderandsexualityareconceptuallydistinctbutverycloselyrelated(Hearn,Sheppard,TancredSheriff,&Burrell,1989).Theprecisenatureofeachishighlydebatable,andtherearemanyinterpretationsastowhateachis,includingwhatismeantbysexuality,especiallyatwork.Sexualityatworkrefersto"thevariouswaysinwhichamale(worker)seeshimselfasasexualmaleandrespondstothesexualityofafemalecoworkerandthewaysafemale(worker)experiencesherownsexualityinrespondingtomaleworkers"(Bradford,Sargent,&Sprague,1980,p.18).Furthermore,sexualityatworkincludessuchissuesassexualattraction,officeaffairs,selfawareness,andotherawarenessofsexualattitudesandbehaviors(Lobel,1993).

Onereasonforthedearthofresearchonsexualityinorganizationsisthatmanyperspectivesonorganizationalresearchsuggestorimplytheneedtoremovesexualityfromtheworkplace(Hearn&Parkin,1987Lobel,1993).Forexample,thebureaucraticidealsuggeststhatcoworkersrelatetoeachothernotasindividualsbutaspositionincumbents(Smelser,

1980).Workrolesandpersonalrelationshipsshouldbedistinguishedwithintheworkcontext.Althoughpersonalrelationshipsmaydominateoutsideofwork,the"suppressionofsexualityisoneofthefirsttasksthebureaucracysetsitself"(Burrell,1984,p.98).Onewayofsuppressingsexualityinorganizationsistoexcludewomenfromparticipatinginvariousworkactivities(e.g.,jobsegregationBurrell,1984Hacker&Hacker,1987).Consistentwiththebureaucraticideal,sexualityisviewedasanirrationalbehaviorthatisbestkeptintheprivateandpersonaldomains(Lobel,1993).

BothcontemporaryWesternsociety(Mead,1980)andcontemporaryorganizationalexperts(Gabarro,1986Gutek,Morasch,&Cohen,1983Kram,1985Lobel,1993)arguefortheprohibitionofsexualityatwork.Forexample,toreducesexualtensionbetweenmentorandprotg,thereshouldbeanemphasisona"fatherdaughter"relationship,whichcanbenefitfromincesttaboos(Kram,1985).Thisisconsistentwiththerecommendationthattaboosbedevelopedorevokedtolimitsexualbehavioratwork(Mead,1980).Again,sexualityisviewedaspersonalandthereforehaslittleplaceinthepublicworkorganization.

Manyfeministsalsoviewprohibitionofsexualityatworkasdesirable.However,theyassertthatsexualityhasnotbeensuppressedatworkbutratherisassertedintermsofmalepowerandcontroloverwomeninformsofwidespreadsexsegregationofjobsandsexualizationofjobs.Ontheotherhand,thereisincreasingevidencethatpersonalrelationships,includingsexualones,maysupportratherthanconflictwithorganizationalgoals(Lobel,1993).Datasuggestthatinterpersonalcaringandtrustcanbenefitboththeorganization(intermsofbottomlineproductivity,andcorporatehealth)andtheindividual(Kaplan,1991Lobel,1993).Interpersonalconcernsandcaringamongworkerscouldbecomepartofone'sworkrole(M.Bell,1984Mumby&Putnam,1992).Forexample,amorefeminineapproachtoleadership,whichtypicallyinvolvesmoreopennessandselfdisclosure,maybeaneffectivewaytoleadincreasinglydiversegroupsofemployees(Loden,1985).Inchapters4and9,theimpactofmalefemaleinterpersonalrelationships,workplaceromance,andsexualharassmentonworkerbehaviorisdiscussed.

Asecondlineofargumentsupportstheimportanceofconsideringsexualityatwork.Sexualitycannotbeconfinedtononworkprivaterelationsbecausesocialandworkrolesarepermeable(D.T.Hall&Richter,1988).Infact,flexibilitybetweenworkandnonworkrolesmayincreaseasmorewomenentertheworkforce.Peopleatworkhavegenerallyfavorableattitudestowardnonharassingsexualbehaviors(Gutek,Cohen,&Konrad,1990Mainiero,1989Rapp,1992).InasurveyconductedbytheSocietyforHumanResourcesManagement(citedinRapp,1992),70%of1,550humanresourcesmanagersreportedthattheircompanies

acceptdatingamongcoworkers,60%saiddatingwasnotaproblem,and92%hadnopoliciesprohibitingdatingbetweencoworkers.

Sexualitycanbedirectedtowardanotherpersonasanexpressionofcaring.Thisisespeciallytruewhenthetargetiscapableofconsentordissent.Obviously,thedegreeofchoicemaybeseverelylimitedinvariousculturalcontexts(Lobel,1993)andorganizationalsettings.Ratherthanunilateralprohibitionofsexualityatwork,newsocialnormsintheworkplacecanbedevelopedandthentheorganizationcandeterminewhichoneshavepositiveornegativeconsequences.Becausewomenareatgreaterrisktoexperiencenegativeconsequencesofsexualityatwork,theuseofa"reasonablewomen"standardmaybeadvisable(Conte,1997).Thatis,menandwomenmaynotagreeaboutwhichbehaviorsarenegativeornoxiousandwhicharenot.Womentendtofindmorebehaviorsoffensiveanddisruptive,sowomenshouldplayimportantrolesinformulatingnewsocialnormsatworkregardingsexualityinorganizations.

Summary

Withtheinfluxofwomenintotheworkforceduringthelast20years,therehasbeenincreasedattentiontocomparisonsbetweenmenandwomenonanumberofworkrelatedattributesandbehaviors.Withthisincreasedattention,therehasalsobeensomeconfusionaboutwhetherwomenandmendiffertoasignificantdegree,howmuchtheydiffer,andwhetherthesedifferencestrulyaremeaningfulregardingbehavioratwork.Threesourcesofconfusioninunderstandingorinterpretingresearchcomparingwomenandmenarepresentedinthischapter.

First,thereareatleastthreeapproachestoexplaininghowsexandgenderrelatedbehaviorsemergeorareacquired:biological,socialization,andstructural/culturalmodels.Theseapproachesvaryintermsofanumberofassumptionsaboutthesimilaritiesanddifferencesamongmenandwomen.Oneperspectivemakestheassumptionthatnotonlydowomenandmendifferinimportantwaysbutthatthesedifferencesaregenetic,immutable,andnecessaryforsurvival(biologicalapproach).Ontheotherhand,thestructural/culturalperspectiveassumestherearefewinherentdifferencesbetweenwomenandmen,thosedifferencesthatareobservedareduetothesocialstructureofsociety,andsuchdifferencesaremutable.Theseexplanationshavesignificantlydifferentimplicationsforthetypesofresearchquestionsaskedandfortheevaluationofworkplacebehavior.

Asecondsourceofconfusionisthattheuseandconnotationsofsuchtermsassexdifferencesandgenderdifferenceshavecontributedtomisinterpretingresultsofresearchongenderintheworkplace.Theterm

sexoftenconnotesthatobserveddifferencesbetweenmenandwomenarebiologicalorgeneticinnatureandthuslessamenabletochange.Gender,ontheotherhand,reflectsindividual,interpersonal,andsocietalnotionsofmasculinityandfemininity.Athirdsourceofconfusioninvolvesthebiasesassociatedwiththeveryresearchmethodologiesweusetoinvestigatebehavioramongandbetweenwomenandmen.

Thechapterconcludeswithabriefdiscussionofsexualityinorganizations.Sexualityisanimportantconsiderationinthediscussionofwomenandmenatworknevertheless,mostmanagementandappliedpsychologytextsdonotincludeadiscussionofsexualityasitaffectstheworkenvironment.

Glossary

Androgyny:Conceptthatpeoplecancombinetraitstraditionallyassignedtooneortheothersex.

Constructionism:Atheoreticalperspectiveonresearchinpsychologywhichassumesthathumanbeingsinventorconstructreality,andthattheroleoftheoryreflectsscientists'attemptstoexplainpsychologicalphenomenabutnotnecessarilytopredictthem.

Dichotomous:Extremeoppositesofagivenattribute,skill,ortrait(e.g.,strongvs.weak,passivevs.aggressive).

Functionalism:Aschoolofpsychologyconcernedwithhowanorganism'sorperson'sbehaviorandconsciousnessarefunctionalforitssurvival.

Gender:Whatculturemakesoutofthe"rawmaterial"ofbiologicalsex.Allknownsocietiesrecognizebiologicaldifferentiationanduseitasthebasisforsocialdistinction.Genderisbasedonsex.

Genderidentity:Degreetowhichoneseesoneselfasfemaleormaleormasculineorfeminine.

Individualdifferences:Differencesamongindividualsonawiderangeofbehaviors,skills,abilities,andpersonalities.

Logicalpositivism:Ascientificmodelthatassumesscientificfactsexistanditisthepsychologist'sjobtodiscoverthosefacts.Further,themodelassumesthatthescientificprocessforuncoveringthosefactsisvalueneutral.

Nontraditionaloccupation:Anoccupationthatapersonholdswherethepredominantincumbentistheoppositesex.

Proximalcontextvariables:Factorscloseintimeandspacethatdirectlyinfluenceanindividual'sbehavior.

Sex:Biologicaldifferencesingeneticcompositionandreproductiveanatomyandfunction.

Sociobiology:Perspectivethatthebehaviorofhumansisduetotheinterestsofthesurvivaloftheirownparticulargenessocialbehaviorhasalargegeneticbasisandislargelyunchangeable.

Subjectiverelativism:Anotherscientificperspectiveonpsychologicalresearchwhichassumes,quiteunlikelogicalpositivism,thatfactfinding,analysis,andconclusionsaresubjectiveinscientificresearch.

IIPROCESSESUNDERLYINGMALEFEMALEATTITUDESANDBEHAVIORINTHEWORKPLACE

3HowStereotypesAffectOurPerceptionofMenandWomenatWork

I.GenderStereotypes

A.StereotypesofWomenandMen

1.FavorabilityofMasculineandFeminineStereotypes

2.PervasivenessofGenderStereotypes

B.AreGenderStereotypesValid?

1.Androgyny

II.GenderStereotypesandStereotypesofRace,Age,Appearance,andDisability

A.GenderStereotypesandRace

B.OlderWomen

C.GenderStereotypesandAppearance

1.SexualityandGenderStereotypes

D.PowerandGenderStereotypes

1.StereotypesofWorkingWomen

III.EffectsofGenderStereotypesintheWorkplace

A.InfluenceofStereotypesonEvaluationsofandDecisionsAboutMenandWomen

1.HiringandPromotionDecisions

2.InterviewsandPerformanceEvaluation

3.AccesstoResourcesandSupport

4.CanNegativePerceptionsofWomenintheWorkforceBeEliminated?

B.SelfLimitingEffectsofStereotypingonWomen'sPerformance

1.GenderStereotypesandAchievement

2.Competence,Performance,andPayExpectations

IV.Summary

MENARETAUGHTTOAPOLOGIZEFORTHEIRWEAKNESSES,WOMENFORTHEIRSTRENGTHS.LoisWyse,b.1926,Americanadvertisingexecutive(Women'sWitandWisdom,1991,p.)

Thetermsmale,female,Black,Anglo,Asian,andNativeAmericancarrypowerfulimagesofthecharacteristicsorattributesofspecificgroups.Suchlabelsorstereotypesnotonlycarrymessagesabouthowvariousgroupsareperceivedbutalsoconveyexpectationsabouthowvariousgroupmembersshouldbehaveandwhatcharacteristicsorattributesarevaluedbythedominantgroup.Stereotypes,especiallygenderstereotypes,influenceourexpectationsandevaluationsofwhatisappropriateforourselvesaswellasforothers.Stereotypescanlimitthetypesofcareersthatpeopleselectandcanfacilitateorinhibittheperceptionsofanindividual'seffectiveness.

Individualsholdnumerousbeliefsaboutwhatconstitutesmasculinityandfemininity,andthesebeliefsshapeourperceptionsofwhoislikelytoperformcertainbehaviorsandwhatbehaviorsareappropriateatwork.Westartthischapterbydescribinggenderstereotypesandthenrelatethesetostereotypesbasedonrace,age,appearance,anddisability.Thereisevidencethatstereotypesinfluencebothpeople'sbehaviorandothers'perceptionsofthatbehavior,andwedescribesomeofthesefindings.Furthermore,stereotypesnotonlyrefertoperceptionsofindividualsbutalsoareassociatedwithperceptionsofoccupations,specifically,menandwomeninnontraditionalrolesorjobsincludingleadershiproles.Finally,weconcludethechapterbydiscussingtheinfluenceofstereotypesonpersonneldecisionsaffectingmenandwomen.

GenderStereotypes

Stereotypinginvolvesgeneralizingbeliefsaboutgroupsasawholetomembersofthosegroups.Forexample,ifyoubelievethatolderpeoplearemorelikelytoresistchangethanyoungerpeople,youmayinferthatanolderpersonyouhavejustmetislikelytoberigidandtohaveahardtimeadaptingtochanges.Throughstereotyping,wecancategorizepeopleintogroupsonnumerousdemographicbases,includinggender,race,age,religion,socialclass,andsoforth,andourperceptionsofspecificindividualswillbeinfluencedbywhatweknoworthinkweknowaboutthegroupasawhole.Genderstereotypesaresociallysharedbeliefs

aboutthecharacteristicsorattributesofmenandwomeningeneralthatinfluenceourperceptionsofindividualmenandwomen.

Stereotypestendtoexaggerateboththeperceiveddifferencesofmembersofdifferentgroups(e.g.,menandwomen)andtheperceivedsimilaritiesofaparticularmanorwomantothegeneralcategoriesofmaleandfemale(Lips,1988).Thatis,menandwomenwhoareobjectivelysimilarinmanyways(e.g.,similarappearance,behavior,interests,values,etc.)oftenwillbeseenasquitedifferentbecausetheyaremembersoftwoquitedifferentcategories.Theoppositionalnatureofmasculineandfemininestereotypesimpliesthatmenandwomenshouldbeseparatefromeachotherinavarietyofcontextsincludingwork(e.g.,occupationalsegregation)andfamily(e.g.,cookingvs.mowinglawn)activities,andthesestereotypescanhaveapowerfulinfluenceonbothmen'sandwomen'sworkplaceexperiences.

Sincetheearly1950s,alargenumberofstudieshavebeenconductedongenderstereotypes.Mostgenderstereotypestudiesinpsychologywereconductedbyindividualsinterestedinpersonality(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986),forexample,SherriffsandMcKee(1957)inJournalofPersonalityRosenkrantz,Vogel,Bee,Broverman,andBroverman(1968)inJournalofConsultingandClinicalPsychologyandSpence,Helmreich,andStapp(1974)inJournalofAppliedPsychologyCatalogofSelectedDocumentsinPsychology(amultidisciplinaryjournal,notasocialpsychologyjournal).Thepersonalityorientationhashadtwoimplications(Ashmore&DelBoca,1986)forresearchongenderstereotypes.First,itinfluencesthequestionsthatareaskedinvolvinggenderstereotypesandfocuseslargelyonquestionspertinenttotheclinicalsetting(e.g.