within and without n n n p r church-state tension in nicaragua · church-state o.nlkt intensified....

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Within and Without n n n p r V '/ / *« . i.. Church-State Tension in Nicaragua Many negative reports about the ruling Sandimstas view on and relationship to the Church in Sicaragua have emerged in recent times. Our press, either religious or secular, provides no adequate frame- work by which one may assess such reports. Many o f us cannot interpret what read Here we draw together some threads, spun from regular pub- lications arriving from Latin America, to weave a partial pattern. Difficulties between the Sandinista government and the Church began almost immediate!) after the overthrow of dictator Anastasio Somosa in 1979. Early on three priests were appointed iO cabinet posts: and another was named to organise the first major post- Somosa social project, the National Literacy Crusade But disapproval rang loudly in the high courts of the Church (predominantly Roman Catholic in this case), and the old discussion on Church and politics re-emerged. Ironically, many head-shaking Bishops grumbling about such links to the new government had previously been frequently, gladly and prominently seen in the company of dictator Somosa and his allies. In 1981. however, the Bishops Con- ference granted the priests serving in the Sandinista government permission to continue in their roles. Tension relaxed somewhat, until Pope John Paul H's visit in March 1983. The Pope's Visit ^ Stories about Pope John Paul IT’s visit to Nicaragua abound. Much has been made of apparent disobedience and rudeness to him, as well as of government interference in the events of his visit. An Open Letter signed by highly prominent Christians from a number of countries, sent out by them because of widespread negative reports on Nicaragua arising from the Pope's visit (for w hich they were present) helps clarify things. Foreign reports stated that: —people were hindered from attending, or only those selected by the government were allowed to attend the two major religious festivals officiated by the Pope: the Open Letter authors verify an attendance of 700,000 (one quarter of the population) at the two events, noting that almost all of N i- caragua's public transportation was made available for the purpose. —presscensorship was applied to the visit: the Open Letter authors confirm reading broad, varied and frequent re- ports in national papers from a month before the visit until after its conclusion. —the placing of a large cross by the Vatican preparatory commission on the platform in the 19th of July Plaza, where the Pope was to celebrate the Eucharist, was prevented, and instead large revolutionary murals were paint- ed by the government: the Open Letter authors point out that the murals had been there since 1981, that it was public knowledge in Managua that the civil authorities had offered to place a cross on the stage, and that the preparatory commission had reacted indifferently. —microphone systems were "pirat- ed" during the open-air Mass, drown - ing the Pope’s voice while broadcasting propaganda: the Open Letter authors confirm that they neither experienced any interference at the Mass, nor found that Christians listening to the broad- casts in other Latin American countries had had any problem. —the afternoon celebration on the 4th March became a political slogan- eering event when groups cried out. interrupting the Pope’s completion of the Mass: the Open Letter authors point out that Pope John Paul Il’s unwill- ingness to pray for the dead ones assas- inated by the US-supported "Contras" operating from Honduras and Costa Rica, despite vain appeals from groups of mothers, created massive tension and anguish which finally broke loose. In its communique on the visit, the FSLN (Sandinista National Liberation Front) affirmed its commitment to the cries of those belonging to the “popular church", and expressed the hope that the Pope would use his experience to enter a process “of analysis and re- flection on the reality of the poverty, suffering, hope, passion, struggles and longing for peace that he met in these peoples.” Meanwhile the stage for further con- flict had been set. The Pope had given succour to the more reactionary mem- bers of the Church hierarchy; he had made clear his disapproval of the' ten- dencies of the popular Church and its relgious leadership; and for many Christians who had struggled in the revolution for their freedom from op- pression, he had turned the deaf ear of high authority while commanding only a stunning “Silence!". The Pastoral Letter On Easter Sunday in 1984, the Bishops Conference released a Pastoral Letter on Reconciliation. Read in most parishes on the day, it gave rise to a wave of protest, heightening already tense Church-state relations. The Pastoral Letter called for the Sandinistas to ask forgiveness for their wrongs, to repent and to dialogue with the armed CIA-backed "Contras"who had killed many in the rural areas. Yet it refrained from making the same de- mands upon the "Contras". Moreover, the Pastoral Letter was released just as news of the CIA’s mining of Nicara- guan harbours emerged, and just as the Reagan administration was thumbing its nose at the International Court of Justice's condemnation of the US role in the region. Among the Pastoral Letter’s om- missions was any mention of US covert aggression against Nicaragua, even though the Contadora Group of coun- tries. West European nations and the UN were heavily criticising US policies in the area. No recognition was given to the conflicts ripping through the Church itself: instead "a small sector of the Church" was identified, lambasted and scomed-namely those who found legi - timacy in the popular Church and the revolutionary struggle, in fact by no means a small sector. Clearly, a missive such as the Pastoral Letter was bound-perhaps intended?-to cause considerable trauma within the Church, and between the Church hier- archy and the stale. The Nicaraguan Jesuit Community provided one of the most detailed critical responses to the Pastoral Letter, pointing out the diff- erence to an important 1979 Letter which had indicated that the Nicara- guan revolution “could provide the opportunity, within a new structural situation, to make real the Church's preferential option for the poor.” The Jesuits wondered whether the new Pastoral Letter had "not made the bishops an obstacle to the faith of many Nicaraguans," the Letter being neither conciliatory in tone or content despite its theological language of reconcil- iation and dialogue. 4

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Page 1: Within and Without n n n p r Church-State Tension in Nicaragua · Church-state o.nlKt intensified. other C luistians in Nie.tr.igu.i made appeals. Seven major groups, among them the

Within and Without n n n p rV '/ / *«. i..

Church-State Tension in NicaraguaM any negative reports about the ruling

Sandim stas view on and relationship to the Church in S icaragua have em erged in recent times. Our press, either religious or secular, provides no adequate fr a m e ­work by which one m ay assess such reports. M any o f us cannot interpret what read H ere we draw together som e threads, spun fr o m regular pub­lications arriving fro m Latin Am erica, to weave a partia l pattern.

Difficulties between the Sandinista governm ent and the C hurch began almost immediate!) after the overthrow o f d ic ta tor A nastas io Som osa in 1979.

Early on three priests were appo in ted iO cabinet posts : and a n o th e r was nam ed to organise the first m ajo r post- Somosa social project, the N ational Literacy C rusade But d isapproval rang loudly in the high courts o f the C hurch (predom inantly R o m an C atholic in this case), and the old discussion on C h u rch and politics re-em erged. Ironically , m any head-shaking Bishops grum bling about such links to the new governm ent had previously been frequently, gladly and prom inently seen in the co m p any o f dictator Som osa and his allies.

In 1981. however, the Bishops C o n ­ference granted the priests serving in the Sandinista g overnm en t perm ission to continue in their roles. Tension relaxed som ewhat, until Pope J o h n Paul H's visit in M arch 1983.

The Pope's Visit ^ Stories a b o u t Pope J o h n Paul IT’s

visit to N icaragua a b o u n d . M uch has been m ade o f ap p a ren t disobedience and rudeness to him, as well as o f governm ent interference in the events o f his visit. An O pen Letter signed by highly p rom inen t Chris tians from a n um ber o f countries, sent o u t by them because o f w idespread negative reports on N icaragua arising from th e Pope 's visit (for w hich they were present) helps clarify things.

Foreign reports s ta ted that:— p e o p le w e re h i n d e r e d f r o m

attending, o r only those selected by the governm ent were allowed to a ttend the two m ajor religious festivals officiated by the Pope: th e O p en Letter a u th o rs verify an a tten dan ce o f 700,000 (one q uarte r o f the p op u la t ion ) at th e two events , no ting tha t a lm ost all o f N i ­

c a r a g u a ' s public t ran spo r ta t ion was m ade available for the purpose.

— presscensorsh ip was applied to the visit: the O pen Letter au thors confirm reading b ro ad , varied an d frequent re­p orts in national papers from a m onth before the visit until after its conclusion.

— the placing o f a large cross by the Vatican p rep a ra to ry commission on the p la tfo rm in the 19th o f Ju ly Plaza, where the Pope was to celebrate the Eucharist, was prevented, and instead large revolutionary murals were pain t­ed by the g overnm ent: the O pen Letter a u th o rs po in t ou t that the murals had been there since 1981, tha t it was public knowledge in M anagua that the civil au thorit ies h a d offered to place a cross on the stage, a n d that the prepa ra to ry commission h ad reacted indifferently.

— m icrophone systems were "p ira t­e d " during the open-air Mass, d row n­ing the Pope’s voice while broadcasting p ro pag and a : the O pen Letter au thors confirm that they neither experienced any interference at the Mass, no r found tha t C hris tians listening to the b ro ad ­casts in o th e r Latin Am erican countries h ad had any problem.

— the a f te rnoon celebration on the 4th M arch becam e a political slogan­eering event when groups cried out. in terrupting the Pope’s completion o f the Mass: the O pen Letter au thors point ou t tha t Pope J o h n Paul I l ’s unwill­ingness to p ray for the dead ones assas- inated by the U S-supported " C o n tr a s " o pera t ing from H o n d u ra s an d C osta Rica, despite vain appeals from groups o f mothers, created massive tension and anguish which finally broke loose.

In its c o m m u n iq u e on the visit, the F SL N (Sandinista National Liberation F ron t) aff irm ed its com m itm en t to the cries o f those belonging to the “ popular ch u rch " , an d expressed the hope that the Pope w ou ld use his experience to enter a process “ o f analysis and re­flection on the reality o f the poverty, suffering, hope, passion, struggles and longing for peace tha t he met in these peoples .”

M eanwhile the s tage for further con­flict h ad been set. T h e Pope h ad given succour to the m ore reactionary m em ­bers o f the C h u rc h hierarchy; he h ad m ad e clear his d isapproval o f the ' ten­dencies o f the p o p u la r C hurch an d its relg ious leade rsh ip ; and for m any C hris tians w ho had struggled in the revolution for their freedom from o p ­pression, he h ad turned the d ea f ear o f

high au tho r i ty while com m and ing only a s tunning “ Silence!".

The Pastoral LetterO n E as te r S u nd ay in 1984, the

B ishops Conference released a Pastoral Letter on Reconciliation. R ead in most parishes o n the day, it gave rise to a wave o f protest, heightening already tense Church-s tate relations.

T he Pastoral Letter called for the Sandinistas to ask forgiveness for their w rongs, to repent and to dialogue with the arm ed C IA -backed "C o n tr a s "w h o ha d killed m any in the rural areas. Yet it refrained from making the same de­m ands upo n the " C o n tra s" . Moreover, the Pastoral Letter was released just as news o f the C IA ’s mining o f N icara­guan ha rb o u rs emerged, an d jus t as the R eagan adm inis tra t ion was thum bing its nose at the In ternat ional C ourt o f Jus tice 's cond em n a tio n o f the US role in the region.

A m o n g the Pastoral Letter’s om- missions was any mention o f US covert aggression against N icaragua, even tho ug h the C o n ta d o ra G ro u p o f coun­tries. West E uropean nations and the UN were heavily criticising US policies in the area. No recognition was given to the conflicts ripping through the Church itself: instead "a small sector o f the C h u rc h " was identified, lam basted and scom ed-nam ely those w ho found legi­timacy in the popu la r Church and the revolu tionary struggle, in fact by no m eans a small sector.

Clearly, a missive such as the Pastoral Letter was bound-perhaps intended?-to cause considerable t rau m a within the C h u rch , and between the C hu rch hier­a rchy and the stale. The Nicaraguan Jesuit C o m m u n ity p rov ided one o f the m ost detailed critical responses to the Pastoral Letter, po in ting ou t the diff­erence to an im po rtan t 1979 Letter which h a d indicated that th e Nicara­guan revolution “ could provide the op po r tun ity , within a new structural si tuation , to m ake real the Church 's preferential op tion for the poor.” The Jesu i ts w ondered w hether the new Pastoral Letter h ad "n o t m a d e the b ishops an obstacle to the faith o f m any N icaraguans ," the Letter being neither conciliatory in tone or con ten t despite its theological language o f reconcil­iation and dialogue.

4

Page 2: Within and Without n n n p r Church-State Tension in Nicaragua · Church-state o.nlKt intensified. other C luistians in Nie.tr.igu.i made appeals. Seven major groups, among them the

000901:: ^ I urihiT I .u n i s

N " t l o n g a l t e r w a r !- . ) . , t h j r \ j n . u * . .‘ J’efia. a cltiM- .in-, .k:a :v ..t ih t .irili-wMR.

sc r w i t i \ c Archh:*h««p O b uru j . i .>t ‘ M anagua. was ;u.u«v<i by the F S l .N i .j

being involved in C 1A p lan t to create an in te rn a l fron t o f " C h r i s t i a n com - niundos in Nicaragua. Evidence was shown, but rejected by Icadinu c o n ­servative bishops and the V atican’s Nuncio, while O b a n d o declined ever, to see it.

Instead A rch b isho p O b a n d o a n ­nounced plans fo r a solidarity m arch for Pena. The governm ent, then in a State o f Emergency, viewed this as direct provocation and declared the march illegal while appealing to the Nuncio, and through him to the Yatican-m vain In consequence, ten to re isn priests w h o • participated in the m arch were expelled

M e a n w h ile , t ' d e m o n s t r a t e i:«( ' to respec: the C hurch. .Tc-su::•- a : f Fernando C a rd in a l »a> a - - pot:. J to head th e Ministr; . o : Education. However, the R ome-based Superior Genera! o f the Jesuits. F a ther Kolvenbach. announced that Cardena! ^ould not accept the position while rem ains a Jesuit. \ atican pressure on .‘ther pnests in governm ent posts aNc

increased (see separate articlei.

Av *l , t M iu.it ion w o rsened an d C h urch-s ta te o . n l K t intensified. o ther C lu is t ians in Nie.tr.igu.i made appeals. Seven m a jo r g roups , am o n g them the jo ined Base Chris t ian C om m unities , th e Ecumenical C oali t ion , the Youth Com m iss ion . C E P A . and the A ntonio V aldevis ioCenter , lamented th e s ta te o f aflairs. and in part icu lar the att itude and positions o f mem bers o f the C a th ­olic hierarchy, including O bando .

_ Overseas g roups , am o n g them the US N ational C ouncil o f C hurches and L S C hurch Personnel in Nicaragua, also investigated the conflict, reaching similar judgem ents . The N C C C o m ­mission. for exam ple, while noting bad mistakes made bv the FSLN . concluded that there was no basis for the charge o f systematic religious persecution. It also found considerable openness in the 1 SEN towards a constructive resolu­tion o f the situation.

Since then, in late and in I9s5. meetings have been held between the FS L N an d the C hu rch hierarchy. Hovv- ever. significant results, have not been ap p a ren t at the po in t o f o u r last news. If any th ing , then indications are that A rchb ishop O b a n d o has continued to be a particular stumbling block.

In Conclusion: the ch inch-s ta te con- l io n ta l io n in N icaragua has incre.ised- a s C ID SE (a collection o f 13 Catholic Development Agencies from I I co u n ­tries) no tes in its 1VX4 repor t on N ic a ra g u a - d e s p i t e m e c h a n i s m s to p rom ote dialogue. At the same time, at roo t is a tension within the C hurch itself, between those favouring and those opposing the N icaraguan re­volution. Here to o arc found two differing, a n d sometimes contrad ic tory concepts o f t h e C h u r c h a n d of Christian presence and action in society.

The repercussions o f these tensions, and the issues and principles Ivinn b e h in d th e m e x te n d fa r b e y o n d Nicaragua. They even impinue upon South Africa. As the C ID S E report asks:

“ Will the C hurch oppose the new model o f society whie h Nicaragua wants to ad o p t , one vv hich is oriented tow ards the p o o r1 Or will it take up,the challenge o f finding a place for itself in this new model, con tr ibu ting its values and its evangelisa t ion , m ak ing a full co n ­tribution while maintaining its spec­ificity and right to criticise? Will the C hurch fall short o f his tory, o r will it co-operate in building it'”* ^

V sJ iu e s o £ \v m e n ic a i C .ntcr.B r T r r Z i ' 0} ’us o rd“u : i° " r°n n 5 ? ■ S lr e- the pastor 0 , - jp r ansr i* ,Jar.agua, is o ’ these n\ost active in y r k m g to assure a C h r p r e s e n c e in m e co m er: L J Sana ,m stl r r .o iu tivn A lthough no bishoo J '-

3">r" erury. ■)!***■ ‘’m erior M unster Tomes aJgrge rtfli present w itn tin ; a ~ i i . . The following is j tra n sitio n or B orges le tter co n ra tu la tm g Molir.a on his years ,jt se r .u e to Mcaragua j sbor

“ We sr,c .U-2 eva*Lia:e our lives, dear brother I be-

, 0 J ” b*s i " - -

Mar.ac.ia July 3. 1984

Ur:s

I recall our earnest tur.es together as children on gloomy Decemcer days and in hours shared under the raaiant sun o: Ho.y WeeK. when we participated in the ^ . n n . - . 5s o f a Christian faith jr .it led us to discover the Word of Jesus Christ, and also to reject the cruel idea of hell as incompatible with God s infinite generosity Later w e went our separate w ays, pursuing d ifferen t aucipiines in cifferent lands. Like many young people, eacn of us strugjied in solidarity with the descendants oi those humcie workers who came together in the desert and on the banks of the Jordan w ith the young rebellious preae.-.er crucified at the ninth hour by the dominant classes c f his day

Over the years, the struggle brought each o f us to the same identification with the poor, although each of us has come to it out o f the demands o f his own vocation.

My ■ ■s IS full gunpow der, im p assion ed crow d s.- eV,V-r.5 . - f , , m ,V Iufc»e p ro to co l and b itter ex -- f -:: ‘,v v V ^ f v w r / ?ven SWeeter the lnd5S« ib a b le savor - . - - t y .a i t r . i j j y carriea out.

v v - - h e 'o t» r Xew*Pi * « « ’if* ° f COns:ant id e n tif ic a t io n0 ® jf Vo u f parisn w ith their psalm s

j h‘” f . a;ien t0 the legacy o f F ranciscanMre,'uilv J u r n H » !ty ‘J n o t- lf V™ thmk about it -are. j i i / . mucn dif.erent from the humility '- not »l.

d t - f L o n - ? ™ s - o l ;d “ hVn J"7 ° Wi? Iife w uh suf-fwient t S - V s" ° “‘d - ‘ aracterize the revolutionaryo tu g a to r y s im p lic ity o f yo u r life w h ich v o u

y m P'* a s ,ly ,k l '

up by rem em bering the su p p o n y o u gave to L u is” Joa

w ork 'for h/ d JO‘" ^ ^ h e arm ed struggle °t0vou r M rish c (T Ct° r / ° ° Ur .P*°Ple and throughderoTirmri co m m u m ty ; in your c o n ta c ts w ith th e un-

- m , y0Lr courageous w ord so full o f fa ith infe ln o n s Tn vn ,reV° i ’ri durm ? J ° y ful and pro- Ch^-rh i ^ P ^ d e n t co n fro n ta tio n s w ith som e Church p eop le s in ev itab le nostalgia for the past.

m any w e C m f i ^ C r d W . f ? ^

Fraternally .____________ ___________ _______________________ T om as Boi^e

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IN T H E I R O W N W O R D S . . .

C O M M E N T

The m os t visible sign o f the tension with the church in N icaragua is the repeated injunction o f the Vatican for the priests in the governm ent to resign.

They arc being requested to resign on the basis o f C a n o n 285, which is par t o f the newly revised C o de o f C an o n Law which becam e effective in N ov em b er 1983. It proh ib its priests from accepting public office that involves them in the exercise o f a civil power. T he new canon clashes with a Ju ly 1981 ag reem ent be­tween the priests and their bishops. At that time, the b ishops gave perm iss ion or the pnes ts to continue to hold public

office as an "au tho r ised exception” , as long as they w ould refrain from ’ ex­ercising their priestly ministry.

N one o f the priests a re p repared to resign.

Ernesto Cardenal . the Minister o f C u ltu re , g ra ss ro o ts theo log ian an d fam ous poe t, was suspended from his priestly funct ion on Feb rua ry 3rd. He has been a priest for 20 years.

F e rnando , his b ro the r and minister o f E d uca t ion was dismissed from the Jesuit O rd e r to w hich he h ad belonged for 32 years on D ecem ber 10 last year. He still lives with his Jesuit com m un ity in M anagua.

E d g a r Parra les , N ic a ra g u a ’s a m ­b a s s a d o r to th e O r g a n i s a t io n o f A m erican States requested to be re ­leased from the p r ies thood in O ctob er 1983. As yet he has heard no th ing from

♦Tie Vatican.On J a n u a r y 23, Foreign Minister

Miguel D 'E sco to , a M aryknoll priest was o rd e red to resign the jo b o r face suspension f ro m priestly duties. He has been a priest for 23 years. T h e Vatican has no t as yet m ad e its decision over his future know n, f t

0 0 0 9 0 ?

Ernesto Cardenal: “My participa-In his briel press conlerencc a lter he

received notif ication o f his suspension I rum the p ries thood . E rnesto C ardenal recalled St T h o m a s A qu inas , w ho ad vo ca ted m an s right to act according to his ow n criteria when necessary, even to o p po se a papal ban. “ I feel tha t 1 am one with G o d a n d my people,’' declared fa the r C ard ena l . “ and I w ill pray for the aggression against them to cease.”

He expressed deep sorrow over the sanc t ion , which he feels is a great injustice: “ we are being punished for serving the people .”

Sacrifices T o u n d e rs ta n d these few words, one

m us t tu rn to a confession he m ad e a long time ago. H e agreed to be Minister o f C u l tu re because he felt it was an inescapable ob ligation to the people w ho h a d struggled to defeat the bloody Som oza d icta torsh ip . “ W hen we tr ium ­phed . I th o u g h t I w ould enter N icara­gua to re tu rn to Solentinam e, to my fo rm er life.” he affirmed. Solentiname, an a rch ipe lago in Lake Nicaragua, had served fo r nearly 10 years as a religious retreat tha t was from its outset, polit­icised an d “ com m it ted to o u r people

and o u r l ibera t ion ."D u r in g h is l i r s t y e a r s o n the

a rch ipelago , he m ad e contac t with the Sandin is ta guerillas. “ T o m as Burge w rote to me from hiding that he wanted to meet with m e," recalls C ardenal . The priest mei with Borge a n d later with C o m m a n d e r C arlos Fonseca, head of the Sandinis ta Revolution, with whom he analysed at length the relationship between revolution an d Christianity.He continued to meet with the guerillas fo r years, an d m any o f his students became guerillas.

At the time o f the tr ium ph , his co m m it tm en t to the struggle would not perm it h im to tu rn dow n the request tha t he take a position in the new governm ent. —

M y obedience is to the w ill o f G od . If I see tha t in my case an d these cir­cumstances that G o d ’s will is expressed th rou gh the historic conditions o f this Revolution, them my partic ipation in the R evolution is my obedience to G od . A nd this implies no disobedience to the Catholic C hu rch ."

He also c o m m en ts on the con­troversial question o f Christianity and Marxism. "T here 's no incompatibility between Chris t ian ity an d Marxism.

Miguel D' Escoto: Stopping on the road to Jericho1 perfectly u n d e rs tan d that it is not

usual for a priest to hold office in the M inistry o f Fore ign Affairs. I never sough t this jo b . n o r am I particularly in terested in serving m y people from this position . In the end, it d oesn’t m a t te r w hat jo b 1 perform. However, w hat I am absolutely com m itted to is my people 's struggle for peace and justice.

A nd I will choose the position tha t allows me to follow my conscience as a C h r is t ian a n d as a priest. Jus t because I have a ssu m ed this jo b does not mean that I have pu t aside my priesthood. R a ther , I am trying to fulfill the de­m an d s o f m y p ries thood within a very exceptional set o f circumstances.

M a n y times ! have reflected on the pa rab le o f the G o o d S am aritan (Luke 10:25-37), w hich has become very sig­nif icant fo r me. I have often thought o f h ow b o th th e priest a n d the Levite, in their jo u rn ey to Jer icho, sa w a m an who h ad been bea ten up and left fo r dead on the roadside . T h e priest chose to put his a p p o in tm e n t in Je r ic h o first so as not to a rr iv e late a n d thereby offend his re­ligious superiors . The Levite, also a

m an o f the chu rch , acted in the same wav. But w hat the L ord teaches us in this parab le is that if we desire salva­tion , we m us t no t m ake either o u r own agendas o r the laws o f the church the priority. Rather, the Lord teaches us( tha t o u r prio ri ty m ust always be the divine law o f love for o u r neighbor.

It is m os t likely tha t if the Levite w ould have s topped to help the w o u n d ­ed m an he w ould have had problem s afterwards. Perhaps n o excuse would have been acceptable fo r arriving late fo r the Je r icho appo in tm en t . But he w ould have h ad to take the risk be­cause, in the final analysis, it is o u r Lord to w ho m we m ust respond for o u r actions. T ha t is why there is n o conflict fo r me between the priesthood and my present role in the N icaraguan gov­ernm ent. I see d e a r ly tha t in this m om en t, when my people are being assaulted and beaten up, the imperative o f fra te rna l love, o f charity , obliges us to pu t aside o th e r considerations.

-Father M iguel D 'Escoto M .M .Foreign Minister o f Nicaragua.

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tion is my obedience to God”. ’I hey a r e n ’t th e sam e t l tm y — they're

different— hut they 're not m rtim pat- tblc. C hris tianity anil dem ocracy aren 't the same tiling, but they 're not incom ­patible. Marxism is a scientific m ethod lo r studying society a n d changing it. W hat Chris t did was to present us with the goals o f social change, the goals o f perfect h um anity , which we are to co- create with h im . These goals are a c o m ­m unity o f b ro th e rs an d sisters, and love. But he did no t tell us which scientific m ethods to use to arrive at the goal. If som eone substitutes Marxism for C hris tianity , that person has m ad e a mistake."

" F o r us the Revolution is love. A nd by love, we m ean love o f n e ig h b o u r— concern for adequa te nourishm ent for

Cvervone. im provem en t in the quali ty i or the whole p opu la t ion , making

su;» mat everyone has decent housing, m ak ing sure there are medical services for everybody, education and culture for everybody, recreation and care o f the elderly. child ca re— in o ther words, a society of b ro thers and sisters."

C ardena! has identified his Ministry with the pries thood . Even before i

„ became Minister o f C ultu re . I knew that minis try m ean t service and minister .’

se r v a n t.l o r h im . it rem ains a clear sign that

the Revolution chose a priest to be Minister o f C u ltu re . " In this Revolu­tion . culture is a priority. Spiritual needs have prio ri ty along with material needs. We can 't conceive a material w ell being th a t isn 't acco m pan ied by a sp iritual one. A nd just as Chris t d irect­ed his Apostles to d is tribute b read and fish, I feel I*ve been asked to-distribute cu ltu re ."

E rnes to sees his personal vocation as tha t o f m o n k , no t o f a priest. "1 studied to r the p r ies thood because T h om as M er ton a d \ ised me to. so that we could to u n d tha t m onastic com m unity . My religious call ing is tha t o f a c o n ­tem plative and a p ro p h e t— not so much in the cultic o r liturgical m eaning o f pr iesthood. My vocation is one o f union with G o d an d service to the people, to build up his k ingdom o f life in love.”

H o w e v e r as lo n g as N ic a ra g u a con tinues to be in a state o f emergencv with virtually all its resources directed to w a rd defending the nation from the US w ar o f aggression. C ardena l has little hope he will be able to return to his con tem plat ive life in Solentiname.

00090?N E W S B R I E F S

I he M jrtknull Order, to which It M iguel I) l.s iittn helongs. respects his position They argue that an exception was m ade to C anon law in 19X1. “ We ilnn i see why u can'i he m ade n o w ” said N1ar> knoll spokesm an. Paul N ew - power. The Order leels that the to n - tinned US military intervention in Nic­aragua by m ean s o f finan cia l and m ilita ry su p p o rt to c o u n te r -r e v o ­lutionary forces, continues to prevent the situation in N icaragua from re­turning to norm ality.

The Baptist Convention w hich in ­clude* so m e 4 0 lo ca l co n g reg a ­tio n s . has w ritten an o p en le tte r to P resident Reagan exp ressin g “ p rofoun d co n stern a tio n over th e grief, su ffer in g and anguish th a t y o u r p o lic y tow ard N icaragua is cau sin g o - r p eo p le " The letter , w hich w as approved at a m eetin g o f the C o n v en tio n , co n c lu d es:

P lease d o n o t order a m ilitary in ­vasion o f N icaragua. N either G od nor you r c o n sc ie n c e w ou ld ever forg ive y o u . We beg y o u to re ­flec t. and to a d o p t a p o licy o f peace and life tow ard ou r p oor, w eak p eo p le ."

Nicaragua's first Episcopal BishopA fter a century old A glican prescncc

in N icaragua. B ishop Sturdy D ow n was consecrated as the first B ishop o f the Episcopal D iocese o f N icaragua on February 9

T he E piscopal Church in Nicaragua i; lairly sm ail. but is significantly pre­sent in the A tlantic C oast region where over 10 000 baptism s have been regis­tered. This is the area where the San- dm ista governm ent has been severely criticized b\ the US over its handling o f the local Indian population.

B ishop D ow n (37) com es from the A tlantic C oast and was ordained in 19T9. H e said that he will concentrate his efforts on increasing m em bership and strengthening the church, partic­ularly in us social projects. These are primarily agricultural projects that have been deteriorating due to counterrevo­lutionary activity. "But we can’t give up” , he said.

T h e A n g lica n C hurch m ain ta in s goo d relations with the revolutionary governm ent, and the tw o have m any com m on goals. There has lo be a definite separation o f church and sta le , since the C hurch does not belong to any one governm ent, said the prelate, but this doesn't cxclude cooperation in “ projects for health, education and peace. The concept o f justice being developed by the R evolu tion is not in conflict with Christian activity. A nd it is in this sense, that we condem n the unjust aggression that is depriving the people o f peace.*’

Fernando Cardena!: “The Church grieves meC ard in al thinks that the order for his

resignation is not a product o f either th eo log ica l reflection , evan gelica l in ­sp ira tio n or p a sto ra l n ecess ity . “ In com m union with the Church. I have the right to say that so m e N ica ra g u a n

€ b ishops have a political agenda that • ay. as yesterday, openly contradicts ^ in t e r e s t s o f the m ajority o f the poor p eople” in the cpuntry

Cardenal feels that these prelates have m isinform ed Pope John Paul II as to vihat u going on in Nicaragua.

T he H o ly S ec , he a d d ed , is a lso pressured and influenced by political concepts resulting from traumas pro­duced hv Eastern European conflicts that have noth ing w hatsoever to d o with the history o f the Latin A m erican people anil even less to d o with Nicaragua. "There shou ld be greater respect for Latin A m erica, for N icaragua, and co n ­fidence in our ability to create som ething new. N ot everything evo lves in Europe. W e arc capable o f creating new. good and unique things that could influence Europe."

C a r d e n a l a lso p e r c e iv e s th e c o ­incidence betw een Vatican policies and President R onald R eagan's politics. "M y rem oxal is an attem pt to discredit the revolutionary process. At the sam e time

;h3t mercenary attacks, threats fr - n the U .S. governm ent and the num ber o f v ictim s o f the aggression are increasing, the pressures have surfaced from the B ishops and the Vatican for my dimissal from the Jesuit Order T h i s fits in with the C IA m anual's recom m endation to denigrate those w h o are makir.g this R evolution m ore credible bv adding our grain o f sand."

T h e b i s h o p s h a v e p u b l i c l y d em o n stra ted their un ity w ith those attacking the R evolution, with those seek ing to destroy this regim e in order to return to the past."

They w ant to give the im pression that a fundam ental religious problem exists betw een the Church and the R evolu tion, said C ardenal. "but here there is no challenge to any dogm a o f Christian faith , doctrine or m oral postulates. What exists is a political confrontation.

T he problem , in his op in ion , is not that he is M inister o f Education , but that he supports the R evolution.

C ardenal m akes a final reflection con- c e r n tn g th e N ic a r a g u a n B is h o p s C onference: the sam e hierarchy that is d e m a n d in g th e S a n d in is ta F r o n t n egotiate w ith CIA mercenaries refuses to talk with its ow n priests.

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w i

I 98 3

UNITED D E M O C R A T I C F R O NTUDF UNITES! APARTHEID DIVIDES!

noQ9C^-

NAT ION At O f 11C I

K M o rs o n o u n<2 D l VJUHRS ST! JOHANNliBURC P.O . BOX 10366 TEL: W -19H K -1917

\ •

Introduction: This document has been drafted with.the precise aim of giving direction of the progressive youth organisations in South Africa when taking on the United Nations initiative on the International Youth year. By now we all know that the United Nation's General Assemblydeclared 1SS5 the International Youth Year on the 7th jec 1979. In thisl

!conference two major political forces opposea to the South African goverument were represented. These are the S-uth West African People’s' Crganisai.ion (o/.apo) of Namibia and the African National (Joneress (ANC) of S-uth /-.fries..according to documents from the United Nations IYY-Deskj V.e shall realise that a working document is like a policy of an organisation which gives clear direction to the membership in their caily .activities pursuance of the organisation's aims and objectives.*t serves as a guiding principle to any action or campaign to be taken, -t Ci*cc ciaribj an n uniformity to practice anc. theory. In short, it amkes it possible for cur ideas and beliefs to be carried out in action without any contradiction, therefore, in taking on the International -outn :ear uncer tr.e theme of Participation jjevelopment and Peace, we find this theme suited to South African conditions in terms of our understanding of it and relstir.s it tc action.

1

V.e live in a South African society that is torn apart by the division I

of its people into workers and the bosses and again into a white minority privileged group and the deprived African majority including other groups. The bosses are merely interested in the labour of all working SOuth Africans who produce profit for them, irrespective of colour or creed; while at the same time the majority of the oppressed people in the country have no political, economic, 'social and other rights in thej country of their birth.

We hereby submit as young South Africans and declare for the World to •'.now that the struggle for total self-determination of our people is

U m m * N ,o ,(li»»,

N .lion jl C „ ,lm tooivvN41*on*l fubtkily Wortjrv Mo»ii Mo“wo< U»»or' tfkotiN.norwl Jrt,tU fJ . fopo

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at the same time the struggle to do away with control of workers by the bosses. We further emphasise that we cannot destroy the system of Exploitation without the liberation of the oppressed majority, in fact these two are inter-twined. We therefore understand our struggle to be addressing itself to national liberation as well as class exploitation.

Theme of the United Nations on the International Youth Year: Participation Development and Peace. We young people of South Africa submit that this is what we understand of the theme, as related to our situation.

Participation: The South African government has forcefully removed and (

dumped the majority of the African people in Bantustans, where there is no basic industry to supply people with work, where the land is dry and cannot be ploughed and where there is death and disease because of famine and unemployment; the Black Local Authorities Act

Iwas devised by the National Party as a local and municipal government for urban blacks. This community council structure is responsible for nigh rents, hign electricity bills etc in our townships; the tri-cameeral Pariiament/the Presidents Council is government manouvre to co-opt a section of our oppressed people to defend apartheid at the border.All these government structures have been rejected unanimously by our people through various campaigns waged in the past.

V:e therefore submit that by Participation we understand: i The right to vote and full participation in the political, economic, social and educational decision making machinery of our country.ii. The right to Participate in social, cultural, sporting and political activities and mix freely across the colour line without restraints from the Group Areas Act.iii. The right to Participate in the activities of the progressive youth organisations locally and internationally.iv. The right to Participate in organising the youths in our townships.v. To Participate in building and launching youth organisations locally and internationally.vi. To Participate in the United Nations initiative of the International' Youth Year through activities and campaigns.

!Development: Bantu Education now called Department of Education and Training, limits the scope of the African child and stifles his or her j

talents; the Job Reservation Act blocks all job opportunities to the oppressed majority; the projection of western culture in our schools ! and SABC TV undermines and suppresses our own people's culture; the

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■ 5 ■ 0 0 0 9 0 * :OCVr‘IUC* ^ C'nities Act ?roviies f0" few facilities of lower quality and no theatres ana cultural youth centres inrour townships.

.Therefore we submit that:i. The SOuth African government is deliberately denying to Develop the talents and skills of its young people through the enforcement of an inferior education system in order to further the policy of apartheid, li. Job discrimination negates the notion of Developing an equitable ana skilled working force amongst young people.lit. The development of our culture, particularly poetry, music andoraaa could be accelerated with access to theatres youth centres and otner facilities in our townships.iv. another iir.pe-jiment ■ to our cultural jjevelopment is the banning of '

our songs, poems and plays which express our true feelings by the ■.South African censorship Board.v. vr.e youtns an- students of this country shall continue to strive for a free, compulsory, dynamic and non-racial Education system which will open the doors of learning and culture to all young South Africans irrespective of colour or creed.

Peace:Ihe deployment of riot squad police and the SAi? in our townships/to K i l l young people; The Internal Security Act empowering the security'ponce to keep a political detainee in prison independently withouttrial; the President's Council and Black Local Authorities Act to extendtne base of apartheid; the banning and imprisonment of our leaders and 1

other political prisoners is certainly not the way towards achieving Peace in South Africa.

\‘!e therefore submit that the conditions which would herald Peace in South Africa are:i. The unconditional release of our recognised leadership and other I political prisoners and detainees. iii. The .unbanning of all banned;.:political organisations in the country.iii. lhe unbanning of all banned political activists in the country, j

iv. The unconditional return of all political exiles and leaders including banished political activists.v. The withdrawal and future curbing of riot squad police and SADF deploym ent from our townships.vi. The suspension of the Republic of South Africa:Constitution and | all apartheid laws.vii. And to engage in dialogue with the authentic and recognised leadership of our people now imprisoned and exiled.

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o c o s ;YouthWe appreciate the United Nations’ definition of Youth, but we South African youths define ourselves differently. Firstly, our youth organisations consist of young workers, young married couples, the unemployed, students and other culturally and politically motivated young people. V«e do not define youth in terms of age, alhtough certain constitutions stipulate between the ages of 15 and 35. It is commitment to and involvement in the cause of youth that is primary. Devotion towards the achievement of the aims and objectives of young people in the country, like organising and strengthening youth organisations, is what makes one a youth. This includes both rural and urban youths.

Brief UN General Strategy on IYYThe■ generalstra i,egy of the UN in adopting the International Year of the Youth was to promote youth participation in social, economic, cultural and political development, according to the UN Quarterly Bulletin no. 1-2, 1983.

It divided the IYY programme into three phases. i _ 1 5 c 3 - 1 S £ 4

formation of national coordination structures throughout the world. Second^phasePlanning long-term objectives and implementation of IYY activities throughout the world.2 £ i £ 2 ^ p £ § s e : _ _ l $ 8 6 - 2 5 9 5

Evaluation of policies, strategies, plans and programmes of action.

Our strategic approach in IYYtfe have already made our point clear that we do not see IYY activities as separate from the way we have been engaging ourselves in the task of mobilising, organising and consolidating our youth members and structures.A. General_Cbjectiyes

1. j.0 contribute to the dismantling of the apartheid system which has also been declared a heresy by the international world.

2. To continue to contribute to the struggle for liberation and the creation of a just, peaceful and equal society.

B. Cbjective_Conditions1. Security police harrassment and state repression of our youth

activists and organisations.

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0009002. Lack of recreational facilities particularly theatres and

community youth centres where young people could carry out there cultural activities.

3. Poor coordination regionally and nationally because of lack of finances and resources.

4. Lack of politically developed youth activists on the youth front / regionally and nationally. /

5. Low level of political awareness amongst young people in other social, cultural and religious youth groups in the country. /

C . §ubjective_Condit ions

1. To make representation to the UK and the international worldto highlight state repression of youth initiatives in the country.

2. io challenge state repression in the courts of law through our lega representatives

3. To consciously develop and train youths to achieve a higher political understanding of their situation.

4. To strive and make representations to acquire finance and resources5. io build a politically developed leadership on the youth front, i

regionally and nationally. i

1) Specific Objectives1. j.0 un e_..iine the state's initiative on IYY and project the Freedom

Charter, the r-ducation Charter and the United Jemocratic Front (UDF).2. To mobilise and organise the youth through IYY activities. |3. To build youth leadership and strengthen our organisations.4. To build cohesion and communication regionally and nationally.5. io xorge international relations with friendly countries, anti-

apartheid groups and youth organisations.6. To secure material gains for the youth organisations during the

International Youth Year.7. To promote unity among young people and youth organisations, both

in the urban and rural areas.

E Strategic Approach1. To counter the South African government's initiative on IYY by

spearheading youth activity in our townships.2. To challenge the state from exercising its influence ideologically

on young people both regionally and nationally.3. To intensify regional campaigns by IYY.

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©

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NATIONALCIVICCONFERENCE

INFORMATION BULLETIN 1

The people shall govern!

r o

Date: 29 A ugust— 1 SeptemberTime: 6pm Friday 29 August - 4,30pm Sunday 1 September

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Our people all over the country are uniting *' to improve their living conditions.

p - • W e refuse to pay high rents and bus ^ fares. We dem and decent housing and;^

transport w e can afford.

® Many of our com m unities are fighting against unhealthy living conditions and demand the scrapping of the bucket sys­tem.

• High electricity bills and water bills are being opposed by residents who say that metres are not read properly.

6 Democratic civic associations, youth a n ^ Istudent organisations are uniting against i|the corrupt and unjust rule of com m unity I councillors and m anagem ent committees.

• Even in areas w here no civics exist, our people have come together to fight bad liv­ing conditions, high rents, housing shor­tages and unjust councillors.

W hile m any demands have been won, these struggles have also raised many new problems for our organisations:

• There is the perm anent occupation of m any townships by the SAP and SADF resulting in a high degree of repression.

• Many of the people's leaders have been ‘ detained, killed or put on triaj^

O In some areas the pressures of struggle have created tension between parents and students and in other areas between diffe­rent organisations.

Some townships have been incorporated into the bantustans, and civics face heavy repression from the bantustan authorities.

• In some areas councillors have formed vigilantes who terrorise residents (and some people have been brutally murdered).

O Councillors refuse to allow civics the use of venues for com m unity m eetings.

All these problems are m aking it difficult for civic associations to build up their irganisations. ^

The United Democratic Front (UDF) invites you to com e together w ith civics from all over the country to discuss these problems and to share our ideas about solving them.

W e w ill be more able to meet the needs of our organisations and strengthen them if civics help plan the agenda for the National Civic Conference.

For this reason the UDF asks your civic to discuss the following issues. It is important that you discuss these issues, not only in your executive, but also with your m e m -O bers:

© W hat are the most important prob­lems and issues facing your civic at this point.• H ow have you' tried to deal with these problems.• W hich of these issues and prob­lems should be discussed at the National Civic Conference.

UDF w ants to collect all suggestions for the agenda by W ednesday 31 July 1985. The organisers of the conference will then draw up an agenda which will be sent to your civic for further discussion.

If you have suggestions for the agenda, or need m ore information about the confer-^-, ence, please write to or contact Patf* Lephunya at

UDF Transvaal Office 6th Floor Khotso House 42 De Villiers Street Johannesburg

Telephone: 011-29-4010

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9 »r f ^ /

■JOINT ’ UNION

EDUCATION PROJECT

0 0 0 9 H

THE UNION IS THE SPEAR OF THE WORKERSRECOGNITION AGREEMENTS

INTRODUCTION:

A recognition agreement is a statement about the relationship between the nanagement of the factory and the union members in that factory. It spells out the things that have been agreed to between the union and the management. It means that the management recognises that the union has organised the majority of the workers in that factory and that it is now invlolved in whatever haDpens in the factory. The agreement is only a piece of paper and how much it helps the workers will depend on how strongly organised the workers are. If the workers are strong, they can force the management to negotiate with them on things that are normally decided on without them. If the workers are weak then the management will be able to exclude the workers from things that they had a say about in the past. Changes in the the agreement will depend on how far the workers have managed to push the management. In the beginning it may be a great struggle to get management to accept that shop stewards must be allowed time off to deal with problems that union members have in the factory. Once the workers are strongly organised and the

^ shop stewards more experienced and confident - they may be able to force management to allow education courses - and pay them while they are on these courses.

’■'•HAT KIND OF THINGS ARE INCLUDED IN A RECOGNITION AGREE^NT?

Because the agreement is negotiated between the union members and the management - the management will try to ’’beat down” the demands of the workers. It will also try and include some of its own ideas in the agreement - eg. they may ask for a "no strikes” clause in the agreement etc.

The kinds of things usually included in agreements are:

A section that says that the union is recognised as the only representative of the workers in the factory. (Management may insist that the union only represents its members.)

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A section that describes the way in which the workers' • U U 9 i 5organised in the factory. This section will state how manv

shop stewards there are - how they are elected etc. It will also state whether there is a shop stewards committee or some other factory committee that will represent the whole factory etc. (Eg. SAA'VU has a C.E.C; a Central Executive Committee that is elected by all the workers in the whole factory; as well as a shop stewards committee.)

A section that describes the way in which union subscriptions will be collected by the union - either by stop order facilities or by allowing the shop stewards a place and time to collect these subs immediately after the workers have been paid etc.

A section that describes the range of issues that the worker committee will negotiate■with management - and how often these ^ will be negotiated. Eg. it could be decided that wages and hours of work will be negotiated on<s.e a year at a special meeting set aside for this purpose.

A section that describes the regular contact between the workers and the management representatives. This will state who should attend these meetings (union people, how many workers'reps, how many management reps etc.) It will also state how often this group will meet (usually monthly) and what kinds of issues they will discuss (usually a broad statement that refers to "any problems that may arise”.

A section that states that the committee can report back to the whole workforce after the negotiations with management

L c r J Gceach month. V/hen, where and how .these reoort backs can be

z'is also stated.

A section that describes a "Grievance Procedure" This section sets out the way in which workers should sort out complaints / problems that they have, about their work. It usually includes a few stages that each involve a higher level of management.This is so that the worker can take the problem to higher

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Collection Number: AK2145 KRUGERSDORP RESIDENTS’ ORGANISATION AND 4 OTHERS v. THE MINISTER OF LAW AND ORDER AND 2 OTHERS 1986 PUBLISHER: Publisher:- Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand Location:- Johannesburg ©2012

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