who is fatima

Who Is Fatima? Gender, Culture, and Representation in IslamAuthor(s): Firoozeh Kashani-SabetSource: Journal of Middle East Women's Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Spring, 2005), pp. 1-24Published by: Indiana University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40326855 .Accessed: 03/02/2011 18:03

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WHO IS FATIM A?

Gender, Culture, and Representation in Islam Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet

"T^atima," observed Nusrat Allah Nuriyani, "was offered to this world by her -L father, the Prophet Muhammad, as the complete example of womanhood." In fulfilling her maternal duties and upholding her religion, Nuriyani asserted, Fatima performed her obligations with steadfastness and decorum, all the while guarding her chastity (1945:1-2). Nuriyani, the editor of a newly founded Per- sian journal with an Islamic bent, sought social reform in Iran by appealing to the character and example of Islam's first family. He even invested his private money to launch the journal in his effort to promote Islamic values in Iranian society. Described by his readers as "young" and "zealous" about his religion, Nuriyani strove to enhance the appeal of Islam in Iranian society, which had undergone nearly two decades of secular reform often aimed at minimizing the role of religion in the country. As Nuriyani explained, "Today, because of the coded propaganda of the enemies of Islam, its followers have fallen victim to lethargy in their faith" (1).

A'in-i Islam covered themes of religious import such as Islamic jurispru- dence (fiqh) and Quranic exegesis (tafsir). Although this weekly apparently enjoyed a short life span with limited circulation - indeed in its second year, A'in-i Islam faced the threat of shutdown and frequently published appeals to its readership for support - the journal nonetheless provides a rare glimpse of the popular views of religious conservatives and the lower- ranking

c ulama of the Pahlavi era, a time when publications with Islamic themes remained scarce and lacked state backing (1946).1 Concerns about prostitution and

JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN'S STUDIES Vol. 1, No. 2 (Spring 2005). © 2005

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sexual promiscuity, reflected in discussions of venereal disease and unveiling in mid-twentieth century Iran, impelled Nuriyani and intellectuals with a conservative leaning to rely on Islam's teachings as a social corrective to the seeming erosion of morality in Iranian public life (see Kashani-Sabet, forthcoming). Who better than the prophet's youngest daughter to embody this message of social change? As Nuriyani wrote, Fatima, despite her "short life, in the narrow society of Arabia, with meager means," raised the "greatest young men of religion" and the "worthiest daughters and women of the world beneath her veil of chastity" (2). Fatima's Islamic purity contrasted with the secular, unveiled image of the modern Iranian woman in mid-twentieth century Iran, where social ills such as adultery and illicit sex became openly discussed in the mainstream press (Ittila'at 9 January 1940).

The portrayal of Fatima, one of the holiest women in Islam, has been molded over time to fit various ideals. As the daughter of the prophet and wife of the first Shi'ite Imam, Fatima has played a celebrated role in the history and tradition of Shi'ism. Though the historical details about her life remain contested in the scholarship of early Islam, Shi'ite legends have immortalized Fatima as an exemplar of chastity and religiosity for women (Lammens 1912:133-4). Fatima's mother apparently gave birth to her around the year 604 CE She married Ali approximately twenty years later and had four surviving children: two girls named Zaynab and Umm Kulthum as well as her celebrated sons Hasan and Husayn (Soufi 1997:1-2). She died in 633 CE, but since there is discrepancy over her burial and grave site, three spots in Medina are regarded as her resting place (Amir-Moezzi).

The life of Fatima, like many aspects of women's religious status in Iran's predominantly Shi'ite society, has long been addressed by theologians and scholars but rarely by women themselves.2 Though telling in itself that women's voices are excluded from the bulk of this literature, such an absence creates difficulties in documenting women's perceptions of their roles in society, for Fatima's memory offers a contested notion of model Iranian womanhood. Historiography on modern Iranian society, written in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution of 1979, highlights the sustained interest in the life and legend of Fatima. As Ziba Mir-Hosseini has shown in her intellectual study of the contemporary Shi'ite clerical establishment, Ayatollah Azari-Qumi, who served in the Council of Experts of the Iranian Parliament, depicted Fatima as the quintessence of Islamic womanhood in his writings. Qumi writes, "[Fatima] has such conspicuous qualities that throughout history no one has been able to compete with her" (1999:56). Qumi even traces the tradition of

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veiling women in chador s, or long Islamic coverings, to Fatima: "The Prophet's daughter called the Jews to Islam by her hejab [veil], in particular by wear- ing the chador. In observing hejab, she is a perfect example for our women" (Mir-Hosseini 1999:56).

Other media reinforced and popularized the image of Fatima as a libera- tor of modern Shi'ite women. For example, in the aftermath of the Islamic Revolution, Mother's Day in Iran was celebrated on Fatima's birthday - an overt attempt by the nascent regime to link its agenda on Islamic womanhood to the sacred persona of Fatima (Najmabadi 1994:366-89). In 1980 a group of students issued a statement on Women's Day, commemorated on the birthday of Fatima, to stamp her imprimatur on Iran's revolutionary agenda. As the announcement proclaimed,

It befits the revolutionary women of the Iranian society to become more acquainted with the Imam's line concerning women and their mission and to invite women of our age to study the position of women in Islam and to show them how Islam and the Islamic revolution glorifies women.... They should teach human society about giving and sacrifice, which resulted in the sacrifice of great martyrs at the threshold of Islam. (May 8, BBC 1980)

By connecting revolutionary Islam to Fatima and the cult of martyrdom already predominant in Shi'ite literature, Iranian students strove to lend

legitimacy and historicity to their cause. Finally, schoolbooks published after the revolution venerated the image of Fatima as the quintessence of Islamic womanhood. A brief account in a second grade schoolbook described her memory: "Fatima was the best wife for her husband and the best mother for her children. ... She had a pleasant disposition and strove in the path of God and in veiling. She is the ideal woman of Islam" (Ta'imat-i dini chaharum-i dabistan 1377:32).

Even before the politicization of Shi'ism in the modern era, Islamic sources venerated and idealized the persona of Fatima, even as they highlighted her role in Shi'ite martyrology. Among the other notable women of Islam, including the Prophet Muhammad's wives, Khadijah and Aisha, Fatima's historical role remains unique, ironically because of the events that transpired in Karbala (present-day Iraq) after her death in 632-3 CE As Islam

began to spread outside of Arabia, the leadership of the Islamic community became contested terrain. Those supporting the claim of AH, the Prophet Muhammad's cousin and son-in-law, were referred to as Shi'at Ali, or the

partisans of Ali.3 The marriage of the Prophet's youngest daughter, Fatima, to

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Ali further solidified Ali's claims to leadership of the Islamic community in the eyes of his supporters. Fatima died shortly after the Prophet's death, and Shi1 ite sources indicate that in the last years of her life Fatima had endured suffering at the hands of Ali's (Sunni) rivals. According to David Pinault (1998:70), Abu Bakr, the first caliph of Islam, impeded her from inheriting property, while vUmar, Abu Bakr's successor, in a dispute with Ali over the question of succession, opened the door of their house, hitting Fatima and fracturing some of her ribs.4 After Fatima's death, her son Husayn attempted to claim leadership of the Islamic community and set out to Kufa, Iraq by way of Karbala with a small group of followers to confront the Sunni caliph, Yazid.5 Yet forces loyal to Yazid captured Husayn's entourage, and Husayn was killed in battle at Karbala in 680 CE Since then, Shi'ite writings have underscored the divinity and martyrdom of Husayn. Indeed, each year Shi'ites mourn his death on Ashura, and the most recent manifestation of this sentiment was conveyed in southern Iraq several months ago, when, after decades of quietism and suppression, thousands of Shi'ite mourners took to the streets of Iraq to remember Husayn's martyrdom (Agence France-Presse April 23, 2003). Through Husyarís victimization, Fatima's position as the devoted mother of this revered and sacred martyr has been en- hanced in Shi'ite society and literature.

Western works have also delved into the life and background of Fatima. The renowned orientalists Henri Lammens and Louis Massignon have attempted to recover the historical Fatima from the legends that surround her (Vaglieri 1965:841), but in doing so they have merely created legends of their own. Lammens remarks that Fatima has been the subject of Sunnite and Shi'ite devotion but her real personality has been buried beneath religious propaganda. Lammens' so-called "historical" biography of Fatima contradicts the harmonious view of the ahi al-bayt (family of the Prophet) presented in Shi'i sources. Instead of being the loving father and guide, Muhammad is depicted as "abandoning" Ali and Fatima and paying attention to the earthly grandeur of his Islamic empire (Lammens 1912:61-2). In addition, Lammens notes marital discord between Fatima and Ali, particularly regarding the issue of Ali's monogamy, and Ali emerges as an austere husband.6 Lammens states that "hadiths reveal the severity of Ali toward the mother of his sons," though he provides no detailed episode to explain this assertion. Although Lammens' work falls short of its intentions of offering an authentic historical portrait of Fatima, the details he includes can be compared to existing Shi'ite legends on the Prophet's daughter.

Unlike Lammens, Louis Massignon offers a sympathetic description of

FIROOZEH KASHANI-SABET es 5

Fatima in his essay, "La Mubahala de Médine et l'hyperdulie de Fatima." In this piece, Massignon examines the origins of the Mubahala incident and links Fatima to it through a cosmological study of creation. Massignon connects Fatima to Mary, emphasizing Fatima's purity and dignity, and criticizing Lam- mens for his "diatribe" against Fatima and the ahi al-bayt (1955:27-33; Vaglieri 1965:841-2). Massignon's work focuses on spiritual matters, which, though interesting, do not extensively cover the major events in Fatima's life.

As the works of Lammens and Massignon reveal, retrieving the legendary Fatima seems to be a more manageable task than writing her actual biography.7 Yet her legends, though historically flawed, not only contain elements of truth but reveal why Fatima has maintained her status as the epitome of Shi'ite womanhood. Two sources by male Shi'ite writers offer glimpses of her and what she has represented for the Shi'ite community over time. The image of Fatima in these works provides insight into male expectations of Shi'ite womanhood in Iran historically and illustrates the way in which the

myths of Fatima have been changed in the contemporary period to forge the radical ideals of revolutionary Iran. Studying the historical and mythical representations of Fatima has enormous social implications for not just contemporary Iran but for the larger Islamic world. Now more than ever, as the modernist mores of the burgeoning feminist movements of the twentieth century are being politically confronted and publicly questioned in many predominantly Islamic countries such as Iran, Egypt, Algeria, and Turkey, the rhetoric surrounding the life and legend of Islam's first holy women merits inquiry. Because of the accessibility of Fatima's legends, they will be used to show the way in which women's role in Iran's Shi'ite society has evolved and been prescribed through Fatima over time.

THE RELIGIOUS CULT OF FATIMA

Written by Mullah Husayn Waiz Kashifi, Rawdat al-Shuhada, a popular Shi'i account of the Prophet Muhammad's family, narrates the traditions and travails of the early community of Islam. The publication dates for this and other works of Kashifi have not been established, though he resided in

Nishapur, Mashhad (in present-day Iran) and Harat (in present-day Afghani- stan) in the fifteenth century and died in AH 910/1504 CE (Yousofi 1978, 4:704). Under the Safavid rulers of Iran, reciters would read from this work at

religious assemblies (rawzah khanis)y and, thus, propagate and popularize the ideas and legends of the prophet's family in the Shi'ite community (Momen

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1985:118-9). In Rawdat al-Shuhada, Kashifi has devoted an entire chapter to the life and contributions of Fatima, and through his account, a legendary portrayal of Fatima can be gleaned. The sketch drawn by Kashifi recreates the glory and veneration accorded the prophet and the ahi al-bayt by the Shi'ite community. Because Kashifi's account encapsulates a traditional view of Fatima and covers the major events in her life, it will become the basis of the first part of this article.8 Kashifi's account will then be compared to a contemporary legend of Fatima - the portrait depicted by Ali Shari'ati in Fatima is Fatima. Shari'ati, a revolutionary ideologue trained in both Western and Islamic traditions, creates a fresh perspective of Fatima's image for modern Iranian women. Divergences in the two versions will be compared to demon- strate the evolution of the historical and societal functions of the legends as well as to show the way in which Islamic men have redefined Fatima to make her a part of their new religious and political belief systems.

It is worth remembering that even before the fifteenth century, when Kashifi produced this work, both Shi'ism and Fatima had attained ascendancy in various locales and cultures of the present-day Middle East, including Egypt, where a Fatimid dynasty tracing its lineage back to Fatima ruled for centuries and during the tenth century, when the Buyid dynasty controlled parts of northern Iran. However, Kashifi's work embraced Shi'ism during a period of political instability in the region. Kashifi's narration begins with Fatima's birth, and he contends that religious scholars cannot agree on whether her birth occurred before or after Muhammad's call to prophethood. Kashifi, however, cites two scholars, Shaykh Abu Muhammad bin Hisam and Shaykh Mufid, who considered Fatima's birth to occur after Muhammad's rise to prophethood. According to Kashifi, Shaykh Mufid's version holds that when Khadija was pregnant with Fatima, Muhammad received a visit from Gabriel, who announced that the child would be a daughter and would start a pure generation. At the time of delivery, Khadija asked the women of Quraysh for help, but they refused, since Khadija had married Muhammad against their wishes and became "the wife of the orphan of Abdullah" (Kashifi nd:l 17).9 As Khadija was losing hope, four women - Sara, Maryam, Kulthum, and Asieh -

appeared to assist with the delivery. When Fatima was born, a light emanated from her, illuminating the homes in Mecca. By the grace of God, ten houris appeared from paradise, each carrying a jug of water from Kawsar (a river in paradise) to wash Fatima with the holy water. Then, one of the women washed Fatima, placed a white robe around her body, and used another sheet to form a veil for the child's head before handing her to Khadija (Kashifi nd:l 18).

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The divine and miraculous events surrounding Fatima's birth - from the appearance of the holy women of paradise to the participation of houris - underline Fatima's privileged status as the one who has been destined by God to continue Muhammad's sacred line. The symbolism of light and water streams through Kashifi's narrative, accentuating the purity and spiritual en- lightenment of Fatima and her hallowed lineage. According to Kashifi, even Aisha, one of the Prophet's young and beloved wives, acknowledged the dis- tinctiveness of Fatima: "It is said that when Aisha was asked who among the women was most liked by the messenger of God, she answered Fatima" (118). What is significant about Fatima, then, is her purity and special position in continuing the bloodline of the prophet. Thus, her function as childbearer would become an essential measure of her life.

Kashifi considers Fatima's marriage to Ali as an integral part of her life and legend, and he adduces several versions of the marriage story, which are traced back to various chains of authority for authenticity. Kashifi notes that Fatima married Ali in the second year after the hijra, when she was either nine, fourteen, or twenty. Though members of the sahàba sought Fatima's hand in marriage, Muhammad refused to promise Fatima to any of them because he was waiting for a revelation from Gabriel (127). When an angel arrived with this message, Muhammad sanctioned the earthly wedding of Ali and Fatima. Kashifi provides numerous hadiths to corroborate the coming of this revelation. Though the details vary, each version highlights the foreordained nature of the wedding from heaven (127-9). Kashifi's emphasis on the blessed marriage of AH and Fatima also underscores his desire to legitimate Ali's leadership and Shi'ism as the only acceptable and legitimate sect of Islam. Instead of Abu Bakr, the first Sunni caliph, Ali has been chosen by God and by Muhammad for Fatima, the prophet's favorite daughter, because of Ali's exemplary piety and special relationship to Muhammad; these same qualities also determine Ali as the rightful caliph and leader after Muhammad's death.

Fatima's approval of Ali and their amicable relationship appear as leit- motifs of this legend. Kashifi notes that when Fatima is taken to Ali's house after the wedding, she cries as Muhammad prepares to leave (130). The prophet, perplexed by Fatima's reaction, assures her he has selected a husband whose decency and piety are unsurpassed. Kashifi comments that while some people believe Fatima cries because Ali is not rich, in fact her sadness springs from having to leave her beloved father. For, as Kashifi explains, Fatima has

already been accustomed to poverty and an unpretentious lifestyle while living with the prophet. Furthermore, Kashifi attests that when appeasing Fatima,

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Muhammad praises Ali profusely as the holiest of Muslims and, therefore, as the most fitting husband for Fatima (130). This attention to Ali's virtuous character and spirituality, as well as to Muhammad's abundant admiration for Ali, points to Kashifi's underlying focus - his desire to validate the uniqueness of Ali and the lawful claim of the Shi'ite Imams to the leadership of the Mus- lim community after the prophet's death. As suggested in Kashifi's work, the prophet's desired successor is none other than his beloved daughter's husband, whom the prophet selects with forethought and divine guidance.

Kashifi accentuates the otherworldliness of Fatima and the ahi al-bayt throughout his account of Fatima's marriage. He notes that Ali is satisfied with a mahr of 400 mesqal (unit of weight) of silver - presumably a modest sum of money - and Fatima's gifts consist of two silver armlets, an outfit, a mill, two pitchers, and other similarly useful and economical household items (130). Kashifi cites additional anecdotes displaying the asceticism of the prophet's family. For example, someone reprimands Ali for marrying a poor woman such as Fatima, offering his own rich daughter to Ali; Ali refuses. As a confirmation of Ali's proper decision not to abandon Fatima for money, Ali receives a heavenly vision, in which a lush paradise is depicted and referred to as Fatima's jahaz, or dowry. A similar story mentions a fellow named Sulay- man, who attempts to attract Ali to his daughter; Ali has a dream in which the daughter of Sulayman serves Fatima in heaven, a sign to Ali that Fatima is superior to Sulayman's daughter (131).

The qualities that Fatima, the sayy idat al-nisà\ represents in Kashifi's legend include suffering, obedience, and motherhood. Though Kashifi does not articulate those characteristics, they are the themes of his narrative. The stories that Kashifi includes in his version concern Fatima as a dutiful mother, wife, and daughter. In those capacities, she has a historically significant role. Other stories provide Fatima with some agency in her life and portray her as actively supporting the growth of the early Islamic community. One anecdote about the childhood of Hasan and Husayn depicts Fatima as a caring mother and Islamic activist. A young Jew captures and hides Husayn, and Fatima, troubled, urges Hasan to go searching for his brother. When Hasan locates Husayn at the young Jew's house, the Jew begs for forgiveness, particularly from Fatima. In order to repent, the Jew converts to Islam, along with seventy members of his tribe (119).

Fatima's contribution in encouraging the conversion of non-Muslims to Islam is depicted in another incident regarding a local wedding. The prophet convinces Fatima to attend the opulent ceremony of a clan that opposes and


criticizes the prophet. At first, Fatima expresses reservations about attending the wedding, fretting over her simple appearance and clothes, but Muhammad persuades her to attend. When Fatima arrives at the wedding, she is illumi- nated by a heavenly light, and the members of the ceremony, recognizing her extraordinary qualities, convert to Islam (124-6). These episodes of conversion amplify the role and importance of Fatima as both a follower and leader in the Islamic community alongside Muhammad and Ali, though her influence and activity are less pivotal than those of the men in her life. At the wedding, Fatima, while still the dutiful wife and daughter, has departed somewhat from her traditional role, assuming a more influential position in the absence of Muhammad and Ali.

This aspect of Fatima's personality, however, is eclipsed by the frequent depictions of Fatima as a weeping and emotionally fragile woman. From Kashifi's rendition, it seems that Fatima's first reaction to the crises in her life is a stereotypically female catharsis: crying. When Fatima is obligated to leave Muhammad, she cries. After Muhammad's death, she cries continuously; indeed, both Ali and the residents of Medina implore her to restrain herself in order not to exacerbate the grief of the community (135). When Husayn is missing, Fatima weeps and prays, while Hasan searches for his lost brother. In another, the prophet notices Fatima weeping one day, and he asks her the reason for her distress. Fatima responds that she and her children have been

starving for days, and she can no longer bear to witness the suffering of her children. In this passage, Fatima requests particular assistance from God since "women are not as tolerant of hunger as prophets are" (133). Eventually, with

heavenly intervention the prophet rescues Fatima and her family from starva- tion. These images of Fatima highlight her physical and emotional fragility; without divinely intervention, Fatima is handicapped in addressing her prob- lems. Yet these scenes also accentuate Fatima's humanity. Though boasting a divine lineage, Fatima still relies on God and the holiness of her father, the

prophet, to overcome her travails. The harmony in Fatima and Ali's marriage is reinforced by Kashifi's

rendition of Fatima's death scene and last will. Throughout this section, there is no mention of Ali seeking other wives. When Fatima cites her final will to Ali, which consists of his forgiveness for her faults and his promise to attend to the needs of their sons in her absence, Ali reciprocates by saying, "Oh, Fatima, I have accepted your will and you, too, have mercy and listen to my will ... first, if in your service any harm was done [by me], pardon me..." (141). In incorporating this exchange, Kashifi strengthens the images of peace and

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love among the prophet's kin and stresses similar family values in the lives of his larger Shi'ite audience.

Laura Veccia Vaglieri, an Italian scholar who wrote a thoughtful synthesis on the historical and mythical sources on Fatima, has addressed the issue of Fatima's legend, and in her article she has included other details on Fatima's mythical life that are missing from Kashifi's account. Vaglieri has drawn on three early sources - the works of Ibn Rustam al-Tabari, Husayn b. Abd al- Wahhab, and Ibn Shahrashub - to reconstruct Fatima's traditional Shi'ite legend. Because of the similarities between Vaglieri's rendition and Kashifi's account, it seems possible Kashifi had access to some of the same sources Vaglieri used for her article. There are, however, discrepancies between the two versions. Kashifi's additions and omissions provide insight into the evolution of the legend and his priorities regarding the didactic value of Fatima's legendary life for his Shi'ite audience.

On accounts of birth and marriage, the two versions are similar. On physical characteristics, however, Kashifi is surprisingly reticent. According to Vaglieri, among the characteristics associated with the legendary Fatima are her purported virginity and freedom from certain physiological factors such as menstruation. Vaglieri also discusses the conflicts between Fatima and Ali, which were referred to by Lammens but expunged by Kashifi (Vaglieri 1965:843-7). Because Kashifi's legend serves to glorify both Fatima and the ahi al-bayt, he has not recorded conflicts among the members of the prophet's family; what matters to Kashifi is the harmony and pre-eminence of the ahi al-bayt. This idealization is exemplified by the pervasive influence of heavenly forces in the lives of Fatima and her family. Since Kashifi likely aimed his works toward a popular audience accustomed to venerating the infallible prophet and his equally flawless kin (or at least at an audience encouraged to do so), details documenting ordinary human foibles could not make their way into his rendition.

Kashifi 's work is not a consciously gendered narrative, written as it was in the fifteenth century, and in this respect it contrasts with Ali Shari'atis ideological portrayal of this holy woman. As shall be seen, Shari'ati s account lends itself more easily to a feminist, rather than a historical, analysis infused with the political language of his times. While Kashifi was not writing from the same bipolar, gender-conscious perspective, the qualities he stresses in Fatima point to his views about women, particularly since a woman as seem- ingly perfect as the prophet's daughter manages to come across as somewhat weak and needy. From this work, one can conclude that Kashifi did not intend

FIROOZEH KASHANI-SABET e» n

to make Fatima a role model for women in the way Islamic modernists such as Shari'ati have attempted to do. Even so, because the cult of Fatima was and has remained an integral part of Shi'ite culture, particularly for Shi'ite women, Kashifi's work has resonances in contemporary women's lives, if for no other reason than the attempt by modern Islamic scholars to circumscribe the liberties of Shi'ite women in the name of Fatima. Changes in the legend of Fatima since the publication of Kashifi's work point to the ways in which modern Islamic scholars have attempted to revise the myth to form new ideals of Shi'ite womanhood.

VEILING AND THE IDEOLOGICAL CULT OF FATIMA

Little evidence of Kashifi's work exists in the popular accounts of women from nineteenth and early twentieth century Iran. In fact, Fatima rarely appears in discussions of modern Iranian womanhood in the period under re- view.10 This absence reflects the growing secularism of the Qajar and Pahlavi literati, an intellectual trend that embraced non-Islamic symbols of culture and advancement, including a revival of pre-Islamic Iranian themes and Western political concepts such as a constitution and a republic.11 Similarly, the burgeoning women's movement adopted non-religious symbols to convey its message of political activism and inclusion of women. In a schoolbook from the late Qajar era designed specifically for girls' schools, Joan of Arc, by virtue of her patriotism, appeared as a more appropriate paragon for modern Iranian girls than did Fatima (Kashani-Sabet 1999). Yet Qajar families venerated the memory of Fatima and the family of the prophet even as modern Iranians do today. 'Ayn al-Saltanah reported in 1893 that on the anniversary of Fatima's birth, commemorated on 20 Jumada al-Thani, a public celebration took place at the Amiriyah Garden (al-Saltanah 1995/2000:564). He noted further that the audience at passion plays (ta'ziyahs) consisted mostly of women (al-Saltanah 1:908). Similarly, Abd Allah Mustawfi recalls the social function of ta'ziyah during the holy months of Muharram and Safar (Mostowfi trans. Glenn 1997, l:157-9).12

The conflict between religion and secularism played out in the Consti- tutional Revolution of 1906, which established a parliament and constitution in Iran for the first time (Afary 1996; Abrahamian 1982). Although secular reform in Iranian political life was achieved in the aftermath of the constitutional movement, religiosity had hardly disappeared from everyday life, especially where women were concerned (Mostowfi 159-160). In 1911, a British

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missionary in Iran observed that "except in the highest classes Persian women go about a good deal, but always have to wear a veil in the street or draw the chadar over their faces" (Malcolm 1911:83). Yet the feminist discourse at the dawn of the twentieth century avoided mention of Fatima even in discussions concerning the veil. In 1914, Maryam Muzayyin al-Saltanah, editor of the women's journal Shikufah, observed that Iranian women should not imitate foreign women "because they do not practice veiling and seclusion in their religion and national customs," but she did not specifically appeal to Fatima's example to make her case (22:2). However, on the anniversary of Fatima's death, she noted that religious ceremonies (rawzah khani) and ta'ziyah honored Fatima in a public display of Islamism. One of the girls' schools, Madrasah-i Tarbiyat-i Nisvan, performed a "grand" and "praiseworthy" ta'ziyah, at the conclusion of which a student paid homage to mothers and their role in nurturing the spiritual and intellectual maturity of their daughters (Shikufah 1914, 10:3).

Women with different political inclinations also voiced their opinions on veiling, though at times obliquely. Citing an interview with Queen Sorayya of the Afghan royal family, Rawshanak Nawdust, editor of the women's journal Payk-i Saadat-i Nisvan, addressed the historical significance of the veil, arguing that veiling had become associated with seclusion through a gradual process. Nawdust quoted the queen as asserting that in the early community of Islam, women actively performed their social and religious obligations alongside the men. Veiling, however, had posed an obstacle to women's education and advancement in the modern societies of the East (1928, 4-5:121-6.).

13 On 7 January 1936, the unveiling decree formally forbade Iranian women from appearing veiled in public.14 Despite enthu- siasm from official quarters, the unveiling decree did not receive a warm welcome in various regions of the country. Notices from Kashan, Khurasan, and Kerman confirmed the use of headgear by urban and rural women (Farhang 1992:102, 227, 231). Later that year, the religious mourning rituals of 'Ashura, commemorating the death of Fatima's son and the third Shi'ite Imam, Husayn ibn Ali, gauged the success of the unveiling legislation. Veiled women could not participate in public mourning events, and clerics received instructions to deliver their sermons peacefully to avert the possibility of riot- ing (Iran National Archives 7 April 1936).

The unceremonious fall of Reza Shah, the architect of Iran's unveiling program, brought about changes in social policy. No longer obligated to forego the veil, Iranian women were given a choice in donning the headgear

FIROOZEH KASHANI-SABET m 13

after 1941, when Muhammad Reza Pahlavi acceded to the throne, and some women made the decision to re-veil. The absence of Fatima from the official women's renewal movement of the early Pahlavi years did not diminish her popular appeal or significance for the Iranian Shi'a. Rather, journals with an Islamic focus such as A 'in-i Islam wasted no time in recalling the example of Fatima as one to be emulated by modern Iranian women and as a way to al- leviate social ills, such as venereal disease, in mainstream Iranian society.

The secularizing tendencies of the Pahlavi ruling elite, however, wid- ened the chasm between social conservatives and westernizing modernists. Critics of the regime such as Jalal-i Al-e Ahmad - whose condemnatory 1961 essay, Westoxification, defined the ethos of the revolutionary movement of 1979 - strove to find indigenous symbols of culture and reform to effect social change in Iranian society. A contemporary of Al-e Ahmad, Ali Shari'ati emerged as a leading advocate of change in women's lives. Born in 1933, three

years prior to the promulgation of the unveiling decree and considered one of the ideologues of the 1979 Iranian Revolution, Shari'ati attended the Sor- bonne in 1960 to study sociology and Islam. Upon his return to Iran in 1965, he went to his home town for a brief period before moving to Tehran to lecture at the Husayniya Ershad, a religious establishment funded by merchants (Abrahamian 1988:291). Shari'atis western education alienated him from the culama, who became distrustful of Shari'ati s notions of reform. His works are imbued with Marxist and existentialist leanings, drawn from his studies at the Sorbonne, and his treatise on Fatima exposes some of these ideological biases (Hermansen 1983:87-8).

Fatima is Fatima emerged from lectures Shari'ati delivered in 1971 at the Husayniya Ershad on the anniversary of Fatima's birth (Shari'ati nd:5; Hermansen 88-9). On that occasion, Shari'ati addressed the identity crisis he perceived Iranian women to be facing and exhorted them to follow the example of Fatima. As the translator of this work, Laleh Bakhtiar, writes, "He [Shari'ati] cries out the question which is upon all women's lips, 'Who am I? Am I a mother? A wife? A daughter? A friend? A biologist? A chemist? A doctor, nurse, mid-wife, laborer, writer, human being. . .? Who am I?'" (p. 5). These questions single out the multifarious functions of women in society. Through them, Shari'ati aims at developing a feminine ideal that will encom- pass those female identities within an Islamic context.

The portrait of Shari'atis Fatima is no less of a legend than Kashifi's idealized sketch. This modern-day myth of Fatima, though modified, perpetu- ates some of the age-old ideals of womanly behavior highlighted in Kashifi's

14 co JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN'S STUDIES

description of Fatima. Because of its polemical tone, Shari'ati s work cannot be dissociated from its historical context of pre-revolutionary Iran - a period of ideological flux and questioning for many Iranians. Much of his speculation about the role and position of Fatima relates to Shari'ati s larger intellectual concerns about socialism and revolution (Yeganeh 1982:48-9; Abrahamian 292-5).

In his introduction, Shari'ati notes the contribution of Louis Massignon, his instructor at the Sorbonne, in studying Fatima (Hermansen 91). Shari'ati laments that "her [Fatima's] real personality is not known," even though people mark her life in ceremonies throughout the year (24). Shari'atis aims in this work are two-fold: to legitimate Shi'ism and to convert Fatima into a female role model. Like Kashifi, he commends the Shi'is, who chose Ali as their leader. His account is replete with digressions, such as discussions on the role of the religious scholars and attacks against institutional Safavid Shi'ism Shari'ati 29, 41-46; Yeganeh 49; Abrahamian 295-6). These departures point to Shari'atis larger political and social aims, which, though interesting, are outside the purview of this discussion.

Shari'ati identifies two categories into which people fall: the traditionalists who adhere to outdated institutions and notions of religion and modernists who reject tradition and cling to European norms. This dichotomy is extended to show the differences in Iranian women. He criticizes the one-sided view of European society propagated in Iran to influence women (Hermansen 89-90). As he expounds,

There are only some European women whom we have the right to recognize. It is they whom we always have to refer to. They are the women introduced through films, magazines, television and sexy movies by writers who have given them sex. They are introduced to us as a universal type of European woman.

We have no right to get to know the European girl who at the age of 16 went to the deserts of Nubi [sic], Africa.. . . She lived with the threat of sickness, death and wild tribes.. . . We have no right to know Mme. Curie who discovered quantum and radioactivity or Resass Du La Chappelle who knew more about the sanctity of Ali than all the Islamic scientists.. . .

We only have the right to know Mme. Twiggy! (82-4).

In this passage, it is Shari'atis determination to show the exploitation of the Iranian women who have been borrowing the false values of a distorted European civilization as depicted in Iranian media. He aims at liberating the Iranian woman from the social fetters plaguing the European woman by ad-

FIROOZEH KASHANI-SABET <?» 15

vocating a return to Islam and to the imitation of Fatima, "a perfect example of an ideal woman, of what a woman could be and no one has become" (47). Yet Shari'ati recognizes that for modern Shi'ite women it is nearly impossible to become Fatima, though Fatima should nonetheless remain their inspira- tion. Shari'ati lauds the social and intellectual achievements of the European women he has mentioned, challenging Iranian women to pursue similar productive ends through education (Hermansen 86-90). But the European woman is not Shari'atis ideal, for the society in which the European woman lives corrupts her.Shari'atis thesis involves discrediting European culture as the source of imitation for Shi'ite women. He fulminates against the sexual freedom in capitalist western cultures that has transformed women into objects of pleasure. As he explains, "Women are presented only as creatures who are sexy and other than this, nothing.... She is placed in advertisements and used as propaganda for creating new values, new feelings and drawing attention to new consumer products" (102). Though Shari'ati acknowledges that not all Western women are commodities for men's delight, he nevertheless considers Western society wanting in the values of Muslim womanhood, especially when comparing them to Fatima's life and legend.15

After launching his diatribe against the West, Shari'ati criticizes the closemindedness of the religious traditionalists in the East. But Shari'ati does not oppose all religious tradition, only the institutionalist, quietist Shi'ism that has impeded the culama in Iran from disseminating the teachings of Ali and Islam. As he contends, "Insistence upon traditional values stands like a watch-tower with a strong spirit against the West.... Moslems are overflowing with honor, spiritual meaning, values and pride. Their history, people, culture, faith and religious characteristics give them independence, greatness and something to hold their heads up high for" (104-5). But he blames the scholars for failing to spread this message. According to Shari'ati, women must also turn to this same source of Islam, the family of the prophet, for inspira- tion and leadership (Hermansen 90-1). Unlike Kashifi's, Shari'atis narrative is discursive and polemical. Though women are the purported focus of this work, other subjects, such as the role of the culama, have received equal treat- ment and discussion. His analysis in the second half of the work, however, addresses the role of Fatima and Shi'ite women more consistently than in previous sections.

Shari'ati argues the historical oppression of Eastern women partly resulted from "social rules presented to them in the name of religion.... Even the rights and possibilities which Islam itself has given to women, have been

16 e» JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN'S STUDIES

taken away from them in the name of Islam" (108). Though Shari'ati does not specify the rights to which he is referring, he ranks the stunted educational development of women and their amorphous social identities among the woes plaguing them. Woman, Shari'ati maintains, assumes the identity of her offspring instead of shaping her individuality: "Her human values have been lowered to 'mother of the child'... . She is called Hasan's mother" (108). Ironically, though Shari'ati has chosen the name "Hasan" for his example, he is not specifically referring to Fatima in this passage, though the ambiguity may be intended. Indeed, Shari'ati's analysis in this matter seems supported by Kashifi's depiction of Fatima - a portrait that, as mentioned previously, highlighted Fatima's function and significance as mother and wife of promi- nent men of religion.

Yet Shari'ati asserts that women themselves also played a part in rein- forcing their subjugation. The propagation by women and men of "supersti- tious" notions of family and patriarchy, or "father power" as Shari'ati terms it, contributes to the suppression of women: "All of this occurs in the name of Islam... and worst of all, in the name of 'similarity to Fatima'" (109). But, after all, what is the Islam and who is the Fatima that Shari'ati has attempted to rescue from this web of fabrication and falsehood? The final section of Shari'atis work provides answers to these questions. Having established the framework within which to discuss women and Shi'ism, Shari'ati recounts the early history of Islam and the story of Fatima's life. His rendition lacks the colorful and imaginative details of Kashifi's description. Even so, an altered, though equally mythical, picture of Fatima surfaces. Shari'atis Fatima upholds some of the same values of Kashifi's Fatima, but Shari'ati has added other at- tributes - traits that reveal and support Shari'ati s ideological biases regarding the ideal modern Shi'ite woman.

The narrative on Fatima embraces the major events of her life and the chronology of the early Islamic community. One of Shari'ati s salient themes concerns the "revolutionary message" of Islam and its prophet as well as the revolutionary role of Fatima, a daughter rather than a son, in carrying out the prophet's message and his line of succession. Shari'ati juxtaposes Islam's position regarding daughters, and therefore women, with the hidebound notions of other societies that deny daughters the equality and freedom accorded to sons: "Yes, in this school of thought such a revolution took place. In this religion, a woman is freed in this manner" (135).16 Fatima's unique position, then, as the surviving heir of the prophet is revolutionary in and of itself.

Shari'ati supports this argument by showing the deferential way in which


the prophet treats his daughter: "In some of the historic documents, it is recorded that the Prophet would kiss the face and hands of Fatima.... Such be- haviour in such an environment strikes a revolutionary blow to the families..." (135-6). Shari'ati's emphasis on "revolution" points to the activism he hopes to generate among the Shi'ite Iranian women of his time. Furthermore, the idea of revolution is linked to his socialist ideals and aspirations (Hermansen 92; Abrahamian 292-5).

When discussing Fatima's marriage to Ali, Shari'ati does not focus on the foreordained holiness of the affair but rather on the reasons Fatima consciously decides to marry Ali. Previously, Shari'ati had pointed out that after Khadija's death, Fatima, feeling responsible for her father, vows never to marry. According to Shari'ati, the idea of marriage becomes palatable to Fatima when the prophet marries Aisha: "Fatima, little by little senses that her father's young bride will replace Khadijeh and herself - not in his heart but undoubtedly in his house" (155). His emphasis on Aisha's inability to replace Fatima and Khadija reinforces Shari'atis aim in underlining the special significance of Fatima and her lineage. Thus, Shari'ati once again endorses Ali as the rightful leader after Muhammad's death.

Though Shari'ati omits the implausible occurrences that pervade Kashifi's account, he is no less guilty of distortion and misrepresentation. His narrative is interspersed with generalizations and unsubstantiated anecdotes offered to the reader as truth. For emphasis, Shari'ati relates verbatim conver- sations between the prophet and Ali in the manner similar to that of a rowzeh khan. Unlike Kashifi, he makes no effort to refer to particular sources such as the Qur'an or hadiths for his assertions, even though certain hadiths are of

questionable authenticity (155-6). As far as the details concerning Fatima's marriage, like Kashifi, Shari'ati

highlights the self-abnegating and penurious lifestyle of the ahi al-bayt. He recounts that when Ali told Muhammad of his indigence, the prophet ad- vised Ali to sell the sword he had given Ali at the Battle of Badr, "and with its small price, he [Ali] should begin his life." Fatima's dowry, consisting of "A hand mill, a wooden bowl and a cotton rug" (156) is similarly meager and inconsequential.17 Shari'ati does not want to shatter the idealized lifestyle of the prophet's family in his impassioned lecture on Fatima. While Shari'ati acknowledges Fatima's reluctance to move to Ali's house after the wedding, he ascribes Fatima's hesitation to her supreme love for and devotion to her father, the prophet. As in Kashifi's version, Shari'ati quotes Muhammad's effusive

praise of Ali as "a person of the strongest faith..." (157), thereby counteracting


notions that Ali's character might have displeased Fatima. Once in Ali's house, Shari'ati depicts Fatima as a hard-working and pro-

ductive mate - not as a "woman who sits at home and is good for nothing" (113). Shari'ati compares Fatima's virtuous industriousness with the trivial existence of the "absurd woman," the consumer, par excellence, who chooses to buy rather than create. By contrast, Fatima is a productive worker, even though she is the prophet's daughter, and what she consumes serves merely to provide her with sustenance: "Fatima grinds the wheat herself. She bakes the bread. She works in the house and is seen hundreds of times bringing water from outside her home" (157). Shari'atis ideal, then, is inexorably linked to his socialist beliefs. The ideal Fatima - and woman - is the diligent, unpretentious laborer. Work and Fatima's attitude toward work have been idealized in Shari'ati s legend, and they serve as the panacea for the moral woes ailing modern Iran and the Iranian woman, particularly women who have shunned industriousness within the domestic sphere, opting instead for indolence and materialism.18

In addition, Fatima's suffering wins her Ali's love and admiration: "Ali, who knows the generosity and majesty of Fatima, and more than loves her for multiple reasons, knows the difficulties that she has grown up with which have made her weak and is thereby sorrowed by all of the work and labour which she must perform" (157). Like Kashifi, Shari'ati has linked Fatima's morality to her weakness and suffering; her self-sacrificing manner has received her the approval of the leading men in her life.

According to Shari'ati, Fatima must learn from the prophet how to forge her identity. As he states, "'Becoming Fatima' is not easy.... She has the greatest responsibility in the history of freedom, jihad and humanity... Fatima has the responsibility of being the link between prophecy and imamate" (159).19 This passage brings to light the contradictions inherent in Shari'atis interpretation of women's freedom and rights. While he states that Fatima's mere existence is revolutionary, her importance is established through her various traditional roles as childbearer, daughter, mother, and wife. Indeed, in learning how to become herself, Fatima has to rely on the values and teachings of a male role model: her father the prophet. Shari'ati depicts Fatima as having little agency in creating her own personality. Her restricted freedom, therefore, as portrayed by Shari'ati, calls into question Shari'atis interpretation of women's social rights. If Shari'ati intended modern women to follow Fatima's example, would they too have to succumb to the opinions of their husbands and fathers or Shari'ati himself in defining their function in society and in "becoming


themselves"? Such an outcome would contradict Shari'ati's aim in liberating the Iranian woman from the yoke of suppression, for he will have replaced the deleterious European model with an equally restrictive traditional model of his own. One wonders, then, whether this Fatima is really any different from the nameless women described in the earlier section of the book, who assume the identities of their children.

Shari'atis accounts of Muhammad's death and the succession contro- versy depict Fatima as a grieving, though determined, woman. As in Kashifi's work, Fatima deeply mourns the loss of her father but remains a pillar of support for Ali throughout her husband's struggles in upholding the tradition of the prophet. Not surprisingly, Shari'ati chastises Abu Bakr and Omar for confiscating Fatima's rightful property after the prophet's death in this same section (Sharivati 207; Yeganeh 51). Perhaps the epilogue of this work best captures Shari'ati s intentions in rewriting Fatima's legend. His tone of rever- ence and admiration for Fatima and her struggles resonate throughout his discourse. Though Shari'ati is unable to dissociate Fatima - and the modern Iranian woman - from the traditional symbols of wife, mother, and daughter, he nevertheless accords Fatima an independent role. As he states, "She herself is an Imam, a guide, that is an outstanding example of someone to follow..." (225). Although the only roles in which Shari'ati has depicted Fatima are those that tie her to the historic men in her life, Fatima nevertheless emerges in the mind of Shari'ati as an independent religious symbol throughout her

struggles. According to Shari'ati, despite being the daughter of the prophet, the wife of Ali, and the mother of Hasan and Husayn, "none of them are Fatima. FATIMA IS FATIMA" (226). It is this symbol of independence, however murky or contradictory, that Shari'ati wishes to impart to modern Iranian women.20

CONCLUSION

These accounts of Fatima - while written in distant eras and with different ends in mind - summarize some of the social ideals of Shi'ite womanhood and their impact on women in modern Iran. Kashifi's myth does not address women's rights, but his portrayal of Fatima as a fragile woman, dependent upon the divine graces of her father and husband, reinforces ste- reotypical notions of woman as the weaker sex.21 And yet, Kashifi's inclusion of Fatima and his recognition of her role in the propagation of Shi'ism and the development of early Islamic history places her on a somewhat more even

footing with the pioneering men in her life. On the other hand, Shari'atis


work illustrates the way in which Islam can be reinterpreted in the modern period to empower or suppress Iranian women. Though Shari'ati acknowledges the multifarious functions women perform in society, he nevertheless glorifies the traditional womanly values that have made Fatima a beloved figure in Shi'ite culture, including chastity, religiosity, and domesticity. In these respects, the renditions of Kashifi and Shariati become complementary, illustrating the endurance of certain timeless feminine ideals valued by male Islamic thinkers over the centuries.

In the aftermath of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the symbols of Islamic womanhood in Iran have supplanted secular ideals of feminism. The veil, once a mark of backwardness, has been resurrected as a sign of empower- ment. This article has attempted to understand the shifting symbols of Shi'ite womanhood through the persona of Fatima. Because of their popularity, the myths of Fatima have been used by women, male scholars, and, most recently, political ideologues to define gender roles for women in Islamic Iran.22 By focusing on two popular Shi'i traditions and texts, this essay has attempted to show the different faces of Islam and women. While some scholars have studied the Qur'anic bases for the suppression of Muslim women, this article has attempted to show the ways in which Islamic thinkers have used the cult of Fatima to reinforce traditional gender roles and to encourage female con- formity to male perceptions of Shi'ite womanhood in modern Iranian society of their era.

NOTES

1. It is interesting to note, however, that in the days before and after the anniversary of the promulgation of the unveiling decree of 1936, the journal makes no mention of the unveiling decree or the subject of unveiling in general. For culama support of this publication, see A'in-i Islam, 12 Bahman 1324/1 February 1946, p. 11, which cites culama financial contributions to the journal.

2. For studies on women in modern Iran, though not necessarily on Fatima, refer to the following works: Eliz Sanasarian, The Women's Rights Movement in Iran (New York: Praeger, 1982); Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Women or Wives of the Nation?" Iranian Studies, 26 (1993); Ziba Mir-Hosseini, Islam and Gender: The Religious De- bate in Contemporary Iran (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999); and Haleh Esfandiari, Reconstructed Lives: Women and Iran's Islamic Revolution (Washington: The Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1997).

3. For works on the early history of Islam and Shi'ism see, R. Stephen Hum- phreys, Between Memory and Desire: The Middle East in a Troubled Age (Berkeley: The University of California Press, 1999); Heinz Halm, Shi'ism (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991).


4. For Shi'ite sources on this subject, see Muhammad ibn Yaqub al-Kulayni, al-Usul min al-Kafi (Tehran: Intisharat-i vIlmiyah-i Islamiyah, n.d.). Another notable source includes the work of famous Safavid theologian, Muhammad Baqir Majlisi's Bihar al- Anwar, vol. 43.

5. For studies on early Islamic history, see Gerhard Endress, An Introduction to Islam, trans, by Carole Hillenbrand (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988).

6. On the question of monogamy, see Lammens, Fatima et les filies du Mahomet, pp. 48-49. On Ali's severity as a husband, see Lammens, Fatima et les filies du Ma- homet, p. 59. Also, Vaglieri, "Fatima," p. 841, who comments on similar points.

7. For an overview of Fatima, refer to Encyclopaedia Iranica, "Fatima." For an excellent dissertation on the subject, see Soufi 1997.

8. In reviewing Kashifi's account of Fatima's life, I have referred to most of his ob- servations, thoush I have left out some of the more trivial Doints in Kashifi's version.

9. All translations from this work are my own. 10. For instance, see the following works on modern Iranian women: Mangol

Bayat- Philipp, "Women and Revolution in Iran, 1905-11," in Lois Beck and Nikki Keddie, eds., Women in the Muslim World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978); Janet Afary, "On the Origins of Feminism in Early 20th-century Iran," Journal of Women's History, 1 (Fall 1989): 65-87; Eliz Sanasarian, The Women's Rights Move- ment in Iran (New York: Praeger, 1982); Afsaneh Najmabadi, "Women or Wives of the Nation?" Iranian Studies, 26 (1993); Camron Amin, The Making of the Modern Iranian Woman: Gender, State Policy, and Popular Culture, 1865-1946 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002). None of these works grapples with the significance of Fatima in women's popular culture of late nineteenth and early twentieth century Iran.

11. For studies of this era, see Nikki Keddie, The Roots of Revolution: An In- terpretative History of Modern Iran (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981); Mirza Aqa Khan Kirmani, A'inah-i Sikandari (Tehran, 1906); Mirza Fath Ali Akhundzadah, Maktubat-i Jalal va Kamal al-Dawla ya Sah Maktub, 1285 A.H./1868, (Manuscript at the Ketabkhaneh-i Melli-ye Iran, no. 1 123); E Kashani-Sabet, "Cultures of Iranianness: The Evolving Polemic of Iranian Nationalism," in Iran and the Surrounding World, edited by Nikki Keddie and Rudi Matthee (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002), pp. 162-181.

12. For relevant works, see Aleksander Chodzko, Theatre persan (Paris: E. Ler- oux, 1878); Lewis Pelly, The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain, edited by Arthur N. Wollaston (London, 1879); and Peter Chelkowski, Ta'ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran (New York: New York University Press, 1979).

13. For more reaction on the Queen of Afghanistan, see Rosalie Morton, A Doctor's Holiday in Iran (New York: Funk & Wagnalis Company, 1940), pp. 294-297.

14. For related discussions on veiling, see F. Kashani-Sabet "Patriotic Woman- hood: The Culture of Feminism in Modern Iran, 1900-1941"; Mansoureh Ettehadieh, "The Origins and Development of the Woman's Movement in Iran, 1906-1941," in Women in Iran from 1800 to the Islamic Republic, edited by Lois Beck and Guity Nashat (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2004), pp. 85-106; and Camron Mi- chael Amin, "Propaganda and Remembrance: Gender, Education, and the 'Women's

22 e® JOURNAL OF MIDDLE EAST WOMEN'S STUDIES

Awakening' of 1936," Iranian Studies, vol. 32, no. 3, (Summer 1999): 351-386. 15. Hermansen, "Fatimeh as a Role Model," pp. 89-91, also discusses the themes

of this passage. Also, Yeganeh, "Women's Struggles in the Islamic Republic of Iran," p. 49.

16. Also, Hermansen, "Fatimeh as a Role Model," p. 92 for more on this idea. 17. For other examples of the poverty of Ali and Fatima, see Hermansen, p. 92.

Also, Yeganeh, p. 51. 18. For further explanation of Shari'atis views on women and capitalism, see

Yeganeh, 49-50. 19. Hermansen also comments on this passage, though her analysis focuses more

on the intercession motif than mine. See Hermansen, 92-3. 20. See Hermansen, "Fatimeh as a Role Model," p. 93. She interprets the passage

in an existentialist context. Also, Yeganeh, "Women's Struggles in the Islamic Republic of Iran," p. 51.

21. For an example of this idea, see Ali's speeches in Nahjul Balagha in Syed Mohammed Askari Jafery, Nahjul Balagha: Sermons, Letters and Sayings of Hazrath Ali (Karachi: Khorasan Islamic Centre, 1971), p. 173.

22. In 1981 on the anniversary of Fatima's birthday, which was designated as National Women's Day, Ayatollah Khomeini used the occasion not only to recognize Fatima but to praise those Iranian women who had defied the "Westoxification" of the Shah's regime. See Tabari and Yeganeh, In the Shadow of Islam, p. 102.

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