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What if Sociologists Had asMuch Influence as Economists?Economic ViewBy NEIL IRWIN MARCH 17, 2017

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What if Sociologists Had asMuch Influence as Economists?Economic ViewBy NEIL IRWIN MARCH 17, 2017

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What if Sociologists Had asMuch Influence as Economists?Economic ViewBy NEIL IRWIN MARCH 17, 2017

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What if Sociologists Had asMuch Influence as Economists?Economic ViewBy NEIL IRWIN MARCH 17, 2017

121

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What if Sociologists Hadas Much Influence asEconomists?

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Walk half a city block in downtown Washington, and there is agood chance that you will pass an economist. People withadvanced training in the field shape policy on subjects as variedas how health care is provided, broadcast licenses auctioned orair pollution regulated.

Turn on cable news, and the guests who opine on the weightypublic policy questions of the day quite often have some title like“chief economist” underneath their name. And there areeconomists sprinkled throughout the government — there is anentire council of them advising the president in mostadministrations, if not yet in this one.

But as much as we love economics here — this column is namedEconomic View, after all — there just may be a downside to thisone academic discipline having such primacy in shaping publicpolicy.

Wren McDonald

Walk half a city block in downtown Washington, and there is agood chance that you will pass an economist. People withadvanced training in the field shape policy on subjects as variedas how health care is provided, broadcast licenses auctioned orair pollution regulated.

Turn on cable news, and the guests who opine on the weightypublic policy questions of the day quite often have some title like“chief economist” underneath their name. And there areeconomists sprinkled throughout the government — there is anentire council of them advising the president in mostadministrations, if not yet in this one.

But as much as we love economics here — this column is namedEconomic View, after all — there just may be a downside to thisone academic discipline having such primacy in shaping publicpolicy.

Wren McDonald

Walk half a city block in downtown Washington, and there is agood chance that you will pass an economist. People withadvanced training in the field shape policy on subjects as variedas how health care is provided, broadcast licenses auctioned orair pollution regulated.

Turn on cable news, and the guests who opine on the weightypublic policy questions of the day quite often have some title like“chief economist” underneath their name. And there areeconomists sprinkled throughout the government — there is anentire council of them advising the president in mostadministrations, if not yet in this one.

But as much as we love economics here — this column is namedEconomic View, after all — there just may be a downside to thisone academic discipline having such primacy in shaping publicpolicy.

Wren McDonald

Walk half a city block in downtown Washington, and there is agood chance that you will pass an economist. People withadvanced training in the field shape policy on subjects as variedas how health care is provided, broadcast licenses auctioned orair pollution regulated.

Turn on cable news, and the guests who opine on the weightypublic policy questions of the day quite often have some title like“chief economist” underneath their name. And there areeconomists sprinkled throughout the government — there is anentire council of them advising the president in mostadministrations, if not yet in this one.

But as much as we love economics here — this column is namedEconomic View, after all — there just may be a downside to thisone academic discipline having such primacy in shaping publicpolicy.

Wren McDonald

Walk half a city block in downtown Washington, and there is agood chance that you will pass an economist. People withadvanced training in the field shape policy on subjects as variedas how health care is provided, broadcast licenses auctioned orair pollution regulated.

Turn on cable news, and the guests who opine on the weightypublic policy questions of the day quite often have some title like“chief economist” underneath their name. And there areeconomists sprinkled throughout the government — there is anentire council of them advising the president in mostadministrations, if not yet in this one.

But as much as we love economics here — this column is namedEconomic View, after all — there just may be a downside to thisone academic discipline having such primacy in shaping publicpolicy.

Wren McDonald

Walk half a city block in downtown Washington, and there is agood chance that you will pass an economist. People withadvanced training in the field shape policy on subjects as variedas how health care is provided, broadcast licenses auctioned orair pollution regulated.

Turn on cable news, and the guests who opine on the weightypublic policy questions of the day quite often have some title like“chief economist” underneath their name. And there areeconomists sprinkled throughout the government — there is anentire council of them advising the president in mostadministrations, if not yet in this one.

But as much as we love economics here — this column is namedEconomic View, after all — there just may be a downside to thisone academic discipline having such primacy in shaping publicpolicy.

Wren McDonald

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They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

ADVERTISEMENT

They say when all you have is a hammer, every problem lookslike a nail. And the risk is that when every policy adviser is aneconomist, every problem looks like inadequate per-capita grossdomestic product.

Another academic discipline may not have the ear of presidentsbut may actually do a better job of explaining what has gonewrong in large swaths of the United States and other advancednations in recent years.

Sociologists spend their careers trying to understand howsocieties work. And some of the most pressing problems in bigchunks of the United States may show up in economic data aslow employment levels and stagnant wages but are also evidentin elevated rates of depression, drug addiction and prematuredeath. In other words, economics is only a piece of a broader,societal problem. So maybe the people who study just that couldbe worth listening to.

“Once economists have the ears of people in Washington, theyconvince them that the only questions worth asking are thequestions that economists are equipped to answer,” said MichèleLamont, a Harvard sociologist and president of the AmericanSociological Association. “That’s not to take anything away fromwhat they do. It’s just that many of the answers they give arevery partial.”

As a small corrective, I took a dive into some sociological

research with particular relevance to the biggest problems facingcommunities in advanced countries today to understand whatkinds of lessons the field can offer. In 1967, Senator WalterMondale actually proposed a White House Council of SocialAdvisers; he envisioned it as a counterpart to the well-entrenched Council of Economic Advisers. It was never created,but if it had been, this is the sort of advice it might have beengiving recent presidents.

For starters, while economists tend to view a job as astraightforward exchange of labor for money, a wide body ofsociological research shows how tied up work is with a sense ofpurpose and identity.

“Wages are very important because of course they help peoplelive and provide for their families,” said Herbert Gans, anemeritus professor of sociology at Columbia. “But what socialvalues can do is say that unemployment isn’t just losing wages,it’s losing dignity and self-respect and a feeling of usefulness andall the things that make human beings happy and able tofunction.”

That seems to be doubly true in the United States. For example,Ofer Sharone, a sociologist at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst, studied unemployed white-collar workers and foundthat in the United States, his subjects viewed their ability to landa job as a personal reflection of their self-worth rather than asan arbitrary matter. They therefore took rejection hard, blamingthemselves and in many cases giving up looking for work. Incontrast, in Israel similar unemployed workers viewed getting ajob as more like winning a lottery, and were less discouraged byrejection.

It seems plausible that this helps explain why so manyAmericans who lost jobs in the 2008 recession have neverreturned to the labor force despite an improved job market. Mr.Sharone is working with career counselors to explore how to putthis finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

research with particular relevance to the biggest problems facingcommunities in advanced countries today to understand whatkinds of lessons the field can offer. In 1967, Senator WalterMondale actually proposed a White House Council of SocialAdvisers; he envisioned it as a counterpart to the well-entrenched Council of Economic Advisers. It was never created,but if it had been, this is the sort of advice it might have beengiving recent presidents.

For starters, while economists tend to view a job as astraightforward exchange of labor for money, a wide body ofsociological research shows how tied up work is with a sense ofpurpose and identity.

“Wages are very important because of course they help peoplelive and provide for their families,” said Herbert Gans, anemeritus professor of sociology at Columbia. “But what socialvalues can do is say that unemployment isn’t just losing wages,it’s losing dignity and self-respect and a feeling of usefulness andall the things that make human beings happy and able tofunction.”

That seems to be doubly true in the United States. For example,Ofer Sharone, a sociologist at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst, studied unemployed white-collar workers and foundthat in the United States, his subjects viewed their ability to landa job as a personal reflection of their self-worth rather than asan arbitrary matter. They therefore took rejection hard, blamingthemselves and in many cases giving up looking for work. Incontrast, in Israel similar unemployed workers viewed getting ajob as more like winning a lottery, and were less discouraged byrejection.

It seems plausible that this helps explain why so manyAmericans who lost jobs in the 2008 recession have neverreturned to the labor force despite an improved job market. Mr.Sharone is working with career counselors to explore how to putthis finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

research with particular relevance to the biggest problems facingcommunities in advanced countries today to understand whatkinds of lessons the field can offer. In 1967, Senator WalterMondale actually proposed a White House Council of SocialAdvisers; he envisioned it as a counterpart to the well-entrenched Council of Economic Advisers. It was never created,but if it had been, this is the sort of advice it might have beengiving recent presidents.

For starters, while economists tend to view a job as astraightforward exchange of labor for money, a wide body ofsociological research shows how tied up work is with a sense ofpurpose and identity.

“Wages are very important because of course they help peoplelive and provide for their families,” said Herbert Gans, anemeritus professor of sociology at Columbia. “But what socialvalues can do is say that unemployment isn’t just losing wages,it’s losing dignity and self-respect and a feeling of usefulness andall the things that make human beings happy and able tofunction.”

That seems to be doubly true in the United States. For example,Ofer Sharone, a sociologist at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst, studied unemployed white-collar workers and foundthat in the United States, his subjects viewed their ability to landa job as a personal reflection of their self-worth rather than asan arbitrary matter. They therefore took rejection hard, blamingthemselves and in many cases giving up looking for work. Incontrast, in Israel similar unemployed workers viewed getting ajob as more like winning a lottery, and were less discouraged byrejection.

It seems plausible that this helps explain why so manyAmericans who lost jobs in the 2008 recession have neverreturned to the labor force despite an improved job market. Mr.Sharone is working with career counselors to explore how to putthis finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

research with particular relevance to the biggest problems facingcommunities in advanced countries today to understand whatkinds of lessons the field can offer. In 1967, Senator WalterMondale actually proposed a White House Council of SocialAdvisers; he envisioned it as a counterpart to the well-entrenched Council of Economic Advisers. It was never created,but if it had been, this is the sort of advice it might have beengiving recent presidents.

For starters, while economists tend to view a job as astraightforward exchange of labor for money, a wide body ofsociological research shows how tied up work is with a sense ofpurpose and identity.

“Wages are very important because of course they help peoplelive and provide for their families,” said Herbert Gans, anemeritus professor of sociology at Columbia. “But what socialvalues can do is say that unemployment isn’t just losing wages,it’s losing dignity and self-respect and a feeling of usefulness andall the things that make human beings happy and able tofunction.”

That seems to be doubly true in the United States. For example,Ofer Sharone, a sociologist at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst, studied unemployed white-collar workers and foundthat in the United States, his subjects viewed their ability to landa job as a personal reflection of their self-worth rather than asan arbitrary matter. They therefore took rejection hard, blamingthemselves and in many cases giving up looking for work. Incontrast, in Israel similar unemployed workers viewed getting ajob as more like winning a lottery, and were less discouraged byrejection.

It seems plausible that this helps explain why so manyAmericans who lost jobs in the 2008 recession have neverreturned to the labor force despite an improved job market. Mr.Sharone is working with career counselors to explore how to putthis finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

research with particular relevance to the biggest problems facingcommunities in advanced countries today to understand whatkinds of lessons the field can offer. In 1967, Senator WalterMondale actually proposed a White House Council of SocialAdvisers; he envisioned it as a counterpart to the well-entrenched Council of Economic Advisers. It was never created,but if it had been, this is the sort of advice it might have beengiving recent presidents.

For starters, while economists tend to view a job as astraightforward exchange of labor for money, a wide body ofsociological research shows how tied up work is with a sense ofpurpose and identity.

“Wages are very important because of course they help peoplelive and provide for their families,” said Herbert Gans, anemeritus professor of sociology at Columbia. “But what socialvalues can do is say that unemployment isn’t just losing wages,it’s losing dignity and self-respect and a feeling of usefulness andall the things that make human beings happy and able tofunction.”

That seems to be doubly true in the United States. For example,Ofer Sharone, a sociologist at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst, studied unemployed white-collar workers and foundthat in the United States, his subjects viewed their ability to landa job as a personal reflection of their self-worth rather than asan arbitrary matter. They therefore took rejection hard, blamingthemselves and in many cases giving up looking for work. Incontrast, in Israel similar unemployed workers viewed getting ajob as more like winning a lottery, and were less discouraged byrejection.

It seems plausible that this helps explain why so manyAmericans who lost jobs in the 2008 recession have neverreturned to the labor force despite an improved job market. Mr.Sharone is working with career counselors to explore how to putthis finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

research with particular relevance to the biggest problems facingcommunities in advanced countries today to understand whatkinds of lessons the field can offer. In 1967, Senator WalterMondale actually proposed a White House Council of SocialAdvisers; he envisioned it as a counterpart to the well-entrenched Council of Economic Advisers. It was never created,but if it had been, this is the sort of advice it might have beengiving recent presidents.

For starters, while economists tend to view a job as astraightforward exchange of labor for money, a wide body ofsociological research shows how tied up work is with a sense ofpurpose and identity.

“Wages are very important because of course they help peoplelive and provide for their families,” said Herbert Gans, anemeritus professor of sociology at Columbia. “But what socialvalues can do is say that unemployment isn’t just losing wages,it’s losing dignity and self-respect and a feeling of usefulness andall the things that make human beings happy and able tofunction.”

That seems to be doubly true in the United States. For example,Ofer Sharone, a sociologist at the University of Massachusetts,Amherst, studied unemployed white-collar workers and foundthat in the United States, his subjects viewed their ability to landa job as a personal reflection of their self-worth rather than asan arbitrary matter. They therefore took rejection hard, blamingthemselves and in many cases giving up looking for work. Incontrast, in Israel similar unemployed workers viewed getting ajob as more like winning a lottery, and were less discouraged byrejection.

It seems plausible that this helps explain why so manyAmericans who lost jobs in the 2008 recession have neverreturned to the labor force despite an improved job market. Mr.Sharone is working with career counselors to explore how to putthis finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

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this finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

Jennifer M. Silva ofBucknell University has inrecent years studied youngworking-class adults andfound a profound sense ofeconomic insecurity inwhich the traditionalmarkers of reachingadulthood — buying ahouse, marrying, landing asteady job — feel out ofreach.

Put those lessons together, and you may think that the economicnostalgia that fueled Donald J. Trump’s presidential campaignwas not so much about the loss of income from vanishingmanufacturing jobs. Rather, it may be that the industrialeconomy offered blue-collar men a sense of identity and purposethat the modern service economy doesn’t.

A D V E R T I S E M E N T

Sociology also offers important lessons about poverty thateconomics alone does not. “Evicted,” a much-heralded book by

Sign UpEnter your email address

The UpshotGet the best of The Upshot’s news, analysis andgraphics about politics, policy and everyday life.

Receive occasional updates and special offers for TheNew York Times's products and services.

SEE SAMPLE PRIVACY POLICY

this finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

Jennifer M. Silva ofBucknell University has inrecent years studied youngworking-class adults andfound a profound sense ofeconomic insecurity inwhich the traditionalmarkers of reachingadulthood — buying ahouse, marrying, landing asteady job — feel out ofreach.

Put those lessons together, and you may think that the economicnostalgia that fueled Donald J. Trump’s presidential campaignwas not so much about the loss of income from vanishingmanufacturing jobs. Rather, it may be that the industrialeconomy offered blue-collar men a sense of identity and purposethat the modern service economy doesn’t.

A D V E R T I S E M E N T

Sociology also offers important lessons about poverty thateconomics alone does not. “Evicted,” a much-heralded book by

Sign UpEnter your email address

The UpshotGet the best of The Upshot’s news, analysis andgraphics about politics, policy and everyday life.

Receive occasional updates and special offers for TheNew York Times's products and services.

SEE SAMPLE PRIVACY POLICY

this finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

Jennifer M. Silva ofBucknell University has inrecent years studied youngworking-class adults andfound a profound sense ofeconomic insecurity inwhich the traditionalmarkers of reachingadulthood — buying ahouse, marrying, landing asteady job — feel out ofreach.

Put those lessons together, and you may think that the economicnostalgia that fueled Donald J. Trump’s presidential campaignwas not so much about the loss of income from vanishingmanufacturing jobs. Rather, it may be that the industrialeconomy offered blue-collar men a sense of identity and purposethat the modern service economy doesn’t.

A D V E R T I S E M E N T

Sociology also offers important lessons about poverty thateconomics alone does not. “Evicted,” a much-heralded book by

Sign UpEnter your email address

The UpshotGet the best of The Upshot’s news, analysis andgraphics about politics, policy and everyday life.

Receive occasional updates and special offers for TheNew York Times's products and services.

SEE SAMPLE PRIVACY POLICY

this finding to work to help the long-term unemployed.

Jennifer M. Silva ofBucknell University has inrecent years studied youngworking-class adults andfound a profound sense ofeconomic insecurity inwhich the traditionalmarkers of reachingadulthood — buying ahouse, marrying, landing asteady job — feel out ofreach.

Put those lessons together, and you may think that the economicnostalgia that fueled Donald J. Trump’s presidential campaignwas not so much about the loss of income from vanishingmanufacturing jobs. Rather, it may be that the industrialeconomy offered blue-collar men a sense of identity and purposethat the modern service economy doesn’t.

A D V E R T I S E M E N T

Sociology also offers important lessons about poverty thateconomics alone does not. “Evicted,” a much-heralded book by

Sign UpEnter your email address

the Harvard sociologist Matthew Desmond, shows how the ever-present risk of losing a home breeds an insecurity anddespondency among poor Americans.

It works against the tendency to think about housing policy assolely a matter of which subsidy goes to whom and whatincentives ought to be in place to encourage banks to lend inpoor neighborhoods. All that stuff is important, of course, butdoesn’t really address the overwhelming challenge of insecuritythat affects millions of people.

And a large body of sociological research touches on the idea ofstigmatization, including of the poor and of racial minorities. Itmakes clear that there are harder problems to solve aroundthese issues than simply eliminating overt discrimination.

It’s one thing, for example, to outlaw housing discriminationbased on race. But if real estate agents and would-be homesellers subtly shun minority buyers, the effect can be the same.Professor Gans of Columbia has argued for decades that thestigmatization of poor Americans fuels entrenched, persistentpoverty.

If the White House Council of Social Advisers did exist, one ofits great challenges would be to convert some of these findingsinto actual policy proposals that might help. Part of theascendance of economics in the policy-making sphere comesfrom the fact that economists tend to spend more time lookingat specific legislative or regulatory steps that could try toimprove conditions.

And trying to solve social problems is a more complexundertaking than working to improve economic outcomes. It’srelatively clear how a change in tax policy or an adjustment tointerest rates can make the economy grow faster or slower. It’sless obvious what, if anything, government can do to changeforces that are driven by the human psyche.

the Harvard sociologist Matthew Desmond, shows how the ever-present risk of losing a home breeds an insecurity anddespondency among poor Americans.

It works against the tendency to think about housing policy assolely a matter of which subsidy goes to whom and whatincentives ought to be in place to encourage banks to lend inpoor neighborhoods. All that stuff is important, of course, butdoesn’t really address the overwhelming challenge of insecuritythat affects millions of people.

And a large body of sociological research touches on the idea ofstigmatization, including of the poor and of racial minorities. Itmakes clear that there are harder problems to solve aroundthese issues than simply eliminating overt discrimination.

It’s one thing, for example, to outlaw housing discriminationbased on race. But if real estate agents and would-be homesellers subtly shun minority buyers, the effect can be the same.Professor Gans of Columbia has argued for decades that thestigmatization of poor Americans fuels entrenched, persistentpoverty.

If the White House Council of Social Advisers did exist, one ofits great challenges would be to convert some of these findingsinto actual policy proposals that might help. Part of theascendance of economics in the policy-making sphere comesfrom the fact that economists tend to spend more time lookingat specific legislative or regulatory steps that could try toimprove conditions.

And trying to solve social problems is a more complexundertaking than working to improve economic outcomes. It’srelatively clear how a change in tax policy or an adjustment tointerest rates can make the economy grow faster or slower. It’sless obvious what, if anything, government can do to changeforces that are driven by the human psyche.

the Harvard sociologist Matthew Desmond, shows how the ever-present risk of losing a home breeds an insecurity anddespondency among poor Americans.

It works against the tendency to think about housing policy assolely a matter of which subsidy goes to whom and whatincentives ought to be in place to encourage banks to lend inpoor neighborhoods. All that stuff is important, of course, butdoesn’t really address the overwhelming challenge of insecuritythat affects millions of people.

And a large body of sociological research touches on the idea ofstigmatization, including of the poor and of racial minorities. Itmakes clear that there are harder problems to solve aroundthese issues than simply eliminating overt discrimination.

It’s one thing, for example, to outlaw housing discriminationbased on race. But if real estate agents and would-be homesellers subtly shun minority buyers, the effect can be the same.Professor Gans of Columbia has argued for decades that thestigmatization of poor Americans fuels entrenched, persistentpoverty.

If the White House Council of Social Advisers did exist, one ofits great challenges would be to convert some of these findingsinto actual policy proposals that might help. Part of theascendance of economics in the policy-making sphere comesfrom the fact that economists tend to spend more time lookingat specific legislative or regulatory steps that could try toimprove conditions.

And trying to solve social problems is a more complexundertaking than working to improve economic outcomes. It’srelatively clear how a change in tax policy or an adjustment tointerest rates can make the economy grow faster or slower. It’sless obvious what, if anything, government can do to changeforces that are driven by the human psyche.

the Harvard sociologist Matthew Desmond, shows how the ever-present risk of losing a home breeds an insecurity anddespondency among poor Americans.

It works against the tendency to think about housing policy assolely a matter of which subsidy goes to whom and whatincentives ought to be in place to encourage banks to lend inpoor neighborhoods. All that stuff is important, of course, butdoesn’t really address the overwhelming challenge of insecuritythat affects millions of people.

And a large body of sociological research touches on the idea ofstigmatization, including of the poor and of racial minorities. Itmakes clear that there are harder problems to solve aroundthese issues than simply eliminating overt discrimination.

It’s one thing, for example, to outlaw housing discriminationbased on race. But if real estate agents and would-be homesellers subtly shun minority buyers, the effect can be the same.Professor Gans of Columbia has argued for decades that thestigmatization of poor Americans fuels entrenched, persistentpoverty.

If the White House Council of Social Advisers did exist, one ofits great challenges would be to convert some of these findingsinto actual policy proposals that might help. Part of theascendance of economics in the policy-making sphere comesfrom the fact that economists tend to spend more time lookingat specific legislative or regulatory steps that could try toimprove conditions.

And trying to solve social problems is a more complexundertaking than working to improve economic outcomes. It’srelatively clear how a change in tax policy or an adjustment tointerest rates can make the economy grow faster or slower. It’sless obvious what, if anything, government can do to changeforces that are driven by the human psyche.

the Harvard sociologist Matthew Desmond, shows how the ever-present risk of losing a home breeds an insecurity anddespondency among poor Americans.

It works against the tendency to think about housing policy assolely a matter of which subsidy goes to whom and whatincentives ought to be in place to encourage banks to lend inpoor neighborhoods. All that stuff is important, of course, butdoesn’t really address the overwhelming challenge of insecuritythat affects millions of people.

And a large body of sociological research touches on the idea ofstigmatization, including of the poor and of racial minorities. Itmakes clear that there are harder problems to solve aroundthese issues than simply eliminating overt discrimination.

It’s one thing, for example, to outlaw housing discriminationbased on race. But if real estate agents and would-be homesellers subtly shun minority buyers, the effect can be the same.Professor Gans of Columbia has argued for decades that thestigmatization of poor Americans fuels entrenched, persistentpoverty.

If the White House Council of Social Advisers did exist, one ofits great challenges would be to convert some of these findingsinto actual policy proposals that might help. Part of theascendance of economics in the policy-making sphere comesfrom the fact that economists tend to spend more time lookingat specific legislative or regulatory steps that could try toimprove conditions.

And trying to solve social problems is a more complexundertaking than working to improve economic outcomes. It’srelatively clear how a change in tax policy or an adjustment tointerest rates can make the economy grow faster or slower. It’sless obvious what, if anything, government can do to changeforces that are driven by the human psyche.

the Harvard sociologist Matthew Desmond, shows how the ever-present risk of losing a home breeds an insecurity anddespondency among poor Americans.

It works against the tendency to think about housing policy assolely a matter of which subsidy goes to whom and whatincentives ought to be in place to encourage banks to lend inpoor neighborhoods. All that stuff is important, of course, butdoesn’t really address the overwhelming challenge of insecuritythat affects millions of people.

And a large body of sociological research touches on the idea ofstigmatization, including of the poor and of racial minorities. Itmakes clear that there are harder problems to solve aroundthese issues than simply eliminating overt discrimination.

It’s one thing, for example, to outlaw housing discriminationbased on race. But if real estate agents and would-be homesellers subtly shun minority buyers, the effect can be the same.Professor Gans of Columbia has argued for decades that thestigmatization of poor Americans fuels entrenched, persistentpoverty.

If the White House Council of Social Advisers did exist, one ofits great challenges would be to convert some of these findingsinto actual policy proposals that might help. Part of theascendance of economics in the policy-making sphere comesfrom the fact that economists tend to spend more time lookingat specific legislative or regulatory steps that could try toimprove conditions.

And trying to solve social problems is a more complexundertaking than working to improve economic outcomes. It’srelatively clear how a change in tax policy or an adjustment tointerest rates can make the economy grow faster or slower. It’sless obvious what, if anything, government can do to changeforces that are driven by the human psyche.

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But there is a risk that there is something of a vicious cycle atwork. “When no one asks us for advice, there’s no incentive tobecome a policy field,” Professor Gans said.

It may be true that these lessons on identity and communitydon’t lend themselves immediately to policy white papers andfive-point plans. But a deeper understanding of them sure couldhelp policy makers.

The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. Followus on Facebook and Twitter. Sign up for our newsletter.A version of this article appears in print on March 19, 2017, on Page BU7 of the New York edition with the headline: Aska Sociologist to Fix the Economy. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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But there is a risk that there is something of a vicious cycle atwork. “When no one asks us for advice, there’s no incentive tobecome a policy field,” Professor Gans said.

It may be true that these lessons on identity and communitydon’t lend themselves immediately to policy white papers andfive-point plans. But a deeper understanding of them sure couldhelp policy makers.

The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. Followus on Facebook and Twitter. Sign up for our newsletter.A version of this article appears in print on March 19, 2017, on Page BU7 of the New York edition with the headline: Aska Sociologist to Fix the Economy. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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only $1.88/week

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• Access to NYTimes.com andall NYTimes apps

All Access

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Includes everything inBasic, plus:

• Times Insider Access,including behind-the-scenes

Home Delivery+ All Access

50% OFF FOR 1 YEAR

only $4.95/week*

Includes everything in AllAccess, plus:

• Customized delivery optionssuch as Sunday only, Fri.-

But there is a risk that there is something of a vicious cycle atwork. “When no one asks us for advice, there’s no incentive tobecome a policy field,” Professor Gans said.

It may be true that these lessons on identity and communitydon’t lend themselves immediately to policy white papers andfive-point plans. But a deeper understanding of them sure couldhelp policy makers.

The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. Followus on Facebook and Twitter. Sign up for our newsletter.A version of this article appears in print on March 19, 2017, on Page BU7 of the New York edition with the headline: Aska Sociologist to Fix the Economy. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

$3.75 $6.25 $9.90

Ideas. Ignited.50% Off For 1 Year for one year.

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only $1.88/week

Basic Digital Accessincludes:

• Access to NYTimes.com andall NYTimes apps

All Access

50% OFF FOR 1 YEAR

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Includes everything inBasic, plus:

• Times Insider Access,including behind-the-scenes

Home Delivery+ All Access

50% OFF FOR 1 YEAR

only $4.95/week*

Includes everything in AllAccess, plus:

• Customized delivery optionssuch as Sunday only, Fri.-

But there is a risk that there is something of a vicious cycle atwork. “When no one asks us for advice, there’s no incentive tobecome a policy field,” Professor Gans said.

It may be true that these lessons on identity and communitydon’t lend themselves immediately to policy white papers andfive-point plans. But a deeper understanding of them sure couldhelp policy makers.

The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. Followus on Facebook and Twitter. Sign up for our newsletter.A version of this article appears in print on March 19, 2017, on Page BU7 of the New York edition with the headline: Aska Sociologist to Fix the Economy. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

$3.75 $6.25 $9.90

Ideas. Ignited.50% Off For 1 Year for one year.

Basic

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only $1.88/week

Basic Digital Accessincludes:

• Access to NYTimes.com andall NYTimes apps

All Access

50% OFF FOR 1 YEAR

only $3.13/week

Includes everything inBasic, plus:

• Times Insider Access,including behind-the-scenes

Home Delivery+ All Access

50% OFF FOR 1 YEAR

only $4.95/week*

Includes everything in AllAccess, plus:

• Customized delivery optionssuch as Sunday only, Fri.-

But there is a risk that there is something of a vicious cycle atwork. “When no one asks us for advice, there’s no incentive tobecome a policy field,” Professor Gans said.

It may be true that these lessons on identity and communitydon’t lend themselves immediately to policy white papers andfive-point plans. But a deeper understanding of them sure couldhelp policy makers.

The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. Followus on Facebook and Twitter. Sign up for our newsletter.A version of this article appears in print on March 19, 2017, on Page BU7 of the New York edition with the headline: Aska Sociologist to Fix the Economy. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

$3.75 $6.25 $9.90

Ideas. Ignited.50% Off For 1 Year for one year.

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Includes everything inBasic, plus:

• Times Insider Access,including behind-the-scenes

Home Delivery+ All Access

50% OFF FOR 1 YEAR

only $4.95/week*

Includes everything in AllAccess, plus:

• Customized delivery optionssuch as Sunday only, Fri.-

But there is a risk that there is something of a vicious cycle atwork. “When no one asks us for advice, there’s no incentive tobecome a policy field,” Professor Gans said.

It may be true that these lessons on identity and communitydon’t lend themselves immediately to policy white papers andfive-point plans. But a deeper understanding of them sure couldhelp policy makers.

The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life. Followus on Facebook and Twitter. Sign up for our newsletter.A version of this article appears in print on March 19, 2017, on Page BU7 of the New York edition with the headline: Aska Sociologist to Fix the Economy. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

$3.75 $6.25 $9.90

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NEWS

World

U.S.

Politics

N.Y.

Business

Tech

Science

Health

Sports

Education

Obituaries

Today's Paper

Corrections

OPINION

Today's Opinion

Op-Ed Columnists

Editorials

Contributing Writers

Op-Ed Contributors

Opinionator

Letters

Sunday Review

Taking Note

Room for Debate

Public Editor

Video: Opinion

ARTS

Today's Arts

Art & Design

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Dance

Movies

Music

N.Y.C. Events Guide

Television

Theater

Video: Arts

LIVING

Automobiles

Crossword

Food

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Fashion & Style

Health

Jobs

Magazine

N.Y.C. Events Guide

Real Estate

T Magazine

Travel

Weddings &Celebrations

LISTINGS & MORE

Classifieds

Tools & Services

Times Topics

Public Editor

N.Y.C. Events Guide

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Multimedia

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Video

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Times Journeys

Subscribe

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SUBSCRIBE Home Delivery Digital Subscriptions Times Insider Crossword

Email Newsletters Alerts Gift Subscriptions Corporate Subscriptions Education Rate

Mobile Applications Replica Edition

Grading Obamacare:Successes, Failures and‘Incompletes’

Americans Agree on PaidLeave, but Not on WhoShould Pay

Recommended for You »

Basing Life on What YouCan Afford

Pop a Pill for Heartburn?Try Diet and ExerciseInstead