Building goodwill through soft power: An analysis of China’s reputation in Sri Lanka

RDP. Sampath Rajapakshe

Abstract

Many scholars find out that influenced the forms of Chinese foreign policy beginning in the mid-1990s. However, Chinese foreign policy makers introduced “New Grand Strategy” for the 21st century in the mid-1990s. This strategy specially designed to promote and maintain China’s image in the abroad. On the other hand, Policy observers argue presenting of the South Asian region that strategically important to emerging China. Moreover, Chinese presence in Sri Lanka that articulated by policy observers many ways. Firstly, emergence of China as a global power center the geographic position of Sri Lanka is important to Chinese vital trade routes. Secondly, China’s engagement in is a tit-for-tat strategy in response to India’s engagement in China’s own South Asian peripheral. Thirdly, it is argued that this is a part of China’s “String of pearls” strategy establishing. These arguments express that China’s soft power in Sri Lanka that should be a great decision in Chinese foreign policy. This article explores current manifestation of China’s goodwill agenda examining two strains of Chinese current foreign policy in Sri Lanka that limit to observe foreign aid and the Confucius institute that conduct the Peoples’ Republic of China in 2000-2011. The paper also evaluates the success of this so called soft power campaign in Sri Lanka using an international survey to determine if the new orientation correlates with changed Sri Lankan opinions about China. This article evaluates the effectiveness of these efforts by analyzing public opinion polls gathered by the Gallup polling in 2011. Data used for this article has been collected from a large number of books, periodicals, magazines, journals. My findings indicate that the Goodwill Agenda has been successful at improving China’s reputation in Sri Lanka.

Key Words: Goodwill, Soft Power, Reputation

Introduction

Many scholars find out that influenced the forms of Chinese foreign policy beginning in the mid-1990s. However, Chinese foreign policy makers introduced “New Grand Strategy” for the 21st century in the mid-1990s. This strategy specially designed to promote and maintain China’s image in the abroad. The goodwill agenda can be seen as a soft power campaign that include cultural, institution and aid related strategies. Goodwill upsurges nation’s image, reputation and influence in the across the world.

On the other hand, Policy observers argue presenting of the South Asian region that strategically important to emerging China. Moreover, Chinese presence in Sri Lanka that articulated by policy observers many ways. Firstly, emergence of China as a global power center the geographic position of Sri Lanka is important to Chinese vital trade routes. Secondly, China’s engagement in is a tit-for-tat strategy in response to India’s engagement in China’s own South Asian peripheral. Thirdly,

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it is argued that this is a part of China’s “String of pearls” strategy establishing. These arguments express that China’s soft power in Sri Lanka that should be a great decision in Chinese foreign policy.

This article explores current manifestation of China’s goodwill agenda examining two strains of Chinese current foreign policy in Sri Lanka that limit to observe foreign aid and culture that offered to Sri Lanka by the Peoples’ Republic of China in 2000-2011. The paper also evaluates the success of this so called soft power campaign in Sri Lanka using an international survey to determine if the new orientation correlates with changed global opinions about China. This article evaluates the effectiveness of these efforts by analyzing public opinion polls gathered by the Gallup polling survey in 2011. Also here investigate when and why have attitudes of Sri Lankans towards China improved.

Soft power and International Relations

According to international relations theories and debates, soft power is a modern concept which aims to raise awareness of the political dimension through cultural actions. In the international arena soft power is rooted largely in a country’s values expressed through its culture in handling its relations with other states. For example, after being defeated in the Franco-Prussian war, France attempted to restore his reputation by promoting its language and its literature through the Alliance Française, founded in 1883.1 Accordingly, the projection of French culture abroad became an important component of diplomacy in that country. In order to achieve more effective efforts abroad, the decision makers of various states now analyze and implement new actions under the so-called soft power to achieve their foreign policy objectives.

Today, with the progress of the processes of economic and technological globalization, international relations will depend ever more intensely on culture, (or soft power) and economic power rather than military force. Although both hard power (political, economic and military action) and soft power are necessary instruments to conduct the foreign policy interests of one country, the exercise of attraction (Soft power) is much cheaper than coercion, and above all is of a higher value. A country wants to be a great power that needs material or hard power as well as soft power to gain flexibility within international politics. A world power should appears as a world cultural center including ideas, values, norms, social life and beliefs are attractive and appealing to people of rest of the world. soft power does not create automatically under the influence of hard power; it must be systematically improved and set up.2

What is soft power?

The ideas of soft power that one of the most well-known liberal concept of current international relations. Joseph S. Nye has been the tour de force behind the proliferation of the concept both in

1 . Melissen Jan, “The New Public Diplomacy” in the New Public Diplomacy: Soft Power in International Relations, ed. Melissen Jan (New York: Palgrave McMillan, 2005), 11.

2. Ibid, 12.

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academic and policy circles. Today, it will not be an exaggeration to say that soft power is one of the most visible components of foreign policy strategy of many states around the world.3 Five major writing of Nye define the history of the idea of soft power. These are: Bound to Lead (1990), The Paradox of American Power (2002), Soft Power (2004), Power in Global Information Age (2004) and recently The Future of Power (2011).

Nye defines soft power as the “ability to get preferred outcomes through the agenda-setting, persuasion and attraction”. The successful application of soft power depends on an agent’s “ability to attract, create credibility and trust.” A variety of different actors – corporations, institutions, NGO's transnational actors, and even individuals–possess the ability to exercise soft power, and the concept is not restricted to states.

In the context of states, Nye finds three important sources of soft power: culture, political values, and foreign policies. A country’s foreign policy may also attract other countries when it promotes trade, mutual relations, and good governance. Culture attracts but often such attraction depends upon the context: who is getting attracted and by what? Similarly, political values are a soft power resource to the extent that a state. According to Nye, sometimes soft power is inherent in the history, culture, and political organization of a state. In such a situation, attraction is inherent to the existence of the state. Nye calls such attraction the “passive approach” to soft power.4 On the other 3 . Joseph Nye, Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (New York: Perseus, 2004); Civility Program,

www.civility.org.4. Joseph Nye. Ibid.

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hand, in an active consolidation of soft power, states consciously try to make them attractive and persuasive by availing themselves of a number of policy tools, such as public diplomacy, economic assistance, cultural exchanges, and media broadcasting.

Chinese perspectives on soft power

There is no hesitation that the increasing debates surrounding China’s soft power resources and strategies, also the dominant position China has acquired in international politics in recent times. Previously, the concept of soft power has been adopted officially by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and leaders of the CCP.5 Chinese soft power is not a new phenomenon, for instance, the ancient Chinese philosophers such as Confucius, Lao Tsu and Sun Tsu who have contributed to develop Chinese perspective of soft power strategy.6 According to historical interpretations, Chinese take on the idea of soft power, it is the most important to understand the cotemporary context and the reasons behind sudden attention of the concept of soft power in the official corridors of the CCP.

According to Suzuki, three primary factors behind the official recognition of soft power in Chinese foreign policy discourse.7 First, with rise of China, most Chinese statesmen are more interested in understanding the primary component of the power in international politics. Increasingly soft power is seen as a primary component of a state’s power matrix. Second, with globalization and interdependence making wars obsolete, the China has started believing that competition among states will now be carried over in the realm of attractiveness rather than heavy weaponry. In this context, Raghavan argues, “China is expanding its use of cultural, educational and diplomatic tools to increase its appeal across the world”, and therefore, “The concept of soft power has made a strong impression in China”.8 Lastly, soft power has been embraced as an instrument in fighting the China threat theory; by going soft, Chinese decision makers think that they can co-opt other states to their agenda rather than scaring them away by the use of hard power resources.

Literature on soft power in China and western academia demonstrates a wide and often a contradictory range of views. There are three schools of soft power discourses within China that emphasize different aspects of soft power. First, China has been long history of civilization. Chinese culture in this case is regarded as the essence of its soft power.9 Second rapid economic development during past two decades makes China the new star among emerging countries. It is possible for less developed countries or industrialized countries to learn from China’s achievement.10 Third, China’s political system is also regarded as an important part of China’s soft

5 . Mingjiang LI. China Debates Soft Power in Chinese Journal of International Politics, (Advanced Access publication: 2005) Vol. 2, 2008, 287p.

6. Ibid., 289p.7. Ibid., 291p. 8 . Parama Sinha Palit and Amitendu Palit. Strategic Influence of Soft Power: Inferences for India from Chinese

Engagement of South and Southeast Asia, ICRIER Policy Series, No 13, (2011), 4p.9. Ibid., 5p. 10.Ibid., 5p.

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power. The Chinese economic model cannot be understood without understanding the Chinese political system.11 The attractiveness of Chinese political system is constituted by two important elements: first is the ancient Confucian philosophy of state, which emphasized harmony without suppression of differences; where the new Chinese political is considered “Socialism with Chinese characteristics”12 rather than a mere off shoot of liberal capitalism.

Mingjiang distinguishes the Chinese discourse from the western discourse on China’s soft power. He emphasizes that while western discourse mainly focuses on how Chinese soft power is influenced by international system, Chinese discourse analyzes sources and its application in relation to the county’s foreign strategy.13 Thus, the influence of China’s own domestic culture, economy and politics is shaping China’s soft power. It’s soft power instruments range from culture to economic engagement. The political report of the 16th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) points out that “today world culture intertwines with economics and politics, demonstrating a more prominent position and role in the competition for comprehensive national power”.14 The Chinese government often advertises its soft power through several official documents and policies by using phrases like “friendly and good neighborly”.15

Arguably, soft power remains an important asset in China’s foreign policy strategy to engage with its neighbors to maintain stable relationships and successful co-operation in Asia and abroad, as in evident in China’s soft power initiatives in the South Asian region.

Chinese foreign aid

China, in its development, that has attempted to integrate the interests of the Chinese people with people of other countries, providing assistance to the best of its ability to other developing countries within the framework of South-South cooperation to support and help other developing countries, especially, the less development countries (LDCs) to reduce poverty and improve livelihood. China has proactively promoted international development and cooperation played a constructive role in this aspect.

When providing foreign assistance, China adheres to the principle of not imposing any political conditions, not interfering on the international affairs of the recipient countries and full respecting their right to independently choosing their own paths and models of development.16 The basic principles China upholds in providing foreign assistance are mutual respect, equality, keeping promise, mutual benefits and win-win.

11.Ibid., 5p. 12.Mingjiang. Ibid., 290p.13.Mingjiang. Ibid., 290p.14.Mingjiang. Ibid., 290p.15. Mingjiang. Ibid., 291p.16. Shuaihua Cheng, China’s International Aid Policy and Its Implications for Global Governance, International Center for Trade and Sustainable Development, (Geneva,2012), 13p.

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In recent years, China’s foreign assistance has kept growing. Financial resources for foreign assistance from 2010 to 2012 China appropriated in total 89.34 billion Yuan (14.41 billion US dollar)17 for foreign assistance in three types: grant (aid grant), interest free loan and concessional loan.

Grant is mainly offered to help recipient countries small or medium- sized social welfare projects, and to find human resources development cooperation, technical cooperation, material assistance and emergency humanitarian aids. In the last three years China provided 32.32 billion Yuan of grants, accounting for 36.2 percent of the total assistance volume.18

Interest free loan mainly use to help recipient countries construct public facilities and launch projects to improve people livelihood. In the last three years, China offered 7.26 billion Yuan of interest free loan, taking up 8.1 percent of its foreign assistance volume.19

Concessional loan is mainly used to help recipient countries undertake manufacturing projects and large and medium infrastructure projects with economic and social benefits, or for the supplying of complete plants, machinery and electronic products. In the last three years, concessional loans China provided to other countries amounted to 49.76 billion Yuan, or 55.7 percent of its total assistance volume in the same period.20

Distribution of foreign assistance from 2010 to 2012, China provided assistance to 121 countries, including 30 in Asia, 51 in Africa, 9 in Oceana, 19 in Latin America and the Caribbean and twelve in Europe.21 The forms of foreign assistance of China, from 2010 to 2012, provided foreign assistance mainly in the following forms: undertaking complete projects, providing goods and materials, conducting technical cooperation and human resource development cooperation, dispatching medical teams and volunteers, offering emergency humanitarian and reducing debt of the recipient countries.22

Sino-Sri Lanka relations

Sri Lanka recognized the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in January 1950. Two countries established full diplomatic relations and exchanged ambassadors in February 1957. In between China-Sri Lanka Rice Rubber Agreement, signed in April 1952 formed a constructive part of China-Sri Lanka economic relations and was renewed several times. The first agreement on economic and technological cooperation between China and Sri Lanka was signed that maritime agreement in 1963. The Sri Lanka-China Society was formed in 1981, while the joint trade committee formed in 1982 and the Economic and Trade Cooperation Committee in 1984 were amalgamated in 1991 to from the Sino-Lanka Joint Commission for Economic and Trade 17. Ibid., 16p. 18.Ibid., 16p. 19.Carol Lancaster. The Chinese aid system for Center for Global Development (2007 June)20.The State Council of the People’s Republic of China, China’s Foreign aid, English.Gov.CN (2014).21.Ibid. 22.Ibid.

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Cooperation.23 The China-Sri Lanka Business Cooperation Council (SLCBCC) was later formed in 1994. These developments suggest that throughout this period, China has been an importing trading partner and a significant source of foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka.

In a friendly atmosphere, the two sides exchanged views on bilateral relations as well as regional and international issues of mutual interest and reached broad consensus. The two Nations agreed that in the 50 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations, these relations have continued to strengthen despite changes in the international environment and enjoyed healthy and smooth growth, serving as a model of good relations among small and big countries. The development of China-Sri Lanka good neighborly and friendly relations not only served the common interest of the two people but also contributed to peace, stability and development in the region. They noted with satisfaction the positive progress achieved in all areas of cooperation, including political affairs, economic and trade relations, culture, tourism and education.24 The two sides would make joint efforts to push forward their-all round cooperative partnership of sincere mutual support and ever-lasting friendship.

Building Chinese goodwill through soft power

23.Jacob, L.M. ‘Sri Lanka-China Relations’, in Ramakant (ed.), China and South Asia (New Delhi: SouthAsian Publishers, 1988), pp. 155–174.

24. Ibid.

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South Asia is steadily emerging as a strategic priority for the People’s Republic of China and Sri Lanka located in strategically place in the Indian Ocean. The 18 th Chinese Communist Party (CCP) congress held in November 2012, had discussed the policy parameters of the new leadership. It said; “Peaceful development is Chinas basic state policy, and win –win cooperation is banner for China’s friendly relations with other countries. To realize “China’s dream”, we must have a peaceful international environment. At the same time, the country will resolutely safeguard its national sovereignty, security and core interests. The two policies are two pillars of Chinese diplomacy, and do not conflict with each other.”25

In the South Asian context, China’s policy perception would translate as vigorously defending the integrity of its borders, pursuing its territorial claims, developing strategic communication lines to the border areas. India’s emergence as a rapidly growing economic and military power dominating the Indian Ocean this adds to China’s strategic concerns. China’s unresolved border dispute and unfulfilled territorial claims with India have continued to simmers well as India’s growing strategic relationship with the US and Japan.26

Considering this environment, building a strong relationship with Sri Lanka was a logical step for China as it centers a strategic advantage in protecting its interests in the Indian Ocean region while providing a strategic pivot in the Under belly of India.

Sri Lanka has the potential to make a huge impact in India’s strategic security thanks to its geographic proximity to India. However, smaller size makes it moves vulnerable to India’s strategic moves.27 This is relevant to the emerging role of China in Sri Lanka.

Culture and the Confucius Institute project in Sri Lanka

Chinese culture provides the basis for one of the country’s strong assets and has appealed to foreigners throughout history. Nye argues that culture plays an important role in a country’s soft power, and it is thus unsurprising that cultural strategies feature prominently in China’s Goodwill Agenda. Culture carries the power of attraction and in his prolific writing on American soft power, Nye consistently points to Hollywood, educational exchanges, popular sports, CNN and other cultural strengths that help the United States achieve its foreign policy objectives and represent an enduring feature of American soft power. Many countries, including China and United States sponsor language institutes, student exchanges or cultural programs to enhance their national identity. The Confucius institute project is an outgrowth of Chinese efforts in this arena. Designed to spread interest in Chinese culture, promote foreign business activity within China and increase

25 .Fernando N. Sithara. China's Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives : among Big and Small Countries Models of Good Relations, The online version, http://chr.sagepub.com/content/46/3/285, (2011).

26 .Thomas Lum, Wayne M. Morrison, and Bruce Vaughn. CRS Report for Congress, China’s ‘Soft Power’ in Southeast Asia, Foreign Affairs Defense and Trade Division, (January 4th 2012), 11p.

27.Elmie Konwar Rengma. Soft Power Game: A Study of China, India and South Asian Association forRegional Cooperation (SAARC) Tripartite.” Online Version, 13p.

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the number of people studying Chinese language, Confucius institutes and classrooms are an attempt to highlight to positive elements of China’s image.

In Sri Lanka, the Chinese goodwill agenda can be seen as a soft power campaign that combines cultural, institutional and aid related strategies in order to boost the Chinese image and influence. The Confucius Institute at the University of Kelaniya in Sri Lanka is example of education that primarily, promotion of the Chinese language, being employed as a tool for building better ties. China Radio International (CRI)-China’s state-owned overseas broadcaster is launching on-air Confucius Institute in Sri Lanka. The cultural diplomatic initiatives have been implemented through the Chinese educational scholarships. Beijing has been offering generous scholarships to Sri Lankan students for studying Chinese language as well as pursuing other studies and research in China. The China Scholarship Council (CSC) has a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Higher Education Ministry of Sri Lanka, while China awards approximately 23 scholarships to Sri Lanka annually.28 Through these initiatives, China has been able to promote itself as a center for higher learning in medicine, science and Technology. This aspect of China’s soft power is visible in Sri Lanka.

China has initiated several agreements for facilitating cultural exchanges with individual South Asian countries. Cultural exchanges between China and Sri Lanka were facilitated through an institutional agreement signed in August 1979.29 Apart from these formal agreements between China and Sri Lanka, there are regular visits, and cultural exchange programs between two countries.

The Confucius institute project is not only cultural strategy of China’s goodwill agenda. China has successfully employed high-profile events such as the 2008 Beijing Olympics and the 2010 Shanghai World Expo to showcase Chinese modernity, history and culture.

However, the Confucius institute project represents China’s most important strategy along the cultural front and the Chinese government helps fund and facilitate the program. After European language and cultural institute such as American Cultural Center and British Council, Confucius institute project similarly strives to promote language and culture for diplomatic proposes in Sri Lanka. The Confucius institute in Sri Lanka highlights only positive elements of the China brand generates interest in the country; the overall project can be considered a type of impression management that emphasized the image of “a kinder and gentler China”. In this way, the Confucius institute project in Sri Lanka represents a strong example of a cultural soft power in China’s international reputation.

Building goodwill through Chinese aid in Sri Lanka

28.www.governmentinformation.lk 29.Elmie Konwar Rengma. Ibid., 13.

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From this context, China’s goodwill agenda can be seen as a soft power campaign designed to boost the country’s overall global influence and react to thereat oriented images about China. Joseph Nye noticed the term ‘soft power’ in 1990, which he defines as “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments”.30 Distinct from more traditional understandings of military and economic power, soft power provides a country additional base of power, one with the ability to get “others to want the outcomes that you want” without exerting significant resources or strong-arm tactics to achieve your goals.31

Thus, if we think of soft power as attractive power, China’s Goodwill Agenda is clearly designed to make China more appealing to international audiences. It works to promote a benign, positive, and peaceful image of China around the globe through cultural, institutional and aid-related strategies. goodwill has to help China win friends and allies, and to advance to country’s agenda.

Recently Completed Chinese Project in Sri Lanka

Main Chinese Projects US$ Million67km Navathkuli-Karaitvu-Mannar road(non-concessional loan, China Development Bank)

48.4

113km length of Puttalam-Marichchikadde-Mannar road(non-concessional loan, China Development Bank)

73.2

Southern Expressway from Pinnaduwa-Godagama 138.2Material for lighting Sri Lanka Uva Province Project(Uva Udanaya)

24.9

Priority road projects II(non-concessional loan, China Development Bank)

500

Hambanthota Port development(non-concessional loan, Exim Bank)

306.73

Bunkering facility and tank farm at Hambanthota(non-concessional loan, Exim Bank)

65.09

Colombo-Katunayake Expressway project(Concessional loan, Exim Bank)

248.2

Puttalam coal power project – Phase II(non-concessional loan, Exim Bank)

891

Puttalam coal power project – Phase I(non-concessional loan, Exim Bank)

455

Mattala Hambanthota international airport(concessional loan, Exim Bank)

190

13 Diesel engines for Sri Lankan railway(concessional loan, Exim Bank)

100

30. Nye Joshep S. Soft Power: The Means to success in World Politics, (New York: Public Affairs, 2004), 49p. 31.Nye., Ibid. 49p.

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National performing arts theatre(grant, Government of China)

17

Construction of roads(non-concessional loan, China Development Bank)

10

Reconstruction of BMICH 7.2100 Passenger Railway Carriages 27.0Colombo Port Terminal Expansion(non-concessional loan)

350

Source- Department of External Resources in Sri Lanka (www.erd.gov.lk)

China foreign aid program form one of the important strains of the goodwill agenda. Like all other donor countries, the People’s Republic of China gives aid for a combination of political, economic and ideological reasons; China is not only gives aid but also other countries to use aid to enhance goodwill. China’s aid program is rhetoric and practice that based on peaceful co-existence principle, especially, non-interference in domestic affairs that a common policy to Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka relations with China have been occurring stronger over the past several years, especially as western governments began cutting aid by making various allegations on human rights violations. In this context, China has announced that it will give one million US dollars in humanitarian aid to Sri Lanka to help the civilian affected by the conflict. China’s provisions of 20 million Yuan tents have also reached Sri Lanka. China increased its aid to Sri Lanka from a few million dollars in 2005 to about one million US dollar in 2008. By 2011, the total amount of development assistance received from China exceeded the total assistance by Japan, Traditionally, the main provider of aid for Sri Lanka.32 The statistics of aid from China during 1971-2012 stands at US$ 5.056 million, of which 94% was provided during the last eight years. Chinese commitments have risen from 3% of all foreign aid in 2002 to 32% in 2012, reaching a peak of 38% in 2011.33

On 13th August 2009 Sri Lanka signed two key developmental projects namely Colombo Katunayake express way and Hambantota bunkering project worth US 350 million dollars with the Exim Bank of China.34 The signing of the two agreements will pave the way for infrastructure requirements which will have an immense impact on the future socio-economic development in Sri Lanka.

China provided special aid following the tsunami disaster in Sri Lanka. Chinese government provided US 1.5 million dollars in monetary support and relief goods.35 China also undertook reconstruction projects in tsunami affected areas, for examples, China-Sri Lanka friendship village;

32 .Amarasinghe Dhanusha and Johann Rebert. Dynamics and Trends of Foreign Aid in Sri Lanka: Exploring space for context-sensitive aid delivery, International Alert, (2013), 12p.

33. Ibid., 11p. 34 .Department of External Resources Ministry of Finance and Planning, Sri Lanka, Foreign Aid Review 2007, 2008 and

2009, (Colombo).35. Amarasinghe. Ibid., 14p.

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China-Sri Lanka Red Cross village and reconstruction work in three fisheries harbors. The Sri Lankan government has started reconstruction of transport section and China has provided latest railway engines and power sets also hundred passenger carriages.

Chinese aids have been used directly for citizen’s needs mainly roads and bridges (58%), power generation (20%) and ports and aviation (17%). In implementing these projects that involved Chinese companies as the metallurgical cooperation, the China Harbour engineering company, the Sin-hydro Cooperation, the China National Group Cooperation with agent companies facilitating operations.36

Effectiveness of Chinese soft power in Sri Lanka

In order to evaluate the effectiveness of these soft power strategies I divide my analysis into two strains of foreign policy which culture and foreign aid. My goal here is to observe China’s Goodwill Agenda and determine these strategies positively affected China’s reputation in Sri Lanka. I use polling data from the Gallup polling survey results which conducts of survey on opinion on Sri Lanka, to evaluate of these efforts. This is the line with other scholars Nye and d’ Hooghe who use opinion polls to measure the influence of soft power strategies.37 The Goodwill Agenda is designed to build a positive China brand, and I expect that China improve their overall opinion of China when they continue to share foreign policy preferences.

The publically available Gallup opinion polling results as a particularly useful survey because it intended public opinion of Sri Lankans about major power. The question – “Do you approve or disapprove of the job performance of the leadership of China, United States, and United Kingdom…….”asked from Sri Lankan adults has been since 2008-2011. Results are based on thousand face to face interviews with adults, ages limited is 15 or older. For results based on total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error is ±4.1 percentage points. The margin of error reflects the influence of data weighting. In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys can introduce error bias into the findings of public opinion polls.

The Gallup public opinion survey results of Sri Lanka (Do you approve or disapprove of the job performance of…)38

Table-1

PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA

36.Amarasinghe. Ibid,. 13p.37 .Nye. (2004), Ibid,. 121P. and d’ Hooghe, Ingrid, The Limits of China’s Soft Power in Europe: Beijing’s Public

Diplomacy Puzzle, (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), 121p. 38 .Sri Lankans Back Their Leadership Amid Western Criticism: Less approving of U.S. leadership,

http://www.gallup.com/poll/149306/Sri-Lankans-Back-Leadership-Amid-Western-Criticism.aspx

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YEAR 2008 2009 2010 2011Approve 39% 36% 34% 31%Disapprove 4% 7% 7% 10%Don’t know 57% 56% 59% 60%

United States of AmericaApprove 36% 36% 30% 24%Disapprove 12% 13% 17% 26%Don’t know 52% 51 54% 51%

United KingdomApprove 29% 21% 22% 21%Disapprove 7% 17% 15% 18%Don’t know 64% 63% 64% 62%

RussiaApprove 22% 21% 20% 19%Disapprove 6% 11% 11% 15%Don’t know 72% 68% 69% 66%

GermanyApprove 16% 16% 16% 16%Disapprove 6% 14% 12% 16%Don’t know 78% 70% 72% 78%

Source - http://www.gallup.com/

The table shows more Sri Lankans agree with the performance or leadership of China that of the United States, and they dissatisfy about some western countries’ activity in Sri Lanka. They are more likely to approve than disapprove of China’s relations with current government. The Sri Lankan president Rajapakshe has visited China six times since come to power in 2005. Rajapakshe’s August 2011 visit to Beijing, Chinese premier Wen Jiabao expressed to help Sri Lanka’s economic development, promote communication, cultural and personal exchanges between the two countries. On the other hand, the total amount of development assistance received from China exceeded the total assistance by Japan, Traditionally, the main provider of aid for Sri Lanka. The statistics of aid from China during 1971-2012 stands at US$ 5.056 million, of which 94% was provided during the last eight years.

Sri Lankans are less interested with other countries' leadership, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, although many don't know enough about them to offer an opinion. U.S. leadership, which has been one of the more vocal critics of the Sri Lankan government's efforts to investigate alleged rights violations in the final stages of the war, has lost favor. Twenty-four percent of Sri Lankans say they approve of U.S. leadership, down 12 percentage points from 36% in 2008 and 2009.

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Sri Lankans attitudes about the major power in 2011

Source: Gallup Polling Survey Data - 2009 Bar chart - 1

Conclusion

The growing of Chinese reputation in modern Sri Lanka is not a debatable topic. The secrecy is the swiftness and the economy with facts and figures in its aids and cultural relations. The facts remains that China has been a long standing friend of Sri Lanka. As China’s economy power has grown investing overseas has been a tactic used across the world by China to help bolster the national interests. China Strategic clout in Sri Lanka is increasing every day. Many Chinese assistance projects like Colombo container terminal, Hambantota port and Maththala airport, satellite and telecom endeavors provide legitimate access to grow soft power. China soft power is increasing visible in all aspects of Sri Lanka like society, political, diplomatic and development fronts as well. Chinese language teaching and cultural spread are also on the cards as a Confucius institute is schedule in Colombo.

Global and regional strategic reasoning behind Chinese development assistance is oftentimes undeniable. When it comes to Chinese strategic interests in Sri Lanka, there are several theories that have been articulated by foreign policy observers. Firstly, with the emergence of China as a global power center, the geographic position of Sri Lanka is important to China’s vital trade routes. Secondly, China’s engagement is a tit-for-tat strategy in response to India’s engagement in China’s own South East Asian backyard. Thirdly, it is argued that this is a part of China’s “String of Pearls” strategy establishing Chinese naval bases in Myanmar, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka; and finally that it is a general gesture of goodwill and building political capital in Sri Lanka.

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