wealth and power in yayoi period northern - circle

WEALTH AND POWER IN YAYOI PERIOD NORTHERN KYUSHU

by

KEN STARK

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in

THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Anthropology)

We accept this thesis as conforming

to the required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

18 July 1989

© Ken Stark, 1989

In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced

degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it

freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive

copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my

department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or

publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written

permission.

Department

The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada

Date Au*jJ*i-£J1<Uft

DE-6 (2/88)

ABSTRACT

This thesis is concerned with the analysis of grave goods, from Yayoi

period cemetery sites in northern Kyushu, to test for the presence of status

rivalry and competition between leaders of different . communities. The study

consists of a test of two major hypotheses that were derived from a model that

links economic and political success of chiefs with wealth display and the

mortuary ritual. Hypothesis 1 stated that status rivalry was present in the

development of social ranking within communities in northern Kyushu. The key

pattern in this case is that change in political authority is indicated by change

in patterns of wealth distribution and display. Since there was a trend toward a

lack of change in the number of separate wealth rank levels among burials,

meaning a lack of change in patterns of wealth distribution, the analysis results

disproved Hypothesis 1. Hypothesis 2 stated that status rivalry and competition

ensured short-term political success and fluctuations in patterns of wealth

distribution between sites in a regional exchange hierarchy. As a result, major

structural changes occurred in the organization of the existing wealth exchange

network. Since the analysis revealed that regions with the most developed

hierarchy experienced the greatest upheaval and change in organizational

structure, Hypothesis 2 was not disproven. Overall, the results show that

structural change in wealth exchange systems occurred on a regional scale more

than change in internal rank ordering and wealth control within sites. If wealth

possession was an indicator of power, political control in Yayoi period northern

Kyushu was of a very precarious nature.

ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii

Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1

Chapter II. THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU 10 1. Northern Kyushu: The Environment 10 2. The Archaeology of Yayoi Period Japan 14

Chapter III. STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER 31 1. Political Control in Complex Societies 32 2. The Base of Political Power in Ranked Societies 33 3. The Display of Chiefly Power 36 4. Wealth Display and the Mortuary Ritual 37 5. Elite Interaction and the Display of Power 40 6. Prestige Good Systems and Social Evolution 43 7. A Model of Status Rivalry and Change in Regional

Power Structure 51 8. Major Hypotheses to be Tested 57

Chapter IV. ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY 59

1. Introduction 59 2. Analysis of Intra-Site Ranking 59 3. Results of Test For Intra-Site Ranking 81 4. Conclusions 85 5. Analysis of Change in Regional Wealth Hierarchies 90 6. Wealth Hierarchy During the Early Yayoi Phase 97 7. Wealth Hierarchy During the Middle Yayoi Phase 101 8. Wealth Hierarchy During the Late Yayoi Phase 104 9. Change in Regional Wealth Hierarchy 108

10. Analysis Results I l l 11. Conclusions 115

Chapter V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 120

REFERENCES CITED 129

iii

L i s t of Tables

Table 1. Summary of Percentage Values for Burials with 66 Grave Goods out of Total Sample f o r Sites used i n Analysis of Intra-Site Ranking.

Table 2. Kanenokuma Site Grave Good Tabulations. 69

Table 3« Yoshitake Oishi Site Grave Good Tabulations. 71

Table 4. Yoshitake Takaki Site Grave Good Tabulations. 72

Table 5. Toshitake Hiwatashi Site Grave Good 74-Tabulations.

Table 6. Tate'iwa Site Grave Good Tabulations. 76

Table 7. Mikumo Site Grave Good ̂ Tabulations. • 79

Table 8. Suku Okamoto (Sugu Yamanokuchi) Site Grave 80 Good Tabulations.

Table 9- Summary of Test Results f o r the Degree of 82 Ranking at the Intra-Site Level Within Seven Yayoi Period Cemetery S i t e s .

Table 10. Summary Table of Bronze Index of Accumulation 98 Values f o r each of the Five Regional Samples During the Early Yayoi Period.

Table 11. Summary Table of Bronze Index of Accumulation 102 Values f o r each of the Five Regional Samples During the Middle Yayoi Period.

Table 12. Summary Table of Bronze Index of Accumulation 105 Values f o r each of the Five Regional Samples During the Late Yayoi period.

Table 13- Number of Sites Possessing Each Wealth Rank 109 Type f o r Five Regional Samples During the Yayoi Period.

Table 14-. Summary of Test Results f o r Inter-Site - 112 Ranking Within the Five Regional Samples During ?• the Yayoi period i n Northern Kyushu.

i v

L i s t of Figures

Figure 1. The Location of Northern Kyushu Within Japan. ' 3

Figure 2. Hap of Basic Physiographic Features i n 11 Northern Kyushu.

Figure 3. The Fukuoka P l a i n i n Northern Kyushu. 12

Figure 4-. Diagram of a Model of Status Rivalry and 52 Change i n Regional Power Structure.

Figure 5. Locationssof the seven Sites used i n Analysis. 67 of Intra-Site Ranking.

Figure 6. The Five River Drainage Basins i n Northern 92 Kyushu.

Figure 7» Map Showing the Locations of Sites Containing 99 Wealth Ranks 1, 2 and 3 During the Early Yayoi Period.

Figure 8. Map Showing the Locations of Sites Containing 103 Wealth Ranks 1, 2 and 3 During the Middle Yayoi Period.

Figure 9. Map Showing the Locations of Sites Containing 106 Wealth Ranks 1, 2 and 3 During the Late Yayoi Period.

Figure 10. Diagram Showing Change i n Regional Wealth 110 Hierarchy Structure Between the Five Regions i n Northern Kyushu.

V

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My greatest thanks go to Professor Richard Pearson, my thesis advisor, who suggested the topic of my thesis after initially sparking my interest in Japanese archaeology at the undergraduate level. Dr. Pearson was a constant source of information and support throughout the initial designing, writing and production of the thesis. I am most grateful to Dr. Pearson for his many contributions to my development as an undergraduate and graduate student in archaeology and as a person. The other members of my committee also played major roles in the completion of the thesis. Dr. Michael Blake was a constant source of new and interesting theoretical insights on the subject of complex societies and cultural evolution through graduate seminars and discussions. Dr. Blake was also kind enough to assist me in determining the appropriate methods of visual display for the data presented in this thesis. Dr. David Pokotylo was a constant source of support and was instrumental in assisting me in selecting the appropriate methods of analysis to use. This was a long and complicated task and Dr. Pokotylo's many valuable insights and suggestions were very much appreciated.

This project was also initiated through the interest I developed during a two month stay in Japan during the summer of 1987. After Professor Pearson arranged for the trip, I was taken care of by many people in Tokyo, Fukuoka and Ogori City that all contributed to making my stay in Japan a very pleasant and rewarding experience. In particular, Professor Kobayashi Tatsuo of Kokugakuin University and Professor Nishitani Tadashi were very generous and helpful in taking me to see many archaeological sites and museums. I deeply appreciate the hospitality and assistance provided by the the archaeologists and staff at the Ogori City Center for Buried Cultural Relics. In particular, Mr. Kataoka Koji was very gracious in sponsoring me while I excavated in Ogori for several weeks. I also greatly appreciate the assistance of Dr. Brian Chisholm who met me at Narita Airport in Tokyo and helped me get over the initial shock that lasted for the first few days.

Special thanks go to Kazue Pearson for translating all 244 Japanese site names in the data set used in this thesis. Without her kind assistance, I would probably still be translating today! A large number of the tables presented in this thesis were done by Andrew Mason. Without his assistance the thesis production work, especially in Chapter 4, would have been extremely difficult and time consuming.

Many friends and colleagues provided support throughout the writing of this thesis, for which I am very grateful. I deeply appreciate all the help and

v i

support I have received from my mom, dad and brother over the past five years while I have been at U B C . Together, they housed me, fed me, drove me, put up with my bizarre schedules and basically kept me alive so I could come out on campus to work another day. They deserve just as much credit as I do for the completion of this thesis.

v i i

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION

This thesis is concerned with political power and the material rewards

that come to those who possess it. In particular, this study looks at the role of

competition or status rivalry between chiefs in the development of complex society

in prehistoric Japan during the Yayoi period. I have developed this topic through

research on Yayoi period archaeology and fieldwork in the Fukuoka Plain of

northern Kyushu in Japan.

Through research work on the Jomon and Yayoi cultures of ancient

Japan, I became aware of the vast number of works that dealt with prehistoric

subsistence and paleoenvironmental reconstruction in the Japanese archipelago. In

particular, the number of articles documenting the beginnings of wet rice

agriculture in the Yayoi period is staggering. Many articles on Yayoi period food

production explain the introduction of rice agriculture in terms of the diffusion of

an entire subsistence complex that originated in the Yangtze River Valley of

China through the Korean peninsula to the island of Kyushu in southwestern

Japan. Once in Kyushu, change in the development of the complex is explained

in terms of further diffusion northward through the Japanese archipelago.

In most articles internal development within the island of northern Kyushu

is overlooked with the exception of palynological studies which document the

destruction of the dense Laurilignosa forest in this area. Due to this particular

focus, research on political or social change within this region is rare. The

exceptions to this pattern are the works of Pearson (1976) and Barnes (1986;

1

INTRODUCTION / 2

1988). Pearson presents various classes of data which document the existence of

multiple levels of interaction between China, Japan and Korea during the Jomon

and Yayoi periods (Pearson 1976:185). Pearson states that it is useful to view

the Yellow Sea region between these countries as an interaction sphere at this

time (Pearson 1976:184). Barnes looks at the interaction of peer polities between

continental elites of East Asia and elites within the Kinai region of southwestern

Japan that participated in the exchange of prestige goods. This exchange network

symbolized the existence of a homogeneous elite culture within this area (Barnes

1986:91). This thesis, which is concerned with political development on the island

of Kyushu, shown in Figure 1, the result of an interest in explaining social

change in prehistoric Japan and a need to complement other research that has

dealt with this problem.

Another feature that has led to this particular topic is an interest in the

ceramic jar burials and the bronze objects found within them. Apart from their

interesting appearance, looking like cracked egg shells, jar burials were located

only within this small region of the entire Japanese archipelago. The obvious

question that I considered was why? This interest in the Yayoi period jar burials

of northern Kyushu led to a perusal of the archaeological literature on mortuary

analysis. In reading the works of processual archaeologists, who related mortuary

patterning to levels of social organization, and the symbolic archaeologists, who

were concerned with specific cultural attitudes towards death, I became interested

in the relationship between change in mortuary patterning and changes within

society at large.

INTRODUCTION / 3

INTRODUCTION / 4

Some researchers argue that such a link exists to the point that changes in the

social order are indicated through changing patterns in the mortuary ritual and

its material offerings. Others argue that there may be a link, but it is difficult

to decode the nature of this relationship without first hand observation of the

behavior involved.

With thoughts of burials and social change floating around my head, I

was able to see, first hand, the particular area I was interested in through two

months of excavation and assorted festivities in the Fukuoka area of northern

Kyushu in Japan. While working under the supervision of the Kyushu University

Department of Archaeology and the Ogori City Board of Education, Center of

Buried Cultural Relics, I became more familiar with the environmental context,

artifact assemblages and the internal structure of Yayoi period, village and

cemetery sites in the area. I also benefited greatly from discussions with the

Ogori City archaeologists and students and professors in the Archaeology

Department of Kyushu University. Due to the rapid pace of development, the

major concern of local archaeologists is the excavation, conservation and protection

of buried cultural relics. Still, when not trying to stay one step ahead of a

back-hoe, the archaeologists and students were very receptive to discussions of a

more theoretical nature.

Topics of discussion around the dinner table ranged from the effects of

interaction and assimilation between prehistoric Japan and Korea, symbolism in

Jomon and Bell Beaker pottery to Marxist approaches in archaeology. Population

pressure, competition and warfare are all thought to have been key processes in

INTRODUCTION / 5

the development of Yayoi society in northern Kyushu, by local archaeologists.

Unfortunately, there is no time or space in the excavation reports published by

the Board of Education to dwell on these topics.

I was impressed by the amount of data, as yet unpublished, present in

sites throughout northern Kyushu, that support the notion of competition and

warfare in the Yayoi period. I was taken to several sites that contained huge

cemeteries, sometimes containing up to 1,000 jar burials, within large circular

ditches. I was also shown several excavation photographs of decapitated

individuals that were unearthed in these cemeteries. Researchers thought that

warfare was the only explanation for this method of interment to have occurred

on such a wide scale. My experiences in Japan sparked an interest in the role

of competition and warfare in social change which was nurtured through further

research and discussion with the members of my thesis committee.

The data base for this thesis was also provided by my colleagues in

Japan. After meeting with the archaeologists at the Fukuoka City Center for

Buried Cultural Relics, I was graciously offered two shopping carts full of

excavation reports that had been printed within the past five years. The

spectacle created by a foreigner, together with two very helpful and

understanding students from Kyushu University, wheeling two shopping carts full

of excavation reports down the streets of Fukuoka City to the post office was

large, to say the least!

Included within this large collection of reports was a volume on the

INTRODUCTION / 6

archaeology and nature of Yayoi period society in the Sawara District of

Fukuoka, which is an area located southwest of the city center. This volume

contained a summary table of cemetery sites in northern Kyushu that contained

burials with grave goods. The burials and associated grave goods were tabulated

in the appendix of this volume. The information provided in this table is the

primary data base on which the analysis in this thesis takes place. Through

consultation with Professor Richard Pearson, my thesis advisor, it was decided

that the data in this volume would be appropriate for a study of social

complexity in Yayoi period Japan. The thesis topic represents the culmination of

several activities that I have experienced over the past few years. The work

represents not only a piece of research, but also a barometer of my development

as an archaeology student over the past three years.

In this thesis, I provide further information on the material discussed in

the works mentioned previously using mortuary data from 244 cemeteries in

northern Kyushu that date from the Early to Late Yayoi Phases. The model

that provides the framework for the analysis has been developed from a

theoretical perspective that places emphasis on political motives leading to the

development of complex society.

There are two major goals for this particular thesis. First, I wish to

make a contribution to the work of archaeologists, both Japanese and foreign,

who do research on the Yayoi period in northern Kyushu. As I mentioned

earlier, most work in this area deals with rice agriculture, cultural diffusion from

the Asian continent and paleoenvironmental degradation. By looking at internal

INTRODUCTION / 7

political development within northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period, I hope to

complement the work of previous archaeologists and stress the need for further

research of this nature.

I also wish to make a theoretical contribution to archaeological studies

that look at status rivalry, wealth control and socio-political change. From the

model I have developed, I have presented some expected patterns to look for in

mortuary data from the archaeological record and ways to document and explain

changes in these patterns within the context of status rivalry. I also stress the

need for a diachronic approach to the analysis of mortuary data. Instead of

searching for a particular social organization and its various stages, it is

important to begin looking at the internal dynamics involved between these stages

and how mortuary data can help us achieve this goal.

The framework of the present thesis is as follows. A discussion of the

culture history of northern Kyushu during the Japanese Yayoi period is presented

in Chapter 2. The first section contains a discussion of the rice agricultural

complex that was introduced to northern Kyushu at the beginning of the Early

Yayoi Phase. Evidence for population growth in northern Kyushu from the Early

to Late Yayoi Phases is presented in the next section. This is followed by a

discussion of evidence for social ranking and craft specialization in Yayoi society.

The next section deals with the development of competition and conflict during

the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases. Finally, Chapter 2 concludes with a

discussion of interaction between the Yayoi peoples of northern Kyushu and

continental cultures. The goal of this chapter is to provide background information

INTRODUCTION / 8

on Yayoi society and the context within which the processes outlined in the

model presented in Chapter 3 occurred.

Chapter 3 provides the theoretical basis for the present research problem

which is concerned with several topics. First, a brief discussion of the political

model used for the explanation of social evolution is presented. This is followed

by a discussion of status rivalry and the struggle for power. Status rivalry often

leads to interaction between elites of distant societies, which is the next topic of

discussion in Chapter 3. Several examples of elite interaction are presented that

are based on both archaeological and ethnographic research.

In the next section of Chapter 3, I discuss the internal dynamics involved

in wealth exchange, or prestige good, systems and their evolutionary potential. In

the following section, I present a model of status rivalry and change in

community power structure. This involves a presentation of two hypotheses and a

description of how I plan to operationalize the theoretical components of Chapter

3 with the analysis of the data in Chapter 4.

In Chapter 4, the hypotheses and model are tested against burial data

from northern Kyushu. The chapter begins with a discussion of the data used in

this thesis in terms of major artifact classes and the regional sample boundaries

used. This is followed by the analysis of ranking at the intra-site level using

burial data from seven cemetery sites. The methodology consists of grouping

burials into separate classes, based on the amount of wealth present, in each

cemetery. The goal of this particular study is to establish a wealth rank scale

INTRODUCTION / 9

of burials based on the amount of wealth present to test for social ranking. The

second part of the test is an analysis of inter-site ranking using data from 244

cemetery sites in northern Kyushu. The goal of this analysis is to establish a

rank ordering of sites, based on the concentration of wealth present, to establish

a possible site hierarchy within the northern Kyushu area. The next section of

Chapter 4 contains an analysis of change in the wealth exchange network

hierarchy. By plotting the time trajectory lines, for each region, which shows the

number of wealth ranks, or exchange levels, present, I show how the hierarchical

structure of the regional wealth exchange network changes through time in

northern Kyushu.

Chapter 5 consists of a summary of the work carried out in the 3

previous chapters. This includes an evaluation of the hypothesis test results, a

conclusion of the test results and a discussion of their implications for the

explanation of cultural evolution within northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period.

This is followed by a discussion of the possibilities for future research, using this

particular line of inquiry, into studies of this nature on prehistoric Japan.

C H A P T E R II. THE YA Y O I PERIOD IN NORTHERN K Y U S H U

In this chapter, I describe some of the major features of Yayoi period

society in northern Kyushu. The chapter begins with a brief discussion of the

local environment, followed by a section on Yayoi period food production in the

area. This is followed by a discussion of evidence for population growth, social

ranking and specialization. The chapter ends with a discussion of competition,

warfare and interaction with the Asian continent.

1. Northern Kyushu: The Environment

The island of Kyushu, like most of Japan, consists of rugged, high

mountains with few sizable plains. Northern Kyushu, which is the least

mountainous portion of the island, contains the Tsukushi mountain range which is

disconnected and low with a complex series of faults (Noh and Kimura 1983:30).

This and the other basic physiographic features of northern Kyushu are shown

in Figure 2. This mountain system extends west to the Hizen Peninsula and to

the Amakusa and Goto Islands (Noh and Kimura 1983:30). The remainder of

northern Kyushu is covered by a series of numerous, small alluvial plains that

are well developed with thick deposits, located between the Sea of Genkai and

the Onga River basin to the east (Minato 1977:48; Noh and Kimura 1983:31).

Two of these smaller northern plains are the Fukuoka Plain and Sawara Plain

located south of Hakata Bay. The larger Tsukushi Plain to the south is bordered

by Ariake Bay to the west. This low flat delta is composed of deltaic material

10

THE YAYOI PERIOD IN NORTHERN KYUSHU / 11

from the Chikugo River which empties into Ariake Bay.

F i g u r e 2 . Map of B a s i c P h y s i o g r a p h i c F e a t u r e s of N o r t h e r n Kyushu.


Figure 3. The Fukuoka P l a i n Region of Northern Kyushu.


These plains are the product of rivers created by the heavy rains that fall on

the Kyushu mountains to the south.

The northern Kyushu coast, which borders Iki Strait and the Genkai Sea

to the north, consists of sandy deposits. In areas where low coast faces open

sea, dune and beach ridges are common. These coastal features obstruct the

natural seaward movement of drainage waters, which leads to the development of

marsh and swamp land (Trewartha 1960:20). This geomorphic characteristic of

northern Kyushu may have had some effect on the movement and settlement of

early rice growers in prehistoric Japan, who searched for wet lands suitable for

growing rice, before the use of irrigation systems. With natural swampy lands

being utilized for the earliest rice cultivation, little energy expenditure would have

been required for initial land clearance (Hitchins 1976:146). As a result, intensive

fallow techniques would not have been necessary at this early stage of

development in the rice agricutural complex of northern Kyushu.

The northwest and western boundaries of northern Kyushu consist of a

coast characterized by indented bays, sea cliffs and tiny islands resistant to

erosion made up of hard crystalline schists and older sedimentary structures that

have been greatly folded (Minato 1977:65; Hall and Beardsley 1965:15). This

portion of northern Kyushu consists of few low plain areas compared to northern

Kyushu's central and eastern regions.

Northern Kyushu is situated in the warm temperate broad-leafed evergreen

forest zone, like the southern tip of Korea, the Ryukyu Islands and central


China. This zone contains bamboos, oaks, camellias, tea, chestnuts and many

other edible and useful plant resources (Pearson 1976:176). Northern Kyushu

forests underwent transformation as early as the Late Jomon period while even

more drastic changes occurred during the Middle Yayoi period. Pollen records

show that the ratio of pine to evergreen trees increased rapidly during this stage

indicating that the Yayoi peoples of northern Kyushu cleared land for rice

cultivation (Kanaseki and Sahara 1976:19; Tsukada 1986:50). This particular topic

will be discussed at greater length in the following section of this chapter which

looks at the archaeological record of northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period.

2. The Archaeology of Yayoi Period Japan

The Yayoi period (300 B.C.-300 A.D.) represents a key era in the

development of Japanese society. It is characterized by agricultural intensification,

the development of ranked society, rapid population growth, intercommunity

conflict and increased interaction with the Asian mainland. Each of these

processes was linked to the growth of social complexity in Yayoi society.

The beginning of the Yayoi period is marked by the introduction of wet

rice agriculture. Some researchers have argued that the Yayoi rice agricultural

complex spread originally from the Yangtze River region of central China

(Akazawa 1982; Aikens and Higuchi 1982). Others agree that rice cultivation

spread from China, but this spread could have occurred over more than one

route (Kim 1982:516; Choe 1982:520). It is possible that rice was brought into


southwestern Korea across the Yellow Sea, either directly from the Yangzte River

area or from the Shantung and Liaotung Peninsulas further north.

Evidence for the early proliferation of the rice agricultural complex has

been found in Early Yayoi Phase sites in northern Kyushu, such as Itazuke,

located in the city of Fukuoka by Hakata Harbour (Aikens and Higuchi

1982:200). Features such as ditches, charred rice grains and ground-stone

semi-lunar reaping knives reminiscent of those found in early rice growing regions

in southern Korea make up the Itazuke assemblage. Itazuke remains the type

site for all rice agricultural villages of the Early Yayoi Phase in northern

Kyushu.

One of the key artifact types involved in the diffusion of the rice

agricultural complex from China through Korea to Japan was the ground stone

knife. There were four basic types of stone knives found in Bronze Age and

Neolithic sites of coastal East Asia and Japan: (1) rectangular polished, (2)

straight edge with convex back, (3) convex edge with convex back, (4) convex

edge with straight back (Choe 1982:523; Kim 1982:515). Type 1, which

represents the oldest form, originated in the Yangshao Culture of northern China

and was subsequently introduced to the Yangtze River area of central China

(Choe 1982:523). Type 4, convex edge with straight back, is the typical

semi-lunar knife which is regarded as a rice harvesting tool. This type was

concentrated mainly in the Yangtze River area, the western part of North Korea,

South Korea and the northern Kyushu region of Japan (Choe 1982:523). This is

the only one of the four types that is commonly found in northern Kyushu


Yayoi period assemblages.

The tool is made from a smooth, flat stone by striking off a number of

flakes from both sides, followed by trimming and shaping the edge, and finished

by grinding all surfaces (Choe 1982:521). Most knives show wear patterns around

holes, usually two, located near the straight back. Fiber string was possibly

attached to the holes in order to hold the tools with fingers or handles (Choe

1982:521). These particular tools are significant since their appearance in China,

Korea and Japan seems to correlate with the spread of the rice agricultural

complex which entered northern Kyushu and developed into one of main modes

of subsistence in this area by the beginning of the Early Yayoi Phase.

Rice agriculture was one of the methods of food production at this time.

Still, it made up only a small portion of the Early Yayoi peoples' diet.

Excavation reports from Early Yayoi sites, such as Itazuke, indicate that shells

from Corbicula japonica, oysters and Japanese carpet shells have been found.

Remains of wild boar, deer and fish also provide evidence that the inhabitants of

the Itazuke site ate more than rice (Hitchins 1976:145).

Pollen profiles indicate that rice yields from Itazuke, and many other

Early Yayoi sites, were low. To offset these low rice yields, Yayoi settlements in

the Early Phase maintained a diversified subsistence base (Hitchins 1976:145).

While the rice complex was still in its early stages of development in northern

Kyushu, other subsistence practices were used in conjunction with rice agriculture.


There is good evidence to suggest that rice agriculture was introduced to

Japan from the Asian mainland; however, it is important to remember that

reliance on lines of diffusion to explain similar patterns of development between

regions often obscures significant local developments within each area. Nelson

states that using such an argument to explain similar patterns of development

between regions is insufficient to explain how past human systems operated at

this time (Nelson 1982:531). Nelson's comments follow the same argument

provided earlier by Pearson and Pearson who state that paddy rice cultivation of

the Yayoi period represents an intensive technique that could not "diffuse" from

the continent without requisite population density, social organization and

integration and prior agricultural knowledge (Pearson and Pearson 1978:23). I

would also add that it is important to avoid discussion of the rice agricultural

complex as the "key" feature of Yayoi period Japan. Agricultural intensification-

was linked to several other processes, mentioned above, that all contributed to

the development of Yayoi society.

Agricultural intensification is tied in with several indicators of rapid

population growth in southwestern Japan during the Middle Yayoi Phase. In the

Early Yayoi Phase, site densities in northern Kyushu were roughly the same as

the earlier Jomon period. At the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase, there was

a rapid increase in the number of sites and in their areal distribution (Bleed

1972:12). These sites were still located in alluvial areas but were much larger

than Early Yayoi and Jomon period sites in the same areas.

Tsukada (1986:50) uses pollen profiles and archaeological evidence from


several areas in northern Kyushu to argue that the activities of Yayoi

agriculturalists led to population increase with a subsequent shortage of land to

accomodate this growth. As a result, Yayoi peoples migrated in search of

wetlands for agricultural use. When swampland was unavailable, they cleared

forests in dry lowlands to make paddy fields. When prime lands were

overexploited, movement into marginal areas occurred.

This pattern is confirmed in the archaeological record of Kyushu. In the

Early Yayoi Phase, sites tended to cluster in lowland swampy areas containing

alluvial deposits while many Middle and Late Yayoi village sites are found in

drier upland areas away from the major floodplains. Population pressure provides

one possible explanation for this change in regional settlement pattern.

Yasuda states that pollen profiles from Late Jomon sites, located on

alluvial plains in the Kyushu district, show high percentage values for

Castanopsis and Cyclobalanopsis (evergreen oak-like trees) suggesting a dense

forest cover at this time (Yasuda 1978:241). However, pollen profiles from sites

such as Itazuke and Kashiwada, located in Fukuoka prefecture, show a

substantial decrease in the amount of Castanopsis and Cyclobalanopsis with a

sudden increase in Oryza, Pinus and Graminiae around 3,200 years B.P. (Yasuda

1978:242). Yasuda argues that pollen spectra from several sites such as these

provide evidence for the destruction of the dense Laurilignosa forest in northern

Kyushu at this time.

Although Yasuda (1978) and Tsukada (1986:22) disagree on some of the


finer distinctions in the overall sequence, based on methodological differences, both

would agree that extensive forest clearance began in northwestern Kyushu with

the introduction of agriculture around 3,000 years B.P. This pattern shows that

population pressure was becoming an important factor in Late Jomon society and

became even more prevalent in the lives of the Yayoi peoples in northern

Kyushu.

Tsukada (1986:50) provides a population estimate of between one to two

million people present during the Yayoi Period. It is very difficult to determine

the accuracy of this estimate from the archaeological record of southwestern

Japan. Still, the density of sites in this region is many times greater than for

Jomon sites of the previous period, despite the fact that the Yayoi Period was

much briefer (Aikens and Higuchi 1982:244). Different kinds of evidence point to

a period of rapid population growth during the Yayoi Period.

Evidence for social ranking and craft specialization is found in burial

remains and material traces left from the production of durable goods. Ranking

was poorly developed during the Early Yayoi Phase while the existence of elite

burials throughout northern Kyushu, during the Middle Yayoi Phase suggests the

concentration of wealth in the hands of a few individuals (Bleed 1972:7;

Ikawa-Smith 1985:393). Bronze mirrors, jade and glass beads, carriage fixtures,

iron swords and axes, all of Former and Later Han manufacture, plus Korean

made bronze mirrors and weapons have been excavated in great numbers, as

grave goods, in northern Kyushu (Sahara 1987:38). What is most important, is

that these rich burials represent a very small proportion of the total cemetery


sample which was characterized mainly by individuals without grave goods.

(Fukuoka Shiritsu Rekishi Shiryokan 1986:129-148).

This pattern provides evidence for the existence of social ranking in which

elites control the acquisition and distribution of wealth objects. The fact that most

Yayoi period burials do not contain any wealth objects provides some insight into

the limited access of these items that was given to the majority of the people

in northern Kyushu. To acquire these luxury goods, one would have to exchange

equally desirable goods in return. If this scheme did not work, one would have

to provide support, through labor or other means, to an elite already possessing

luxury goods and hope to receive one as a token of this relationship (See

Chapter 3 Page 43). The homogeneous nature of these wealth assemblages and

their sparse distribution in the archaeological record provides a picture in which

the general population had limited access to these wealth networks, while a

select few enjoyed the enviable position of being participants.

Other evidence for status differences between Yayoi peoples comes from

historical records compiled by foreign observers who travelled to Japan at this

time. The Wei Chih, compiled in 297 A.D., contains records and occurences of

the Wei Dynasty in northern China. This document contains a section which

describes the foreign country of Wa (Japan). Located within this country, is the

kingdom of Yamatai ruled by Queen Himiko (Ledyard 1983:305). It is said that

Himiko maintained special relations with both gods and demons to legitimize her

rule (Wheatley and See 1978:24). According to the Wei Chih, Wei Dynasty

officials recognized Himiko as the legitimate ruler of Wa, and there was


considerable commerce between this country and the coastal towns of Korea and

China (Ledyard 1983:305).

This description of Wa and Yamatai also contains a reference to the level

of social complexity attained by the people of this foreign land. There is much

evidence which points to the existence of political and social stratification in

Yayoi society. Passages in the chronicle refer to class distinctions, rulers, vassals,

ambassadors, foreign missions, taxes and markets supervised by officials (Aikens

and Higuchi 1982:247). Tattoo designs on the bodies of local inhabitants are said

to differ from community to community and in accordance with social positions

(Lu 1974:9).

There are many problems in using data from the Wei Chih, and other

historical chronicles, to explain the nature of Yayoi society in northern Kyushu.

In spite of the useful description provided, it is very difficult to ascertain

Yamatai's exact location in relation to China and Korea (Young 1958:38). Most

scholars (Young 1958; Ledyard 1983) tend to place the location of Yamatai

either in northern Kyushu or the Kinai region of central Honshu, but its exact

location remains uncertain.

Another problem stems from a lack of archaeological evidence for many of

the elaborate descriptions of the material culture associated with the country of

Yamatai. It is stated that Himiko had 1,000 women as attendants, resided in a

palace surrounded by towers and stockades and ruled over a major political

center of 70,000 households (Ledyard 1983:306). Most scholars emphasize the fact


that there has been no archaeological discovery of this magnitude from the Yayoi

period of northern Kyushu.

However, recent excavations of the Yoshinogari site located on the Saga

Plain near the Seburi mountains in northern Kyushu may change this current

view. The Yoshinogari site, which was occupied from the end of the Early to

the Late Yayoi Phases, is a large hilltop community surrounded by two large

moats (Takakura 1989). The inner moat, which runs 70 metres from east to

west and 150 metres from north to south, has a V-shaped cross section and is

6.5 metres wide and more than three metres deep. The outer moat, which

extends 900 metres from north to south, is filled with thousands of intact and

fragmented pottery vessels (Takakura 1989).

Inside the moat, more than 100 pit houses have been discovered along

with over 2,300 burials. A large burial mound 40 metres in diameter has also

been unearthed which contains a jar burial with one bronze sword and ten

tubular shaped beads (Takakura 1989). Further excavation has revealed evidence

that researchers think may suggest the erection of a watch tower during the

Late Yayoi for defensive purposes. There is no conclusive evidence that the

Yoshinogari site is Yamatai, however, its discovery does suggest the existence of

a large major political centre located on the Saga Plain between the late part of

the Early and Late Yayoi Phases.

Evidence for specialization has been found in many forms in Yayoi period

Japan. The production of many artifacts found in Yayoi sites would not have


been possible without some degree of craft specialization. Kidder argues that

there was a tendency toward specialization in pottery making (Kidder 1977:49).

In particular, the large double jars for burials in the Middle Yayoi were not the

work of ordinary potters. Pottery was not the only artifact class that required

skills beyond those of an ordinary laborer to make.

The bronze and iron weapons and tools found in elite burials of northern

Kyushu also provide good evidence for craft specialization in metallurgy. There

are three major classes of bronze weapon found in grave assemblages throughout

the Yayoi period; each has imported and native examples. The continental ones

are distinguishable from local objects by size and the quality of the material.

Bronze weapons from Japan were cast with less tin than those from the Asian

mainland (Kidder 1959:110).

The bronze sword of Yayoi Japan was double-edged with a slender blade

and narrow handle with a shape resembling a lanceolate point (Kidder 1959:110;

Robinson 1961:15). This object belonged to a very early age in the introduction

of bronze into Japan between the first and second centuries B.C. (Kidder

1959:110). As with other bronze weapons, swords first appeared in their original

narrow forms that they possessed in northeast Asia (Egami 1973:120). The form

was gradually broadened and elongated to the extent that later examples were

probably used as weapons of war and symbols for visual display.

Halberds and tanged and socketed spears also follow this pattern. In its

earlier continental form, the socketed spear began as a short, sturdy, slender


blade roughly 20 cm. in length. Through time, it was changed into a metre long

implement with a very wide, flat blade shaped like a canoe paddle. Obviously,

visual display and ceremony would be main use for such a large, unwieldy object

cast in a raw material of high wealth value.

The earliest bronze weapons entered Kyushu at the end of the Early

Yayoi Phase. Through the study of lead isotope ratios, researchers have shown

that bronze objects in Japan's prehistoric and proto-historic ages were, without

exception, of continental origin (Mabuchi, Hirao and Nishida 1985:151). In fact,

virtually all bronze in Japan, prior to the 7th Century has been demonstrated to

be of continental origin (Barnes 1988:258). As a result, Yayoi elites in northern

Kyushu would have been dependent on foreign exchange links for wealth.

Until recently, Kyushu had been interpreted as an area where bronze

weapons predominate while the Kinki district was referred to as the center for

bronze bells in Yayoi period Japan (Aikens and Higuchi 1982:246; Sahara

1987:50). Recent discoveries on the island of Kyushu have forced many

archaeologists to reconsider their position on this particular topic.

In 1979, bronze bell moulds were discovered at the Yasunagata site in

Saga Prefecture, northern Kyushu (Sahara 1987:51). Excavations in 1982 at the

Akonoura site, in Fukuoka prefecture, led to the discovery of a bronze bell

mould (Sahara 1987:51). Moulds for smaller bells have been recovered from the

Okamoto 4 chome and Otani sites, both in Fukuoka prefecture (Sahara 1987:52).

Evidence such as this now clearly shows that bronze bells were cast at several


locations in Kyushu, and it is quite likely that the custom of using bronze bells

also extended into this region (Sahara 1987:51). More archaeological discoveries of

this nature in the Kyushu and Kinki Districts will provide further evidence for

interaction between these two areas.

Much like their bronze counterparts, iron weapons were also exported to

northern Kyushu from the Asian mainland. Iron weapons are found in forms

similar to bronze weapons, such as swords, spears and halberds, however, unlike

bronze objects, utilitarian tools were cast in iron.

The most important metal for the production of agricultural tools in Yayoi

period Japan was iron. At the beginning of the Yayoi period, iron woodworking

tools (knives, adzes) were used to manufacture the wooden spades and hoes used

for rice cultivation. Iron-tipped agricultural implements only became popular in the

Late Yayoi Phase when rice growing was expanded into the higher dry areas

where sharper, sturdier tools were needed to work the harder soil (Barnes

1981:46).

It appears that these iron implements were used for more than utilitarian

purposes. Iron planeheads, chisels, sickles, hoes and many other tools for

agriculture and woodworking, along with iron weapons, are found in Yayoi burial

assemblages (Fukuoka Shiritsu Rekishi Shiryokan 1986:129-148). In this particular

context, these utilitarian objects were probably used to indicate the occupational

status of the deceased or emphasize the importance of subsistence-related labor to

the maintenance and stability of village life.


The iron objects found in Yayoi Period sites in northern Kyushu are

different from those in China and Korea. Japanese examples are usually wrought

iron while those from the continent are cast iron (Hashiguchi 1974:1). Iron

objects are not as dominant as their bronze counterparts in Yayoi Period burial

assemblages in northern Kyushu. Kidder points to the rapid deterioration of iron

in marshy Yayoi sites as one possible explanation for this scanty distribution

(Kidder 1964:16). The iron tools and weapons may have also had to withstand

more frequent use, due to their value as functional implements. Bronze objects,

on the other hand, would have had a much less rigorous cycle of utilization

since their primary function was that of decoration or visual display. Metallurgy

provides evidence not only for craft specialization, but also social ranking since it

appears that elites would have initiated the production of these wealth objects to

be competitive with other elites who required status objects for exchange or their

own consumption.

Competition and conflict appear to have played important roles in the

development of Yayoi society. Evidence for this is provided by large numbers of

bronze and iron weapons found in burials which shows the importance of power

and authority in the maintenance of social order. Decapitated war victims were

not an uncommon feature in many of the large cemetery sites, such as

Yoshinogari, in Saga prefecture (Hayami: personal communication). There are also

many examples, like the Nejikome site in Nagasaki prefecture, where bronze

arrowheads have been found imbedded in the skull of an individual interred in a

burial jar (Kanaseki and Sahara 1976:25). Weapons of war and the victims are

not the only form of evidence for intercommunity conflict.


There is evidence to suggest that measures were taken to enhance the

defensibility of villages in the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases with the

construction of fortification ditches around hilltop settlements (Aikens and Higuchi

1982:244). The large ditches and possible watchtower at the Yoshinogari site

provide further evidence for this pattern. Kanaseki and Sahara point to the

simultaneous appearance of highland settlement with evidence for the mass

production of weapons in the Kinki district of central Honshu (1976:25). Perhaps,

further excavation will also reveal the existence of this pattern in northern

Kyushu.

Kanaseki argues that fighting may have occurred among villages over

water rights, harvests and cultivated land (1986:318). Kanaseki states that

stronger villages came to control others, and eventually, entire local areas were

unified as result of this competition. This notion of unification and hierachy is an

intriguing idea . which Barnes (1988) tests on data from the Nara Basin during

the Yayoi and Kofun periods. I am unaware of any attempts to test for this

pattern through the analysis of Yayoi period sites in northern Kyushu. This

would be a useful study to pursue by researchers who have complete Yayoi

period site inventories for the northern Kyushu region.

The Yayoi period represents a time of increased interaction between Yayoi

society and cultures on the Asian mainland. Many features of northern Kyushu

culture are directly related to Korea. Stone cist, dolmen and jar burials are

found in both regions, although the cists and dolmens tend to be rare and

localized in Japan. Bronze weapons are also found in the rich burials of northern


Kyushu and the Korean peninsula (Okazaki 1975:197). Pearson argues that the

dispersal of bronze luxury goods in maritime areas of the Korean peninsula and

northern Kyushu marks the beginning of a new level of interaction between the

two regions (1976:184).

Barnes argues that interaction between Korea and Yayoi period Japan

occurred between political groupings that were "peer" or equal to each other

(Barnes 1986:82). It was elite interaction, within the centralized political

hierarchies, that provided the driving force for social development and

organizational elaboration. The elaborate goods made from bronze and precious

stone found in rich Yayoi, and later Kofun, burials were more than indicators of

wealth; they were the material symbols of group membership (Barnes 1986:83).

Barnes argues that Korean and Yayoi rulers formed a large supralocal elite

grouping symbolized by a homogeneous material culture denoting group

membership.

This model seems appropriate for the situation in the Kinai region of

Kofun period Japan. There is clear evidence for the existence of a homogeneous

body of material objects, stone bracelets, triangular-rim bronze mirrors, large

cylindrical beads and curved magatama jewels, deposited in tombs (Barnes

1986:88). Settlement pattern analysis reveals the presence of two hierarchical

polities in the Kinai region during the Early Kofun period. Each polity was

characterized by a two-tiered settlement hierarchy indicated by the spatial

clustering of keyhole-shaped tombs within their boundaries (Barnes 1988:279). The

first level contained clusters of medium-sized keyhole tombs, while the higher


level was represented by clusters of large keyhole tombs.

The Transitional and Early Kofun period elite materials found in tombs

are distributed at wider intervals across the landscape than during the Late

Yayoi in this region (Barnes 1988:281). Barnes argues that this sparse,

continuous distribution of wealth materials could mean that they were used only

by the elite segment of society (Barnes 1988:281). This argument is well

supported by archaeological evidence in the Kinai region; however, the situation

in northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period may have been quite different.

An alternative argument is presented in the next chapter. As Barnes

states, northern Kyushu's relationship with Korea played a role in its

development. The model that I test does not focus on interaction as a prime

source of social change. Instead, I look at local development and change in the

political structure of Yayoi society in northern Kyushu. Status rivalry and the

conversion of local subsistence products into tangible wealth items may have also

set things in motion. I argue that competition for control over resources (people,

subsistence goods, land) and wealth and the power that stems from this control

provided the engine that led to political and economic development in the

northern Kyushu region. I also argue that this competitive system set a limit on

the amount of absolute control one particular leader, or community, could possess.

This notion is further developed in the next chapter. Chapter 3 includes a

discussion of status rivalry and political power, wealth display and the mortuary

ritual. This is followed by a section on wealth exchange systems and their


evolutionary potential within the context of status rivalry. I also present a model

of status rivalry and change in community and regional power structures and the

two major hypotheses to be tested in this thesis.

C H A P T E R III. STATUS R I V A L R Y AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER

In this chapter, I discuss a model that I have developed to explain the

role of status rivalry and competition in the growth of social complexity in

ranked societies. The research is based on the work of anthropologists who use

political models to explain the rise of social complexity. One model suggests that

the control and manipulation of wealth are key factors in building political power

(Brumfiel and Earle 1987:3). Within this framework, elites are viewed as prime

movers, or causal agents that have a direct influence on social change (Marcus

1983:11). As causal agents behind events, elites represent a way of conceiving

power in society and attributing responsibility to persons rather than to

impersonal'processes (Marcus 1983:10). Any study of this nature calls for the

researcher to deal with wealth control by elites and how they use this wealth to

bolster their own political careers and how this affects cultural change.

Wealth can come into play in the initial stages of societal ranking. An

individual may establish superior social rank by displaying the symbols associated

with an already established foreign elite or by monopolizing and manipulating the

sacred symbols of his or her own population's cosmology (Brumfiel and Earle

1987:3; Flannery 1968:105; Wheatley 1975:239). Control over wealth, which

stems from control over production, can be used to attract clients and allies to

compete for political leadership and to cement alliances that enhance existing

power (Brumfiel and Earle 1987:3; Healey 1978:206; Helms 1979:77). The main

argument of researchers who use this particular perspective is that wealth can

be used to attain, strengthen and centralize political control. Political complexity

31

STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 32

results from the elaboration of various means to control wealth which

subsequently leads to the strengthening of political and economic control (Earle

1987:67; Webster 1975:469).

The model developed in this thesis is concerned with the internal dynamics

that lead to the struggle for political power. I argue that status rivalry is a key

factor that leads to the growth of political complexity. The quest for power can

lead to the strengthening of political and economic control; however, the reverse

may also occur. Many built-in contraints, within chiefly societies, often set limits

on the amount of control that a chief may possess in a community or that a

single community may hold in a regional settlement system. I will now discuss

some of the internal dynamics involved in status rivalry.

1. P o l i t i c a l Control i n Complex Societies

One of the most important concerns of a ruling body governing a group

of individuals is, how does one maintain effective political control? One of the

ways this may be accomplished is through force or coercion in which the choice

given is to provide support to the ruling aparatus or suffer physical discomfort

(Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:22). This form of control is possible in

state-level societies which are complex systems with a large amount of internal

differentiation and specialization (Flannery 1972:409). States are governed by

bureaucratic or military rulers that are separated from the rest of society by a

number of administrative levels in such a way that the whole system forms a

control hierarchy (Flannery 1972:411). Order is maintained by full-time military


or law enforcement specialists to provide protection for the general population and

the ruling government. The civil law and formal government, of state societies,

are distinguishable from the usual forms of political control in less complex

societies by the fact that they are institutionalized and they employ the actual

use of force (Service 1975:14). Law and government can be backed by force

rather than public opinion alone or some form of independent personal action

(Service 1975:15). This is not the case in the governing systems of ranked

societies.

2. The Base of Pol i t i c a l Power i n Ranked Societies

Ranked societies are regionally organized and composed of a number of

local communities tied by their placement in a regional hierarchy under the rule

of a paramount chief (Earle 1978:2). Ranked societies have centralized direction,

hereditary hierarchical status arrangements, but no formal, legal apparatus to

implement force (Service 1975:16). Unlike the bureaucratic or military rulers that

govern state societies, chiefdom elites are linked to the kinship-based organizations

that structure their ranked societies. Power rests solely on an hierarchical

relationship between persons or groups, so that obedience is not compelled by

force but rather by custom, habit, ideas of propriety, benefits or other

considerations that effectively reinforce and legitimize the power and make it

acceptable (Service 1975:11). Since chiefdoms lack the strong governmental

aparatus of state societies, a chiefs use of power is limited by kin-based

sanctions (Earle 1978:2; Helms 1987:77; Service 1962:159; Webster 1975:466). A

chief may lose support, and thus, his ability to rule, if his actions do not meet


the approval of his subjects.

As a result, chiefs must rule by consensual power in which effectiveness

depends on legitimacy (Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:22). Legitimacy is a type

of support that derives from values held by the individuals involved in the power

play between ruler and supporters (Tilley 1984:116). Expectations are that the

the chief will, under certain circumstances, meet certain obligations that are held

by those who view him as a legitimate ruler (Swartz, Turner and Tuden

1966:11). Legitimacy is support through confidence, on the part of a chiefs

followers, that he has the ability to deal with a given situation in which the

end result will be desirable to all those involved.

Power rests on legitimacy; power may be regarded as the dynamic aspect

of legitimacy; as legitimacy put to the test as social action (Swartz, Turner and

Tuden 1966:14). Goldman uses this framework to explain the relationship between

power and status in Polynesian chiefdoms. In Polynesian society, status was

based on hereditary rank, or genealogical descent from a founding ancestor or

lineage (Goldman 1970:5; Kaeppler 1971:188). Other principles such as mana,

seniority, descent along a male line and a concrete emphasis on ability were also

involved (Goldman 1970:13). This emphasis on ability puts the status system in

motion (Goldman 1970:13). Status is a given; however, the prerogatives of status

must be put into action for one to acquire and consolidate chiefly power

(Goldman 1970:9). A chief must exercise and display his powers or the

authenticity of his rank is challenged by other elites within the community

(Goldman 1970:16). Chiefly status represents a static dimension while chiefly


power represents a dynamic dimension, or a dynamic aspect of legitimacy

(Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:14).

Swartz, Turner and Tuden provide an example of a chiefs use of

legitimacy as a basis for power (1966:13). An official may begin his career in

office through providing a service or performing a ritual that serves to establish

positive expectations in the minds of those affected by him so that, at the

beginning of his career, support is through legitimacy. Through time, this chief

may consistently fail to meet these expectations and lose the legitimacy gained

through the ritual at the outset of his career (1966:13). If he continues to fail,

he will lose support and be ousted by a more capable individual able to meet

these expectations (Webster 1975:466).

There are many ways, apart from assasination or rebellion, in which a

chief may be coerced by his supporters. They may refuse to perform or

participate in certain rituals, thus endangering the chiefdom, or they may impose

economic sanctions, such as refusing to pay the chief his share of the tribute

(Lloyd 1965:76). A chief commands the payment of tribute by virtue of his

political power; however, much of the chiefs power rests on his access to vast

amounts of tribute (Steponaitis 1981:322). The prestige and sanctity of a chiefly

line rests upon the ability to mobilize labor and collect tribute (Kirch 1985:289).

If a chiefs control over resources is removed a substantial portion of his power

is taken away.

S T A T U S R I V A L R Y A N D T H E S T R U G G L E F O R P O W E R / 36

3. The Display of Chiefly Power

To defeat the challenge from other elites within the community, chiefs

must constantly display personal strength and wisdom. One of the ways in which

power m a y be displayed is through the chiefs interpersonal relations wi th others

in the community (Goldman 1970:18). A chief can achieve legit imacy through

consistently meeting the demands of his supporters, and can thus operate through

the use of consensual power. B y providing goods and services to others, a chief

w i l l assemble a core of supporters who w i l l provide a large-scale labor or

mi l i t a ry force should the need arise (Steponaitis 1981:322).

Power is also displayed through symbolic means. House size, insignia,

dress, ornamentation, public architecture and various forms of behavior can a l l be

used as constant reminders of the power vested in the chiefly position (Goldman

1970:18). The meanings and emotions that are associated wi th part icular rites

and symbols m a y also provide a source of indirect support. The aroused feelings

and beliefs can be associated wi th various levels of the political system and

cause them to be positively evaluated (Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:25; Ti l ley

1984:115). A large storehouse stocked wi th food, or images carved to celebrate a

successful mi l i t a ry conquest both serve to symbolize the economic and political

strength of the community that is the result of the incumbent chiefs policies.

Such display provides a constant reminder of chiefly power.

Another important measure of power comes from a ch iefs implementation

of policies. A chiefs ability must often be proven by success i n warfare or by


participating in elite exchange networks (Goldman 1970:18; Helms 1979:86). By

gaining access to external sources of wealth, a chief displays his ability to

provide goods for supporters within his community, which enhances his position.

Wealth indicates a chiefs ability or, if it is contributed, the personal following

that has accumulated and it guarantees the maintenance of the prestige of the

office.

4. Wealth Display and the Mortuary Ritual

Mortuary data provide evidence for social ranking and large amounts of

wealth (Peebles and Kus 1977:445; Shennan 1975; 1982; Tainter 1978). One of

the basic assumptions used in this kind of study is that the differential

treatment of an individual in death is an indicator of his or her differential

treatment, or status level, in life (Saxe 1970). During the course of life, various

social identities of an individual are expressed in different situations. At the

death of an individual, the living decide which identities of the deceased are the

most important and should be expressed in mortuary ritual. The determining

factors in these decisions are the rights and duties of the living to the deceased.

Binford expands further on this notion stating that a higher social rank

develops out of one's possession of a larger array of status relationships with

others (Binford 1971:21). At the time of death, all those who possess some sort

of relationship with the deceased will be involved in the funerary ceremony. The

higher one's position in society, the more influence one has over a larger number

of people. Therefore, the funerary ceremony of a high ranking elite person would


involve a huge display of corporate involvement, manifest in a greater amount of

energy expenditure, leading to the construction of a more elaborate burial facility

(Tainter and Cordy 1977:109). The display of the elite individual's high status

may occur through the inclusion of large numbers of prestige goods of high

wealth value in the burial (Brown 1981; Shennan 1975:283; Tainter 1978). This

would show some of the tangible rewards this individual was able to acquire for

himself and the rest of the community.

Wealth goods may often be used as funerary objects, which makes the

mortuary ritual a material manifestation of status rivalry. Lineage members may

provide a huge display of wealth at the funeral of a dead leader in an attempt

to prevent the leaders of other groups from succeeding to office if the society

lacks strict codification on rules of succession. Competition between leaders, and

potential leaders, of different communities is also expressed through the mortuary

ritual (Shanks and Tilley 1982:134). A community will exhalt and glorify their

leader at his death in order to reaffirm the high ranking position he brought to

his community, within a regional settlement system, through the implementation

of successful policies while in office. Mortuary ritual is used as a form of social

advertisement in which a statement is being made concerning the level of power

and prestige a dead leader, and his community, attained during his lifetime

(Pearson 1982:112). Mortuar3' ritual represents another form of competitive

display.

To summarize this section, I present the key concepts and discuss their

links with one another. Status is a condition or standing to which varying


degrees of responsibility, privilege and esteem are attached. If one possesses high

status, one is a potential candidate for the chiefly position and a potential status

rival. High status first comes from having the correct genealogy, but it may also

result from one's possession of other skills or personal qualities. Status rivalry,

which is the struggle for chiefly power between elites, stems from the emphasis

placed on concrete ability as a prerequisite for political power. Power refers to

the ability to control and manipulate people, resources and the elements.

In ranked societies, political power is based on legitimacy which is

supported through confidence, or control through consensus. To be viewed as a

legitimate ruler, a chief must actively display his power through interpersonal

relations, symbolic display and the implementation of successful policies that

ensure the economic well being of his community. The wealth that is drawn into

the community, through exchange or conquest, is displayed through the mortuary

ritual to show both the level of status achieved by the deceased and to reaffirm

the incumbent chiefs success in acquiring the wealth objects used in the

mortuary ritual. If a chiefs display of power is deemed inadequate by his

supporters, a struggle may occur in which a more capable high status individual,

with the proper genealogical background, gains the confidence and support of the

population and ascends to power.

The display of chiefly power through participation in elite exchange

networks is achieved by more than the acquisition of material goods. The fact

that a chief is able to participate in an exclusive exchange network of rare

wealth items shows that leaders of established foreign governments also recognize


his power and right to rule (Helms 1979:86). This pattern of local leaders using

foreign elites from more complex societies as sources of legitimation seems to

have been a common occurrence throughout world history and prehistory. I will

now discuss one of the ways in which chiefs attempt to display their power and

abilities by entering into exchange relationships with foreign polities.

5. Elite Interaction and the Display of Power

This section provides three examples in which local leaders of less complex

societies enter into exchange relationships with elites of powerful foreign polities.

In all three cases, the result is the enhancement of power and prestige on the

part of the elites within the less complex society. It is important to remember

that elite interaction and exchange stems from status rivalry; it is not the cause

of status rivalry but is one of the end results. It is one of the ways that a

chief displays his power to supporters within his local community.

Flannery (1968) provides an example in which he argues that elites of

highland Oaxaca interacted with elites of the highly stratified Olmecs on the Gulf

Coast of southern Mexico (Flannery 1968:101). These elites interacted most

strongly on a level of shared concepts about religion, symbolism and status

paraphernalia. One of the main mechanisms of communication between the two

regions was the exchange of exotic materials (Flannery 1968:101).

This exchange was not "trade" in the sense that we use the term, but

rather was set up through ritual visits, exchange of wives and the adoption of


members of one group by the other (Flannery 1968:105). Flannery argues that

this form of interaction may have been an attempt by elites of the less

sophisticated Oaxacan society to adopt the behavior, status trappings, religion,

symbolism or even language of the more sophisticated group to absorb some of

their charisma (Flannery 1968:105). The Oaxacan elites would have used these

exotic Olmec goods to enhance their power and status within the local political

arena.

Edmund Leach (1954) provides an example of local interaction between the

Kachin and Shan societies of north-east Burma. The Shans occupy the river

valleys where they cultivate rice in irrigated fields. They are a relatively

sophisticated people with a culture somewhat resembling that of the Burmese

(Leach 1954:1). The Kachins occupy the hills where they cultivate rice mainly by

slash and burn techniques of shifting cultivation (Leach 1954:1).

There are many cases in which elite Kachins can become more

sophisticated by establishing marriage relationships with an aristocratic Shan

lineage. As a result, their elite or chiefly status as Kachins is enhanced,

although the political structure that emerges is precarious (Leach 1954:222). The

Kachin chief can with an elevation of status become more like a Shan, but his

commoner Kachin followers cannot. In becoming a Shan, the Kachin chief tends

to isolate himself from the roots of his power, he offends against the principles

of reciprocity, and loses support from his fellow Kachins (Leach 1954:223). As a

result, the chiefs actions encourage the development of revolutionary tendencies

which may lead to his eventual overthrow.


This pattern of inherent instability is also found in Southeast Asia where

Indian merchants were interacting with local tribes during the beginning of the

Christian Era. Wheatley (1975) argues that the chieftain of a local settlement

would serve as a mediator of exchange transactions between the tribe and the

Indian elites (1975:238). Through his association with foreign elites, the chief

would come to share in their prestige. In seeking to further legitimize his

authority, based on the Indian pattern, the local chief would continue to acquire

the profits of this commerce in the form of ceremonial regalia, beads, textiles

and other goods (Wheatley 1975:238). Due to the enhancement of his power and

prestige, the chief would acquire a vested interest in the continuation and

expansion of the system.

This new source of power was not without its problems. Wheatley argues

that these chieftains manipulated the new alternatives or inconsistencies and thus

created their own prestige and ultimately achieved some freedom from the

restrictive bonds of tribal custom (Wheatley 1975:242). For example, a chief

interacting with foreign elites may declare himself subject only to foreign laws

concerning the powers vested in political office or rules of succession. Instead of

allocating lands to kinsmen, perhaps the chief, basing his policy on the foreign

polity's system of land tenure, will decide to distribute land as a political favor

to supporters or outsiders. The implementation of this policy would disrupt the

traditional system of land distribution based on kinship ties and perhaps lead to

upheaval on the part of the dissatisfied populace if the paramount chief lacks

the political power to successfully impose this change (Goldman 1970:545). As

with the case of the Kachin chief in highland Burma, the Southeast Asian


chieftain would isolate himself from the roots of his power and lose support.

Opposition to the successful chiefs policy would also develop from less

successful chiefs located in more remote areas who view these procedings as a

subversion of their power (Wheatley 1975:246). The local chief, backed by foreign

elites, would face competition from dissatisfied individuals within his own

community and remote chiefs that have been excluded from the prestige good

exchange network. The end result is an inherently unstable political system

characterized by local chiefs struggling to gain access to external sources of elite

prestige goods. This particular kind of system does possess evolutionary potential,

but it may also exceed its limits, leading to political disintegration.

6. Prestige Good Systems and Social Evolution

In a prestige good system, power relations are established, consolidated

and maintained through the control of prestige objects (objects of high aesthetic

and wealth value). These goods, usually made of exotic raw materials by craft

specialists, are products which are not necessary for material subsistence, but

which are necessary for the maintenance of social relations (Ekholm 1978:119;

Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:76; Haselgrove 1982:82). Still, the subsistence

base does play a key role in fueling the. system since resources can be

exchanged directly for prestige goods or converted into tangible wealth objects for

exchange or other forms of symbolic display. Either way, the wealth objects

acquired are used to symbolize the economic success of the local community

under the incumbent chief.


If one chief is able to accumulate and distribute more prestige goods than

neighbouring chiefs, his community can assimilate individuals from economically

weaker groups, which leads to its own expansion at the latter's expense (Ekholm

1978:120; Haselgrove 1982:81). In most cases in which the existence of prestige

good exchange systems has been documented, prestige goods are exchanged for

wives and/or slaves by the dominant social system (Ekholm 1978:120; Friedman

1982:184; Kirch 1984:226). Prestige goods are sent outward from the central

polity while women and slaves move in the opposite direction. Since wife takers

rank higher than wive givers, women tend to move up and marry into a higher

ranking, often foreign, lineage (Ekholm 1978:120; Friedman 1982:184; Kirch

1984:226). The engine that runs the system is fueled by the political ambitions

of the elites involved.

By exchanging prestige goods for people, a paramount chief is able to

raise the population level of his community, which leads to an increase in the

number of producers, supporters and potential warriors (Ekholm 1978:120;

Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:76). This raises the productive capacity of his

group to produce more prestige goods and expand into new territories to help

feed and provide for his growing population (Haselgrove 1982:81).

Kirch argues that long distance exchanges of chiefly spouses as well as

prestige goods between the Polynesian islands of Tonga, Fiji and Samoa was a

political strategy that played a vital role in binding the core islands and outliers

to the regional central polity (Kirch 1984:235). In this particular case, Tongan

paramount lineages served as spouse takers from Fiji and Samoa. Junior brothers


or kinsmen of the ruling Tongan lines were placed at critical points on the outer

islands, where they would marry into the local chiefly lines and take over the

position of the local chief (Kirch 1984:235).

This strategy removed the direct threat of usurpation of the chiefly title

by a junior sibling and offered the junior kinsmen considerable local autonomy

(Kirch 1984:235). These kinship alliances, which linked the paramount lines with

those of local ruling chiefs in the core and island outliers, were confirmed by

marriage relations, for which exotic prestige goods were vital. In turn, the

outlying islands affirmed their inferior status to the Tongan paramount line

through tribute (Kirch 1984:241). As with Central African prestige systems, there

was a circular flow of goods, tribute and wives towards the paramounts, while

prestige goods were circulated outwards to the local chiefs.

It is important to look not only at the interaction of elites and prestige

goods within this system, but also the internal developmental schemes of each

separate polity. Closer scrutiny, in the Tongan case, reveals that interaction was

not only the result of political strategies on the part of local chiefs searching for

political power, but also served as a solution to problems that needed to be

rectified for the perpetuation of the traditional Tongan societal system.

Power and authority, within the traditional Tongan system, were based on

three principles of rank that contained a major flaw. Based on the traditional

descent system, a male chiefs children would be outranked by his sister's

children. This problem did not matter at most levels; however, it did matter at


the top of the social scale (Kaeppler 1978:247). To overcome this problem, the

highest chiefs sister was married to a Fijian. Because of the patrilineal emphasis

of the system, the children of the couple would belong to a Fijian line and

therefore would not have to be taken into account in the power structure of the

purely Tongan lines (Kaeppler 1978:247). This system of marriage was a

convenient way to raise the rank of children of certain chiefs and remove the

children of others from the power structure. Fiji was a male "spouse giver" to

Tonga and had a direct influence on Tonga's system of status and rank.

Samoans also played a necessary role in the Tongan system of power and

authority. The Tongan aristocratic system was based on the notion that chiefs

were sacred and dangerous for mortals to touch (Kaeppler 1978:248; Sahlins

1985:75). As a result, it was necessary to recruit outsiders to perform certain

tasks to ensure the safety of Tongan commoners and to conserve and preserve

respect for a chiefs mana. The Samoan social system, which was similar to the

Tongan system, had an intermediate class of ceremonial attendants called

matapule, in Tongan, and tulafale, in Samoan (Kaeppler 1978:248). These

Samoan attendants were recruited for tasks such as tattooing Tongan chiefs,

cutting their hair and preparing their bodies for burial. All of these duties were

carried out with immunity since the Samoan attendants were outsiders (Kaeppler

1978:248). Samoans were female "spouse givers" to the Tongan paramounts

giving high ranking women who brought with them female marriage goods such

as fine mats.

I have included this discussion for two reasons. First, I stress that wealth


objects are secondary to the social transactions that lead to the development of

prestige good networks. Interaction occurs on multiple levels and prestige goods

are a small part of the entire system. Second, long range exchange and

interaction occurs as an end result, or a solution, to internal socio-political

developments within Tonga. Tongan chiefs do not receive more power directly

from interacting with Samoan and Fijian elites, just as contradictions within the

Tongan system of rank and power are not solved by elite interaction. Instead,

power and the solutions to internal contradictions result when the foreign objects

of exchange, whether people or goods, have been reintroduced, reinterpreted and

absorbed into the local system. Power and the potential for power reside within

the local system not from diffusion from the outside. Political rivalry and internal

developments within each polity provide the driving force which leads to this

exchange network.

Such a system has the potential to stabilize and expand if a paramount

chief is powerful enough to conquer other territories and collect the spoils

(Haselgrove 1982:81). If a chief is victorious in combat, he may arbitrarily divide

up an area into divisions and place loyal chiefs or warriors in control (Goldman

1970:545). In this case, the territorial order of kin-based segmentation or

expansion is destroyed by paramount chiefs giving land to appointed chiefs

instead of genealogically qualified chiefs (Goldman 1970:548). Strong central

authority disturbs the segmentary order of kin-based expansion by imposing a

territorial organization out of military or economic necessity (Goldman 1970:544).

Kinship unity is disrupted in favor of political power and central authority.


Absolute control over external sources of wealth is necessary for this kind

of growth and expansion to occur. Once a single paramount lineage is in control,

all outlying chiefs must be content with their subordinate position and the central

polity's growth at their own expense (Haselgrove 1982:81; Kirch 1984:241). This

particular scenario rarely occurs, on a long term basis, in a system based on

chiefly competition and status rivalry.

As mentioned in the previous section, any chief that is able to

successfully participate in an elite exchange network is bound to run into

opposition from those within his local community. He isolates himself from the

community by using goods produced by his supporters for his own political

motives and is the object of intense opposition from less successful or peripheral

chiefs who watch their own power dwindle at the expense of the successful chief.

This pattern of change in the levels of productivity between communities and the

ensuing struggle and change in community power structure should show in the

archaeological record through mortuary remains. This notion is supported by

Kirch's ethnographic study of burial structures and ranking in Vava'u, Tonga.

Kirch argues that burials structures do not indicate social rank, but instead,

reflect relative socio-political status (Kirch 1980:306). The burial facility displays

the power and ability of the deceased chief instead of genealogical rank. Thus,

burial wealth is likely to indicate change in intra and inter-community power

structures.

I will now present a hypothetical example, in schematic form, to briefly

illustrate how the system works. First, let us assume that the chiefs of two


neighboring communities rise to power through displaying their skills and power

by performing well in battle and in rituals. To maintain their chiefly positions,

they must continue to prove their abilities by implementing successful policies

that bring them more wealth and prestige that will be passed down to

supporters within their own communities.

At this stage, both chiefs are of equal status to each other. Soon, a

foreign wealth source is discovered which pumps prestige goods in to the chief of

community A in return for wives and slaves that are sent along with tribute to

the distant foreign elites. As a result, the status of chief A is enhanced but the

loss of several individuals reduces the productive capacity of his community. Chief

A can use his position, as a recipient of foreign wealth items, to gain economic

advantage over his rivals in the local settlement system. If chief B receives

word of chief A's success, he may be forced to redirect his economic surplus to

chief A in exchange for prestige goods in order to enhance his own power and

status and compete with chief A on even terms (Ekholm 1978:130). To keep the

advantage, chief A can make the same demands of chief B that he must comply

with in dealing with the foreign elites. In exchange for wives and slaves, chief

B will receive foreign elite goods from chief A. Due to the acquisition of foreign

prestige articles, chief A becomes economically strengthened at the expense of

chief B. However, chief A can extend this relationship to the chiefs of several

other peripheral communities, or chief B can extend this relationship to a lower

status leader (chief C) of another nearby community (Ekholm 1978:129).

The system is characterized by the exchange of prestige goods between


chiefs of superordinate and subordinate status in exchange for people and goods.

This serves to increase the productive capacity of the paramount chiefs

community. The network provides a constant flow of wealth to chiefs located at

the center. Still, there are many internal constraints that can slow, disrupt or

destroy the established network hierarchy.

Dissension within the paramount's community may lead to the overthrow

of the chief. The community in direct contact with the • foreign elites must

produce more than others since each subordinate chief deals with only one

paramount chief, while the paramount chief must deal simultaneously with several

subordinates (Ekholm 1978:129). As a result, the paramount chief may place too

much demand on his supporters to produce, and be toppled out of office if his

supporters decide to rebel (Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:78; Rowlands

1984:153).

The hierarchical system may also collapse if a paramount leader's

monopoly over external trade is bypassed and his subordinates are able to

acquire foreign prestige goods through other channels (Ekholm 1978:131;

Frankenstein and Rowlands 1978:79). As the prestige goods are transmitted to

local groups from outside and not via the hierarchy, the basis for the hierarchy

disappears (Ekholm 1978:131). Once the local hierarchy disappears, leaders may

compete for access to the new sources of wealth. The more successful a chief is,

the more he extracts from and alienates his followers and the more he becomes

an object of rivalry and competition to other chiefs.


In summary, prestige good systems possess evolutionary potential when

paramount chieftains are able to successfully monopolize the control and flow of

prestige goods to other core or peripheral areas that send wives, slaves and

tribute in return, as in the Tongan case. The Tongan paramount line was able

to successfully expand into and incorporate peripheral areas under its centralized

authority by sending out junior siblings and prestige goods to establish alliances

with local subordinate chiefly lines.

Status rivalry and many of the built-in constraints found within prestige

good systems can also lead to an entirely different developmental scheme.

Fluctuations in external wealth sources, internal unrest and military alliances

between hostile secondary chiefs can all lead to the downfall of a paramount

chief and the subsequent fragmentation of a hierarchical prestige good system. In

Chapter 2, I argue that this particular scenario occurred in northern Kyushu

during the Japanese Yayoi period. In the next section, I present a model of

status rivalry and change in community power structure. This is followed by a

presentation of the major hypotheses to be tested against the data presented in

Chapter 4.

7. A Model of Status R i v a l r y and Change i n Regional P o w e r Structure

The model begins with the concept of the maintenance of chiefly power

and proceeds as a flow chart through a series of interconnected boxes (See

Figure 3). The maintenence of chiefly power is based on legitimation which is

achieved through enlisting the support of one's constituents.


Change la Insftmal ?o*«r SCr'jertirs Shawn i a Koi-raary 'Jeaita

Cftansro ia 3e$ional Power Hierarchy Shown i a florruarr Wcalta

? i ^ u r e 4. Diagram of Kodel of Status Rivalry and Change i n Regional Power Structure.


To achieve or maintain power through legitimation, one must perform duties that

meet the obligations of the chiefly position, or actively display one's power and

abilities. Power is displayed by a chief through interpersonal relationships with

others in the community, symbolic display or successful policy implementation.

The latter involves the development of schemes which ensure the continued

reproductive and economic success of the local community. Economic success is

ensured in three ways. First a chiefs performance, in terms of decision-making

or rituals, in the local subsistence economy is important for the production of

sufficient food resources and surplus. Second, political power and economic success

is also displayed through leading successful military conquests or, finally by

participation in external exchange networks. Both strategies satisfy local producers

since wealth is taken from external sources. This allows the chief to loosen his

grip on the resource base of his own community.

If abundant resources are produced locally and also appropriated from

external groups, the productive capacity of the local group should increase. This

speaks well for the policy decisions of the incumbent chief. If minimal resources

are produced and the local group is on the short end of its external exchange

relationships, then the productive capacity of the group will decrease. In this

case, the evaluation of the incumbent chiefs policies will not be favorable.

If productivity increases, three potential developments may occur. First,

there may be a balance in which the number of resources extracted from local

producers and external groups is agreeable to all parties concerned. In this case,

surplus resources are converted into tangible wealth in the form of monumental


architecture or prestige goods. The display of wealth symbolizes the high level of

productivity achieved as a result of the local chiefs policies and serves as a

constant reminder of his political power. Since many of the wealth objects are

placed in the burials of influential and powerful people in the community, the

funerary ritual serves as a marker of the economic success of a community.

An increase in productivity could also lead to a situation in which the

chief overextracts local resources for use in status competition with other high

ranking chiefs. If a chief extracts too much, he may isolate himself from his

local support base which leads to an internal power struggle and his eventual

demise. Increased productivity may also result from the overextraction of wealth

from surrounding communities. As a result, external chiefs may form alliances to

overthrow a chief whose community is rapidly expanding at their own expense.

If decreasing productivity results from a chiefs policies, only one course of

action is possible. Dissatisfied followers will look for a new leader who shows

that he has the ability to lead the group down the path of economic prosperity.

A chief is evaluated by his own supporters within the local community and by

surrounding chiefs who face the same problem in their own communities. If the

evaluation is favorable from both sides, the chief will maintain his position of

power; however, if one of the two sides is dissatisfied, a power struggle may

occur.

The display of wealth through the mortuary ritual is a good indicator of

the level of economic success of a community. The more successful a community


is, the more resources there are available to convert into tangible wealth

products. Thus, a chiefs ability to maintain power is linked closely to the

economic success of his community. If a chief is successful in raising the

productive level of his community he stays in power. If productivity decreases or

the chief extracts too much from within or from external groups, he may lose

his power.

Since economic success, wealth display and a chiefs political success are

closely linked, a change in community power structure should show through

change and variability in mortuary assemblages. A large number of rich wealth

objects should result from a period of economic prosperity and the political

success of an incumbent chief while a lack of wealth objects should indicate a

period of decreasing productivity. If a chief is too successful, other chiefs will do

their best to ensure that this prosperity is short-lived. As a result, a pattern of

short-term prosperity should characterize a regional system with intense status

rivalry.

Status rivalry leads to the development of social ranking or the

enhancement of previously existing ranked positions; however, status rivalry may

also ensure short-term political success and oscillations in local power structures.

If economic growth occurs, one should see new social positions appear along with

a greater spread in the distribution and consumption of wealth between sites. In

other words, a pattern of social ranking should develop in which a small number

of individuals accumulate large amounts of wealth, and perhaps redistribute small

portions of wealth to supporters, while the majority of people are excluded from


these wealth networks. This pattern of ranking should occur within communities

and between communities in such a way that certain chiefs are able to

accumulate more wealth objects for themselves and their supporters than less

successful chiefs of peripheral communities.

The resulting pattern of inter-community ranking is short-term,

characterized by patterns of oscillation in wealth control. In following the time

trajectory patterns of a site, one should see oscillations in the quantities or

presence of wealth objects. The pattern of wealth consumption should change in

such a way that different sites within a regional settlement system contain

differing quantities of wealth objects at different time periods. As a result, the

organizational structure of the regional hierarchy of wealth control should also

change. If one or a few communities are at the pinnacle position within a

regional wealth exchange network, they should contain the highest concentration

of wealth items within this network. If this is the case, a conical pattern should

characterize the system in which a few central sites, or perhaps a single site,

contain the greatest number of wealth objects in the system. More sites with

considerably fewer wealth objects should exist at the next lower level in the

regional hierarchy. The lowest level of the conical hierarchy should consist of the

largest number of sites in the region that are characterized by a lack of wealth

objects due to their exclusion from this wealth exchange network.

If competition is intense, communities at the pinnacle of the wealth

network hierarchy should eventually fall to a lower level and be replaced by

another opportunistic leader and his community. Change on a large scale may

STATUS RIVALRY AND THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER / 5 7

occur if several pinnacle communities are toppled in such a way that the top

level is either destroyed, replaced or reworked into the system at a lower level.

If this were to occur, there may be a change in the organizational structure of

the exchange network and perhaps a reduction in the number of levels in the

hierarchy. This pattern would result from various chiefs gaining access to wealth

sources for brief periods and then losing out to other chiefs of nearby groups

who are able to seize and control the flow of wealth back to their own

communities. This pattern would point to a lack of long-term effective political

control of local chiefs and conditions of constant tension, sporadic successes and a

tendency toward political disintegration.

8. Major Hypotheses to be Tested

Two major hypotheses have been developed from the previous model for

testing against the Yayoi period mortuary data in northern Kyushu.

Hypothesis 1±

Status rivalry was present in the development of social ranking within

communities in northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period.

Hypothesis 2\.

Status rivalry and competition ensured short-term political success and

patterns of oscillation in wealth control between sites in the regional exchange


hierarchy. As a result, major structural changes occurred in the organisation of

the existing wealth exchange network.

The two major hypotheses are tested in the next chapter using the

mortuary data from northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period. The chapter

begins with an analysis of intra-site ranking. This is followed by a test for

inter-site ranking, based on regional wealth hierarchies, and change in the

organizational structure of these hierarchies. The results and conclusions derived

from the analyses are presented in the second part of Chapter 4.

C H A P T E R I V . A N A L Y S I S O F I N T R A - S I T E R A N K I N G A N D R E G I O N A L

W E A L T H H I E R A R C H Y

1. Introduction

In this chapter, the major hypotheses and model are tested against the

burial data from northern Kyushu. The analysis begins with a test to determine

the extent of social ranking, at the intra-community level, using mortuary data

from seven cemetery sites located in northern Kyushu. The second portion of the

analysis tests for the existence and extent of ranking between sites based on

distinct levels of wealth accumulation. This test is based on variation in wealth

index values from 244 cemetery sites that have been divided into five regional

samples. The analysis tests the validity of Hypothesis 1 which calls for

fluctuations in the degree of ranking within sites and change in the internal

rank ordering systems. Hypothesis 2 calls for an increase in the degree of

inter-site ranking, or hierarchy, at the regional level followed by oscillations in

wealth distribution and a collapse of the wealth hierarchy in areas in which it

is the most developed. Before the hypotheses are tested, I discuss the nature of

the data studied in this present analysis.

2. Ana lys i s of Intra-Site R a n k i n g

Introduction

59

ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 60

Burial data from seven Yayoi period cemeteries in northern Kyushu, are

used to test for the existence of social ranking. These seven sites were chosen

for two reasons. The first five were selected becsuse the total burial sample was

known for each site. The last two sites were chosen because of the extremely

rich nature of the burials present. Thus, they provided the basis to establish a

scale of wealth rank levels that could be used to measure the same variable on

other sites. The goal of the analysis is to distinguish between groups of burials

and place them into separate categories according to the amount of wealth

present. Social ranking will be said to exist if sufficient variation in wealth

content between burial groups is displayed and the groups form a conical pattern.

The pattern must consist of a few rich burials at the pinnacle of the hierarchy,

a larger number of burials with smaller wealth assemblages and the largest

number of burials without grave goods at the bottom level.

One problem that existed in the selection of the cemetery sites used in

the analysis was a lack of evidence on the overall dimensions of each site and

a lack of information on internal site structure. When Japanese sites are

excavated, the digging usually takes place in one small section of the site during

each field season. Each smaller excavation is published in a different volume

which presents each yearly excavation as a separate site. It is very difficult to

determine whether a group of smaller excavations consist of several separate

sites or, in fact, all make up one large site. An example of this is the

Yoshitake site case. Each spatially separate cemetery contains Yoshitake as the

first name; however, the second word in the name (Oishi, Hiwatashi, Takaki)

distinguishes each into a separate site. Yet, site maps of the locality indicate


that all three sites could represent three separate burial areas within one large

community. Since maps are unavailable for the other 241 sites in the total

sample, it is difficult to know whether this is the case in other situations.

Method

The methodology used follows that proposed by Chapman (1975) in which

presence/absence tables are used to indicate the unequal distribution of grave

goods within a single cemetery. Shennan (1975:284; 1982:29) also investigates

social status represented in burials by looking at grave good associations.

Shennan groups burials into separate classes on the basis of the number of

separate grave good types present, the quantity of particular artifact types and

the number of points each type receives from a scale based on units of wealth.

Shennan uses both tables and more complicated computer run cluster and scaling

programs to achieve this goal.

The method I use is the result of initial data exploration using stem and

leaf plots, boxplots and tables. This was done to get familiar with the basic

characteristics and parameters of the data set. After the initial exploration, I

decided that the best strategy would be to look for evidence of burials, within

each of the seven cemeteries, which contain a greater concentration of grave

goods than others. Burials which contain a considerably larger number of items

of high wealth value will be viewed as representing high status individuals. The

analysis is based on a test to determine the placement of each burial in a

wealth rank scale of 4 to 1. Level four represents the lowest wealth rank,


which will be assigned to burials without grave goods. Level 3 will be composed

of burials which contain a very small number of grave good types, while Level

2 will consist of burials that contain two or more separate grave good types

than those in Level 3. Burials which contain two or more separate grave good

types than those in Level 2 will be placed into the Level 1 wealth rank

category, which represents the highest wealth rank that may be assigned to a

burial.

I decided to use four wealth rank levels as the maximum number possible

after initial data exploration. This study revealed that the richest sites, within

this group of seven, contained four clear divisions among burials in terms of

wealth content (See Table 7). Once this scale was established on the richest and

most diverse site, it was applied in the analysis of the other six for consistency.

I use a gap of two or more separate grave good types as the cut-point

between different wealth ranks. This method is the result of intensive scrutiny

and a lack of success with other methods of analysis for the data in question.

A gap of two separate grave good types is sufficient for the following reasons.

First, most burials contain a small number of each grave type, while most

burial assemblages contain artifacts of the same raw material category.

The analysis should include more attention to variation in the raw

material categories present. However, it is difficult to distinguish the relative

wealth value of each raw material class at anything more than the most general

level. Obviously, imported bronze objects would contain the highest wealth value.


However, iron was also imported and possibly of equal importance as bronze.

Furthermore, it is difficult to know whether one or four iron objects have the

same wealth value as one bronze object. If more contextual imformation was

available, such as the age, sex and condition of the individuals, tests of

association could have been used between different raw material categories,

artifact types and age and sex groups. Since this information was unavailable

and the grave good data was taken from a secondary source in which careful

analysis of each object was not possible, I decided that the use of cut-points,

based on gaps of two or more separate grave types, would provide tha best

results in terms of feasibility and consistency. Variation in the separate number

of grave types is the best way to distinguish between the wealth content of the

burials within this particular sample. Since there is a lack of variation among

these burials, two more separate grave good types constitutes a considerable

increase in wealth content. Furthermore, two more grave good categories shows a

conscious decision, on the part of mourners, to place more wealth in one

particular burial than another. I use two separate grave good types, instead of

one, as a discriminating cut-point to excercise caution in establishing rank levels.

If the test results in the detection of two wealth ranks (Levels 4 and 3)

among burials, then a minimal degree of ranking will exist. If three wealth

ranks are present (Levels 4, 3 and 2), then a moderate degree of ranking will

exist. A moderate degree of ranking refers to a scenario in which individuals

without grave goods exist in the cemetery population (Level 4) along with

individuals with a small number of grave good types (Level 3) and individuals

with a considerably larger number of grave good types, or a greater


concentration of wealth, than the previous group (Level 2).

If four wealth ranks are present among burials in a cemetery, then a

high degree of ranking would exist. For this condition to be met, there must be

two considerable gaps, or cut-points, within the group of burials with grave

goods. A high degree of ranking points to the existence of a mortuary population

containing a large number of individuals without grave goods (Level 4), fewer

individuals with a small number of separate grave good types (Level 3),

individuals with a greater concentration of wealth than the previous group (Level

2) and a very small number of individuals at the pinnacle of the hierarchy that

possess an even greater number of separate grave good types of high wealth

value (Level 1).

Data

The data consist of burials from seven Yayoi period cemeteries in

northern Kyushu from a total sample of 244. There are four basic classes of

grave goods found in burials from these sites consisting of bronze weapons and

ornaments, iron weapons and tools, stone weapons and jewelry made of shell and

semi-precious stone. As mentioned earlier in Chapter 2, bronze weapons consist

mainly of swords, daggers, spears and halberds. The swords are double-edged

with a slender blade and a narrow handle. Halberds and spears began as short,

sturdy implements and were changed to wide, flat metre long implements. Bronze

ornaments consisted mainly of mirrors and bracelets. The mirrors, which average

about eight inches in diameter, were cast in molds and contain decorative motifs


ranging from flowers, animals and clouds or inscriptions.

Iron objects consist mainly of swords, spears, halberds and knives. These

objects are usually found in a more developed state of decay than bronze goods.

There is no decoration and the objects are narrow with no emphasis on visual

impressiveness as with those objects cast in bronze. Stone weapons were made

from polished stone, sometimes semi-precious, and were often made as copies of

weapons that were cast in bronze and iron. Daggers and arrowheads were the

two major artifact types made from stone.

The main classes of jewelry were shell bracelets, jasper tubular beads and

jade magatama beads. The shell bracelets, genus Tricornis and the genus Conus,

are cut, polished and made to Fit around the arm of an individual. Both genus

types are found off the shores of the Ryukyu Islands in the seas south of

Kyushu. The magatama beads are made from polished jade and cut into a

comma-like shape. A hole was drilled near the top of the bead, which would

have been worn as a necklace. The jasper beads were cut, polished and drilled

lengthwise through the center into a cylinder or tube shape. The beads are of

roughly uniform size with each measuring about one half inch in length. Overall,

a large amount of time and effort would have gone into the making of each

artifact type found in these northern Kyushu burial assemblages.

Five of these cemeteries have been chosen for the analysis because they

contain the most contextual information. More specifically, they were the only

cemeteries in which the total burial sample size was known. The last two


cemeteries were chosen because they contain burials with extremely rich grave

good assemblages and sufficient variation in which to test for differences in

wealth rank levels. Table 1 shows the number and percentage of burials that

contain grave goods, within the entire cemetery sample, for each site.

S i t e N o . of Bur i a l s w i t h Grave Goods

T o t a l NO. o-f Bur i al s

Propor t i ons

Kanenokuma 6 343 2X Y . O i s h i 13 2? 45% Y . T a k a k i 12 31 39V. Y . Hi watash i 7 30 23'/. T a t e ' i w a 14 43 337. M i kumo 11 Suku Okamoto 10 — .

T a b l e 1. Summary o-f P e r c e n t a g e V a l u e s f o r B u r i a l s w i th Grave Goods out o-f T o t a l Sample -for S i t e s used in A n a l y s i s o-f I n t r a - s i t e R a n k i n g .


Site 1 is the Kanenokuma cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located in the

Hakata District of Fukuoka City near Hakata Harbour. This site has been

divided into five chronological phases, two of which contain burials with grave

goods. The burials and their associated grave goods are shown in Table 2. The

burials from the end of the Early Yayoi Phase, shown in Table 2, are the only

two from a sample of 29 Early Phase burials that contain grave goods, in the

form of polished stone arrowheads and Tricornis shell bracelets.

The early half of the Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 82 burials

without grave goods and four burials with funerary objects which are presented

in Table 2. The Middle Yayoi Phase burials contain one and two separate grave

good types. Burial 6 contains one Tricornis shell bracelet. This particular species

is located near the shores of the Ryukyu Islands to the south of Kyushu.

During both the Early and Middle Phases, each grave good type occurs at an

average of one or two inclusions per burial with the exception of three ceramic

bowls in Burial 3. There is no gap or sufficient cut-point, of two separate grave

good type inclusions, to enable one to isolate any burials which contain a greater

concentration of grave goods than others. Two wealth ranks are present among

burials at the Kanenokuma site during both the end of the Early Yayoi and the

early half of the Middle Yayoi Phases.

Site 2 is the Yoshitake Oishi cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located in the

southwest corner of the Sawara Plain in northern Kyushu. In total, 13 out of

29 burials contain grave goods. This site has been divided into two chronological

phases.

A N A L Y S I S O F I N T R A - S I T E R A N K I N G A N D R E G I O N A L W E A L T H H I E R A R C H Y / 69

Time Per i od End o-f Early Yayoi E a r l y Half o-f the Middle Yayoi

Burial Number

Stone Arrowhead Stone Bead T r i c o r n i s Bracelet Ceram i c Vesse1

1

2

Total Number o-f Separate Grave Good Types

Table 2. Kanenokuma Site Grave Good Tabulations.


The end of the Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of ten burials with grave

goods present which are presented in Table 3. Each grave type occurs at an

average of one per burial with the exception of 11 Jasper Tubular Beads found

in Burial 4. The values in the bottom row of Table 3 show that Burials 4 and

5 contain two separate grave good types. Burial 3 contains one bronze sword

and one bronze spear while Burial 4 contains one bronze sword and 11 Jasper

Tubular Beads. There are no gaps or sufficient cut-points, which are the main

criteria in this analysis, that exist in the frequency values of the grave goods to

isolate any burials that contain a higher concentration of funerary objects than

others.

The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase at Yoshitake Oishi consists of

two wood coffin burials (Numbers 11 and 12) and one jar burial. Burial 11

contains one bronze sword and one bronze halberd while burial 12 contains one

bronze sword. Burial 13 contains one bronze halberd and four stone daggers.

Since each burial contains either one or two separate grave good types, shown

in the bottom row of Table 3, there is no gap or cut-point to establish any

difference in wealth accumulation between the burials. The two lowest wealth

ranks are present among burials at the Yoshitake Oishi site during the end of

the Early Yayoi and the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phases.

Site 3 is the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located 100

metres southwest of the Oishi cemetery in the Sawara Plain district. In total, 12

out of 31 burials contain grave goods. This site has been subdivided into two

chronological phases. Six burials that have grave goods present during the end of


the Early Yayoi Phase are presented in Table 4.

T i me Per i od End o-f E a r l y Y a y o i B e g i n n i n g o-f M i d d l e Y a y o i

B u r i a l Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Bronze Sword 1 1 1 1 1 B r o n z e Spear 1 1 B r o n z e H a l b e r d 1 1 1 1 B r o n z e H i l t 1 Stone A r r o w h e a d 1 1 Stone Dagger 1 4 J a s p e r Bead 11

T o t a l Number o-f 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 2 S e p a r a t e Grave Good T y p e s

T a b l e 3.. Y o s h i t a k e O i s h i S i t e Grave Good T a b u l a t i o n s .


Time P e r i o d End ot Ear 1 y Yayo i Begi nn i ng o-f Mi ddl e Yayo i

B u r i a l Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Bronze Sword 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 Bronze Spear 1 Bronze H a l b e r d 1 Bronze M i r r o r . 1 S t . Arrowhead 1 Jono k o s h i Pot 1 1 1 1 1 Jade Magatama 1 . 1 1 1 Bead J a s p e r Bead 10 74 92 42 20 135 95 Bronze B r a c e l e t 2 G l a s s Bead

T o t a l Number o-f 1 1 3 1 4 1 1 2 3 4 7 2 Se p a r a t e Grave Good Types

T a b l e 4. Y o s h i t a k e T a k a k i S i t e Grave Good T a b u l a t i o n s .


Each grave type occurs once in each burial with the exception of two bronze

bracelets in Burial 3 and large numbers of Jasper Tubular Beads. The bead

frequency values are problematic since it is impossible to know whether the

presence of 92 beads in a burial signifies higher status than 74 beads. It is

best to view these large bead frequencies in terms of presence or absence. Each

burial contains a single grave good type with the exception of Burial 3 and

Burial 5 which contain three and four separate grave good types. These values

are shown in the bottom row of Table 4. This gap between one separate

inclusion and three and four separate inclusions satisfies the conditions discussed

earlier that allow for a distinction between burials based on levels of wealth

accumulation. Burial 3 and Burial 5 both contain a greater concentration of

grave goods than the others.

The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of six burials

that contain grave goods. These burials and their associated grave goods are

presented in Table 4. Since Burial 11 contains seven separate grave good types,

while the next highest number is four, it can be distinguished from the others

based on a higher concentration of wealth. Three wealth ranks among- burials are

present at the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery during the end of the Early Yayoi

and the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phases.

Site 4 is the Yoshitake Hiwatashi cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located

100 metres northwest of the Takaki cemetery. The cemetery consists of a 40m

in diameter stone lined earthen mound, filled with a group of burials that has

been subdivided into three chronological phases.


T i me M i d d l e P a r t L a t e H a l - f p-f L a t e P e r i o d o-f M i d d l e Mi d d l e Y a y o i Y a y o i

Y a y o i

B u r i a l 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 N u m b e r

B r o n z e S w o r d 1 1 B r o n z e M i r r o r 1 B r o n z e C r o s s - s h a p e d 1 H i l t B r o n z e S w o r d G u a r d 1 I r o n S w o r d 1 1 1 I r o n A r r o w h e a d 1 I r o n K n i - f e 1 1 61 a s s B e a d 36 Q u a r t z B e a d 2

T o t a l N u m b e r o-f 2 1 2 ' 2 2 1 3 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s

f a b l e 5. Y o s h i t a k e H i w a t a s h i S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s .


In total, seven out of 30 burials contain grave goods. The middle part of the

Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of four burials that contain grave goods

which are presented in Table 5. Three of the four burials contain two separate

grave good types while Burial 2 contains a single iron sword. The separate

number of grave good types are shown in the bottom row of Table 5. Since no

gap in the separate grave good type frequencies exists, there is no basis on

which to isolate any burial from the others on the basis of variation in wealth

concentration.

Two burials with grave goods present, which have been tabulated in Table

5, occur during the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase. Burial 5 contains two

separate grave good types while Burial 6 contains one grave good type. These

values are shown in the bottom row of Table 5. There are no sufficient gaps

within the separate grave good class frequencies to distinguish one burial from

the other on the basis of a greater concentration in wealth. One burial with

grave goods, from the Late Yayoi Phase, is presented in Table 5. Since only

one burial exists during this phase, there is no basis for any comparison with

other burials of the same phase to establish any cut-points based on wealth

differences. Two wealth ranks among burials are present at the Yoshitake

Hiwatashi cemetery during all three occupation phases.

Site 5 is the Tate'iwa cemetery, shown in Figure 4, located west of the

Onga River on the Kaho Plain of northeastern Kyushu. This site, which is the

best documented of the seven, is subdivided into four chronological phases.


T i m e B e g i nn i n g o-f L a t e H a l t o r E a r 1 y H a l f OT ? ? r i o d M i d d l e Y a y o i M t d d l e Y a y o i L a t e Y a y o i

B u r i a l 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 3 ? 10 11 12 13 14 N u m b e r

B r o n z e M i r r o r 1 1 1 1 5 B r o n z e S p e a r 1 1 I r o n S w o r d 1 1 1 1 I r o n A r r o w h e a d 1 I r o n P I a n e h e a d 1 1 I r o n Kn i -fe 1 1 1 I r o n H a l b e r d 1 1 I r o n S p e a r 1 Whe t s t o n e 2 S t . A r r o w h e a d 2 J a s p e r B e a d 553* 2 G l a s s B e a d 2 30 T r i c o r n i s 12 B r a c e 1 e t C o n u s 23 23 B r a c e 1e t 61 a s s S t o p p e r 5 O b j e c t

T o t a l N u m b e r o-f I 1 2 5 3 3 3 2 1 1 1 2 I 5 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s

* 553 v a l u e i s - for b u r i a l 4

T a b l e 6. T a t e ' i w a S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s .


In total, 14 out of 43 burials contain grave goods while three phases contain

burials with grave goods present which are shown in Table 6.

The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase consists of three jar burials

which all contain shell bracelets. Burials 1 and 2 contain 28 Conus shell

bracelets each while Burial 3 contains one iron sword and 12 Tricornis shell

bracelets. Burial 3 contains two separate grave good types while Burials 1 and 2

contain a single grave type. These values are shown in the bottom row of Table

6. Obviously, each burial contains a large number of objects. Still, there is no

gap, in terms of the number of separate grave good types present, to distinguish

any burial from the others on the basis of a higher concentration of wealth.

The late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 22 jar

burials. The eight burials from this group that contain grave goods are presented

in Table 6. Burial 4 contains one bronze mirror, one iron knife, 553 jasper

tubular beads, two glass beads and five glass stopper-shaped objects. Burial 5

contains one bronze mirror, one iron halberd and 14 Tricornis shell bracelets.

Burial 6 contains one bronze mirror, one iron sword, one iron halberd and 30

glass beads. There is a continuous increase, from one to three, in the number of

separate grave types present within this sample with the exception of Burial 4

which contains five separate grave good types. These values are shown in the

bottom row of Table 6. A^ gap of two more types allows this burial to be

distiguished from the others on the basis of a greater concentration of wealth.

Burials 5, 6 and 7 all contain three separate grave good types, including bronze

mirrors; however, these burial assemblages lack the two additional grave good


categories included in Burial 4.

The early half of the Late Yayoi Phase consists of 16 burials of which

three contain grave goods. These burials and their associated grave goods are

presented in Table 6. Two earthpit burials (numbers 12 and 13) contain a small

number of iron and stone objects. However, one very rich jar burial (number 14)

contains five bronze mirrors, one bronze spear, one iron sword, one iron

planehead and two whetstones. Burials 12 and 13 contain two and one separate

grave good types while Burial 14 contains five. These values are shown in the

bottom row of Table 5. Also included in the Burial 14 assemblage is a multiple

inclusion of five bronze mirrors. In terms of the number of separate grave good

type inclusions and raw material content, Burial 14 contains a much larger

concentration of wealth objects than the others. This burial can be separated

from the other two. Three wealth ranks are present among burials during the

late half of the Middle and early half of the Late Yayoi Phases at the Tate'iwa

cemetery.

Sites 6 and 7 are the Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi sites which are

both shown in Figure 4. The total number of burials within these sites is

unknown; still, the large variation in wealth that exists provides evidence of

social ranking within the burial classes that contain wealth objects.

During the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase, the Mikumo cemetery

contained four burials with wealth objects (Table 7). Burials 4 and 5 contain two

and one separate grave good types while Burials 6 and 7 each contain a large


number of wealth objects. The number of separate grave types present in each

burial is presented in the bottom row of Table 7.

T i m e P e r i o d L a t e H a l f o-f M i d d l e Y a y o i

B u r i a l N u m b e r 1 2 3 4

B r o n z e S p e a r B r o n z e H a l b e r d B r o n z e S w o r d B r o n z e P e n d a n t B r o n z e M i r r o r I r o n Kn i -f e I r o n O b j e c t ( u n c l a s s i f i e d ) G l a s s M a g a t a m a B e a d G l a s s B e a d . G L a s s S p h e r e G l a s s P e n d a n t J a d e B e a d C e r a m i c V e s s e 1

2 1 1 8

30

3 60

8

2 2

12

T o t a l N u m b e r o f 2 1 9 4 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s

T a b l e 7 . M i k u m o S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s f o r t h e L a t e H a l f o f t h e M i d d l e Y a y o i P e r i o d .


T i m e P e r i o d L a t e H a l f o f Mi d d l e Y a y o i

B u r i a l N u m b e r 1 2 3 4 5 6

B r o n z e S w o r d 1 4 1 1 B r o n z e S p e a r 5 B r o n z e H a l b e r d 1 B r o n z e Mi r r o r 3 2 2 S t o n e K n i f e 1 G l a s s S p h e r e 2 C l a s s B e a d 1 1 I r o n S w o r d I r o n K n i - f e A n t l e r B e a d 13

T o t a l N u m b e r o-f 1 7 2 1 1 1 S e p a r a t e G r a v e G o o d T y p e s

T a b l e 3 . S u k u O K a m a t o S i t e G r a v e G o o d T a b u l a t i o n s f o r t h e L a t e H a l f o f t h e M i d d l e Y a y o i P e r i o d .


Burial 3 contains two bronze spears, one bronze halberd, one bronze sword, eight

bronze pendants, 30 bronze mirrors, three glass magatama beads, 60 glass beads,

eight glass spheres and one ceramic jar which amounts to nine separate grave

good types. Burial 4 contains 22 bronze mirrors, one jade magatama bead, 12

glass beads and one glass pendant which which total four separate grave good

types. In terms of the number of bronze objects present, these two burials

contain among the highest values in northern Kyushu. As a result, they can be

distinguished into a separate class from other burials, within the Mikumo

cemetery, that contain a small number of wealth objects.

A similar argument can be made for a single burial found in the Sugu

Yamanokuchi cemetery. During the late half of the Middle Yayoi, there were six

burials present that contained a small number of wealth objects (Table 8). One

rich burial contains four bronze swords, five bronze spears, one bronze halberd,

32 bronze mirrors, two glass spheres, one glass bead and 13 antler tubular

beads. The values in the bottom row of Table 8 show that Burial 2 contained

seven separate grave good types while the others contained two. As with the

two rich burials at the Mikumo Minamishoji site, this burial contains a

substantial number of wealth objects.

3. Results of Test For Intra-Site R a n k i n g

The test results are summarized in Table 9. In the Kanenokuma

cemetery, there were two wealth ranks among burials during both the end of

the Early Yayoi and the early half of the Middle Yayoi Phase.


Site Chronological Phase Wealth Hanks Degree of Hanking

Kanenokuma End of Early Yayoi 2 Minimal Early Half of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal

Y. Oishi End of Early Yayoi 2 Minimal

Early Half of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal

T. Takaki End of Early Yayoi 3 Moderate

Early Half of Middle Yayoi 3 Moderate

Y. Hiwatashi Middle Part of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal

Late HaLf of Middle Yayoi 2 . Minimal

Late Yayoi 2 Minimal

Tate'iwa Early Half of Middle Yayoi 2 Minimal Late Half of Middle Yayoi 3 Moderate Early Half of Late Yayoi 3 Moderate

Mikumo Late Half of Middle Yayoi High

Suku Okamoto Late Half of Middle Yayoi 3 Moderate

Table 9. Summary of Test Results For the Degree of Ranking at. the Intra-Site Level Within Seven Yayoi Period Cemetery Sites.


The two levels consisted of burials without grave goods (Level 4) and burials

which contained a small number of separate grave good types (Level 3). As

outlined in the discussion on methods, this pattern indicates a minimal degree of

ranking among the burials at the Kanenokuma cemetery. This pattern of minimal

ranking was also present among the burials in the Yoshitake Oishi cemetery.

Two wealth ranks, burials without grave goods and burials with a small number

of separate grave good types, existed from the end of the Early Yayoi through

to the early half of the Middle Yayoi Phase.

The test revealed a change from this previous pattern among the burials

at the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery. Three wealth ranks were present from the

end of the Early Yayoi Phase to the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase. This

cemetery contained burials without grave goods, burials with a small number of

separate grave good types and burials which contained a considerably larger

number of separate grave good types than the previous level.

A pattern of minimal ranking was revealed among the burials in the

Yoshitake Hiwatashi earthen mound cemetery. Two wealth ranks existed from the

middle part of the Middle Yayoi Phase to the late half of the Middle Yayoi

through to the Late Yayoi Phase. As with the Kanenokuma and Yoshitake Oishi

sites, the Yoshitake Hiwatashi cemetery contained burials without grave goods

and burials with a small number of grave good types.

The patterning found among Tate'iwa burials is unique in that it was the

only cemetery in which there was a change in the degree of ranking through


time. During the beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase, two wealth ranks were

present among the burials. However, three wealth ranks existed among burials

from the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase. This suggests that a moderate

degree of ranking, characterized by three wealth ranks among burials, was

present in the Tate'iwa community during this phase. This pattern of a moderate

degree of ranking continued into the early half of the Late Yayoi Phase.

The Mikumo cemetery is the only one which was characterized by a high

degree of ranking, which occurred during the late half of the Middle Yayoi

Phase. This cemetery contained four wealth ranks among the burials dating to

the late half of the Middle Yayoi Phase. The Sugu Yamanokuchi cemetery

contained three wealth ranks among burials during the late half of the Middle

Yayoi Phase. As with Yoshitake Takaki and Tate'iwa, this site was characterized

by a moderate degree of ranking.

Overall, I think the methodology used in the previous analysis has allowed

for an intensive study of the burial data in question. The goal of the analysis

was to test for different levels of wealth accumulation among burials, which

provided a way in which to group burials into different levels on a wealth rank

scale. This goal has been accomplished through description and a method

establishing gaps, or cut-points, to distinguish between groups of burials based on

differential variation in wealth accumulation. A gap of two separate grave good

class inclusions was used as the discriminating cut-point. Two classes were

sufficient, in this case, due to the small number of inclusions and separate grave

good types found in most burials. The number of wealth rank levels among


burials, derived from these notable gaps, were virtually unchanged for the

duration of occupation at each site except one. In terms of the test of

Hypothesis 1, this pattern showed a lack of change in the degree of ranking

within each cemetery except one.

In future studies of this nature, it will be necessary to describe more

clearly the relationship between levels of wealth accumulation and wealth ranks. I

am quite confident in the different levels of wealth accumulation that have been

discovered; however, the wealth ranks that have been attached to each may be

too simplistic. In this analysis, I have equated a distinct level of wealth

accumulation with a distinct wealth rank. In reality, the situation may not have

been quite as simple.

4. Conclusions

From the patterning revealed in the test results, the following conclusions

have been reached on the nature of intra-site ranking within the seven Yayoi

period cemeteries. The Kanenokuma, Yoshitake Oishi and Yoshitake Hiwatashi

sites were characterized by a minimal degree of ranking throughout their

occupation phases. It seems that a small number of wealth objects filtered into

these communities and were available to only a select few. The differences in

social rank between individuals with and without grave goods in these

communities were probably not considerable. This pattern of minimal ranking did

not change through time, suggesting that there was no change or increase in the


status ordering or ranking systems of these communities. At this stage of the

analysis, it is difficult to say whether this pattern resulted from internal

competition or competition from other communities.

The Yoshitake Takaki cemetery was characterized by a moderate degree of

ranking during both the end of the Early Yayoi and the beginning of the Middle

Yayoi Phases. This cemetery contained individuals buried without grave goods,

individuals with a small number of wealth objects and a few individuals buried

with a considerably higher number of wealth objects, or three wealth ranks. If

wealth is an indicator of rank, then this community possessed a more developed

system of ranking than the previous group of cemeteries. Perhaps the success of

the Yoshitake Takaki peoples in production and wealth accumulation kept the

other surrounding communities at a slightly lower level of development. The three

Yoshitake cemeteries were located quite close together and it is difficult to

determine whether they were from three smaller separate communities or one

larger community. If the cemeteries represent three smaller communities, then the

above scenario may have occurred. If the cemeteries represent one large

community, it is possible that the burials within the Yoshitake Takaki cemetery

represented a high ranking, perhaps chiefly, lineage group while the other two

contained members of subordinate lineage groups. Further excavation and data

analysis of village size and structure in this locality would provide more concrete

answers to this intriguing question.

The Tate'iwa- cemetery is the only one which showed change in the

degree of ranking between burials. The beginning of the Middle Yayoi Phase was


characterized by a minimal degree of ranking which changed to moderate during

the late half of the Middle and early half of the Late Yayoi Phases. It would

appear, from this pattern, that a change in the community's internal system of

status ordering or ranking occurred. It is difficult to determine the cause of this

phenomenon. An increase in the productive capacity of the community and a

need for coordination may have led to the creation of new social positions. The

community's central position in the exchange of bronze mirrors and the

production and exchange of ceramic burial jars is an equally probable cause for

this change in the degree of ranking within the Tate'iwa community. Due to its

central position in these networks, more wealth may have become available

during the site's later occupation phases. Data on village structure, house size

and form and subsistence would provide more information to explain the nature

of this development.

Mikumo was the only cemetery to be characterized by a high degree of

ranking which was based on the burial assemblages of two individuals. Both

contained a considerably larger number of wealth objects than the rest while one

contained considerably more than the other. Despite the high degree of ranking,

the Mikumo cemetery was similar to the others in that a very small number of

individuals possessed wealth objects. This was probably due to the scarce nature

of the objects, rules stating that one must occupy a very high position in the

community's status ordering system to aquire these goods, or some combination

of both.

The Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi cemeteries, both located in the same


region, contained burials which possessed some of the richest Yayoi period burial

assemblages in northern 'Kyushu. It is possible that a few strong communities,

such as these, were able to control the flow of wealth objects and maintain

conditions of scarcity within the region. This may explain the very small burial

assemblages that are characteristic of most northern Kyushu cemeteries in the

Yayoi period. A more concrete answer to this question will be provided in the

next section of this chapter.

Another interesting pattern was revealed in the individual burial

assemblages. Those burials with a high wealth rank usually contained multiple

inclusions of imported bronze mirrors from the Asian continent. Bronze swords

were present, in smaller quantities, in more burials while bronze mirrors were

present in far greater numbers in fewer burials. From this pattern, it is possible

to argue that the multiple inclusion of bronze mirrors in a burial signifies high

status. It is this particular artifact, more than any other, that distinguishes rich,

or elite, burials from those of low status individuals.

Another interesting pattern that has been revealed is a lack of change in

the degree of ranking within each cemetery through time; with the exception of

the Tate'iwa cemetery. It appears that once a particular status ordering system

was in place, it persisted for the duration of occupation. Does this mean that

the internal dynamics associated with status rivalry did not lead to change in

the degree of ranking within each community? It would appear so from the tests

carried out in this section of the chapter. If this is the case, the patterns

expected in Hypothesis 1 have not been confirmed in the analysis.


It is important to remember that only seven out of several hundred sites

have been tested. These sites were among the richest in northern Kyushu, and

it is possible that they enjoyed more political stability than others. It is also

quite possible that the changes which occurred were of a much more subtle

nature than I was able to detect from the methodology used. Another possibility

is that status rivalry and competition, within a community, occurred through

feasting or other forms of behavior, besides the mortuary ritual, that may not

have left tangible remains in the archaeological record. Still, the above pattern

leads to another important question. If internal competition leading to change was

minimal at best, did external competition between leaders of different communities

provide more of a stimulus for change? An answer to this question will be

provided in the analysis carried out in the next section of this chapter.


5. Analysis of Change i n Regional Wealth Hierarchies

Introduction

This section contains an analysis of inter-site ranking. The goal of the

analysis is to establish a rank ordering of cemetery sites within five regions to

establish a possible site hierarchy. This does not refer to a hierarchy of

settlement but, instead, refers to a hierarchy of sites on the basis of different

wealth ranks. The two may be related; however, this study is unable to

determine the extent of this possible relationship due to a lack of settlement

data.

Data

The data consist of bronze objects, mainly of ornament and weapon

categories, that have been unearthed from burials within 244 cemeteries in

northern Kyushu (Table 15 Appendix A). Originally, the grave goods were

tabulated according to their specific artifact type and the burial in which they

were discovered (Fukuoka Shiritsu Rekishi Shiryokan 1986:129-148). After initial

data exploration, it was decided that it would be necessary to group each

separate type into its raw material category. This was due to the very small

number of inclusions for each grave type and the unknown burial sample size

for each site.


I think that this procedure was valid for the following reasons. Since

bronze objects were either weapons or ornaments, or non-utilitarian, they would

have possessed high wealth value. For the purpose of this study, this is all one

needs to know. Secondly, since the total burial sample size was unknown a

sound analysis of intra-site burial assemblage variability would not have been

possible. The data were transformed in the most consistent manner possible for

use in the analysis of regional wealth hierarchy.

The analysis relies on the values of bronze objects for several reasons.

First, ceramic and stone were locally available and are not considered raw

materials of high wealth value. The comparison of numbers of iron and shell

objects is hampered by problems of preservation in the highly acidic, swampy

soils of northern Kyushu. The semi-precious stone jewelry values are problematic

since their frequency of occurence per burial ranges from 1 to 10, 000. Bronze,

on the other hand, is well documented, is not subject to rapid deterioration as

iron and shell and has widespread mention in the literature on Yayoi period

archaeology as a highly prized, exotic foreign material in northern Kyushu. Either

a large amount of resources or goods of equal value to bronze would have to be

exchanged to receive these prestige goods. The ability to obtain large numbers of

bronze objects is a good indicator of the high productive capacity of a

community.

The cemeteries have been divided into five regional samples shown in

Figure 5. The regional subdivisions are as follows: Region 1 is the Onga River

drainage basin located in the northeast corner of northern Kyushu.


Region 2 consists of the Fukuoka Plain, a flat (5-20m above sea level) alluvial

plain in the central portion of Fukuoka prefecture bordered by two upland

plateaus, which are part of the Tsukushi mountain range. This area is drained

by four major rivers that flow north through the Fukuoka Plain and empty into

Hakata Bay. Region 3 occupies the northwestern corner of northern Kyushu,

which is dotted with irregular indented bays, high sea cliffs and small islands

along the west coast. This area is drained by the Matsu'ura River which flows

north into Karatsu Bay located just south of Iki Strait. Region 4 is the large

Chikugo River drainage basin located south of the Fukuoka Plain with Regions 1

and 2 at its northern boundaries. The Chikugo headwaters begin in the foothills

of Mount Kuju, located to the east in Oita prefecture, and flow west through

the Tsukushi Plain into Ariake Bay. This region represents a transitional zone

between the flat alluvial lands of the Tsukushi Plain to the west and the

highlands to the east where the foothills of the high Kyushu mountains begin.

Region 5 marks the southern half of present-day Nagasaki prefecture. It is

bordered by Ariake Bay, to the east, Tachibana Bay, to the south, and Omura

Bay, which dissects this huge peninsula from the west. This large block of land

extends south from northern Nagasaki and divides into three smaller peninsulas

at its southern borders. The Nishi Sona Peninsula to the west is bordered by

the Pacific Ocean on its west side and Omura Bay to the east. The smaller

Nagasaki Peninsula extends in a southwest direction and is bordered by the Sea

of Japan to the west and Tachibana Bay to the east. The larger Shimabara

Peninsula, to the west, is surrounded by Tachibana and Ariake Bays. These are

the five regions that will be referred to in the analysis.


Method

I compare the distribution of prestige goods in sites within each region.

Chapman argues that it is possible to establish site hierarchies based on the

concentration of wealth objects within a region (1975:259). Sites which contain

the highest frequencies of prestige objects would tend to occupy a higher place

within a local prestige good network (1975:263).

Frankenstein and Rowlands propose a similar methodology in their

investigation of the spatial and structural patterning of an Iron Age prestige

good network in western Europe (1978). They argue that the structure of each

sub-domain, within this network, can be defined by the different ranked status of

burials, which indicate different levels in the political hierarchy (1978:83).

Both studies involve the analysis of data from cemeteries in which the

total number of burials is documented. The data to be used in this particular

study are not as complete. All of the sites involved consist of a sample in

which the total number of excavated burials is unknown. Only the burials that

contain grave goods have been tabulated for each site. To overcome this problem,

a slight variation of Chapman's methodology will be utilized to control for

sampling error.

One index of bronze accumulation value will be used for each cemetery to

establish a scale of wealth rank for each regional sample of sites. This method

will provide control for sample size within each cemetery, which is necessary


since the total number of burials is unknown. In this case, I divide the absolute

number of bronze objects by the number of burials that contain bronze. For

example, if 27 bronze swords are present within a site and they occur in 10

burials, the index of accumulation value is obtained by dividing 27 by 10. This

index value provides a measure of wealth concentration which shows the manner

in which wealth objects were controlled or hoarded by those able to acquire these

goods.

A problem may still arise in cases in which the same index value results

from different absolute values. For example, a ratio of 27/10 contains the same

index value as a ratio of 2.7/1. The index value is the same, yet, obvious

differences in the absolute values exist. For cases in which this problem occurs,

the raw data tables showing the absolute values should be consulted. Despite this

deficiency, this method is necessary to help overcome the even greater problem

of unknown sample size which exists for 239 of the 244 sites used in the

analysis.

The index of accumulation value will be used to determine the wealth

rank of each site in a regional hierarchy. A cemetery must have a high

accumulation index value to possess a high level of wealth concentration. If a

chief is successful in acquiring large amounts of wealth, the wealth should be

passed on to other individuals within the community. Further success should be

indicated by a continuous channeling of large amounts of wealth to those

recipients (index of accumulation). This index value shows the amount of bronze

that was collected by the chief and his supporters. The accumulation of large


amounts of bronze within a site is an indication of high rank within a regional

wealth exchange network. The higher the bronze index value for each site, the

higher the wealth rank and the higher its position in the regional hierarchy.

Wealth accumulation index values are presented in Tables 10, 11 and 12. The

total sample of sites has been divided into five regions, based on river drainage

systems, and three phases to provide spatial and temporal control.

The object of the analysis is to rank sites, according to their bronze index

values, into a wealth scale ranging from lowest to highest. To accomplish this

goal, cut-points are necessary to distinguish different levels of wealth

accumulation, or wealth ranks, between cemeteries. In this particular analysis, the

median accumulation index value for each sample will be used. If a gap larger

than the median value for a given sample occurs between two index values, then

a cut-point will be established at this gap to distinguish two separate levels on

the wealth rank scale. The use of the median value as a cut point is valid for

the following reason. Since the median represents the center point of a batch of

numbers, it provides a measure of central tendency for the sample. A gap larger

than the median constitutes a considerable difference between two continuous

values in a small sample of numbers. A large gap between index values, such

as the median, provides a measurable gap in levels of wealth accumulation and

wealth rank. Each gap larger than the median value for a sample of index

values will provide a cut point between two levels on the wealth rank scale.

The analysis involves a test to determine the placement of each site,

within a regional sample, into four possible site types represented by four levels


on the wealth rank scale. Level 4 represents the lowest level on the wealth

rank scale which consists of sites without bronze in each regional sample. Level

3 on the wealth rank scale consists of sites with a very small bronze index of

accumulation value. Level 2 sites must possess a considerably higher index value

than those of Level 3. The means to establish this cut-point will be provided by

the existence of a gap larger than the median between the index values of two

sites. Level 1 represents the highest wealth rank that a site can receive. For

this to occur, another cut-point must exist that clearly distinguishes a

considerably higher level of bronze accumulation than the Level 2 sites within

the same sample. The presence of four wealth ranks, or site types, represents

the highest level of inter-site ranking or hierarchy that may exist within each

regional sample.

6. Wealth Hierarchy D u r i n g the E a r l y Y a y o i Phase

The Region 1 sample for the Early Yayoi phase consists of seven sites of

which three contain bronze objects. A summary of the index values used in the

test for rank ordering is provided in Table 10. The median, high and low

extreme values are all 1.0 within this sample. Since the sites all possess the

same bronze accumulation index value, there is no basis for establishing a rank

order within this group. These three sites can be distinguished as a separate

group from the other sites without bronze. As a result, two wealth ranks of

sites are present in this sample consisting of Level 3 sites that possess small

bronze index values and Level 4 sites without bronze.


The Region 2 Early Yayoi phase sample consists of 19 sites in which

nine contain bronze objects.

R e g i o n N o . o-f S i t e s

M e d i an R a n g e R a n k C u t V a l u e s

1 3 1 . 0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0 , -2 ? 1 . 3 1 . 0 - 7 . 0 1 . 0 1 . 2 1 . 3 3 . 0 7 . 0 3 2 1 .0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0 1 1 4 4 1 . 0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0 5

T a b l e 1 0 . S u m m a r y T a b l e o-f V a l u e s - for e a c h D u r i n g t h e E a r l y

B r o n z e I n d e x o-f A c c u m u l a t i o n o-f t h e F i v e R e g i o n a l S a m p l e s

Y a y o i P e r i o d ( c u t v a l u e s u s e d t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n w e a l t h r a n k V e v e l s a r e s h o w n i n t h e f a r r i g h t c o l u m n ) .


One cut-point exists between the 3.0 and 7.0 index values, shown in Table 10,

since the difference between them is larger than the median value of 1.3. A

second cut-point exists between 1.3 and 3.0 since this gap is also larger than

the median value. Four wealth ranks are present among sites in Region 2

during the Early Yayoi Phase.

The Region 3 Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of seven sites, including

two that contain bronze. The summary values provided in Table 10 show that

the median, high and low values are all 1.0. There are no gaps sufficient to

establish any cut-points between the bronze index values for these sites. Two

wealth ranks are present among Region 3 sites during the Early Yayoi Phase.

Level 3 consists of two sites with small bronze index values while Level 4

consists of five sites without bronze.

The Region 4 Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of 12 sites in which

four contain bronze objects. Table 10 shows that the median, high and low index

values are all 1.0 for this sample. Since all four sites have the same index

value, there are no cut-points between different wealth ranks. This sample of

sites contains two wealth ranks consisting of those with bronze present in small

amounts (Level 3) and sites without bronze (Level 4).

The Region 5 Early Yayoi Phase sample consists of a single site that

contains bronze which provides no basis for the establishment of cut-points

between index values. The significance of a single site containing bronze within

an entire region will be discussed in the concluding section of this analysis.


7. Wealth Hierarchy During the Middle Yayoi Phase

The Region 1 Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of ten sites of which

five contain bronze objects. A summary of the index values used in the test for

rank ordering is provided in Table 11. The high and low index values for this

sample are 2.0 and 1.0 while the median value is 1.5. There are no sufficient

cut-points, within the index values, that distinguish between between sites based

on different levels of wealth accumulation. This sample contains two wealth ranks

that consist of sites with small bronze index values (Level 3) and sites without

bronze (Level 4).

The Region 2 Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 27 sites including 16

that contain bronze objects. Table 11 shows that the gaps between 3.0 and 8.0

and 8.0 and 15.0 are much larger than the median value of this sample, which

makes the establishment of two cut-points possible. The range is highly skewed

to the right of the median value which means that the difference in index

values between sites with large amounts of bronze are of a much greater

magnitude than for those at the lower end of the scale. Four wealth ranks are

present among Region 2 sites during the Middle Yayoi Phase.

The Region 3 Middle Yayoi Phase sample consists of 24 sites in which

11 contain bronze objects. The summary values provided in Table 11 show that

the range in index values is small which makes the establishment of cut-points

difficult. Since there is no gap larger than the median of 2.0 between any pair

of index values, two wealth ranks are present in this sample.


R e g i o n N o . o-f M e d i a n R a n g e R a n k C u t V a l u e s S i t e s

1 5 1.5 1.2-2.0 1.0 2.0 I I 2 16 i .9 1.0-15.0 1.0 2.0 3.0 |3.0 15.0 3 11 2.0 1.0-4.5 1.0 2.0 3.0 4.5 4.7 4 20 2.3 1.0-7.0 1.0 1.5 3.0 |7.o| 5 3 1.2 1.0-1.3 1.0 1.3 | I

T a b l e 11. S u m m a r y T a b l e o f B r o n z e I n d e x o f A c c u m u l a t i o n V a l u e s f o r e a c h o f t h e F i v e R e g i o n a l S a m p l e s D u r i n g t h e M i d d l e Y a y o i P e r i o d ( c u t v a l u e s u s e d t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n w e a l t h r a n k l e v e l s a r e s h o w n i n t h e f a r r i g h t c o l u m n ) .


Level 3 consists of 11 sites with small bronze index values while Level 4

consists of 13 sites without bronze.

The Region 4 Middle Yayoi Phase sample of 35 sites includes 20 that

contain bronze objects. The summary values used as rank cut-points are

presented in Table 11. Since a gap larger than the median of 2.3 exists

between the 3.0 and 7.0 index values, a single cut-point exists within this

sample. As a result, three wealth ranks are present among Region 4 sites

during the Middle Yayoi Phase. Level 2 consists of the Oitai site, Level 3

consists of 19 sites with small bronze index values and Level 4 consists of 15

sites without bronze objects.

The Region 5 Middle Yayoi Phase sample of seven sites includes three

that contain bronze objects. There is no gap larger than the median value of 1.2

within the values provided in Table 11. Since no cut-points are present, two

wealth ranks exist among the sites in this sample. Level 3 consists of three

sites that contain bronze while Level 4 consists of four sites without bronze

objects.

8. Wealth Hierarchy During the Late Yayoi Phase

The Region 1 Late Yayoi period sample of 17 sites includes 14 that

contain bronze objects. The index values in this sample, shown in Table 12,

range from 1.0 to 6.0 and the largest gap between any two values is 2.0.

Since the median value is 3.0, no sufficient cut-points exist.


R e g i o n N o . o-f M e d i a n R a n g e R a n k C u t V a l u e s S i t e s

1 14 3 . 0 1 . 0 - 6 . 0 1 . 0 2 . 0 4 . 0 6 . 0 2 10 2 . 0 1 . 0 - 3 . 0 1 . 0 3 . 0 I 3 21 3 . 3 1 . 0 - 2 9 . 0 I . 0 4 . 0 5 . 0 6 . 0 2 9 . 0 4 13 1 . 5 1 . 0 - 2 . 0 1 . 0 2 . 0 ' 5 2 1 . 0 1 . 0 - 1 . 0 1 . 0

T a b l e 1 2 . S u m m a r y T a b l e o-f B r o n z e I n d e x o-f A c c u m u l a t i o n V a l u e s - f o r e a c h o-f t h e F i v e R e g i o n a l S a m p l e s D u r i n g t h e L a t e Y a y o i P e r i o d ( c u t v a l u e s u s e d t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n w e a l t h r a n k l e v e l s a r e s h o w n i n t h e - fa r r i g h t c o l u m n ) .


Each increasing index value is very close to the previous value which makes

their distinction into separate levels of wealth accumulation difficult under the

criteria established earlier. As a result, two wealth ranks are present within this

sample.

The Region 2 Late Yayoi Phase sample of 17 sites includes 10 that

contain bronze. The high and low values for this sample, shown in Table 12,

are 3.0 and 1.0 while the median is 2.0. There are no gaps of sufficient

magnitude to establish any cut-points within this sample. Two wealth ranks are

present in which 10 sites with small index values form Level 3 and seven sites

without bronze form Level 4.

The Region 3 Late Yayoi Phase sample of 35 sites includes 21 that

contain bronze objects. The summary values provided in Table 12 show that a

gap larger than the median of 3.8 exists between the 6.0 and 29.0 index

values. As a result, one cut-point is present in this sample which leads to the

establishment of three wealth ranks. Level 2 consists of one site with an

extremely high bronze index value. Level 3 is composed of 20 sites with small

index values while Level 4 consists of the remaining 14 sites without bronze

objects.

The Region 4 Late Yayoi Phase sample consists of 20 sites in which 13

contain bronze objects. The summary values in Table 12 show that there is no

gap larger than the median value of 1.5 within the sample. As a result, two

wealth ranks are present within this group of sites. Level 3 consists of 13 sites


with small index values while Level 4 consists of seven sites without bronze.

The Region 5 Late Yayoi Phase sample consists of six sites in which two

contain bronze objects. There is no basis for ranking within this group since both

sites have identical index values. Two wealth ranks are present within this

sample consisting of two sites with bronze at Level 3 and four sites without

bronze at Level 4.

9. Change in Regional Wealth Hierarchy

The results for the test of the determination of wealth ranks for each

regional sample are shown in Table 13 and presented in graphic form in Figure

9. The goal of this section of the analysis is to test for change in the regional

wealth hierarchy structure within each sample in terms of the number of wealth

ranks of sites present during each time phase. The expected pattern, derived

from the model in Chapter 3, is that a region with the most developed wealth

hierarchy should show the most significant change.

The time trajectory line for Region 1 shows that two wealth rank levels

are present during all three time periods. The Region 2 time line shows that

four wealth rank levels are present during the Early and Middle Yayoi Phases;

however, the line drops to two wealth ranks during the Late Yayoi Phase.

Region 3 has two wealth rank levels during the Early and Middle Phases and

three wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. The Region 4 time

trajectory line shows two wealth rank levels during the Early Phase, three levels


during the Middle and two levels during the Late Yayoi Phase.

E a r 1y Y a y o i P e r i o d

Wealth Rank Reg i on

1 O w 4 5

H i g h e s t 1 2 3

Lowest 4 3 4

1 1 7 10

3 4

4 3 1

M i d d l e Yayoi P e r i o d


1 2 3 4 5

H i g h e s t 1 2 3

Lowest 4 5 5

1 1 14 11

11 13

1 19 15

3 4

La t e Yayoi P e r i o d


1 2 3 4 5

H i g h e s t 1 2 3

Lowest 4 14 3

IC 7

1 I 1?

14 13 7

2 4

T a b l e 13. Number.o-f S i t e s P o s s e s s i n g Each Type -for F i v e Regional Samples

Wealth Rank D u r i n g the Yayoi

Per i od.

ANALYSIS OF INTRA-SITE RANKING AND REGIONAL WEALTH HIERARCHY / 11.0

I — 1 1 I

•Early Tayoi Kiddle Yayoi I a t e ^ayoi

f i g u r e 1 0 . Diagraa Showing Change i n Regional Wealth Hierarchy Structure 3etween the ?ive Regions i n Northern Kyushu.


Region 5 shows one wealth rank level during the Early Yayoi, which changes to

two levels during the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases.

Figure 9 shows that Region 2 displays the greatest change in the number

of wealth rank levels between the Middle and Late Yayoi Phases. Region 4 also

shows a drop in the number of wealth ranks during this time. The implications

of this patterning will be discussed in the concluding section of this chapter.

10. A n a l y s i s Results

This test for variation in levels of bronze accumulation has resulted in

very few cases in which more than two wealth ranks are present among sites.

A summary of the test results is provided in Table 14. For the Early Yayoi

Phase sample, four wealth ranks among sites were found among only those

within Region 2. These levels were composed of sites without bronze, sites with

small accumulation index values, sites with large index values and one site with

a considerably larger index of accumulation value. This pattern meets the criteria

established earlier for the existence of a high degree of ranking between sites or

a regional hierarchy of bronze control. Regions 1, 3, 4 and 5 all possessed a

minimal degree of inter-site ranking characterized by two wealth rank levels.

Level 4 consisted of sites without bronze while Level 3 consisted of sites with

small bronze accumulation index values.

During the Middle Yayoi Phase, Region 2 contained four wealth rank

levels of sites.


Early Yayoi Middle Yayoi Late Yayoi

Region Wealth Ranks

Degree of Ranking

Wealth Ranks

Degree of Ranking

Wealth Degree of Ranks Ranking

1 2 Minimal 2 Minimal 2 Minimal

2 4- High 4 High 2 Minimal

3 2 Minimal 2 Minimal 3 Moderate

4- 2 Minimal 3 Moderate 2 Minimal

5 1 None 2 Minimal 2 Minimal

Table "14. Summary of Test Results For Inter-Site Ranking Within the Five Regional Samples During the Yayoi Period in Northern Kyushu.


Region 4 advanced from two in the Early Phase to three wealth rank levels

during the Middle Yayoi Phase. Regions 1, 3 and 5 had two wealth rank levels

during the Middle Phase suggesting that the degree of inter-site ranking, or

hierarchy, was still minimal.

During the Late Yayoi Phase, there was a decrease in the number of

regions with more than two wealth rank levels of sites. Region 2, which had

four wealth rank levels during the Middle Yayoi, dropped to two wealth rank

levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. Region 3 dropped from three wealth rank

levels during the Middle Phase to two wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi

Phase. The pattern in Region 3 changed from two wealth rank levels in the

Middle phase to three wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. Region 3

was the only region during the Late Yayoi phase to contain more than two

wealth rank levels among its sites.

The patterning discovered in the analysis supports Hypothesis 2 that the

greatest change in wealth rank structure should occur in the regions that

contained the greatest number of wealth rank levels. I will discuss the cultural

significance of this patterning in the concluding part of this section, but, first, I

will evaluate the tests results on methodological grounds.

Before I discuss the test results, I must provide a cautionary note on the

methodology at this stage. The method used was the result of initial data

exploration through more conventional means such as box-plots, stem and leaf

diagrams and tables. An alternative method was used because of the difficulties


in receiving adequate output due to the very small number of sites used in each

sample. Further data transformation, in terms of the conversion of absolute

values to index values, was done to control for sampling error. I would stress

that this method was tailor-made for the unique data set in question and should

not be adopted wholesale and used indiscriminantly on any other data set. More

conventional, statistically sound methods should be attempted first. If this were to

prove unsuccessful, then perhaps an alternative method, such as the one used in

this thesis, would be useful.

The index of accumulation values provided a useful way to control for

sampling error and establish rank cut values to determine the wealth rank level

of each site within a regional sample. One interesting problem that arose was

the difference in the magnitude of wealth accumulation between each separate

sample. For example, the Region 3 Early Yayoi Phase sample values ranged

from 1.0 to 4.7 while those from the Region 3 Late Phase ranged from 1.0 to

29.0. As a result, the same scale could not be used to establish rank cut points

in each sample. By using the median value of each sample to establish sufficient

gaps in bronze accumulation values, the original integrity of each sample was

maintained without being influenced by the extreme values of others.

Overall, the analysis accomplished what it set out to do. Different wealth

rank levels between sites were determined in cases in which they were obvious.

In some samples, a pattern occurred in which each ascending index value was

very close to the preceding one. When this occurred, it was difficult to establish

cut-points based on the presence of a gap larger than the median value.


Perhaps, a separate category for this phenomenon could have been established if

the range between high and low values was large. Still, this may have diverged

too far from the original goal of the analysis, which was to pinpoint obvious

gaps in bronze accumulation between sites and establish a regional hierarchy of

wealth distribution.

11. Conclusions

The following conclusions have been reached based on the patterns

described in the previous section. During the Early Yayoi Phase, Region 2

showed a high degree of ranking between sites. Four wealth rank levels were

present consisting of sites without bronze, sites with small bronze index values,

sites with large amounts of bronze and one site with a much higher

concentration of bronze. Since the Itazuke Tabata cemetery had the highest

bronze index value, it was given the highest wealth rank within Region 2. This

value came from the assemblage of a single burial, which means that the burial

was for a high status individual. This pattern is different from that of a site

such as the Yoshitake cemetery, which contained a moderate number of bronze

objects distibuted among more individuals. Perhaps the principles of status, rank

and wealth distribution were different between these two communities.

Since two wealth rank levels were present in the other four regions

(Figure 9), and the bronze index values tended to be much smaller, it is clear

that there was greater variation in the relative importance of bronze between

sites within Region 2 than the rest. This pattern was probably due to two


factors. First, evidence shows that this region was the most developed, in terms

of population density and subsistence production, during the Early Yayoi Phase.

Second, Region 2 appears to be the first to have received bronze goods from the

continent. Thus, it is no surprise that this region contained the most developed

regional hierarchy based on differences in wealth rank between sites.

During the Middle Yayoi Phase, two regions contained more than two

wealth rank levels among their sites. Region 2 contained four wealth ranks,

which amounts to a high degree of inter-site ranking. The two major sites

responsible for this pattern were the Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi sites which

contained a much larger number of bronze objects than others within Region 2.

These bronze objects were placed into two burials at Mikumo (Table 7) and a

single burial at Sugu Yamanokuchi (Table 8). Bronze objects, especially mirrors,

were scarce and controlled by a few powerful individuals within Region 2.

Perhaps the power and influence of the leaders within these communities kept

other settlements in the region at a lower level of development. It is possible

that a political system based on a small regional hierarchy of settlements existed

during the Middle Yayoi Phase in northern Kyushu. The center of the hierarchy

would have been the area occupied by the Mikumo and Sugu Yamanokuchi sites.

This political center may have controlled other surrounding communities within

this region.

Region 4 had three wealth rank levels or a moderate degree of inter-site

ranking (Table 14 and Figure 9). The Oitai site possessed the highest bronze

index value which shows that this site had the highest wealth rank in the


region. Another smaller political center may have existed at the Oitai site which

would have controlled the flow of bronze objects to other communities in Region

4. Archaeological evidence suggests that if political centers existed in these areas,

they would have been quite small. There is no evidence, at this time, to suggest

any form of unification between the more powerful communities in Regions 2 and

4. Political control in the Middle Yayoi Phase was probably based on small

pockets of power in which leaders of a few communities were able to control

bronze and maintain conditions of scarcity at the expense of others. This pattern

is of great significance in explaining the nature of political change in Yayoi

period northern Kyushu. From the data used in this analysis, the Middle Yayoi

Phase contains the most developed wealth hierarchy network. Yet, even at this

stage, there is no evidence to suggest any form of political unification between

powerful communities in different regions.

During the Late Yayoi Phase, Region 3 had three wealth rank levels

which suggests a moderate degree of inter-site ranking. Region 2, which had four

levels and a high degree of ranking during the Middle Yayoi, contained only two

wealth rank levels during the Late Yayoi Phase. Sites within Region 3 possessed

the highest concentrations of bronze during this phase. Region 4, which contained

three wealth rank levels during the Middle Yayoi, had two levels during the

Late Phase. Only one of four regions had more than a minimal degree of

inter-site ranking during the Late Yayoi Phase. The Sakura-no-baba cemetery, in

Region 3, had the highest bronze index value and wealth rank, and was,

perhaps, a small center of political influence.


Of particular interest are the patterns of change in inter-site ranking on

a regional scale. During the Early Yayoi Phase, Region 2 was a center of

bronze control while the other four regions had small amounts of bronze. This

pattern continued to develop into the Middle Yayoi Phase in which the beginning

of a regional hierarchy of bronze control took place. A small area within Region

2 became a center of bronze control, and possibly, political control. This same

pattern emerged in Region 4, to a lesser degree, in which the Oitai site came

to possess a higher wealth rank than other sites within this region. This general

trend changed abruptly in the Late Yayoi Phase when the ranked structures

present in the previous two periods disappeared. Region 3 emerged as a

dominant consumer of bronze and the only region that possessed a moderate

degree of inter-site ranking. Overall, Region 2 was the only area that had a

well developed wealth exchange hierarchy during the Early and Middle Phases.

This hierarchy was either destroyed or reorganized during the Late Yayoi Phase.

In summary, the analysis carried out in this chapter has provided some

unexpected results. The analysis of intra-site ranking revealed a trend towards a

lack of change in the degree of ranking at each cemetery with the exception of

one. Either, the internal dynamics associated with status rivalry did not lead to

change in community rank ordering systems, or status rivalry was not prevalent

at this level.

On the other hand, the analysis of change in inter-site ranking supported

Hypothesis 2. A well-developed, regional hierarchy of wealth control was present

in only Region 2, during the Early and Middle Phases, and Region 4 to a lesser


extent. This hierarchy disappeared during the Late Yayoi showing that the region

with the most developed wealth hierarchy experienced the greatest upheaval and

change in organizational structure. Competition between communities is one

possible way to explain this pattern. Overall, it appears, from this particular

analysis, that status rivalry and competition between communities played a more

significant role than intra-community competition in the political development of

Yayoi society in northern Kyushu.

CHAPTER V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

This thesis has looked at the possible role of status rivalry in the

evolution of Yayoi period society in northern Kyushu. Two major hypotheses,

derived from a model of status rivalry and change in community power

structure, were tested. Hypothesis 1 stated that status rivalry was present in

the development of social ranking within communities and subsequent change in

the status ordering system.

Tests revealed two major patterns. First, a well-developed, internal ranking

system was present in very few cemeteries. Second, there was a trend towards

a lack of change in the degree of ranking within each cemetery. There are

several possible explanations for this pattern. Sampling error may have biased

the results by obscuring the full range of variability among the burial

assemblages. This is quite possible, since the total number of burials within all

of the cemeteries was not known. Another possible explanation for this pattern

may stem from the methodology used to establish wealth ranks among burials.

Perhaps large differences in status were indicated by subtle differences in the

wealth content of burials. If this was the case, the criteria used for establishing

separate wealth rank categories may have been too rigid. However, I thought it

was important to exercise caution in this aspect of the analysis, especially since

I was using data concerning grave goods.

As stated earlier, the method used for the analysis in this thesis has

provided a useful way to look at this particular data set. Still, more conventional

120

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS / 121

methods should be tried first. Variation in wealth content among mortuary

assemblages was obvious in most cases and easy to pin-point in this particular

study; however, this may always be the case for mortuary data sets from

different parts of the world.

Methodological problems aside, there are other interesting explanations that

may account for this lack of change in internal rank structure within these

communities. Perhaps the status ordering and ranking systems remained intact in

these communities. In this case, status rivalry may not have played a major

role in the local power structure. Rules of succession for the leadership position

may have been firmly established in such a way that a concrete emphasis on

ability was absent form the system. As a result, the opportunities for political

advancement, on the part of individuals that were not part of a high ranking

lineage, would have been rare.

On the other hand, change may have occurred in the form of new chiefs

succeeding old chiefs in such a way that the structure of the ranking system

remained the same. Status rivalry could have led to a rapid change in leaders

while the chiefly office and subordinate postions remained intact. What the test

of Hypothesis 1 failed to show was a change in the structure of internal

ranking systems within these communities. This does not necessarily mean that

other kinds of change did not occur.

Another possible explanation is that competition and status rivalry were

not carried out through the mortuary ritual. Perhaps power was displayed


through feasting or other forms of ritual activity. If this was the case, evidence

of status rivalry and competition would not be preserved in the archaeological

record.

As mentioned earlier, other classes of data are needed to test this notion

more thoroughly. First, greater time control is needed. Instead of placing burials

into the three major time divisions of the Yayoi period, the use of radiocarbon

dates and close attention to the formation processes involved would provide a

tight chronological ordering of burials into more phases of shorter duration. As a

result, change in the mortuary patterning over shorter time intervals would be

revealed. A finer time scale is necessary in the study of change in rank

ordering in mortuary data, especially at the intra-site level. For example, if

chiefs were interred in rich burials at an average of • one every 50 years, it is

crucial for the archaeologist to know this fact if the research goal is to explain

the relationship between status rivalry and chiefly succession in this community.

Further information on the internal structure of each community would

also be useful. Data on the spatial relationship between households and

cemeteries, household size and storage pit capacities would provide a more diverse

information base for the analysis. The goal of this particular strategy would be

to confirm whether or not patterning in the other classes of data support the

patterns within the mortuary data. If this proved to be the case, one's

arguments, based on the burial data, would be strengthened.

Hypothesis 2 stated that status rivalry between the leaders of different


communities led to short-term political success, oscillations in wealth control and

major structural changes in the organization of the existing wealth exchange

network. The patterning revealed in the analysis of inter-site ranking supported

this hypothesis. For the most part, regional wealth hierarchies were rare and

when they did occur, they were confined to a single river drainage basin. A well

developed hierarchy was present in only the Fukuoka Plain region during the

Early Yayoi Phase. This network developed further during the Middle Yayoi only

to disappear in the Late Yayoi Phase. This pattern supports Hypothesis 2 and

the model presented in Chapter 3 which call for the greatest structural change

in the regional wealth hierarchy to occur in areas where it is the most

developed. Structural change in wealth rank and exchange network systems

occurred on a regional scale far more than change in rank ordering and wealth

control within sites.

As mentioned earlier, these results support the notion that status rivalry,

and the accompanying oscillations in political and wealth control, occurred more

between the leaders of different communities than local elites within the same

community. Perhaps, status ordering and rank within a community was still

strongly based on rules of kinship, descent and strong lineage ties. As a result,

political gamesmanship and maneuvering would not have played a major role in

the quest for leadership. As one moved further away from the local community,

kinship ties began to disappear. Competitive interaction between communities may

have involved a greater emphasis on ability or other more impersonal qualities.

If this was the case, competition may have involved outdoing a neighboring

community through high productive capacity and the control of more wealth. If


the system of inter-community rivalry was strong enough, limits on the amount

of power a single community could hold would have existed. Other peripheral

communities would have allied themselves to oust the leader of a successful

community at the pinnacle of the hierarchy that extracted wealth and resources

at their own expense. This particular pattern was revealed in the analysis in

Chapter 4. As mentioned earlier, it is the well developed hierarchies that

eventually fall. There is also no evidence for political unification between regions

during any time period. The general pattern of change seems to be the rise and

fall of small areas or pockets of control. If wealth possession is an indicator of

political power, political control in the Yayoi period of northern Kyushu was of a

very precarious nature.

This thesis supports the ideas of researchers such as Feinman and Neitzel

(1984:44) and Steponaitis (1981:321) who argue for the need to abandon

classificatory and typological research on ranked societies and the development of

social complexity. The typological approach consists of works that search for the

proper patterning in archaeological data to place the society in question at one of

the major levels in the evolutionary ladder (band, tribe, chiefdom, state). The

classification scheme may not only be overly simplistic and incorrect, but it also

obscures the processes that led to social change since the typological boundaries

act as artificial barriers that break up a natural continuum (Plog 1977:45). This

thesis provides a good example of why it is important to stay away from this

trap.

In this thesis, I have referred to political ambitions on the part of


leaders, wealth display, participation in exchange networks and the control of

wealth to gain supporters and further political careers. I also discuss tenuous

political alliances, oscillations in political control and the breaking of evolutionary

advances. I have presented these ideas within the context of chiefly or ranked

societies. However, the exact same characteristics form the basis for political

control in Melanesian Big-Man societies (Berndt 1971:393; Healey 1978:205;

Meggit 1971:203; Sahlins 1963:292). The key difference between Big-Man and

ranked or chiefly societies is the continued existence of the chiefly office. The

office, or position, is always present no matter who is in possession.

Traditionally, Big-Man leadership is said to result from an individual's abilities

and personal power.

However, studies show that central places exist in some Big-Man societies,

which suggests that leaders do not arise only through personal ambition and

strength, but also are as much a function of the central places they inhabit

(Terrell 1986:212). The rise to power of a Big-Man may also serve a functional

purpose. With the existence of central places, a Big-Man society would look very

much like a chiefdom. On the other hand, if chiefly centers of power are in a

state of constant flux, they would be difficult to distinguish from the Big-Man

situation.

In this thesis, I was unable to determine whether or not the evidence

pointed to the existence of a permanent chiefly office (In fact, I did not even

attempt to do so!). I have left the reader with the question, were these Yayoi

polities in northern Kyushu chiefdoms, ranked societies, Big-Man societies or were


they at some level in between? My answer to this question is that it does not

matter. The patterning in the data still exists whether it was a Big-Man or

chiefly society. In fact, Yayoi society shows some characteristics of both. The

main goal of this thesis has been to explain how political change may have

occurred in northern Kyushu during the Yayoi period and to test whether or not

status rivalry and competition played a role in this development.

In terms of the broader implications, several key points have been raised

from this study. In light of Goldman's (1970) work on status rivalry and

competition in the Pacific Islands, this thesis has provided some interesting

insights through the analysis of archaeological data. Both Goldman (1970) and

Service (1962) point to the limited base of political power that exists in ranked

societies, due to its reliance on kin-based sanctions. The work in this thesis

supports this notion; however, it does so with a different twist. Goldman's focus

is on competition within the community, while this study has shown that

competition from leaders of external groups may cause even more damage to the

existing political hierarchy. In this particular example, status rivalry and change

in community power structure seems to be manifest more at the regional level

than Goldman implies.

This thesis also supports the findings of Brumfiel and Earle (1987) and

Helms (1979) who state that the control of wealth does play a role in the

political success of leaders. The northern Kyushu example shows that those

communities which contain burials with large multiple inclusions of bronze objects,

especially mirrors, occupy the top levels in the regional wealth hierarchy. The


findings in this thesis also support the work of Pearson (1982) and Shanks and

Tilley (1982) who claim that the mortuary ritual is intended more for

inter-community competition than intra-community competition. This pattern is

clearly shown in the analysis carried out in Chapter 4. Furthermore, oscillations

in the wealth rank levels, at the regional level, add support to Kirch's (1980)

notion the burial wealth indicates relative socio-political status instead of social

rank in Tonga. One would expect a system of political status and power to

change much more rapidly than one of ascribed rank (much like a British

politician's career would be more precarious than that of a member of the

British monarchy).

The work of Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978) and Ekholm (1978) is also

supported by the findings in this thesis. Both argue that prestige exchange

systems are built on a very unstable political base in which collapse and

subsequent reorganization are distinct possibilities. In fact, the more successful a

community is, the more dangerous its position becomes. The northern Kyushu

example clearly shows that the greatest structural change occurred in regions in

which the regional wealth hierarchy was the most developed.

The broader implications of this pattern for studies on cultural evolution

are as follows. It seems that in some areas status rivalry and competition

between leaders of different communities is so intense that the system develops

an internal breaking mechanism. If one community rises too high above the

others, it is pulled back down, possibly through temporary military or exchange

alliances, on the part of surrounding communities, to thwart this development. As


I mentioned earlier, this might be one of the many reasons why communities in

the Kinai Region in Japan surpassed those in northern Kyushu, in terms of

socio-political development, and became the center for the birth of the early

Japanese state.

Barnes (1988:279) finds evidence for the existence of a two-tiered

settlement hierarchy which represents two hierarchical polities in the Kinai region

during the Early Kofun period. It seems that the political strength and the

position of powerful communities in this area were more permanent than for

those in northern Kyushu. Once in power, the high level Kinai communities were

able to successfully expand and incorporate other peripheral communities. Perhaps

the same kind of internal constraints on evolutionary change found in Kyushu

were not present among communities in the Kinai region of prehistoric Japan at

this time.

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136

Arj-oendix I .

Table 15. Summary Table Showing the Number of Bronze Objects, the Number of Burials with Bronze Present and the Bronze Index of Accumulation Value f o r Each Cemetery Within the Sample From Northern Kyushu During the Yayoi Period.

Site Region Phase Bronze Burials Index Objects

Nakayama •1 Early 1 1 1.0

Machiyakuba Kami 1 Early 1 1 1.0

Kakihara 1 Early 1 1 1.0

Tate 1iwa 1 Middle 10 5 2.0

Sasahara 1 Middle 1 1 1.0

Gokoku-no-kami 1 Middle 1 1 1.0

Babayama 1 Middle 3 3 1.0

Shioigake 1 Late 6 6 1.0

Kumano J i n j a Kedidai 1 Late 1 1 1.0

Tate'iwa 1 Late 6 1 6.0

Harada 1 Late 2 2 1.0

Takashima 1 Late . 1 1 1.0

Uenohara 1 Late 1 1 1.0

Meotozuka 1 Late 4 1 4.0

Miyahara 1 Late 2 2.0

Kamitokoroda 1 Late 1 1 1.0

Ishigatsubo 1 Late 2 • 2 1.0

Zokumyoin 1 Late 1 1 1.0

Tsusho-no-Tsutsumi 1 Late 1 1 1.0

Taira 1 •• Late 1 1 1.0

137

S i t e Region Phase Bronze Objects

Burials Inde5

Shironokoe 1 Late 1 1 1.0

Yoshitake (isekigun) 2 Early 1 1 1.0

Yoshitake Takaki 2 Early 4 2 2.0

Yoshitake Oishi 2 Early 7 7 1.0

Iikura Maruo 2 Early 1 1 1.0

Nishi-Fukuoka-Koko 2 Early 3 • 3 1.0

Karumeru Shudoin 2 Early 7 3 3.0

Itazuke Tabata 2 Early 7 1 7.0

Morizono 2 Early 1 1 1.0

Mikumo 2 Middle 30 2 15.0

Koso 2 Middle 1 1 1.0

Mukobara 2 Middle 3 1 3.0

Imajuku 2 Middle 1 1 1.0

Nogata Kubo 2 Middle 3 2 1.5

Yoshitake Hiwatashi 2 Middle 5 3 1.7

Yoshitake Takaki 2 Middle 10 6 1.7

Yoshitake Oishi 2 Middle 3 1.3

N i s h i Shinmachi. 2 Middle 1 1 1.0

Maruodai 2 Middle 3 1 3.0

Hie 2 Middle 1 1 1.0

Sugu Yamanokuchi 2 Middle 40 5 8.0

Kadota T s u j i t a 2 Middle 2 2 1.0

T a t e i s h i - 2 Middle 1 1 1.0

Hiogarnizuka 2 Middle 1 1 1.0

138

S i t e Region Phase Bronze Objects

Burials Inde?

Shikabeyama 2 Middle 2 1 2.0

Ihara Yarimizo 2 Late 3 1 3.0 Mikumo Teraguchi 2 Late 1 1 1.0

Mitsuyoshi 2 Late 1 1 1.0

I i s h i 3aba 2 Late 1 1 1.0

Nogata Nakahara 2 Late 2 2 1.0

Nogata Tsukahara 2 Late 1 1.0

Nagatare 2 Late 1 1 1.0

Osabaru 2 Late 1 1 1.0

Takaramitsuo 2 Late 1 1 1.0

Miyanoshita 2 Late 1 1 1.0

Ukikunden 3 Early 2 2 1.0 Sumiyoshidaira 3 Early 1 1 1.0

Kashiwazaki Ishikura 3 Middle 3 1 3.0 Kuri Omuta 3 Middle 3 1.3 Ukikunden 3 Middle 63 4.5 Taj'ima 3 Middle . 1 • • 1 1.0

Tokusue 3 Middle 1 1 1.0

Sago Shiratake 3 Middle 4- 4.0

Egasaki 3 Middle 2 2.0

Shimogoya-no-ki 3 Middle 5-. 3 1.7 Koshojima 3 Middle 1 1 1.0

Hara-no-tsuji 3 Middle 1 1 1.0

Sahoura Akazaki 3 Middle 2 1 2.0

139


Tokutake Ishigasaki 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Sakura-no-baba 3 Late 29 1 29.0

Chichiga 3 Late 10 2 5.0

Yamamoto 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Tonokubi 3 Late 11 3 3.7

Ebisuyama 3 Late 2 2 1.0

Kisaka 3 Late 15 3 5.0

Sakadou 3 Late 6 1 6.0

Shinoura 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Takamatsu-no-dan 3 Late 8 2 4-.0

Totogoyama 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Sago Kubiru 3 Late 4- 1 4-.0

Kashiwa-no-ki 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Kan'nonura 3 Late 2 1 2.0

Kuroki Minamibana 3 Late 2 1 2.0

Kofunosai 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Kisurogohama 3 - Late 3 1 3.0

Harou 3 Late 4- 2 2.0

Higashi-no-hama 3 Late 2 1 2.0

To-no-hama 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Nakadodan 3 Late 1 1 1.0

Antoku Dozen 4- Early 1 1 1.0

Kitamuta 4- Early " 1 1 . 1.0

140

Site Region Phase Bronze Objects

Burials Index

Marayama 4 Early 1 1 1.0

Nagaoka !± Middle 1 1 1.0

Nishioda IX. Middle 1 1 •1.0

Mine 4 Middle 3 2 1.5

Yatsunami 4 ' Middle 1 1.0

Sotokuma 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Yamada Atoyama 4 Middle 2 2 1.0

K u r i t a 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

B o d a i j i 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

O i t a i 4 Middle 7 1 1.0

Ogawa 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Kamenoko 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Kume 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Motoyoshi 4 Middle 3 1 3.0

Hyotanzuka 4 Middle 1 1.0

Futazukayama 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Karakami 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Gohondani 'A Middle 1 1.0

Uechi 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

K i r i d o s h i 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Shirakabe 4 Middle 1 1 1.0

Yokokuma Kitsenzuka 4 Late 1 1 1.0

N i s h i y a s h i k i 4 . Late 1 1 1.0


Gionyama 4- late 1 1 1.0

Nishihata Goyozuka 4- Late 2 1 2.0

Higashihata 4- Late 2 ' 1 2.0

Kamenokoko 4- Late 2 2 1.0

Tsubuteishi 4- Late 1 1 1.0

Soza 4- Late 1 1 1 .0

Futazukayama 4- Late 5 5 1.0

Mitsunagata 4- Late 4- 4- 1 .0

Matsuba 4- Late 1 1 1.0

Gohondani 4- Late 1 1 1.0

Eashimayama 4- Late 2 2 1 .0

Kamitaki 5 Middle 1 1 1.0

Tateishi-cho-shozai 5 Middle 1 1 1 .0

Keikan 5 Middle 4- 4- 1.0

Mode 5 Late 1 1 1.0

Gonoki 5 Late 1 1 1.0

wealth and power in yayoi period northern - circle

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