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(p. 152). In an interesting twist, he concludes by problematicizing social con-trol in this increasingly “fragmented” and “atomized” post-modern world ofincreasing economic integration and faltering social cohesion.

I highly recommend this book, not only for those who want to understandthe historical and theoretical evolution of the concept of social control, butfor those interested in its political future.

University of California, Irvine Kitty Calavita

W.D. Wright, Black Intellectuals, Black Cognition, and a Black Aesthetic(Westport, Connecticut: Praeger, 1997), 201 pages, ISBN: 0-275-95542-7.

The current era is one of withering affirmative action programs, a continueddearth of African-Americans in the upper echelons of the corporate world orthe academy, and continued social and legal challenges to America’s blackleadership. Within such a climate, what is the role of contemporary blackintellectuals in promoting social change? Such is the fundamental dilemmaof W.D. Wright’sBlack Intellectuals, Black Cognition, and a Black Aesthetic.

Wright’s central thesis is that Western civilization and America “are call-ing upon blacks to play a new and critical intellectual and moral role” (p.xii) not only to improve the lives of black people in America, but in order totransform America and Western civilization as a whole. Wright asserts thatblack intellectuals have failed to assume this new critical and moral role be-cause “black cultural thought lags far behind the aesthetic cultural capabilitiesof black people, which are second to none in America” (pg. xii). As a result,Wright admonishes “Black intellectuals to take up this challenge of construct-ing a Black Aesthetic philosophy or theory” (p. xii) and thereby employ theformidable resources of black aesthetic achievements as a motor to drive anew black intellectual force in America. Wright’s thesis is compelling. It isunfortunate, however, that he never supports this interesting premise with acoherent political vision or a focused, practical agenda for change. Readersinterested in progress through social justice and public policy may find thisbook lacking in a clear prescription for the advancement of black intellectualleadership.

Black Intellectuals, Black Cognition, and A Black Aestheticis divided uproughly along the thematic lines indicated by its title. Wright begins by dis-cussing the ways in which black intellectuals have had to engage in a constantstruggle that continues even today in order to claim an intellectual voice.Following this discussion, Wright explores the manner in which the transitionfrom an “African” to a “Black” identity has defined current black intellectual

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thought. Thereafter, the author identifies certain cognitive patterns that he ar-gues are more efficacious to the cultivation of black intellectual thought thanothers, all of which leads into an extended argument regarding the dangers ofboth modernist and postmodern perspectives for black intellectuals. Wrightconcludes his book by urging black intellectuals to organize their thought andactivity according to the aesthetic achievements of black American culture.

Wright has much to say regarding each of these themes, but fails to syn-thesize his arguments into a harmonious work. One major impediment tohis doing so is the fact that Wright’s ideas and assertions originate directlyfrom his sharp critiques of other scholars. Although Wright’s stated thesisdevotes this book to a redefinition of black intellectualism, Wright falls shortin offering such a redefinition. It may be necessary to set one’s scholarshipapart from others, though the crux of Wright’s argument is found not in aclear definition of black intellectual activity, but in a fragmented patchworkof critiques against other intellectuals.

Within this context, Wright offers some rather confusing evaluations. Atone point, he dismisses Henry Louis Gates, Jr., as a “postmodern thinker”. Inanother passage, Wright makes what must be a tongue-in-cheek jab at CornelWest’s self-described position as a radical democrat, and refers to the latter aspossibly being “a democratic socialist”. Aside from these odd references, agreat deal of Wright’s book is devoted to an argument against postmodernismas a system of thought which does not realize its racist underpinnings. Theclaim that postmodernism is a privileged discourse, and one that is unawareof its own privileged status, may be an important one to consider; Wrightnevertheless pursues this claim through caricatures of postmodern thoughtand it soon becomes clear that much of Wright’s book is devoted to attackingan almost unrecognizable, straw-man version of contemporary continentalphilosophy.

More disturbing generalizations emerge in Wright’s discussion of whathe calls “Black Cognition”. According to the author, “Black Cognition” is asystem of thought possessed by black people which must replace postmod-ernism and other forms of “White Cognition” – cognitive forms that onlycreate hierarchy, supremacy, and domination. Wright claims that Black Cog-nition can be found in ancient Egypt and he traces these cognitive patternsacross time to blacks today. I feel it is necessary to ask, though, how theexistence of something called “Black Cognition” (either in ancient Egypt ormodern America) is even knowable. Moreover, why would black intellectualswant to base an agenda for social change upon what sounds like a dangerousform of essentialism? Wright does argue against the claim that his thought isessentialist by insisting that there is a difference between talking about raceand racism; in short, he believes that one can make essentialist claims about

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race without being racist. Wright seems unaware, then, that the categories ofrace upon which he bases this claim enable and make possible the very formsof racism he scolds other scholars for ignoring.

Given that Wright is a Professor of History, the research for this projectcould be more comprehensive. Wright insists, for instance, that black Amer-icans prefer to be identified as such over “African-Americans” on the basisof a mere handful of public opinions polls conducted in the late 1980’s andearly 1990’s. And for a book which promises, as its mission, a transformativeengagement with black intellectual and aesthetic thought, there is very littletreatment of either.

It is also unfortunate to note that this book, with such an interesting the-sis, is in need of further editing. Wright’s text becomes confusing and dis-jointed as it unfolds, with often repetitive or rambling sentences as well asvague, unimaginative language. Other editorial problems abound, such asWright’s use of the past tense when citing the works of living authors as ifthey were deceased, or Wright’s continual manner of interpreting quotationsfrom prominent intellectuals out of context.

Wright ends his book by claiming that blacks’ “social and historical expe-rience in America is the basis for constructing various kinds of social theorieswith universal implications and applications” (p. 169). Wright’s words exem-plify the very spirit needed to bring black intellectuals into dialogue with thewhole of America and Western society. Such an assertion, however, must sitat the core of a coherent and practical agenda for social change. ThoughBlackIntellectuals, Black Cognition, and a Black Aestheticarticulates a compellingthesis about the relationship between black intellectual activity and blackaesthetic achievements, the political viability and impact of this relationshipis better and more coherently discussed elsewhere.

Penn State University Bradford Vivian

Rosoff, Pontell and Tillman,Profit without Honor: White-Collar Crime andthe Looting of America(New Jersey, Prentice Hall, 1998), 436 pp.

Stephen M. Rosoff, Henry N. Pontell and Robert Tillman’sProfit WithoutHonor: White-Collar Crime and the Looting of Americais a well writtenbook that examines and analyzes the forms, causes and consequences ofwhite-collar crimes (that is, crimes committed mainly by middle- and upper-class individuals in the course of their occupation). The work challenges thepopular notion that white-collar crime is not dangerous, and illustrates theprevalence of white-collar crime in business, the government, the medical

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