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'vo,76 SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7: A CRITICAL EDITION AND STUDY OF SACRED PART MUSIC FROM COLONIAL NORTHWESTERN GUATEMALA THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of the North Texas State University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of MASTER OF MUSIC By Sheila Raney Baird, B. M. E. Denton, Texas May, 1981

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'vo,76

SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7: A CRITICAL EDITION AND STUDY OF

SACRED PART MUSIC FROM COLONIAL NORTHWESTERN GUATEMALA

THESIS

Presented to the Graduate Council of the

North Texas State University in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

MASTER OF MUSIC

By

Sheila Raney Baird, B. M. E.

Denton, Texas

May, 1981

Baird, Sheila Raney, Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7: A Critical Edition

and Study of Sacred Part Music from Colonial Northwestern Guatemala.

Master of Music (Musicology), May, 1981, 226 pages, 3 tables, 22 photo-

graphic plates, 21 figures, bibliography, 87 titles.

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, dated January 20, 1600, is part of the

San Miguel Acatan Repertory ,which originated in the northwestern high-

lands of Guatemala and is presently owned by the Lilly Library of Indi-

ana University. The manuscript contains thirty-four four-part songs

and dances, two thirds of which are villancicos for Christmas, Easter,

the Eucharist, and the feasts of All Saints and St. Michael. The re-

maining third consists of Latin biblical texts in either fabordon or

contrapuntal settings, three pieces with Nhuatl texts, and an instru-

mental pavana.

The thesis contains a modern edition of Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7

with critical notes and commentary, a comparison of the pieces with

villancicos and fabordones of European origin, and a survey of several

aspects of Mayan culture.

O Copyright by

Sheila Raney Baird

1980

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

LIST OF FIGURES . . . ....................... vi

LIST OF PLATES.. ........................-.--...... vii

LIST OF TABLES.. ........................ viii

LIST OF TRANSCRIPTIONS..............................ix

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . ....-.......-.-...-.-.-.-1

The San Miguel Acatan Repertory

Geography of Highland Guatemala

Religion and Government in the Cuchumatgn Region

II. STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE PIECES IN

SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

The VillancicoFormal StructurePerformance Practice

Fabord6nPerformance Practice

III. COMMENTARY. ....................... 86

Text ProblemsSpanish and Latin

Nahuatl

Remarks on the Pieces

IV. EDITION OF SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7 . . .. . . . . . . . . 141

Editorial ProceduresSanta Eulalia M. Md. 7

CRITICAL NOTES .. .. . ................-.-.-.-.-.--- 206

APPENDICES

A. INSCRIPTIONS: SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7, f. llr, 30v, 43v 211

B. SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 3, f. 9v... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215

iv

SOURCES OF FIGURES AND PLATES 219

BIBLIOGRAPHY - . . . .- . .-.-. . . . . . ..'. . . . . . . . . .220

V

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Map of the northwestern highlands of Guatemala - . . . 52

2. "hoi nace la nueba estiella," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 6v (No. 7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. -.. 53

3. "Asi andando: El palto," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 10v (No. 11) . . . .........-.-.........-.- 54

4. "AquesEtan tonceriaJ," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. llr (No. 23-3); Inscription, Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. llr . . . . . . . . - - . . . . . . . . . - - - . - - - 55

5. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 12v (No. 13) . . . ................-.-.-.-- 56

6. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto," Santa Eua7ia M. Md. 7,f. 13r (No. 13) . . . .................-.-. 57

7. "Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri,"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. l4v (No. 15) .-.-........ 58

8. "Aquestan tonceria," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 18r (No. 23-2) . . . .................-.-- 59

9. "Desde el gielo bajo Dios," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 22v (No. 22)..............- - -.-... ... 60

10. "Aquestan tonceria," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7,f. 23v (No. 23-1); "favana/fahuana,t"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 23v (No. 24) . . -...- . . . . . 61

11. "Donec ponam/Tecum prinipium/Dominus adextris/De torente," Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 25v (No. 26) . . . 62

12. "Maria magdalena," Santa Eula2ia M. Md. 7,f. 35v (No. 31) . . . ................... 63

13. "magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus,"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 41v (No. 36).......... 64

14. "magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus,"Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, f. 4 2r (No. 36).-.-. . . .. -. . 65

vi

Figure Page

15. [Villancico with a couplet estribillo............ 69

16. Poetic and musical form of No. 3 .... ........ . 70

17. Poetic and musical form of No. 21 .........-....72

18. [Villancico with a quatrain estribillo and

asymmetrical vueltas].........-.-.-.-.--- . . . . . 73

19. Poetic and musical form of No. 16-1 .... . . ... . 73

20. Musicians playing the teponaztli and the huehuetl . - 78

21. Carved teponaztli......... ..-....... 78

LIST OF PLATES

Plate Page

1. Rock formations on either side of the highway

which goes toward San Juan Ixcoy . . . . . . . . . 30

2. View from Santa Eulalia, looking east . .......... 31

3. View from Santa Eulalia, looking north .......-.-.... 32

4. Ridge of the Cuchumatanes Mountains as seen

from the south .-........-... ,.- .. .

5. Ladino houses front on the road, while Indian

houses are set back in the fields. In the

foreground, men from Santa Eulalia dance the Toro . . . . 34

6. Image of Santa Eulalia being carried to the plaza

amid clouds of incense during the Saturday of Glory

procession . . . . . . . . . . . .- - . . .-.- I-.-.. . 35

7. Saturday of Glory procession returning from the

plaza with a canopy above the image of Santa Eulalia

. . 6

8. Image of Our Lady of the Conception being carried

during the Saturday of Glory procession . . . . . . 37

9. Figure of Judas hanged in front of the Santa Eulalia

church on Good Friday. In the background are the

market buildings . .........-.-............38

vii

Plate Page

10. Prayer in front of the church at Santa Eulalia . . . . . . 39

11. Morning prayer in front of the church at

San Miguel Acatan .-..-....-.-.....-...-.-.-.-.- 4o

12. Principal men of the village in front of the

Santa Eulalia juzgado . . 41

13. Women drawing water from the public fountain in

front of Santa Eulalia's municipal building ....... 42

14. Young Santa Eulalia woman in native dress . . . . . .. . 43

15. Santa Eulalia men in native dress playing the flute

and drum in the Saturday of Glory procession .. ........ 44

16. Plaza and parish church in San Juan Ixcoy ...-..-.-... 45

17. Parish church in San Mateo Ixtatan ..-..--.-.-.-.-.-. 46

18. A different view of the San Mateo Ixtatan

parish church . . ........-.-.-.-....-.-.... 47

19. Santa Eulalia church and juzgado ............... 48

20. Chapel of the Rosario, built by the principal

Indian of Santa Eulalia in the early twentieth

century . . - - .- .- - - .-.-.- - - .-.- .--.-.- - -

21. The calvario, an adobe chapel in Santa Eulalia

used only during Lent and Easter week..... ...........- 0

22. Parish church and market in Jacaltenango . . . . . . . . . 51

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

I. Numbering Systems of the Lilly Library's

Guatemalan Manuscripts . . . . ..............6

II. Common Letter Substitutions Found in

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7...........-.-..-.-.-.-.-. 86

III. Catalog and Concordances for

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 . . . . .-.-.-.-...--..- 135

viii

LIST OF TRANSCRIPTIONS

Number

I.

2.

3.

4-1.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

16-i.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

victoria victoria quien a vengido . .

yesuchristo nuestro dios . . . . . .

Esta es gena de amor llena

llegaos al convido

Virgen madre de dios

De la sagrada maria....--.-.-.-.

hoi nace la nueba estiella

Dios es ya nacido.....--.-.-.-.-.

y technepa sacramento dios onclcama

Oy es dia de player . . . . . ....

Asi andando: El palto....-..-....-..

El fiel peso y medida ....--...

Sed miguel fuerza y escuto . . .

principatus .......... . .

Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri

muestre la tierra alegria.......

Dixit Dominus Efragment]- -

jesucristo nuestro dios [fragment]

De la hermosa Rebeca . . . . . . . .

forgado de amor de amores.........

Alegria pecadores ..........

ix

Page

145

....... .......... 147

. . . . . . . . . . 149

- - . - - . - . . - 151

153

. - - - - . - . . - 154

155

156

158

159

16o

162

164

167

168

171

173

- . . . . . . . . - 173

174

. . . . . . . . . . 175

176

2.

1.

5.

~6.

Desde el gielo bajo Dios . ..-.-.-...-.-.-..

Aquestan tonceria .... -.- -a- -

favana/fahuana...-....-.-...................

Si tanta gloria se da . . . .. 0-0-a-0 - . -#

Donec ponam/Tecum pringipium/Dominus a dextris/

Number

2

23-

2

2

2

27--

32-

34

-1. Surrexit dominus alleluya . . . . . . - - .

28. 0 virgen maria .........................

29. Et misericordia/Deposuit potendes/Susgepit ii

gloria patri.....-.................-.-.-.

30. Ne recorderis

31. Maria magdalena...- - - o - -

-L. bay magalhi . . . . - - -. -0 -0 - -, - - - -

33. textiless fragment] . ..- - - - -

-1. tibi soli pecaui.....--.-.-.-.-.-.-.-. -

35. Abrase el reyno del cielo - - - a-0-0 - -

36. magalhi vinac dios a tu belen hiyuus . .-

37. miserere mei Deus . .D.*-*-0-4 - -0-0-0-i - -

Page

- - 177

- - 178

- - 179

- - 180

182

-10 r-

- --0- --186

srael/

-- - 0- 0- a- - 194

- - 196

- --0 0- -198

- --0- --199

- - -0 -1 - . . 200

- -.202

203

205

x

De torente- r% -

1

Chapter I

INTRODUCTION

The San Miuel Acatn Repertory

The Lilly Library of Indiana University owns a group of late

sixteenth and early seventeenth-century Guatemalan music manuscripts con-

sisting of thirteen bound volumes and two fragments. They were copied

for use in the villages of Santa Eulalia, San Juan Ixcoy, and San Mateo

Ixtatan in the Department of Huehuetenango in northwest Guatemala. All.

are still encased in their original deerskin bindings, and some even have

the hair remaining on the hide.1 The first nine of these manuscripts

were designated by Robert Stevenson as the San Miguel Acatan Repertory

after the name of the village in Huehuetenango where they were assembled

in 1963 by two Maryknoll fathers, Edward F. Moore and Daniel P. Jensen.2

The manuscripts have become known through Stevenson's writings by

the names of the villages from which they were gathered. Since the first

seven originated in Santa Eulalia, they were further identified by the

Fathers with the sigla M. Md. __. Hence the manuscript which is the

basis of this study is referred to as Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 or simply

as M. Md. 7. A complete list of the manuscripts can be found in Table I.

1. Information is from photocopy of Lilly catalog cards.

2. Robert Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in theAmericas (Washington, D.C., 1970), 50.

2

Stevenson inventoried these nine choirbooks in his catalog,

Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas,

3 and according

to him,

The earliest.composers in the manuscripts whose activities

can be traced in Spain . . [are] Johannes Urrede, Alonso

de Avila, Franciscopde Pefialosa, Pedro de Escobar, Juan

Garcia de Basurto, Diego Fernandez, Matheo Fernandez,

Crist6bal de Morales, and Pedro de Pastrana. The earliest

Flemings include . . . lXosquin," . Heinrich Isaac,

Jean Mouton, and Loyset Compere.4

In addition to these polyphonic codices, Maryknoll missioners

gathered from the villages surrounding San Miguel Acatan

numerous printed

liturgical books and plainchant manuscripts for safekeeping.5 Among the

printed materials gathered at San Miguel Acatan are a Venetian Pro-

cessionarium secundum rituem et morem fratrum predicatorum printed by

Antonio Junta in 1545 and purchased in 1561 by the alcalde (chief local

executive) of San Juan Ixcoy; two missals printed in 1545 and

1550 and

purchased soon after the Processionarium; and Pedro de Ocharte's

Psalterium Chorale secundum consuetudinem sancti Domini printed at

Mexico City in 1563.6

3. Thid.,55-62. Due to his combining Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5 and M. Md. 6

in the catalog, Stevenson refers to the nine manuscripts as being "eight

choirbooks" (P. 55, Renaissance and Baroque). The leaves of these two

manuscripts were numbered consecutively, with M. Md. 6 beginning at f.

33r of M. Md. 5 (p. 60, Renaissance and Baroque). However, M. Md. 6 is

mentioned as a separate manuscript with different foliation on p. 51 of

the catalog.

4. Robert Stevenson,, "European Music in 16th-Century Guatemala," The

Musical Quarterly, L/3 (July 1964), 345.

5. Tbid., 346.

6I. bid., 349.*

3

The earliest date in any of the hand-copied plainsong books

in the San Miguel Acata'n collection seems to be the year 1570,which

appears as part of a Spanish inscription in the back of a 200-leaf

mutilated gradual.7 This item is not owned by Lilly Library.

8

According to their flyleaves, Santa Eulalia Codices M. Md. 1

and 2 are the earliest dated of the polyphonic manuscripts. Both

were copied and signed in 1582 by Francisco de Len, who referred to

himself on the title page of M. Md. 1 as "maestro deste pueblo De sancta

olaya" [Santa Eulalial.10 Codices M. Md. 5 and 7 bear the signature of

another local maestro de capilla Toma's Pascual, a native Indian,1 1 who

may have been a pupil of de Leon.12 Pascual was active as maestro in

San Juan Ixcoy between 1595 and 1635.13

Santa Eulalia M. G. 5, dated August 14, 1635, is an antipho-

narium14 which is not inventoried in Stevenson's catalog,15 but Santa

7. Ibid., 349-51.

8. Paul Borg, The European Repertoire of the Guatemalan Music MS. No. 8

in the Lilly Library, Bloomington, Indiana (Bloomington, 1978), 4.

9. Stevenson, "European Music," 351.

10. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 57.

11. Robert Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley and

Los Angeles, 1968), 207.

12. Stevenson, "European Music," 351.

13. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 206.

14. Lilly catalog cards.

15. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, p. 63, n. 8. Although Stevenson

did not inventory Santa Eulalia M. G. 5, he did discuss its inscription.

There has been some confusion concerning Santa Eulalia M. G. 5 (= Lilly

No. 13) due to a difference in foliation by Robert Stevenson, Lilly

4

Eulalia M. Md. 7 is included on PP. 58-59. At folio lr of the manu-

script, Pascual inserted a paragraph in Nhuatl, the trade language of

northern Guatemala during the Conquest century16 (Figure 4). Here he

described the manuscript as "a collection of original coplas and villan-

cicos completed January 20, 1600, for use at San Juan Ixcoy, where he

was maestro de capilla."17

The predominant language of the Lilly manuscripts is Latin,

often corrupt, but at least two-thirds of them contain texts and

inscriptions in Spanish, Nghuatl, or one of a variety of local Indian

languages--in all, at least six. Throughout are to be found songs in

Chuj, Kanjobal and Jaltec, 1 and phrases and inscriptions in Cakchikel,

Quiche and corrupt Nahuatl.1 9

In addition to liturgical music, and sacred music in languages

other than Latin, the San Miguel Acatan Repertory also includes dance

music ,with and without textswhich has secular origins. For example,

M. Md. 7 contains several villancicos which are designed for dancing

at church festivals. Instrumental dances without text can be found in

M. Md. 7 (Figure 10), and in M. Md. 2, as well as in the manuscripts

Library, and Paul Borg. In his thesis (pp. 4-6) Borg wrote thatStevenson's information concerning Santa Eulalia M. G. 5 did notcoincide with the contents of any of the Lilly Library manuscripts,but has later acknowledged (letter dated 24 March, 1980) that thesignature, inscription and date in Lilly No. 3 are the same asthose described by Stevenson as being located in Santa Eulalia M. G. 5.

16. Stevenson, "European Music," 346-47.

17. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 51.

18. Ibid.

19. Lilly catalog cards.

5

San Juan Ixcoy, and San Mateo Ixtatnn. When cataloging these instru-

mental dances, Robert Stevenson proclaimed them "the only purely secular

music thus far discovered in any sixteenth-century Guatemalan manuscripts.

Further secular pieces were identified by Stevenson as French chansons

21

which had been contrafacted for use in the San Mateo Ixtatan manuscript.

A brief discussion of the codices owned by Lilly Library that are

not included in Stevenson's inventory can be found on pp. 4 and 6 of

Paul Borg's thesis.22 Throughout the thesis he gives the codices the

same numbers as does Lilly Library, but precedes them with "Bloomington"

or "Manuscript" rather than "Lilly." (See Table I for coordination of

designations given to the codices by the Maryknoll Fathers, the Lilly

Library, and by Paul Borg.)

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 is a collection of thirty-four four-part

songs and dances. The majority of the pieces in this manuscript are

viliancicos and most of them are thought to have been written by

Tomas Pascual, who dedicated them to the Archangel Michael23 (Figure 4).

The villancicos fill approximately two-thirds of the manuscript. The

remaining third consists of Latin biblical texts in either fabord6n

(Figure 11) or contrapuntal settings (Figure T), three pieces with

Nahuatl texts (Figures 13,14). the instrumental dance piece previously

meintioned, three pages with inscriptions, and several unidentified

fragments of music.

20. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.

21. Ibid., 61.

22. Borg, op. cit. , 4-6.

23. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 58.

6

Table I. Numbering Systems of the

Lilly Library's Guatemalan Manuscripts

Maryknoll Numbers* Lilly Library Numbers** Borg Classification***

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 No. 1 Bloomington Manuscript 1

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 24No. 2 Bloomington Manuscript 2

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5 No. 3 Bloomington Manuscript 3

Santa Eulalia M. Ma.No. 6 Bloomington Manuscript 4

Santa Eulalia M. Md.7 No. 5 Bloomington Manuscript 5

Santa Eulalia M. Md. No. 6 Bloomington Manuscript 6

Santa Eulalia M. Md. No. 9 Bloomington Manuscript 9

San Juan IxcoiNo. 8 Bloomington Manuscript 8

San Mateo Ixtatan No.9 Bloomington Manuscript 9

No. 10 Bloomington Manuscript 10

StEaa G.No. 11 Bloomington Manuscript 11

. . .No. 12 Bloomington Manuscript 12

Santa Eulalia M. G.5 No. 13 Bloomington Manuscript 13

. . (fragment) No. 14 Bloomington Manuscript 14

(fragment) No. 15 Bloomington Manuscript 15

*These were the original numbers assigned to ten of the manuscripts by

FathersJensen and Moore. They were also used by Robert Stevenson in

Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas.

**These numbers were assigned to the manuscripts by Lilly Library. Their

complete catalog title is Latin American Mss. Guatemala, Music Mss. Nos.

1-15.

***These manuscript numbers were assigned by Paul Borg in his thesis,

The

European Repertoire of the Guatematan Music Ms. No. 8 in the Lilly Library,

Bloomington, Indiana.

7

In order to give some idea of Pascual's duties at San Juan Ixcoy,

I refer to a general description given by Thomas Gage, an English Dominican

24

friar who traveled in Guatemala during Pascual's lifetime. Gage observed

that the maestro de capilla in Guatemalan Indian villages was called the

fiscal, and was the priest's officer over the singers, trumpets, and waits.

The fiscal was able to read and write, executed justice, and taught Christian

doctrine to the young youths and maids of the village at the church before

and after services. He directed the musicians at morning and evening Mass

in their use of organs and other musical instruments, attended important

visitors with waits and trumpets, and prepared arches with boughs and

flowers for their arrival. He attended the priest, carried out his errands,

and had more influence in the town than the mayors, jurats, and other

officers of justice. He was exempt from the service of the Spaniards,

from carrying burdens, and from acting as a guide for travelers.25 According

to Robert Stevenson, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Indian villages of

southern Mexico and Guatemala conferred more power and prestige on the

leading local musician than has ever been allowed by the social and

political system at any other time in American history.26 The authority

of the colonial maestro de capilla was inherited throughout the Mayan

area from the pre-conquest holpop, who was the principal musician of the

village and a greatly venerated man.27

24. Thomas Gage, Travels in the New World (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958), xxxi-

xxxii.

25. Ibid., 230-231.

26. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 63.

27'. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 108, n. 248.

8

Geography of Highland Guatemala

The Republic of Guatemala is divided into twenty-two departamentos,

units which are the largest political divisions within the republic and

equivalent to states in other countries. The smallest political unit within

a departamento is the municipio, which is similar to what we think of as a

township.28 Each municipio is made up of a pueblo (village which is the

capital of the municipio) and one or more aldeas (rural hamlet-like

settlements). The governmental capital of both a departamento and a

municipio is known as a cabecera. But, where the cabecera of a municipio

is often named after the municipio, the cabecera of a departamento fre-

quently does not share the name of the departamento. However, in the

Department of Huehuetenango, in which the villages associated with Santa

Eulalia M. Md. 7 are located, the tradition of synonymous naming is

followed.

The Department of Huehuetenango, located on the Mexican border

in northwestern Guatemala, has an area of 2,859 square miles,which is

divided among thirty-one municipios.9 Within this departamento is

found a portion of the main Andean mountain range known as the Cuchuma-

tanes Highlands or Los Altos Cuchumatanes, which are considered to be

the highest and most rugged mountains of all Central America (Plates

1-4). With their main ridge running roughly southeast-northwest, the

mountains usually have altitudes of 4,500 to 8,500 feet above sea level,

28. Oliver La Farge, Santa Eulalia; The Religion of a Cuchumatan Indian

Town (Chicago, 1947), xv.

29. Richard E. Moore, Historical Dictionary of Guatemala (Metuchen, N. J.,

1967), 7, 9, 26, 51, 72, 99.

9

but there are some peaks which rise to almost 12,000 feet. It is rare

to find level spots larger than an acre or two on these ravine-filled

steep mountain sides. There are two seasons in the Cuchumatan area: a

dry summer season lasting from November through April, and a wet winter

season during the remainder of the year. As is characteristic of tropical

highlands climates, the temperature varies more with the altitude than

with the season, plunging to 320F or below in the heights and rising to

90*F in protected valleys. The mean temperature for altitudes of 6,000

to 8,000 feet is 50'F - 65"F.30

As of 1950, 73.3% of the 200,101 inhabitants in the Department

31of Huehuetenango were Indians, with the remainder of the population

consisting of Ladinos. The distinction between Indians and Ladinos is

cultural rather than physical. The name Ladino represents non-Indian

people of Spanish culture, often with a mixture of Spanish and Indian

blood. Ladinos speak Spanish, have Spanish surnames, wear shoes and

clothing in the European style, are usually literate, live in houses

with windows (Plate 5), and have a higher standard of living than do

most Indians. Indians are the pure-blooded descendants of the people

of pre-Columbian Guatemala. They speak Indian languages, wear Indian

costumes, have Indian surnames, and live according to traditional Indian

32customs. Europeans, Negroes, and even Indians who adopt the dress

30. Charles Wagley, Economics of a Guatemalan Village (New York, 1969), 7.

31. Moore, op. cit., 72. Other population statistics given in this paperare also from 1950.

32. Sol Tax, "The Municipios of the Midwestern Highlands of Guatemala,"American Anthropologisb, n.s., XXXIX/3 (July-September 1937), 432.

10

and mannerisms associated with western culture can be loosely classified

as Ladinos. When an Indian takes on characteristics associated with

Spanish cultural traits, he is said to be ladinized.3 3

Distinct variance in religion and political organization exists

among the highland municipios. In addition to having their own patron

saint (Plates 6-8) and costume (Plates 5-15), the people of each muni-

cipio often have their own tradition of origin. The inhabitants of

each municipio share a common tribal name and are "'a people' distinct

from all others, even those speaking a mutually intelligible dialect." 35

Considerable variation on specialization of custom occurs from one

municipio to another, and the Indians are conscious of these differences

along with even minor dialectal differences.36 Therefore, a different

and relatively independent social organization exists in each municipio.37

The natives of the highlands all speak languages of the Kanhobal

group, with the exception of the two Mames municipios of San Martin

Cuchumatan (for which the area is named) and Todos Santos. The Kanhobal

group is "divided into two languages, Kanhobal and Chuj, with Jalteca as

a major dialect of the former." San Juan Ixcoy, Santa Eulalia, and

San Miguel Acatgn Indians all speak the Kanhobal language, while Chuj is

33. Moore, op. cit., 83.

34. Wagley, "Economics," 8.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid.

37. Tax, "Municipios,." 444.

38. La Farge, op. cit., vi-vii.

11

spoken in San Mateo Ixtatgn. Each municipio has minor variations when

the same basic language is involved. For example, the language of San

Miguel Acatan is basically true Kanhobal with Jaltecan influences.39

Municipios vary in size from thirty to 1,000 square miles..4o

Those in the highlands are smaller in area and larger in population than

those of the lowlands. San Juan Ixcoy, with 5,310 inhabitants,42 is

one of the more densely populated municipios. It is in the east central

part of the departamento, with its cabecera located on the road north from

Huehuetenango (the capital city of the departamento) a distance of twenty-

one miles (Figure 1). Its main products are corn, wheat, beans, potatoes,

and woolen shirts and robes. In 1898 the Indians of San Juan Ixcoy, in

an attempt to prevent further immigration into their municipio,45 massacred

those Ladinos who were already living there. The government retaliated by

exterminating the inhabitants of the village, and it has been only recently,

with the construction of a new highway to the departmental cabecera, that

new life has come to the region. The pueblo has an old church which has

been repaired several times (Plate 16).46

39. Ibid., vii.

40. Moore, op. cit., 99.

41. Tax, "Municipios," 425.

42. Moore, op. cit., 138.

43. Adrian Recinos, Monografia del Departamento de Huehuetenango(Guatemala, 1954), 361.

44. Moore, boc. cit.

45. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

46. Recinos, op. cit., 363-64.

12

Thirty-five miles north of Huehuetenango is San Mateo Ixtatan,

48

one of the most extensive municipios of the departamento (Figure 1).

It lies astride a high ridge near the head of the Ixquiss River Valley

9

in the northern Cuchumatanes at an altitude of 8,540 feet with a population

of 7,835. Salt production, sheep raising, wool, and wheat provide the

main means of livelihood of the inhabitants.50 This Chuj-speaking area

is divided into three municipios, all of which treat San Mateo Ixtatn

as their central village and show ceremonial dependence upon it.The

parish church is very old, and by its architecture and present

condition

appears to be one of the first that was constructed in this area

during

the colonial epoch (Plates 17, 18).52 Early in the present century, the

San Mateo Ixtatan Indians came close to perfecting an uprising similar

to

the 1898 San Juan Ixcoy massacre previously described.

53

Between San Juan Ixcoy and San Mateo Ixtata'n is Santa Eulalia,

which is about twenty-seven miles north of Huehuetenango (Figure 1).

This municipio sits at an altitude of 8,300 feet on a westward-facing

shoulder of the main north-south Cuchumat6 n ridge.

4 As late as 1959,

47. Moore, op. cit., 141.

48. Recinos, op. cit., 372.

49. La Farge, op. cit., viii.

50. Moore, loc. cit.

51. La Farge, loc. cit.

52. Recinos, op. cit., 375.

53. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

54. Ibid.,9 3.

13

the cabecera was not accessible by road.55 The population of the muni-

cipio is 8,273, and crops of corn, wheat, beans, and potatoes are produced

in the area.56 Santa Eulalia was originally much larger than it is at

present, but in 1889 and 1900, two other municipios were shorn from it by

request of the Ladinos,who wished to develop that territory. The Indians

of the two newer municipios are still considered part of the Santa Eulalia

tribe, and they think of Santa Eulalia as their ceremonial and commercial

capital. The parish church was constructed in 1884 (Plates 9, 10, 19).58

Of special interest in this municipio are the many deep caverns

and caves which produce a thundering roar when the wind blows violently.59

In the early twentieth century, a governor of the departamento entered

Santa Eulalia's sacred cave of Yalan Na' and removed from it a collection

of ancient idols which he took to Huehuetenango and dispersed, much to the

horror and dismay of the I ndians.60 Highlands natives believe that the

spirits of their young people leave them and go to this sacred cave twenty-

five days before the Mayan religious new year and return twenty days later.

Adult spirits are believed to visit the cave during the last five days

.61before the new year.

55. Moore, op. cit., 3, 148.

56. ITbid. , 148 .

57. La Farge, op. cit., 3, 4.

58. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, p. 63, n. 6.

59. Recinos, op. cit., 368.

60. La Farge, op. cit., 5.

61. Morris Siegel, "Religion in Western Guatemala: A Product of Accultura-tion," American Anthropologist n. s., XLIII/l (January-March 1941), 73.

San Miguel Acatan is one of the most heavily populated zones of

the Department of Huehuetenango.62 Its cabecera is also on a western

slope of the mountains, twenty-nine miles northwest of the capital city

of the departamento (Figure 1). The elevation here is 6,020 feet above

sea level. The municipio's 10,446 inhabitants subsist by making hats and

ropes, milling flour, and mining lead. They are dispersed over a wide

64area, occupying the pueblo center and

seven surrounding aldeas. On the

eastern side of the pueblo's plaza rises an old church and convent annex,

built by the Fathers of the Mercedarian Order and recently reconstructed

by the Fathers of the Maryknoll society, which administers the parish

(Plate ii).65 Ethnological field work was done in San Miguel Acatan

for ten months during 1938-1939 by Morris Siegel of Columbia University.

He later wrote that conditions there were representative of most Guatemalan

villages at that time, and on this basis I shall relate his description

of San Miguel Acatan's pueblo center and outlying area as an example of

the similar organization of San Juan Ixcoy, San MateoI xtat

6.n, and Santa

Eulalia.

Besides the church, which was previously described, the pueblo

center had a school house, jail, and courthouse (Plate 12) around its

62. Recinos, op. cit.5, 349.

63. Moore, op. cit.5, 141.

64. Morris Siegel, "Resistances to Culture Change in Western Guatemala,"

Sociology and Social Research XXV (September 1940-August 1941), 416.

65. Recinos, op. cit., 350.

66. Siegel, "Resistances," 416.

67. La Farge, op. cit., xv, 3. See also Wagley, "Economics," 8.

15

plaza, with a fountain in the middle for drawing water (Plate 13).

This pueblo center was the focal point of civil administration and

the scene of most economic, social, and religious activities (Plates

9, 10, 13, 16, 22). Most of the houses in the pueblo center belonged

to Ladinos. The majority of the Indians lived near their fields as

did their ancient ancestors.69 The Indian's single-room, rectangular

house was made of adobe bricks with a slanting thatched roof and an

earthen floor (Plates 2, 5-7, 12, 21). Cooking and heating were done

on an open hearth that was placed in the center or to one side of the

room. Furnishings consisted of two or three tiny chairs, and some

plank beds.i7

Religion and Government in the Cuchumatan Region

Great similarity in local government and religion has also been

witnessed in highlands Indian villages, even though small differences

make each municipio an individual society. These similarities can be

seen through a glance at the history of the Cuchumatg'n region.

During the Period of Conquest (1524-1600) the violent clashes

between the Spanish and Mayan Indian cultures led to the decline of the

Indian way of life.71 Immediately after the Conquest, probably by mid-

sixteenth century, the Indians of the Kanhobal-speaking group seem to

68. Siegel, "Resistances," 416.

69. Wagley, Loc. cit.

70. Siegel, "Resistances," 417.

71. Sol Tax, Heritage of Conquest (New York, 1968), 250, 287-88.

16

have been organized into six major villages: San Juan Ixcoy, San Mateo

Ixtat6Jn, Santa Eulalia, San Miguel Acatin, Soloma, and Jacaltenango.

They were divided into two Parishes of the Mercedarian Order, Soloma

and

Jacaltenango (Plate 22). With the exception of Jacaltenango, these six

T2

main villages are associated with pre-Conquest ruins of some importance.

In these "outlying Indian districts European music played a paramount

role in the evangelization of the indigenous population,"

as is evidenced

by the earlier description of the San Miguel Acatan Repertory's

contents.

From the beginning, the indigenes flocked eagerly to learn

everything possible concerning European music--so much that

intricacies in the . . repertory such as the combined 0,

C, and G mensurations in Isaac's 0 preclara Mass clearly

gave them the delights of a puzzle. To say that they them-

selves did not marvel at Mouton and Morales is to deny the

evidence showing that these very books were eagerly shared

with maestros from Soloma to Chiantla. To claim that this

repertory did not join with their native-language coplas

and villancicos to become their most prized personal

possession is to overlook the frequent petitions of co-

fradas [religious cofraternities] until the end of the

colony that choirs be in no way abated, and that even hours

in small parish churches be sung polyphonic ly and with as

full solemnity as the village could muster.

Sufficient literary data survives from such travelers as Thomas Gage

to confirm the Guatemalan Indians' avid interest in European music, even

without the evidence of these codices.7 5

72. La Farge, op. cit., viii, xi.

73, Stevenson, "European Music," 345.

-(4. Ibid., 352.

75. Ibid. , 346. See also Thomas Gage, Travels in the New World, ed. by

J. Eric S. Thompson (Norman, Oklahoma, 1958), 131-33, 160, 162, 172,

230,r231, 243-46 for descriptions of the Indians' music in Guatemala

and Chiapas.

17

During the colonial period, the church was almost entirely

responsible for educational programs. Along with training in arts and

crafts, the clergy gave instruction in the catechism. To the children

of Spaniards and sons of principal Indians of the villages they offered

instruction in reading, writing, and other rudiments of knowledge. Be-

fore the middle of the sixteenth century, monks were teaching Latin in

Guatemala, considering it to be the foundation of all education.76

With the suppression of Indian traits and absorption of Spanish

traits during the Conquest, the Indian culture began its evolution

toward a culture which Oliver La Farge has labeled "Recent Indian,"

In a report concerning his 1932 field work in Santa Eulalia, he writes

that the church became less powerful and the control of the centralized

government became more lax after the initial Conquest years.. The

church lost even more power shortly after the time of Guatemala's

independence from Spain in 1817, when it "became involved in politics

and eventually lost, with subsequent curtailment of its power, its

right to hold property, its authority to make unrestricted appointments,

and its right to manage its own affairs." As soon as the Catholic

Church began to diminish in power, the Indians began to revive their

aboriginal practices.79 The religion that evolved during the succeeding

three centuries was a distinctively new one, with a fusion of Catholic

76. Nathan L. Whetten, Guatemala; The Land and the People (New Haven,1961), 259.

77. La Farge, op. cit., xi, xv.

78. Whetten, op. cit., 305.

79. Tax, Heritage, 250, 288.

18

oand ancient Mayan elements. Here Christianity and paganism became

so thoroughly blended together that one element could not be separated

from the other. The integration was so complete that the natives did

81

not realize that their religion stemmed from two different sources.

They worshiped a sort of pantheon which consisted of God, several

mysterious supernatural beings, and a number of saints. Every religious

festival was celebrated with heavy drinking, mourning for the dead, loud

wailing over past misfortunes, and dancing to the music of marimbas.

82

The Indians had "not the faintest idea of any conflict between the most

purely Mayan religious practice and the most orthodox Catholicism."

83

Each municipio had its own local adaptation of this hybrid religion,

using its own set of legends, myths, prayers, supernaturals, and special

formulae for appeasing the gods.84

Differing from the community religion were the special cults

practiced by family units. Also important to these Indians was divina-

tion, which played a large part in social, economic, medical, and religious

problems and decisions. The natives dreaded sorcery, to which they

attributed all illnesses, misfortunes and untimely deaths, and practiced

Nagualism with the belief that every individual had a spirit-counterpart

that lived in an animal whose fate was inseparably united with that of

80. Siegel, "Religion," 64.

81. Whetten, op. cit., 287.

82. Siegel, "Resistances," 419.

83. La Farge, op. cit., 79.

84. Whetten, Loc. cit.

19

the human.85 There was a vigorous survival of parts of the Mayan

ceremonial calendar with simultaneous use of the Gregorian 365-day

calendar for fixing of the Christian festivals and installation of

1 86civil and religious officers. This syncretism of aboriginal and

imported religious elements has been given the name of "Folk Catholi-

cism." 7

Closely interwoven with "Folk Catholicism" is the local

government structure of the municipios. June Nash, whose field work

in the western highlands was during 1953-1954 and 1956, explains the

system as follows:

. . . Throughout the region is found the ranked hierarchyof civil and religious offices. Aided by their families,all townsmen are expected to hold a series of positionswithin the official hierarchy of their township. As anindividual advances in his career the offices that heholds become progressively more responsible and deservingof respect [Plate 12]. In this manner the communitiesprovide for the upkeep of their churches and other publicfacilities, for the enforcement of law, the care of saints'images, and the performance of rites appropriate to theritual calendar.08

85. Siegel, "Religion," 69-70.

86. La Farge, op. cit., 163, 165.

87. June Nash, "Protestantism in an Indian Village in the Western High-lands of Guatemala," Alpha Kappa DeZtan XXX (Winter 1960), 49-50.

88. Ibid., 49. For detailed explanations of the civil-religious hierarchy,see Wagley, Economics, 11-13; Charles Wagley, The Social and ReligiousLife of a Guatemalan Village (1949), 79-104; Siegel, "Religion," 67;Siegel, "Resistances," 417-18; Tax, "Municipios," 442-44; La Farge,Santa Eulalia, 13, 19, 82-83, 112, 132, 134, 136, 141-42; Manning Nash,Machine Age Maya; The Industrialization of a Guatemalan Community(Chicago, 1967), 125-29.

20

As the hold of the Catholic Church was weakened, so was its

contact with the mountain villages, to the point that the only formal

tie consisted of biannual visits of a priest to the villages to par-

ticipate in the celebration of Corpus Christi and perform baptismal

rites.89 Around 1920 the Diocese of Los Altos, which contains the

Parishes of Soloma and Jacaltenango, was merged with the Diocese of

Guatemala City, and until its restoration in 1931, there was no resident

priest at all in the highlands.90 During this long period of minimal

contact with the church, and especially during the time when there was

no resident priest, most religious functions were conducted by officers

of the hierarchy. The catechism and mass were unimportant, and con-

fession unknown. Marriages were performed according to aboriginal

tradition, rather than that of the church. Burials were directed by

cantores, Indian men who had learned Latin chants by rote from their

predecessors.91 The person in the hierarchy with qualifications

closest to those of a priest was the Maestro Cantor, who had the ability

to write and to lead the cantores in chants for the wakes and burial

processions.9

During this period of separation from the church the different

codices and liturgical books of the San Miguel Acatan Repertory were

guarded in locked cupboards in their respective villages by chimanes

89. Siegel, "Resistances," 419.

90. La Farge, op. cit., xii, 79.

91. Wagley, Economics, 16.

92. La Farge, op. cit., 82.

21

(soothsayers, sorcerers, and healers), who took them out for only the

most important festivals. In his article entitled "European Music in

16th-Century Guatemala," Robert Stevenson tells us that

. . .enough evidence is now at hand to give Guatemala a

proud place beside Mexico and Peru in the annals of

Renaissance music. Ironically, it has been pure-blooded

Indians in Guatemala rather than ladinos and descendants

of conquistadores who most scrupulously respected the

treasure of European Renaissance music ,brought over by

Dominican colleagues of Las Casas. . . . Seen in this

light, the effort of some present-day folklorists to

dichotomize the indigenous Guatemalan heritage and the

European tradition, and to pit them against each other

as irreconcilable opposites, betrays history. . . .

Finally, to contend that the Indians did not continue

honoring this repertory three centuries after the native

maestros de capilla created and copied it is to forget

that we today hail the preservation of this musical

treasure in so remote and unheard-of a hamlet as San

Miguel Acatan because their descendants continued for

generations to secrete the books as talismans of an

unutterably precious past.9 3

The religious wing of the hierarchy was organized into several

cofraternities of laymen called cofradias. Each cofrada was in charge

of caring for and protecting the image of a particular saint and arranging

fiestas in honor of that saint (Plates 6-8).94 The aboriginal pattern of

religion combining secular and religious functions is still common in

Highland Guatemala.95 However, the hold of the religious organization

over the civil administration has been weakened in recent times through

the Ladinos' success in obtaining a ruling from the national government

93. Stevenson, "European Music," 351-52.

94. Whetten, op. cit., TO, 288, 321.

95. Tax, Heritage, 284-85.

22

which placed them in the highest-ranking, policy-controlling civil

offices of the municipios, causing a separation of church and state

96at the municipio level. Also, there has been a recent lack of

participation in the civil-religious hierarchy by a number of Indians,

due to a falling off of contributions from citizens with which to re-

imburse officers for the neglect of their own personal business during

terms of unpaid office.97

After completing his work in Santa Eulalia in 1932, Oliver

La Farge reported that the breakdown of the "Recent Indian" culture

with its heritage of Mayan survivals--the process of de-Indianization--

was still only beginning in most of the Cuchumatan villages. There had

only recently been a significant degree of change in that area, which

98had long stood as a fortress against change. In the late 1940's the

Viking Fund Seminar on Middle American Ethnology put together an index

of acculturation which showed retention of pre-Columbian traits in

twenty Mesoamerican areas. Of the twenty areas rated, northwestern

Guatemala, specifically the Department of Huehuetenango, was rated

second highest in retention of purely Indian elements. Members of the

Seminar, all specialists in the field of middle American ethnology,

agreed that approximately 80% of the Indian trait loss had probably

occurred in the sixteenth century during the period of the Conquest,

and the other 20% in the nineteenth century.99

96. La Farge, op. cit., 13, 134.

97. Ibid.!, 132.

98. Ibid., xii, 1.

99. Tax, Heritage, 263-64.

23

Isolation has been the key deterrent to change in the highlands.

The area is boxed in on all sides by forbidding mountain walls or wild,

uninhabitable lowland jungles (Plates 1-4). During La Farge's stay in

Santa Eulalia "none of the area could be reached by wheeled vehicles,"

and he described the Heights of Cuchumatan as "an isolated region of

high ridges and precipitous valleys, hard to approach, hard to cross in

any direction, and, in the main, high, cool, fertile, and beautiful beyond

the possibility of expression. "100A travel guide published in 1949

confirms La Farge's report:

The massive bulk of the Cuchumatanes Mountains near Huehuetenango[the city] is still isolated from the rest of Guatemala. NumerousIndian villages hang onto the sides of the mountains . . . ascut off from the outside world as they were before the Spaniardsinvaded the new world. . . . As the crow flies some of the com-munities are not far away from the highway. In terms of distancesover narrow footpaths or mule trains serpentining up and downthe high Cuchumatanes they might as well be in Tibet as far asthe average tourist is concerned. Among these secluded villagesare those of . . . San Juan Ixcoy, . . . Santa Eulalia, .San Mateo Ixtat6'n, and San Miguel Acatan.1 0 1

Santa Eulalia and its neighboring municipios were neglected for

perhaps two centuries by central authority and the outside world. This

happy isolation began to shatter in the last half of the nineteenth

century due to an influx of Ladinos and the development of coffee fincas

(plantations) on the Pacific slopes of the mountainswhose labor demands

could be filled only by drawing upon the population reservoirs of the

100. La Farge, op. cit., 1.

10 . Lyman Judson and Ellen Judson, Let's Go to Guatemala (New York, 1949),226-27.

highlands.102 At the time of the Conquest the Spaniards had coerced

native labor through the encomienda system, changing in 1616 to the

mandamiento system which was abolished in 1894.103 The finca system

was also carried out by force at first, but was later changed to an

elaborate system of debts known as habilitaci6n, a form of the inden-

ture system which finally resulted in debt slavery.104 In 1934 the

system of debt peonage was abolished and replaced by a national vagrancy

law which remained in effect until the adoption of a new constitution in

1945, at which time forced labor in Guatemala virtually came to an end.

This "vagrancy law required any person not having a trade or profession

or not cultivating specified amounts of land to seek employment from

others for 100 or 150 days per year, depending on the amount of land

he farmed. . . . If the worker tilled less than these amounts he would

have to seek work on the plantations for specified periods of time

during the year. 105 The likelihood that most Indians would have to

work on plantations was great due to a reduction of the Indians' common

farm lands through early twentieth-century surveys of land and land

titles which had passed much valuable land into the hands of the

106Ladinos. Through plantation labor, which required workers to be

absent from their own farms for months at a time, the Indians lost

102. La Farge, op. cit., xii, 4.

103. Whetten, op. cit., 116-123.

104. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

105. Whetten, op. cit., 121-22.

106. La Farge, op. cit., 4.

25

their economic independence. The cash wages they received caused a

surplus of cash among them, resulting in abandonment of some of the

local crafts which had been a source of additional income since pre-

Conquest times.107 These economic changes, along with excessive

erosion

of their land, have caused many Indians to continue working on planta-

tions and also as migratory workers following the harvests, even though'

108forced labor came to an end in 1945.

Plantation work has caused some important changes among the

highlands Indians. According to La Farge, "Experiences on the coast

and en route taught the natives new tastes and desires; contacts with

more sophistocated people weakened their faith in native ways and all

religion. Through the finca system the Machine age began to invade even

this remote part of the highlands, despite the continuing barriers of

mountains and trails." 109

Guatemala has one of the highest illiteracy rates found in the

Americas. In 1950 the illiteracy rate in the Department of Huehuetenango

began at 70%, soaring to over 90% in the most isolated highland areas

due to a greater concentration of the Indian population in those areas.

1 1 0

There are several factors which have worked through the years to cause

illiteracy to reach these proportions. In the first place, Indian parents

do not want their children to learn "new ways and useless things," or to

107. Ibid., xii, 5.

108. Whetten, op. cit., 123.

109. La Farge, op. cit., xii.

110. Whetten, op. cit., 261-63.

26

become like Ladinos, but rather to maintain the Indian way of life.

Relations between Ladinos and Indians seem peaceful and harmonious,

but there is actually an undercurrent of hostility and resentment on

both sides. Natives express their hostilities toward Ladinos through

passive resistance to Ladino ways. il Parents see little use for the

information taught at school and react against sending children there,

because the values taught are not consistent with those which prevail

at home. 11 Literacy is considered to be of no value because the lack

of roads into mountain communities hinders progress, keeping Indians

who do not travel to plantations out of contact with cosmopolitan society.1 1 3

Second, Indian children who attend school are handicapped by not

knowing Spanish, which their parents discourage them from learning, and

appear backward and stupid to Ladino children,who excel through their

knowledge of Spanish. The teachers are always Spanish-speaking Ladinos

who cannot speak the native tongue. This language barrier has for some

time perpetuated the belief among Ladinos that Indian children are in-

ferior and naturally stupid. Native children have learned to accept this

stigma through what has seemed to be daily proof of Ladino superiority.ll1

Even though the majority of the Guatemalan population has always been

Indian, they have long submitted to Ladino domination and accepted

ill. Siegel, "Resistances," 420, 424-25, 429-30.

112. Whetten, op. cit., 269.

113. Waldemar R. Smith, The Fiesta System and Economic Change (New York,

1977), 57.

114. Siegel, "Resistances," 420, 423-25.

27

subordinate roles in economic and social spheres, making only rare

and feeble attempts to gain equal status with Ladinos.1 15

A third factor contributing to illiteracy among Indians is that

Guatemala simply does not have enough schools to accomodate school-age

children even if they have the desire to attend. The facilities are far

from adequate to serve the needs, even though new educational programs

have been introduced at various times.116

This shortage of schools has been eased somewhat since the end

of Guatemala's 1944 Revolution, at which time Catholic and Protestant

missionaries were allowed into the country. Many Catholic missionaries

began working in mountain parishes which had had no resident priest for

decades. Strong efforts to reach even the most isolated villages have

been made by both Catholic and Protestant missionaries, and both groups

have actively promoted schools, cooperatives, and other social welfare

programs on a national level. Conversion from "Folk Catholicism" to

Orthodox Catholicism or to Protestantism is one of the most important

social movements in contemporary highlands communities, with religious

orthodoxy becoming a major institutional link with Guatemalan society.1 17

There are several motives for conversion to Protestantism among Indians:

1) Heavy drinking is an essential part of ritual in "Folk

Catholicism," but is discouraged in Protestantism. There-

fore, Indians have a chance to break the vicious cycle of

drinking and poverty.

115. Ibid., 414-15.

116. Whetten, op. cit., 264.

117. Smith, op. cit., 52-3, 100.

28

2) Indians who join Protestant sects are relieved of the

financial burden of participating in "Folk Catholic"

brotherhoods (cofradfas).

3) They can take advantage of better educational oppor-

tunities in Protestant schools.

Young members of Protestant sects have been mentally stimulated and

the possibilities of realizing their ambitions increased through their

attending out-of-town boarding schools and conferences and being drawn

into a network of social relations that is national in scope. 118 The

effects of these missionary efforts have been summarized by June Nash,

who reports that

in the highland villages organized religion, particularly

but not exclusively Protestantism, may be the main agent of

culture change at present.. Protestantism, because it leads to

literacy and through intervisiting units, converts from different

towns, is slowly eroding municipio localism. Because converts

withdraw from the age-grade cofradia system, Protestantism is

slowly lessening deference to age and respect for traditional

authority, thus increasing receptivity to innovation. Finding

itself challenged, the Catholic church in turn is introducing

changes in the form of social events, charity for the stricken,

and opposition to the cofrada system.11 9

Since the 1944 Revolution the cofrad'a system has also felt the effects

of the government's attempts to promote democracy and programs of social

and economic reform. The rise of political parties, the enacting of

election laws, and the formation of national organizations extending their

influence into rural areas, have promoted emphasis on individual action by

Indians rather than on group decisions made by cofradfas.1 2

0

118. J. Nash, "Protestantism," 50, 52-3.

119. Tbid., 53.

120. Whetten, op. cit. , 321.

29

The 1949 Viking Seminar predicted that in just a few years

Indian culture would decline sharply due to government projects to

better their way of life. Members of the Seminar credited this

acceleration in acculturation to the idea that relationships between

Ladinos and Indians become more pleasant when the government does

something constructive for the Indian rather than just exploiting

him.121 The truthfulness of their prediction has been made evident

by a statement published by Waldemar Smith in 1977. According to his

findings, "political and social relations have . . . been altered in

important ways, such that no Indian village, however hidden in the

rugged sierras, is the folkish world-unto-itself that all villages

were just a few decades ago."12 2

121. Tax, Heritage, 294, 288-89.

122. Smith, op. cit.., 43.

30

Plate 1. Rock formations on either side of the

highway which goes toward San Juan [xcoy.

,RIM'

4F

31

Plate 2. View from Santa Eulalia, looking east,

32

Plate 3. View from Santa Eulalia, looking north.

33

Plate 4. Ridge of the Cuchumatanes Mountains

as seen from the south,

34

Plate 5. Ladino houses front on the road, while Indian houses

are set back in the fields. In the foreground, men from

Santa Eulalia dance the Toro,

35

Plate 6. Image of Santa Eulalia being carried to the plaza amid

clouds of incense during the Saturday of Glory procession.

36

Plate 7. Saturday of Glory procession returning from the

plaza with a canopy above the image of Santa Eulalia,

37

Plate 8. Image of Our Lady of the Conception being

carried during the Saturday of Glory procession.

I

Plate 9. Figure of Judas hanged in front of the Santa Eulalia church

on Good Friday, In the background are the market buildings,

38

39

Plate 10. Prayer in front of the church at Santa Eulalia.

4o

Plate 11, Morning prayer in front of

the church at San Miguel Acatgn,

41

Plate 12, Principal men of the village in

front of the Santa Eulalia juzgado,

--------------- ...........

42

Plate 13, Women drawing water from the public fountain

in front of Santa Eulalia's municipal building,

43

Plate 14. Young Santa Eulalia woman in native dress,

44

J,01

Plate 15. Santa Eulalia men in native dress playing the

flute and drum in the Saturday of Glory procession,

45

Plate 16, Plaza and parish church in San Juan Ixcoy.

46

Parish church in San Mateo Ixtatan,Plate 17.0

47

Plate 18. A different view of the San Mateo Ixtata'n parish church,

48

Plate 19, Santa Eulalia church and juzgado,

49

Plate 20, Chapel of the Rosario, built by the principal

Indian of Santa Eulalia in the early twentieth century,

50

4t

Plate 21. The calvario, an adobe chapel in Santa Eulalia

used only during Lent and Easter week,

51

Plate 22, Parish church and market in Jacaltenango,

4w

'46,

52

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66

Chapter II

STRUCTURE AND FORM OF THE PIECESIN SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7

The Villancico

A villancico may be considered both a musical and a poetic

form whose parts are often the work of one person. Structurally, "the

villancico belongs to that type of lyric poem which is characterized by

the repetition of an introductory refrain in combination with a stanza

or stanzas according to a recognized pattern."1 The term "villancico"

is derived from the Spanish villano, which in the Middle Ages was the

official word denoting a serf, or individual of humble origin. In its

original sense the diminutive form "villancico" referred to songs com-

posed for and sung by the folk.2

The development of the villancico can be traced from as early

as the Middle Ages, as has been shown by Isabel Pope in her very thorough

article, "Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico. The villancico

appeared as one of the most important forms of secular music in Spain

during the Renaissance, the time of its most perfect flowering both

poetically and musically. While in its strictest sense the term refers

1. Isabel Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico; Notes onIts Development and Its Role in Music and Literature in the FifteenthCentury," Annales Musicologiques II (Paris, 1954), 190-92.

2. Ibid., 191. 3. Ibid., 189-214.

67

to a poetic and musical form intended to be sung with or without in-

strumental accompaniment, the word was also frequently applied in the

sixteenth century to purely instrumental pieces which were variations

on the melody of a well-known villancico.

By the end of the sixteenth century villancicos with sacred

texts sung in Spanish were being performed in the churches by the

faithful, especially at Christmas time and also on the occasion of

other church festivals. Ecclesiastical authorities often frowned upon

their use, and royal decrees prohibited them at various times because

of their secular origin. The custom, however, "continued in many churches

in Spain until the early years of the nineteenth century, and until the

present day in some churches in Latin America. Villancicos were often

interpolated in the Offices and the Mass, and by the eighteenth century

had developed into a type of cantata with an opening chorus, interspersed

arias, and a choral ending.6

Formal Structure

As was mentioned earlier, about two-thirds of the pieces in

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 are considered to be villancicos. Musically and

4 bid. , 189q-5. Ibid. , 189-90 .

6. Juan Orrego-Salas, "Villancico," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cam-bridge, Massachusetts, 1969), 903. See also the translations fromIsabel Pope's "Villancico," Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart,14 vols., ed. Fredrich Blume (Kassel, 1949-68), XIII, 1628-31, andfrom Alfonso Mendez Plancarte's Villancicos y Letras Sacras, Vol. IIof Obras Completas de Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz (Mexico City, 1952)xxx-xlv, in Robert Stevenson's Christmas Music, 3-5.

68

poetically they are similar to the secular villancicos found in the

Cancionero Musical de Palacio7 which was the basis of Pope's summary

of the form. Her outline of the formal patterns derived from the Can-

cionero, which was compiled in the late fifteenth through sixteenth

centuries, has provided the basic pattern for the following discussion

of the villancicos in M. Md. 7.8

The spontaneous folk-like air of the villancico is conveyed by

an introductory refrain referred to as the estribillo (= refrain), which

sets the tone and theme for the whole piece. The estribillo is composed

of a couplet, tercet or quatrain, and is so indispensable that it alone

was sometimes called a villancico. The poetic idea presented in the

estribillo is developed in succeeding stanzas called coplas. A copla is

divided into two parts, the first being the mudanza (= change) and the

second the vuelta (= return). The mudanza presents a new melody, and a

rhyme pattern which is independent from that of the estribillo.10 The

vuelta returns to the rhyme of the estribillo. If the estribillo is

not monorhymed, but has two rhymes, the vuelta often returns to the

second rhyme. The last verse or two verses of the vuelta may in some

cases repeat not only the rhyme of the last or last two verses of the

7. Higinio Angles, ed., Cancionero MusicaZ de Palacio, Vols.. V, X ofMonwnentos de la Misica Espanola (Barcelona, 1947, 1951).

8. Pope, "Metrical and Musical Form," 194-95.

9. Tbid., 193, 211. 10. bid., 193, 202.

69

estribillo, but may repeat them in whole or in part as a "true re-

frain."11 The melody of the vuelta repeats that of the estribillo

and is sung to the last verse of the independent rhyme and to the

verse or verses which rhyme with the estribillo or which are repeated

from the estribillo.12 In the following diagram of the simplest type

of villancico, that which has a couplet estribillo (Figure 15), it will

be observed that the repetition of the rhyme and music of the estribillo

are not simultaneous: 1 3

Figure 15.

Copla

Estribillo Mudanza Vuelta

I-E -1 - I ]Text: a a b b b aMusic: A B C C A B

Estribillo Mudanza Vuelta

Copla

This lack of concurrence between its musical and poetic repetitions

constitutes an asymmetrical vuelta and is an essential characteristic

common to all villancico types. By means of returning to the melody

of the estribillo while singing the last verse of the independent rhyme,

the copla is bound together as a unified whole instead of being stiffly

divided into two unrelated sections.l14

11. Ibid., 201-02. 12. Ibid., 202.

13. Ibid., 195-96. 14. Ibid., 197.

70

Although asymmetrical vueltas are typical in villancicos,

cases of perfect symmetry do occur. It is especially rare to find

parallel musical and poetic vueltas among villancicos with the couplet

15estribillo, but such an arrangement is found in No. 3, "Esta es

gena de amor llena" (Figure 16). It is a variant of the simplest

villancico type diagrammed above (Figure 15), having a monorhymed tercet

in the mudanza of each copla, and vueltas which return to the second

rhyme or the actual words of the second verse of the estribillo.

Figure 16. Poetic and musical form of No. 3.

Text Musica Esta es gena de amor llena A7

Estribillo Estribillo

b esta es gena de amor B

aquanto ay en esta gena C

Mudanza a es amor ya amor se ordena C Mudanza

Copla CoplaCa gena de la gloria buena CC

Vuelta b esta es gena de amor BJVuelta

(c) gena de [a~mor quia junsta C

Mudanza c con el amate amato C Mudanza

Copla Coplac de amor con amor ques sato C

Vuelta b y de amor a su sabor BJVuelta

15. Tbid., 197.

71

d que nagio tal gena diene C

Mudanza d aunque a totas las mandiene C MudanzaCopla

Coplaod esta sola nos conviene C]

Vuelta Lb porque oncluye a su sator B] Vuelta

The diminutive No. 5, "Virgen madre de dios," is a variant of this type

in that it consists of only a couplet in the introductory estribillo.

Villancicos with tercet estribillos appear frequently in Santa

Eulalia M. Md. 7. In the Cancionero Musical de Palacio the tercet

estribillo is by far the most usual and can be found in two main types

of villancicos which differ only in the rhyme schemes of their mudanzas.

Both tercet types have asymmetrical vueltas and use a middle truncated

verse in the estribillo called a pie quebrado which allows greater flexi-

bility in musical treatment as well as a more developed poetic form than

the villancico introduced by a couplet estribillo. 16 In M. Md. 7, Nos.

10, 20 and 21 (Figure 17) exactly duplicate the musical and poetic form

of one of these two main types, and Nos. 6, 19 and 22 have only slight

variances in the rhyme schemes within their mudanzas. Nos. 2, 3, 4-1

and 8 show less similarity to the main types of tercet estribillo vil-

lancicos, but can still be considered variants of those forms.

16. Ibid., 197-98.

Figure 17.

Texta

Estribillo b

b

c

d

dMudanza II

c

F c

Vuelta b

I Lb

Poetic and musical form of

Alegria pecadores:

ques nacida

de quien naze nuestra vida

de la Real generacion

de david y de juda

naze otla que nos da

Nuestra eterna redemcion

maria consolacion

escogida

de quien naze nuestra vida

No. 21.

MusicA

B Estribillo

c

DMudanza I

DMudanza II

E

A

B Vuelta

c

Villancicos with (uatrain estribillos were equally as popular as

the tercet type in M. Md. 7, but there is only a small group of the

quatrain type in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio. The majority of

those found in that collection have the typical asymmetrical vuelta, but

a few illustrate complete musical and poetic symmetry.17 One form of the

quatrain type with asymmetrical vueltas is illustrated in Figure 18:

17. Ibid., 199-200.

72

Copla, Copla

73

Figure 18.

Estribillo Mudanza I

Text: a b a b c dMusic: A B

Estribillo Mudanza I

Copla

Mudanza II

c dB

Mudanza II

Copla

Of the villancicos with quatrain estribillos in our manuscript Nos. 1

and 25 have asymmetrical vueltas. However, their vueltas are unusual

in that the rhymes rather than the melodies of their estribillos return

first; this is opposed to the situation seen in the typical asymmetrical

vuelta diagrammed above (Figure 18). The estribillos and mudanzas in

these two villancicos are similar to those in the diagram.

Only one piece in the Cancionero Musical de Palacio duplicates

the form of the quatrain type of villancicos in M. Md. 7 which have

symmetrical vueltas. 18 These are Nos. 12, 13, 16-1 (Figure 19) and 35.

Of these, No. 35 has a shorter vuelta, but all four have a true refrain.

Figure 19.

Texta

bEstribillo

b

a

Poetic and musical form of

muestre la tierra alegria

vistase de gloria el suelo

Oy quel acorde del cielo

celebra su eterno dia

No. 16-1.

MusicA

B

EstribilloC

D

18. Tid., 200.

Vuelta

:d b a bA

Vuelta

c guarda el mundo la memoria EMudanza I Mudanza I

d El ser quel es dio en la tira F

dy alla en el cielo sencierraE

Mudanza IIjMudanza IIc La prezenciaa de su gloria F

Copla Coplaa vistase pues de alegria A

b E memoria desto el suelo BVuelta Vuelta

b Oy quel acorde del cielo C

a celebra su eterno dia D

Nos. 11, 28 and 31 have quatrain estribillos, but are variants of the

two forms discussed above (Figures 18, 19) with highly irregular rhyme

patterns.

There are two villancicos in the manuscript which have not been

included in the couplet, tercet or quatrain estribillo classifications.

The first is No. 27-1, whose estribillo and three coplas could each be

considered to contain either one verse or two, depending upon whether or

not the lines of verse are divided. The second is No. 36, whose corrupt

Nahuatl text obscures the poetic form, thus making classification difficult.

Performance Practice

Villancicos may vary in texture from one to twelve voices, and in

some several of the parts may be played by instruments rather than being

191sung, but the villancicos in Santa Eulalia 1. Md. 7 are all of the four-

part variety. The estribillo of a villancico is conventionally sung by a

chorus, and the mudanzas of the coplas by a soloist or soloists. All or

19. Stevenson, Christmas MUSic, 3.

75

part of the vuelta is sung by the chorus, which reinforces the refrain -

stanza - refrain pattern of the villancico.20 Part-singing of the kind

practiced in Spain was unknown to the natives of Latin America before

the Conquest, but their enthusiasm and aptitude for studying European

music enabled them to sing polyphony reasonably, and in some cases

amazingly well soon after their training began.2 1

In Spain, villancicos accompanied both religious and secular

dances.22 This use was particularly associated with pastoral plays and

autos sacramentales which ended with the singing and dancing of vil-

lancicos .23 By the mid-sixteenth century the enormous popularity of

the religious autos had spread to Latin America, where they were intro-

duced into the colonies by missionaries.24 Even though Christian men and

women no longer "danced promiscuously together," the composition of dance

villancicos for church use gave Indian chapel masters the opportunity to

express themselves "in dance measures as vigorous as any that their an-

cestors may have known."2 5

20. Robert Stevenson, Music in Mexico; A Historical Survey (New York,1952), 139.

21. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 119, 154-66.

22. Isabel Pope, "Musical Development and Form of the Spanish Villancico,"Papers of the American Musicological Society (New York, 1946), 13.

23. Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form," 192.

24. Juan Orrego-Salas, "Auto," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,Massachusetts, 1969), 66. See also Stevenson, Christmas Music,4, 5, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 58.

25. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 207.

76

Solving the problem of accompaniment of the villancicos of

M. Md. 7 requires knowledge of performance practice in Spain and the

New World during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This together

with some reports of musical activities in the Mayan area of Central

America at, the time of the manuscript's compilation will allow us to

deduce something of the instrumental practice.

Noncontinuo instruments were important in the villancicos of

Spain and the New World. In some instances these instruments had in-

dependent parts with running lines, and in other cases simply doubled

26the vocal parts. There are several surviving reports of colla parte

accompaniment in the New World which describe non-liturgical occasions

requiring polyphony, such as outdoor processions and fiestas. These

occasions were the most relished by humbler classes and the most stimu-

lating to Indian composers. The processions and fiestas often included

a choir singing villancicos or other popularized polyphony with parts

doubled by a flute choir, trumpets, and chirimias (folk shawms). Addi-

tional accompaniment was provided by large and small bells, teponaztlis

(two-toned slit-drums), and other drums such as the huehueti (upright

three-legged cylindrical drum with a tuneable skin drumhead which produces

two pitches a fifth apart and is played with the hands) (Figure 20).

The teponaztli resembles an elaborately-carved wooden barrel enclosed

26. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 21, 36.

27. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 199-200.

28. Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 137, and Stevenson, Aztec and Inca,41, 158-59, 162-63, 165, 199-200.

77

at both ends and lying on its side. Two tongues created by an 232

shaped incision sound different pitches ranging from a minor third to

a perfect fifth apart. On the bottom side of the hollow, resonant

drum is cut a rectangular opening which increases the volume. The drum

is placed on, a support or on the ground and is played with a pair of

mallets which are tipped with rubber (Figures 20, 21).29

Cathedral capitular acts and instrument inventories also name

noncontinuo instruments available for use with villancicos. Some of

these not mentioned above are the sackbut, cornett, violin, treble and

tenor viols, bassoon, rebeck, marine trumpet, and clarion.30

It was also common practice in Spain and parts of the New World

to use continuo instruments in villancico performance. Instruments in-

cluded in this category are the organ, portable organ, harp, guitar,

31lute, cittern and bandore. When present, the continuo part consisted

of an unfigured, textless line which merely duplicated the lowest vocal

part of the villancico, although in some cases it played a purely instru-

mental fourth part. Figured bass did not become common practice in Mexico

or Spain until the eighteenth century.3 2

29. Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 9-10. Marshall Saville's The Wood-Carver's Art in Ancient Mexico (New York, 1925), contains numerousdrawings and photographs of teponaztlis and huehuetls.

30. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 28, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 148.

31. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 28, and Stevenson, Music in Mexico, 61,148.

32. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 21-22, 36, and Stevenson, Music inMexico, 143.

Figure 20, Musicians playing the teponaztli and the huehuetl,

Carved teponaztli,

78

r7

Figure 21.

79

In Latin America the Indians themselves played all of these

instruments. In part because of the local tax liability which musicians

were not subject to, the churches became overcrowded with singers and

instrumentalists to the point that in 1555 the First Mexican Council was

convened by Archbishop Alonso de Montifar to alleviate the problem. The

resulting edict banished many of the singers and all instruments from the

church except the organ. The banished instruments were to be reserved for

outdoor processions and festival days of patron saints, and could no longer

be used for accompanying the liturgy. This ruling was not severely en-

forced, however, and Indian participation continued to flourish in instru-

33mental church music during the sixteenth century.

Some of the instruments mentioned above were introduced to the

New World by the Spaniards, but others were already present before the

conquerors' arrival. Reports written by Spaniards during the first half

of the sixteenth century tell us that, among other indigenous instruments,

the Mayas played vertical flutes made of reeds, long thin wooden trumpets

with long twisted gourds at their ends, and the tunkul, another name for

the Aztec teponaztli or slit-drum. This is still an indispensable Mayan

instrument. Among the tunkules still used in Guatemala in the twentieth

century is the one seen by Oliver La Farge during his stay in Santa

Eulalia. He wrote that it was kept in the church near the altar rail

and was brought out for important dances. 3 5

33. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 163, 167-70.

34. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 18, 69-71, 108. See also Saville,op. cit., 59-60.

35. La Farge, op. cit., 82, 86, and Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 11, 25.

80

The Indians of Mexico became so skilled in the manufacture of

European instruments that by the end of the sixteenth century it was

no longer necessary to import instruments from Spain. For example,

one of the instruments, the double-reed chirimla, was already in local

manufacture by the mid-sixteenth century. It is possible that the-

Mayas of Guatemala learned to make them also, or at least were able to

obtain chirimias from neighboring Mexico. The chirimia has long re-

mained one of their favorite instruments, and along with drums and

marimbas, it still provides music for dances, processions, burials, and

the fiestas of Lent and Holy Week in Santa Eulalia and San Miguel

38Acata'n. Indians in the highlands of Guatemala may have continued to

build them since they are known to have also constructed their own reed

pipes, six-stop wooden flutes, snare drums,and tunkules in the present

century (Plate 15).

It seems likely that several of the noncontinuo instruments

listed in connection with sixteenth- and seventeenth-century villancico

performances in Spain and Mexico would have been used to accompany the

villancicos in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, either colla parte or in an

improvised style. One might conservatively suggest that the pre-Conquest

Mayan trumpet and flute (or their European equivalents), tunkul,and

other indigenous percussion instruments probably would have been available.

36. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 85, 172. 37. Tbid., 96, 158.

38. La Farge, op. cit., 86-98, and Siegel, "Religion," 72-74.

39. La Farge, op. cit., 36.

81

The chirimla, on the basis of the Indians' reported skill in building

copies of European instruments as well as its present popularity in

highland Guatemala, may have also been used.

Although Pope Paul III's bull of January 15, 1534,allowed for

the employment of an organist who would play every feast day at the

Guatemala Cathedral, it does not seem likely that so sophisticated a

continuo instrument as the organ would have made its way into the iso-

lated highlands by the year 1600. All bass parts in M. Md. 7 are texted

and there are no instrumental instructions written in the music, which

makes any use of continuo instruments even less likely. It would have

been more likely that groups of flutes playing in harmony were used to

replace the sound of a pipe organ, as was done in some areas of Mexico.41

Fabord6n

Four of the pieces in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, Nos. 9, 26 (Figure

11), 34-1 and 37, have fabord6n settings. Fabord6n is the Spanish equiva-

lent of the Italian term falsobordone,which is used to denote simple

homophonic settings in four parts of the psalm tones and other liturgical

recitatives. h2 Both words are derived from the French fauxbourdon, but

their differing musical style is evident even though the definitions of

the terms became blurred during the sixteenth century. From their first

40. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 50.

hl. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 158.

42. Willi Apel, "Fabord6n," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,Massachusetts, 1969), 304. See also "Falsobordone," 305-06.

82

appearance in the fifteenth century, fabordones were written for four

mixed voices (soprano, tenor, alto and bass) instead of three, used

five-three instead of six-three triads, and had all of their parts

written out with none left for the performers to add by rule, although

it did become popular to improvise cadences according to the musical

cliches of the day. In his study entitled The Falsobordone, Murray

Bradshaw discusses several theories of the origin of the fabord6n and

its possible historical connection with fauxbourdon.4

Fabordones originated in Spain, Portugal and Italy, and were

most commonly used for the singing of psalms at Sunday Vespers.45 A

Gregorian psalm tone was placed in the soprano, tenor, or occasionally

the bass voice as a cantus firmus. The whole piece followed the form

of the psalm tone, dividing the psalm verse into two parts, then further

dividing these halves into two smaller sections known as the recitation

and the cadence. These were strophic compositions with the same music

sung to different verses, just as is done in psalmody. A single chord

was repeated as many times as necessary during the recitation section,

and clarity of text was given first priority along with good accentua-

tion. Near the end of the sixteenth century, some composers discarded

43. Murray Bradshaw, The Falsobordone: A Study in Renaissance andBaroque Music (Stuttgart, 1978), 19, 21, 32, 34-35, 43.

44. ibid., 31-33. See also Ernest Trumble, "The Contratenors ofFauxbourdon," Journal of the American Musicological SocietyVIII/l (Spring 1955), 71-72.

45. Bradshaw, op. cit.., 20, 50.

46. Ibid., 21, 23-24.

83

the psalm tone cantus firmus, but retained the essence of the style,

that is, the declamatory repeated chords followed by a cadence.h4

There was a great growth in popularity of the fabord6n between

1580 and 1620. This style of composition found its way not only into

cathedrals and princely establishments, but also into village and parish

h8churches, monasteries,and convents as well. The growing trend toward

singing in parts at the end of the century, the need for simple music

that could be quickly mastered by any church choir, the simplicity of

the genre itself which made it easily adaptable to other mediums, and

the demand for clarity of text by the Council of Trent (1545-1563) are

all reasons that gave impetus to its widespread adoption. The require-

ments of the Council were inherent to fabord6n, which was

the most explicit, and perhaps most perfect musical reflec-tion of ecclesiastical thinking on music: a completely

sacred orientation, clarity of text declamation, and sim-

plicity of musical style.h9

The end of the sixteenth century was the golden age of the fabord6n,

and by 1613 it was reported that "in these kingdoms of Spain the

singing of psalms in figured music is not customary except in falso-

bordone ,50

47. Ibid.,, 58.

48. ibid., 72-73.

49. Ibid., 46-48.

50. Pietro Cerone, El Melopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613); facsimile ed."Bibliotheca Musica Bonolensis," 11/25 (Bologna, 1969), Vol. II,689, cited in Bradshaw, op. cit., 51.

84

The fabordones in M. Md. 7 have many characteristics in common

with those composed in Spain, including the basic features of four-

part texture and root-position triads with the third usually present.

The melodic movement of the upper three voices is primarily by step,

with their ranges not exceeding an octave. The bass usually moves by

leaps of fourths and fifths, although some movement by steps and thirds

does occur in M. Md. 7.51 As in the Spanish settings, those in M. Md. 7

begin with the reciting tone rather than the intonation, generally use

notes of only one or two rhythmic values and have more melodic motion

52toward the cadence. The cantus firmus of each piece is unembellished,

53though the other voices are often decorated at the cadences. An attempt

has been made in these settings to properly accentuate the text, but an

accurate result was not achieved, especially in No. 26.

As was mentioned earlier, the singing of fabordones was asso-

ciated with Sunday Vespers. One of the most commonly set psalms in

this style was the first one of that office, Psalm 109, of which No. 26

is an example. Fabordones were also used in the Offices of Matins, Lauds,

Terce,and Compline, in the Office of the Dead, and as settings for li-

tanies. The remarks for No. 9 in Chapter III discuss its possible use

as a litany. The texts of Nos. 34-1 and 37 both come from Psalm 50,

and are discussed in Chapter III in connection with the Burial Service.

Fabord6n settings of the Miserere psalm were also traditionally used in

the service of Tenebrae.54

51. Bradshaw, op. cit., 27. 52. Ibid., 24-25.

53. Ibid., 54. 54. Ibid., 68-73.

85

Performance Practice

Fabordones were sung a cappella, with either several singers to

a part, or a soloist on each part. An alternatim performance was usually

called for, in which the fabord6n verses were alternated with plainsong

verses.

The manner of singing the recitations is not at all certain,

and Bradshaw offers three known possibilities:

1) equal note values allotted to all syllables with attentiongiven to the natural accentuation of the words.

2) the strict use of two note values within a regular metricalsystem.

3) beginning with the first, lengthening the alternate syllables56and the final vowel of a word or phrase in a graceful manner.

In all cases the cadences are exceptional. The regular use of meter

signatures and notated long and short values in M. Md. 7 points to a

variation of the second of these practices.

55. Ibid., 24-27, 66.

56. Tbid., 24-25, 105, 109-110.

86

Chapter III

COMMENTARY

Text Problems

Spani~sh and Latin

The spelling and usage of Spanish and Latin and the manuscript

style in which they are written in Santa Eulalia M. Md. ? together

produce problems sufficiently complex in scope to merit a separate

study. Since that is not possible in this project, I shall only

briefly discuss each type of problem encountered while dealing with

the texts of M. Md. 7.

The most evident problem, quite likely attributable to phonetic

spellings, is the continual interchange of alphabetic characters. After

dealing with the texts for a while this becomes less of a problem, be-

cause many of the spelling errors are consistent enough to make the

intended spelling obvious. Following is a list of the most common

substitutions, with an example of each:

Table II., Common Letter SubstitutionsFound in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7

b used for v: nueba = nueva r used for 1: angericar = angelicalc used for s: venerig = veneris s used for c: asercando = acercandod used for t: lesdar5 = restart" t used for d: comita = comidaf used for p: favana = pavana x used for c: plaxer = placeri used for r: estiella = estrella x used for E: confrexit = confregit1 used for r: otla = otra z used for c: hazer = hacerm used for n: redemgion = redenci6n z used for I: bazo = baj6

p used for f_: Luciperum = Luciferum

87

Not all of the letter substitutions in M. Md. 7 can be attributed

to phonetic or poor spelling. Certain situations are due to the "Old

Spanish" script style, in which the letter i stood not only for the

vowel i, but also for y and j.1 Initial V was usually written as u2

(uida = vida), and frequently phonetically confused with b3 (bida =

vida) (Figure 2). The differentiation between i and j, and between u

and v took place after the invention of printing, when Antonio de Nebrija

published his 1517 spelling book, Reglas de orthographia. During the

first thirty years of the sixteenth century, under the influence of

humanistic ideas and classical studies, "Spanish was stripped of much

of its ancient costume and began to emerge as the language of the present

day. "5 It was during the latter part of this period of change that Spain

conquered Guatemala (1524), and the conquerors began teaching the tran-

sitional Spanish to the Indians. Thus it seems likely that the condition

of the Spanish language and the script style were in part responsible

for the spelling problems encountered in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

Omitted letters and syllables are to blame for some of the most

troublesome areas of the texts. When a word begins with the same letter

or syllable that ends the word immediately preceding it, that letter or

syllable is often elided. For example, sien doncella = siendo doncella

1. Jeremiah Denis Matthias Ford, Old Spanish Readings (New York, 1967),239.

2. Tbid., 304.

3. Robert K. Spaulding, How Spanish Grew (Berkeley and Los Angeles,1948), 79-80.

4. Ibid., 76, 137. 5. Ibid., 136.

88

(Figure 2), dios incorrompimiento = dios sincorrompimiento, and sum

altura = suma altura (Figure 9).

Reversed letters also appear in several instances, such as

garn = gran, and palcer = placer. The confusion between b and V com-

bined with a letter reversal results in bre = ver.

In this edition I have, with one exception, left all spellings

of Spanish and Latin texts as they were originally written. In situations

where omitted letters result in the absence of a whole syllable, most of

a syllable or the only vowel in a syllable, I have replaced the missing

letters, enclosed in brackets, in order to allow the text to fit the

music. I have also attempted to show upper and lower case letters as

they are in the manuscript, but it has been difficult to differentiate

between them in many cases, especially the letters D (Figure 12), E

(Figures 6, 7), L (Figure 11), S (Figures 6, 7, 9), and Y (Figures 11, 12).

In addition, it was difficult to differentiate between g and q in

M. Md. 7, because they were often made alike in the sixteenth century

(Figures 5, 6).6

Abbreviations common to the Spanish and Latin of the time are

numerous in the manuscript. In this edition I have spelled out all

abbreviations which are present in the Spanish and Latin texts of the

Original manuscript to allow facility in reading and singing. The most

common method of abbreviation omitted the letters i, n, m, or r, but

any number of letters might have been dropped from a word as long as

the context enabled the reader to guess what word was meant. A straight,

6. See, for example, Samuel A. Tannenbaum, The Handwriting of theRenaissance (New York, 1930), 44, 64.

89

curvedor looped horizontal flourish above all or part of the abbreviated

word indicates a contraction. This flourish written above a vowel shows

the omission of a succeeding m or n (Figures 3-12), as in c tto = con-

tento, and c'dtar = cantar. The syllable que (Figures 4-6, 8, 10) is

represented by T, h, , or q. The omission of larger groups of letters

can be seen in Dus = Dominus, espiv = espiritu (Figure 13), glIa or =

gloria, gr = gracia, and n 2r = nuestra or nostra (Figure 2).

A second type of abbreviation frequently, encountered in M. Md. 7

uses superior letters to denote the omission of one or more letters or

syllables within a word. The titles Se~ior and Se5iora are written -S-

(Figure 3) and 'Sra respectively, while San is simply -S- (Figures 4,

to11) with no superior letter. The abbreviation -S- = sancto(a) or

santo(a) is used a number of times (Figure 13). Proper names abbreviated

with superior letters in this manuscript are Maria and Juan, represented

by m 9 and Ju0 (Figure 4) or Zu0 (from English Jn0 = John).7

Brevigraphs form the third type of abbreviation used in the

manuscript. These are special symbols that are used to take the place

of whole syllables. According to Tannenbaum, they are derived. by modi-

fying an ordinary letter. These symbols occur infrequently in M. Md. 7,

and are as follows:: 0 = et used as the Latin word et; f = por used as

the Spanish word por (Figure 2);2. = rum as used in sancto= sanctorum

(Figure 11); 9 = us as used in splendorib = spiendoribus (Figure 11);

and '&= vir as used in'gen = virgen (Figures 2, 3, 10). The symbol

7 . Tbid.1, 134. 8 . bid.,5 125.

90

Xpo = Christo or Cristo appears only once, and is related to the

chrismon, the Greek monogram of the word Christ.9

Several symbols are used in the manuscript to indicate repe-

tition of the text: 1)" (Figures 5, 6, 10), 2)-Z. (Figures T, 9),

3) j (Figures 13, 14), ) // and 5)*1. Symbols similar to these are

often found in Continental manuscripts, but in M. Md. 7 they often

have variant meanings. Number five, for example, can be considered a

text repeat sign in M. Md. 7 only when it does not correspond with a

rest or congruence sign (.C) in the music; where it does appear with a

rest or the sign it shows congruence between the text and the music

(Figure 2).

The versions of the Spanish and Latin texts given later in this

chapter include footnotes which contain the following information:

1) corrected spellings of words whose identities are obvious

(based on Table II).

2) modern spellings (ex: coragon = modern corazz6n; Spanish

sancto(a) = modern santo(a); ygual = modern igual).

3) suggestions for possible orthography where words are un-

readable or unidentifiable (based on Table II and abbrevia-

tions).10

4) spellings in the different voice parts (represented by S, A,

T and B) which vary from the typewritten version (such as AB:

mercio; S: melecio).

When sources for Latin texts are cited, Liber Usualis is

abbreviated as LU.

9. Ibid., 85-86.

10. Assistance in reading the Spanish texts was given by Profs.

Malena Kuss and Philip Sn'yth. A few emendations were made afterPaul Borg's catalog of the manuscript.

91

Nghuatl

The highland villages of Guatemala have continuously used

mutually unintelligible dialects within the Kanhobal group of the

Mayan language, even into the present century (see p. 4). During

the sixteenth century, the Aztec Nhuatl was used as a means of com-

munication in carrying on trade in the region. In time its use was

also extended to some of the musical texts of the San Miguel Acatgn

repertory to facilitate the exchange of the manuscripts among the

villages.

The language seen in these texts is not the elegant, classical

Nghuatl of the early Aztecs. The corruption of the Nhuatl language

in Guatemala may have occurred in the same manner that it occurred in

New Spain (Mexico),where the Indians imitated the Spaniards' incorrect

pronunciation of the Aztec tongue. Because of this, only a general

sense translation of the texts and Pascual's inscription (f. llr) can

be given without the aid of Nhuatl dictionaries contemporary with

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

The translations of" this inscription and the three Nghuatl

song texts, and suggestions for their word and syllable divisions were

made by Dr. Dow Robinson of Wycliffe Bible Translators, Inc. His re-

marks concerning each text are contained in the commentaries for those

songs. A few suggestions regarding Pascual's dedication were offered

by Mr. Earl Brockway, also of Wycliffe Bible Translators. I am

responsible for the treatment of the Spanish words in this inscription.

11. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 100.

92

There are several abbreviations in the three songs (Nos. 9,

32-1, and 36) and in Pascual's inscription which are similar in appear-

ance to those seen in the Spanish and Latin texts (Figures 4, 13, 14).

Since the particular abbreviations used (the straight, curved,and looped

flourishes) can represent many different letters and groups of letters,

I have not attempted to interpret them unless the word in question

happens to be written out in one of the voice parts. A few abbreviated

Spanish words are used in the Nahuatl songs and inscription. They are

included in the previous discussion of Spanish and Latin abbreviations,

and interpreted in the same manner as abbreviated words found in the

Spanish and Latin texts.

Remarks on the Texts and Music

1. "Victoria victoria quien a vencido" (f. lv-2r). This villan-

cico for the feast of St. Michael describes Michael in one of the roles

given to him by Christian tradition, that of a special protector against

the attacks of Satan (Luzbel). Michael is traditionally regarded as the

chief of the archangels, and in the Western church has two feasts . The

May 8 feast commemorates his alleged fifth-century appearance at Monte

Gargano in Italy and his victory over Greek pirates at Manfredonia. His

September 29 feast celebrates the anniversary of the sixth-century dedi-

cation of his most ancient church, located on the Salarian Way at Rome.13

(See also remarks for Nos. 12 and 13.)

12. Donald Attwater, A Dictionary of Saints (London, 1958), 189.

13. Frederick Holweck, A Bioqraphical Dictionary of the Saints(Detroit, 1969), T .

93

Robert Stevenson has published a transcription of this piece

in which measures 9-14 have become two nearly identical musical periods

of two short phrases each, through alteration of several rests and note

values .

Este canto

[Estribillo]:

copla:

14.

J A

para fiesta de San miguel a 4 vozes [voces]

Victoria quien a15 vencido

el gran16 miguel que vengio

A luzbel17 el18 atrevido1 9

y vengiendo del triunpho20

con zusto21 titulo dan

a miguel por la victoria

Contucta22 de capitan23

y premio eterna de gloria

24 .25pues fue tan exclaregido

que al profundo deslibo2 6

[Repeat Estribillo]

Stevenson, "European Music," 347.

Arjr

rr v

[h]a

S: atrebido

conducta

most likelydesdijo.

r r r r r

16. ATB: gra 17. Luzbel 18. el

20. triunfo; B: triPho 21. justo

23. capitn 24. or fru 25. esclarecido

derrib6, but possibly desterro, desvi6, deshizo, or

19

15.

19.

22.

26.

I

94

2. "yesuchristo nuestro dios" (f. 2v-3r). The Eucharist is

described as a sacrament in the text of this villancico. A piece has

been torn from the middle of the second stanza of the coplas, making

it difficult to understand the text.

The soprano part has been raised a minor third throughout the

piece because the C clef was incorrectly placed in the manuscript.

[Estribillol: yesuchristo27 nuestro dios28

por nos tar2 9 contento y uita30

31 32 comita33dasenos oy en cmt

[Coplas]:34 35 . 36

1) el ques pan te selapinas

. .3738 .39tiuino37 y angericar ali

40 4l . . 4se ta yal hombre mortic~inlo

car[i]t[ad] mui caritat

[Repeat Estribillo]

2) es tiuino sangramento 4 5

Ly] comita supriL ]nate

46 47'y siento onprem[ ] prata

48 .30con ello ser ota [ ] uita

[Repeat Estribillo]

Jesucristo 28. Dios 29. dar 30. vida

dasenos; T: tasenos 32. Chloy 33. comida

35. quejie]s pan de, or quejie]spante 36. serafinas

divine 38. angelical 39. alli 40. da

yal, or yajra]l 42. mortecino 43. caridad 44. muy

sacramento 46. siendo 47. hombre, or un premio 48. ot[r~a

27.

31.

34.

37.

41.

45.

95

3. "Esta es gena de amor liena" (f. 3v-4r). This villancico

is designated "for the feast of holy sacrament," which it describes as

the "supper full of love."

Measures 1-6 of the soprano voice have been raised a major

third, because the C clef in the manuscript was incorrectly placed for

the estribillo.

Este canto para fiesta de santo saclamento [sacramento]

[Estribillo]:

a 4 vozes [voces]

Esta es gena de amor llena

esta es gena de amor

1) quanto50 ay en esta Qena

es amor ya amor51 se ordena

Qena de la gloria buena

esta es gena de amor

2) gena de mor52 quia junsta53

con el amate amato54

de amor con amor ques sato55

y de amor a su sabor

49. B: mormor in the repeat of this line

50. cuanto 51. y amor

53. quien junta, or que junta

54. ama[nlte y amado, or amaEn~te el amado

55. quedIels saEn~to

52. Calmor

copla:

96

3) que nagio5 6 tal gena diene57

aunque a totas58 las mandiene59

esta sola nos conviene

porque oncluye6o a su sator61

4-1. "llegaos al convido" (f. 4v). Here is yet another

villancico for the Eucharist, this time describing the sacrament as

a "divine" or "holy supper full of mysteries."

[Estribillo]: llegaos al convido

62 63desta sancta cena

de misterios llena

[Coplas]: 1) llegaos a comer

64pues que dios os llama

lleno a de plaxer65

en divina cena

llegaos al convite

desta cta cena

de misterios llena

2) no tengays lecelo

.69 70veni peccadores

gusta71 estos savores72

56. nacio

6a. incluye

64. Dios

67. tengais

71. :usta[d]

57. tiene

61. sabor

65. placer

68. recelo

72. sabores

58. todas 59. mantiene

62. de-Eeista 63. santa

66. Esanlcta =Esan]ta

69. veni[d] 70. pecadores

97

venidos del ciello7 3

74 75 . Tpues alla en e cielloT3

esta gracia plena

de misterios llena

4-2. (f. 13v). At the top is the soprano voice of No. 4-1,

defaced and with incomplete text.

5. "Virgen madre de dios" (f. 5r). Robert Stevenson calls

this piece, which begins "Virgin mother of God," a Christmas villancico.

Since the folio containing the soprano and tenor parts is missing, it is

impossible to know if this song originally included coplas. Without

coplas it could have been sung as a hymn consisting of two stanzas, but

if there had been coplas, the first of these stanzas would have served

as an estribillo, and the second (both verses or only the last one) as

a vuelta at the end of each copla.

Virgen madre de dios7 8

Virgen senora vos7 9

[Virgen madre de Dios]

Cosa soberana

6. "De la sagrada maria" (f. 5v-6r). The Christmas text found

in No. 6 describes Christ as "the Sun who expels the darkness by His

birth," and is one of six villancico texts set to this piece of music

7. cielo P74. al 75. eEl] 76. esta Cestal

77. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 9. 78. Dios

79. possibly senora&a] vos

98

(cf. Nos. 10, 19, 20, 21, 22). The main differences among the six

versions of the music in M. Md. 7 are some rhythmic accomodations for

the text in No. 20, and an independent tenor part in measure 5 of

Nos. 6 and 10; the four other settings duplicate the alto part at this

point.

[Estribillo]: De la sagrada maria80

.81 .82que oi nacio

. 82 .83 .814nagio el sol que dios embio

Copla: el sol en su nacimiento

la tiniebla85 expelio8

.80 87maria que lo pario

que dios in corompimiento8 8

de la que gano89 el contento

.81 . 82que oi nacio

nacio el sol que dios embio

7. "hoi nace la nueba estiella" (f. 6v-Tr). In this Christmas

text we find God described as "the true Sun and the Star that shines

upon us," and Mary as the "mother and virgin [who] has God as her son."

80. Maria 81. [hloy; A: i in repeat of this line

82. nacio; A: naci in repeat of this word 83. Dios

84. envi6 85. la[s] tinieblaEs] 86. expeli6

7. paro 88. DiosaAs ]in corrompimiento

39. gan6

99

The song consists of four stanzas, each consisting of four

verses, and was probably sung in the manner of a strophic hymn. The

poetic form of the text is not immediately clear in the manuscript,

because the first two verses of the third stanza were initially omitted

and later added following the fourth stanza. The practice of writing

two verses per line of text has also obscured the form to some extent,

although each line is divided into two verses by the sign fl which

corresponds with a congruence sign in the music (Figure 2). After the

verses are put in their correct order, the stanzas all follow the rhyme

pattern A B A B.

Robert Stevenson couples this Christmas song with the Christmas

villancico which immediately precedes it in the manuscript (No. 6).90

In this, he may consider the hymn-like No. 7 to be a romance, since it

has several characteristics in common with that form.91 The custom of

appending a villancico (No. 6) to a romance (No. 7) as a deshecha (poetic

conclusion) was common during the Conquest century.9 2 The metrical rela-

tionship of the two pieces follows the general rule for the romance-

villancico combination: a duple- or common-meter romance combined with

a villancico in triple meter;93 however, the different keys of the two

pieces make it less likely that they were used together.

90. Stevenson, Christmas Music, 9. See Table III for Stevenson'sfoliation of these two pieces.

91. Miguel Querol Galvadg, "El romance polifonico en el siglo XVII"Anuario Musical X (1965), 111-20.

92. Pope, "Musical and Metrical Form," 205-06.

93. Querol Galvad6, op. cit., 120. See also Stevenson, ChristmasMusic, 12.

100

1) hoi nace la95 nueba96 estiella9

que por lumbre tiene a dios98

Refrujente99 pura y bella100

101 . 102virxen sancta que sois vos

2) dios98 es el sol berdaderol03

y la estiella97 que nos claca

es del mar norte y luzerol0 5

3) maria10 madre y doncella

por [sul hijo tiene a dios98

f108 .0109

nacio y sien doncella

110 .98querida eposa de dios

111 112.4) co la reyna esclarecida

y luna respalndescientel1 3

Remedio de nuestra bida114

la que nasce115 del oriente

94. hoy

97. estrella

100. B: pu lla

103. verdadero

io6. all6

109. sien[do]

112. reina

115. nace

95. AT: la omitted

98, Dios 99.

101. virgen santa

104. [alclara

107. Marfa

110. e[s]posa

113. resplandeciente

96. nueva

refulgente; S: refujente

102. ATB: bos

105. lucero

108. naci6

111. co[n]

114. vida

101

8. "Dios es ya nagido" (f. Tv-8r). The text of this Christmas

villancico speaks of the "God of Israel" being born among us of a virgin.

[Estribillo]: Dios es ya nagido

entre nosotros aca116

"17.dios es nagido ya

[C]opla: 1) Dios de ysrael18

que jamas119 abra20

Dios es nagido ya

[Repeat Estribillol

2) mas121 lindo estrellas1 2 2

A nagido el'.23

De virgen doncella

[Repeat Estribillo]

3) [mas121 lindo estrellas12 2

A nagido el]l 2 3

Es mas linda y bella

[Repeat Estribillo]

9. "fy technepa sacramento dios" (f. 8v-9r). This text is

"fairly obvious 'trade' Nhuatl of 1 6th-century Middle America; syllable

breaks follow regular phonemic rules for Nhuatl. Some word meanings

116. aca 117. Dios 118. Israel

119. jams 120. abrg. 121. mgs

122. [quel-.estrellas 123. el

102

[are] clear--others [are] confused by orthography or local 'idioms.'1,l24

Due to the corrupted condition of the language, word division throughout

the song is only approximate.

Several features in the text and music may classify this piece

as a litany. The text is a supplication addressed to God at the exposi-

tion of the Blessed Sacrament, and is sung in the simple chordal style

(fabord6n) that is sometimes used when a litany is sung by an entire

church congregation.12 5

The last eleven notes of the tenor part were missing from the

manuscript because of a torn folio. This and the several other missing

notes within the other three parts caused difficulty in the reconstruction.

Only the first stanza was underlaid, and care needs to be taken in setting

the remainder of the stanzas because of their differing lengths. Recon-

struction was made more complex by the following pitch problems (see

critical notes):

Soprano: Notes 1-7, 9 and 10 of section 1 were originally writtenone step too high. Notes 11-13 and all of section 2 re-turn to correct pitch.

Alto: Notes 12-14 of section 1, and notes 1, 2, 4 and 5 ofsection 2 were originally written one step too low, withthe correct pitch returning on the final note of section 2.

Bass: Notes 1-8 of section 1 were originally written one steptoo high. Notes 9-13 of section 1 and notes 1-4 of section2 return to correct pitch,

124. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12, 1980.

125. Willi Apel, "Litany," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,1969), 485-86.

103

With the raising and lowering of pitches in the appropriate

sections and the filling in of missing notes, this piece can be recon-

structed in a manner which suggests that the bass line may have originally

been similar to the formula for Tone I.

Text of No. 9: General sense of text:

1) y technepa sacramento 1) And on that sacrament ofdios oncicama God sing

val tic tlatlaul tic9126 come, we pray to Him

2) ceca y tevel y tech yalchicavo

val tic tlatlaul tic6

3) to naca yo quichipava

val tic tlatlaul tic'E

4) no ch ne miliz melavac

val tic tlatlaul tic?

5) y tlas cali nepaca

val tic tlatlaul ticg

6) hostica y tech ano ne qui

val tic tlatlaul tics

7) y nixquixtiz ne qui

val tlie tlatlaul tic9

2) [ ] and strengthenour hearts

come, we pray to Him

3) cleansed

come, we

4) [

come, we

5) and [E

come, we

our body

pray to Him

] straighten

pray to Him

] home there

pray to Him

6) we want the Host in us

come, we pray to Him

7) and I want to be saved

come, we pray to Him

126. According to Dr. Robinson, tic9 is an honorific.

10. "Qy es dia de placer" (f. 9v-10r). Robert Stevenson

published this piece as a Christmas villancico.127 The text invites

everyone to sing, dance and rejoice on this "day of pleasure'" and see

the "mysteries of great ecstacy" (cf. No. 6).

[Estribillo]: Oy128 es dia29 de plager:130

y de cantar

.131 132 3via todos a bailar1 3 3

[Copla]: Regozaemos34 este dia1 29

por ser: de tan135 palcer136

137 138 139 140Pus en el tenemas: que bre

141 142misterios de garn alegria

comengemos con melodialh3

y de cantar

via1 3 1 todos 3 2 a bailar1 3 3

127. Robert Stevenson, "European Music," 348. See also hi:s ChristmasMusiC, 9.

128. [H]oy 129. dia 130. 5: palmer

131. venid; AT: bia in repetion of this word

13. S: dodo, in repetition of this word

133. AB: baylar 134. Regocijamos 135. tan[toI, or tal

136. placer 137. Pu[e]s 138. el

139. tenemos 140. ver 141. gran

142. alegria 143. melodfa

105

11. "Asi andando: El palto" (f. lOv). The story of Christ's

birth is told by Mary in this Christmas villancico. She tells us that

He was conceived inside her in Nazareth while the world awaited Him in

Bethlehem, and says that she "gave birth without pain [and] with much

ecstasy."

The copla music uses a four-fold repetition of its one phrase

in order to accomodate the four verses of the stanza, but its repeats

are not written into the manuscript (Figure 3).

[Estribillo]: Asi14 4 andando: El paltol45

se me va asercandol1 6

andando asi quedando

virgen pario148

copla: Sin dolor pari149 con mucha alegria150

15115y en agareth al Senor que de los gielos venia1 5 2

153 dial154fue mi vientre concebido este dia

el mundo lesta1 5 5 esparandol56 E157 bethlenl58

[Repeat Estribillo]

12. "El fiel peso y medida" (f. llv-12r). Here is another

text for the celebration of St. Michael's feast. It concerns an

144. Asi 145. parto; T: pardo 146. acercando

147. S: andado 148. pari6 149. par

150. alegria 151. [Nlazareth 152. vena

153. fuejen] 154. dia 155. le[elst6.

156. esperando 157. en 158. Beln, or Bethlehem

106

additional office given to him by Christian tradition, that is, the

calling from earth of meri's souls for judgment. 159 (See also remarks

for Nos. 1 and 13.)

Measure 7 contains one of the few examples of coloration in

Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

Este canto para fiesta de San miguel A 4 vozes [voces]

[Estribillo]: El fiel peso y medida:

i 6o 161 .162

que en el uivir dios nos dio

. 163 164En vos miguel 10 dexo

para medir nuestra vida

[Coplas]: Es peso que solo a diosl61

que avita165 en el alto gielo

Se le humille gielo y suelo:

. 163 .166Y ese miguel teneis vos

pues ese peso y medida:

que vida y muerte causo:

. 163 164En vos miguel lo dexo

para medir nuestra vida

13. "Sed miguel fuerza y escuto" (f. 12v-13r). As in Nos.

1 and 12, this text deals with Michael the archangel. It describes

159. Holweck, op. cit., 710. 160. vivir

161. Dios 162. di6 163. Miguel

164. dejo, or dej6 165. [habita

166. tennis 167. caus6, or causa

107

his role as our protector against Satan, calling him the "strength

and shield of the sinner in death, . . . who always breaks the head

of the demon and deceives him." (See also remarks for Nos. 1 and 12.)

Measures 7, 14 and 30 contain examples of coloration.

One of the most clearly marked repeat systems in M. Md. 7 is

found in No. 13. The combination of congruence signs, custos marks,

and the first few words of the text to be repeated, along with the

rests placed after the soprano and alto parts of the estribillo, show

clearly that the last half of the estribillo is to be repeated following

the copla (Figures 5, 6).

este canto para fiesta de San miguel a 4 vozes [voces]

[Estribillo]: Sed migue 168 fuerza69 y escutol70

del pecador en la muerte:

que quien ay17 1 que sea tan172 fuerte

. 173 l74que ante dios este seguro

coplas: Sois miguel16 8 tal fortalegal7 5

y de tan alto valor:

que al demonio enganador:

quebrais siempre la cavega

178y asi de quien sois el muro

168. Miguel .169. SAT: fuerga 170. escudo

171. [h]ay 172. SB: ta 173. est6

11. TB: scuro; A: sequro 175. fortaleza

176. enganador 177. cabeza 178. asi

108

segura lleua1' 9 la fuertel8o

que quien ay que sea tan1 7 2 fuerte

que ante dios estelT3 seguro174

14. "1principatuSY" (f. 13v-14r). This piece appears three times

in the San Miguel Acat6'n repertory. The Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 copy has

the title or text incipit "principatus." The San Juan Ixcoy copy (See

Table III for the location of this and the following citations.) is en-

titled "0 gran principe," while the San Mateo Ixtata'n copy is without

title or text incipit. The harmonization of the former varies somewhat

from the copy in M. Md. 7, while that of the latter is quite different.

Both concordances have a written out repeat of measures 5-10, but M. Md. 7

does not. The San Mateo Ixtatan copy has a flat before e in measure 9 of

the bass voice, which I have added to both the bass and alto voices of

that measure in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7.

Neither of the concordance manuscripts is dated, but the San Juan

Ixcoy manuscript is thought to date from about 1585 and to have many

characteristics similar to Francisco de Leon's work in Santa Eulalia

M. Md. 1 (dated 1582).18a This composition could therefore predate

Pascual's known term of activity in the area (1595-1635).182

15. "Domine ad ajuvando/gloria patri" (f. 14v-15r). This text

consists of the second half of Psalm 69:2 plus the lesser doxology,

Gloria Patri. I t is the response to the versicle "Deus in adjutorium

179. lleva 180. or suerte 181. Lilly catalog cards.

182. Stevenson, Aztec and Inca, 206.

109

meum intende," which is the beginning of Psalm 69:2. In the Roman

Catholic service, this versicle and response is sung at the beginning

of each Office (LU, pp. 250-51, 263-64).183

Sections 3 through 5 of the music contain some of the rare

instances of contrapuntal writing in M. Md. 7 (Figure 7).

184 185Domine ad ajuvando me festina:

gloria patri et filio:186

187 ... 188E spiritui sancto:

Sicut erat in pringipio18 9

et nunc et seper:190

Et in secula191 seculorum192

Amen: Alleluya19 3

16-1, 16-4. "muestre la tierra alegria" (f. 16v-17r, 18v).

The estribillo of this villancico is complete only in No. 16-i. Its

copla has been defaced and was recopied later in the manuscript where

it is now designated as No. 16-4. These have been combined in the

transcription in order to complete the piece.

No. 16-1 is designated "for the feast of All Saints," which is

183. Willi Apel, "Versicle," Harvard Dictionary of Music (Cambridge,1969), 899.

184. S: Domjne 185. aEdijuvandum; T: aiuva

186. Gloria Patri, et Filio 187. e

188. Spiritui Sancto: A: spiritu sancto

189. A: pincipio 190. se~miper 191. s[aJecu

192. slaleculorum 193. Alleluia

ndo

[tl

la

110

solemnly celebrated on November 1. All those martyrs, confessors and

virgins who have been formally beatified and canonized by the Church,

those whose names are entered in the various martyrologies or whose

cultus is of local observance, and all those known to man or only to

God who have contended manfully in this life in whatever circumstances

and states of life and now enjoy the blissful vision of God forever in

Heaven are commemorated on this day.1 94 (Cf. Nos. 16-2, 16-3.)

para fiesda [fiesta] de toto [todos] sancto [santos]A 4 vozes [voces]

195 196 197 . 198[Estribillo]: muestre la tierra alegria

199 suel 2 0 0

vistase de gloria el suelo

201 202 ciel 203

Oy quel acorde del cielo

celebra2o su eterno dia2 0 5

cobla: guarda el mundo la memoria

El ser quel es dio206 en la tira207

y alla2 8 en el cielo sencierra2 0 9

194. Alban Butler, Butler's Lives of the Saints, 4 vols., ed. Herbert

Thuxrston, S. J. and Donald Attwater (New York, 1956), IV, 232.

195. A: mustre 196. B: rra 197. S: tiera

198. alegr1a 199. vistase, or vlsta[n]se; S: vistas

200. : sulo 201. [H]oy, or Y

202, que ,E]l acorde, or que la corte; AB: corte

2 03. A: cilo 204. celebre 205. dia

206. quej61 es dio[s], or que les di6

207. ti[erira 208. alla 209. se-e]ncierra

16-2. (f.

out and textless.

16-3. (f.

. 210.La prezenciaa de su gloria

. 199 .198

vistase pues de alegria

211 .21 2

E memoria desto el suelo

201 4202 . 203Oy 2 quel acorde del cielo

204.25celebra su eterno dia2 0 5

i6r). Alto and bass voices of No. 16-1, scratched

17v). Alto voice of No. 16-1, scratched out and

textiess.

16-4. (f. 18v). See remarks for No. 16-1.

17. (f. 16r). Fragment with the text "Dixit Dominus platess"

18. (f. 17v). Fragment entitled "jesucristo nuestro dios."

19. "De la hermosa Rebeca" (f. 19v-20r). The Old Testament

book of Genesis (Chapters 25, 27, 28 and 32) is the source for this

villancico text which moralizes on Rebekah's choice of Jacob to receive

Isaac's blessing. (Cf. No. 6.)

[Estribillo]: De la hermosa Rebeca

ha escogido

nuestro zacob213 el214 su vestido

Copla: Alegria2l5 pues que bes2l6

pecador lo que Res 21 7

218 .pues lo que eres se hizo

210. presencia

213. Jacob

216. ves

211. E[n]

214. possibly el

217. Le]res

212. de-elste

215. Alegria

218. te

111

112

y te hizo lo que les27

De esau siendo219 quienes

ha escogido

213 21hnuestro zacob el su vestido

20. "forgado de amor de amores" (f. 20v-21r). It is likely

that this piece was meant to be another Christmas villancico. The

text tells how God, "compelled by love," chose Mary, "completely pure

[arid] more beautiful than the lily or rose, and through her made Himself

human." (Cf. No. 6.)

[Estribillo]: forgado220 d.e amor de amores

221 .22dios embia22 2

llena de gracia a maria2

copla: escogio224 la soberrando2 2 5

today limpia toda hermosa

226 . . 227mas que lirio ni que Rosa

y en ella se hizo humano

es dios221 y nuestro hermano

228 . 222el que embia

1-ena de gracia a maria3

21. "Alegria pecadores" (f. 21v-22r). Here is another

villancico text that was probably sung at Christmas. In it, sinners

219. De Esau siendo, or De esa siendo, or Des haciendo

220. forzado 221. Dios 222. enva

223. Maria 224. escogo 225. soberana

226. ms 227. or m[6 ]s 228. 61

113

are urged to be happy because, "from the royal generation of David

and Juda is born Another, who gives us our eternal redemption."

(Cf. No. 6.)

[Estribillo]: Alegria229 pecadores:

ques230 nagida

231-de quien naze nuestra vida

.232Copla: de la Real generation

233 . 23kde david y de juda

naze231 otla235 que nos da

nuestra eterna redemgion23 6

maria 237 consolagion238

escogida

231.de quien naze23 nuestra vida

22. "Desde el gielo bajo Dios" (f. 22v-23r). Another Christmas

villancico, this text tells us that the descent of God from heaven through

the pure Virgin Mary "was for the sake of giving us life always." (Figure

9; cf. No. 6.)

239 .2k0[Estribillo]: Desde el gielo bajo Dios

su veniDa241

242.fue por danos siempre vida

229. Alegr a 230. que-els 231. nace

232. generacion 233. David 234. Juda'

235. otra 236. redenci6n 237. Maria

238. consolacion 239. A: cilo 240. baj6; A: bazo

: :. [: vinida 242. da~r]nos

114

copla: bazo d e la sumaltura

por hazerse245 ygual246 a nos

el eterno y sacro dios247

hizose248 hombre en su natura

2)49en maria virgen pura

su venida

fue por danos242 siempre vida

23-1. "Aquestan tonceria" (f. 23v-24r). This song is marked

"for the feast of Christmas." The text is quite corrupt. It has been

reconstructed on the basis of No. 23-2 which, though also corrupt, has

the abbreviations written out (Figures 8, 10). It says that the "mother,

being [a] virgin, gave birth to more than she has looked on or heard."

Robert Stevenson's opinion that this villancico was clearly

designed for dancing because of its reiterated rhythm J J, * J20

is questionable.2 Its thirteen measure length and phrasing of 3 plus

2 plus 3 plus V- measures does not seem to lend it to that purpose.

There are no coplas given for it in the manuscript.

Este canto para fiesta te [de] navitat [navidad]

251Aquestan tonceria

252 . 253.mate siento virgen

.25)4 255 256 257pario mas que a mira que oyo

243. baj6 244. suma-ja]ltura 245. hacerse

246. igual 247. Dios 248. hizose 249. Maria

250. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.

251. AquE[l-estanEdo] doncella 252. madre 253. siendo

254. pari6 255. mats; B: ma 256. [hla miraLdo] 257. oy6

115

23-2. (f. 18r). At the top is the text for No. 23-1. The

bottom half contains dates and scribbles.

23-3. (f. lir). At the top are text and music incipits for

the alto voice of No. 23-1.

24. (f. 23v-24r). This instrumental pavana in duple meter

is titled both "favana" and "fahuana" in the manuscript (Figure 10),

and its three strains, each repeated, do indeed fit the form of that

dignified dance. It is the only complete piece in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7

that is without text or text incipit.

25. "Si tanta gloria se da" (f. 24v-25r). The feast of All

Saints may have been the occasion for singing this text which exclaims,

"If such glory is given to the bodies on the earth, what glory remains

for the souls in heaven."

Robert Stevenson says this villancico in quick triple meter

serves as a Nachtanz to the slower duple-meter pavana that immediately

precedes it, and "conjures up the still prevalent scene of Chuj- and

Mam-speaking I ndians stamping out their costume dances in Guatemalan

church festivities, to the clatter of drums and other percussion."258

He has published a transcription of it which does not include the bass

voice in measures 22-45.259

[Estribillo]: Si tanta26o gloria se da:

A los261 cuerpos en el suelo:

258. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 52.

259. Stevenson, "European Music," 350.

260. TB: tanda 261. S: loos

que gloria se lestara:262

A las almas en el gielo

coplas: Si por las pobres casillas:

dondel263 os sandos264 moraron:

los Angeles abajaron:

de los soberanos265 sillas:

Higiendo266 mil maravillas:

Cum gloria de Hommano267 buelo268

[Repeat Estribillo]

26. "Donec ponam/Tecum pringipium/Dominus a dextris/De torente"

(f. 25v-27r). The text for this Tone VIII fabord~n setting comes from

Psalm 109, verses 1, 3, 5 and 7 (LU, p. 133, verses 2, 4, 6 and 8).

The three incorrect spellings of "bibet" in the alto, tenor and bass

voices of this psalm show not only the confusion between initial b and V

at this time, but also the common use of initial u for v.

If Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 dates from about 1585 as has been

suggested,269 then the concordance in that manuscript for No. 26 would

predate the period of Tomas Pascual's known activity as maestro de

capilla (1595-1635).270 This would, of course, make the possibility

of his being the composer of this psalm setting unlikely. Pascual may

262. restart; B: Lesdara 263. A: Dondes

264. santos; B: sanctos 265. las soberanas 266. Haciendo

267. de Humano; or deo mano; A: de ommano 268. vuelo

269. Lilly cat. alog cards.

20. Otevensorn, Aztec and Inca, 206.

116

117

have been responsible for the occasional differences in pitch and

duration, and the numerous faintly visible added notes in the M. Md. 7

copy which can be seen when comparing it with the copy in M. Md. 3.

Several of these added notes appear in Figure 11 in the "ex utero"

section of both the soprano and tenor parts.

Donec ponam inimicos tuos:

Scaberum271 pedum272 tuorun

Tecum pringipium in die virtutis tue :273

n274 . 275 276in splentoribus sanctorum:

277Ex utero ante lugiferum genui te

Dominus a dextris tuis:

278 .d279 280 281Confrexit in die ere sue reges

282 ? 83 28)4De torente in via bibet:

285 .286Propterea exaldauit caput

27-1. "Surrexit dominus alleluya" (f. 2Tv-28r). This villancico

was no doubt used for Easter or within the octave. There is also a

271.

274.

277.

280.

282.

284.

285.

scabellum 272. ST: pedu 273. tutale

SAT: y 275. splendoribus 276. T: sanctuorum

S: luciperum 278. Confregit 279. AB: di

irlale 281. su~ae; A: suae omitted

tor r ]ente 283. SAB: uia

A: bibit; T: vibit; B: uibit

A: Probterea 286. exaltavitp

118

possibility of its having been incorporated into the traditional Quem

quaeritis Easter drama (see remarks for No. 31). Two complete copies

of the text and music appear in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 (cf. No. 27-2).

The text of the first stanza of the coplas is based on Mark 16:6-7,

in which the angel at Christ's empty tomb announced to Mary Magdalene,

Mary the mother of James, and Salome that the Lord had risen and gone

to Galilee, just as he had promised.

The text of the second stanza is based on Luke 24:34. Cleopas

and another follower of Jesus returned to Jerusalem after having met

Him on the road to Emmaus. The two then found the disciples and other

followers who were saying that the Lord had risen indeed and had appeared

to Simon. The subject of this text suggests use in the simpler type of

287Peregrinus dramas which deal with the incidents on the road to Enmaus.

The third stanza text is a portion of the alleluia verse follow-

ing the gradual for the Easter Tuesday Mass (LU, p. 790), and states

that the Lord has risen from the grave.

cuilancicos [villancicos] de pascua Resureccion [Resurreccidn]

No. 27-1 No. 27-2

[Estribillo]: [Estribillo]:

288 . 289 .295 . 289Surrexit dominus Surexit dominus

I1 290 290

-leluya alleluya

287. William L. Smoldon, "Liturgical Music-Drama," Grove's Dictionary

of Music and Musicians, 5th ed., 10 vols., ed. Eric Blom (London,

1954-61), V, 327-28.

288. JB: LSrexit 289. Dominus 290. alleluia

coplas:

2911) Sicut dixi vobis

alleluya290

[Repeat Estribillo]

292 2932) et paluit simonis

allaluya290

[Repeat Estribillo]

coplas:

. . .291.1) Sicut dixi vobis

alleluya290

[Repeat Estribillo]

292 . 02932) et paluit simonis

alleluya290

[Repeat Estribillol

289 296 289 2973) Surrexit dominus de 3) Surxit dominus te

294 290 294 290sepulchro alleluya sepulgra alleluya

[Repeat Estribiilo] [Repeat Estribillo]

27-2. (f . 34v-35r). See remarks for No. 27-1L

28. "0 virgen maria" (f. 29v-30r). Christmas is again the

theme in this villancico. The text first addresses Mary saying, "Oh,

Virgin Mary who gave birth to God, there is not another like you in the

world," and then describes Christ as "the gentle Lamb who is the son of

God [and the] light of my life."

The music for the soprano and tenor parts in No. 28 is identical

to the music for those two parts in No. 31 (the alto and bass parts are

missing from No. 31). In the transcriptions the soprano line was raised

a minor third because of the incorrectly placed C clef in the manuscript,

and the flat in the tenor key signature was moved to b from the original

291. dixilt]

294. sepulcro

292. paruit

295. SurErlexit

293. Simonis

296. Sur[re]xit 297. de

119

120

d'. Although No. 31 includes coplas, there are none for No. 28. The

adaptation of the coplas of No. 31 to this piece would require a sub-

stitution for their Easter text.

The final note of the bass part is the only use of a ledger

line in the manuscript. Beneath it is written "vasco" (= basso).

1) 0 virgen maria9

299 . 300que paristes a dios:

no ay301 en el mundo

odra302 como vos

2) el cortelor303 manso

304 . 300que es hijo de dios:

lumbre de mi vida3 05

306dulce coragon

3) [el cortelor303 manso

30)4 . 300que es hijo- de dios: ]

el es mi visita 38

con mucha razon309

29. "Et misericordia/Deposuit potendes/Susgepit israel/gloria

patri" (f. 31r-33r). This Tone VI setting of the even-numbered verses

298. Mar' 299. pariste 300. Dios

301. Eh]ay 302. otra 303. cordero

304. STB: hiio 305. A: vi 306. coraz 6 n

307. el 308. S: vesta; AB: vesida

309. raz 6 n; ATB: ragon

121

of the Magnificat (Luke 1:46-55; LU, p. 207) was probably performed

in the traditional style which juxtaposed them with the plainsong odd-

numbered verses. The Tone VI formula can be seen in its entirety in

the tenor voice of the doxology, and in part in the tenor and bass

voices of "Suscepit israel."

The Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 setting of the Magnificat includes

verses 50, 52 and 54, but its concordance in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 5

also includes verses 46 and 48.310 Our version was undoubtedly con-

sidered complete by its compiler since it, like the M. Md. 5 setting

ends with the doxology. The only verses in both versions that exist

in four parts are the "Suscepit israel" and "gloria patri" of M. Md. 7.

In all other verses only two of the four voices remain (soprano and

tenor, or alto and bass) depending upon which folio is missing.311

No. 29 is one of the few examples of contrapuntal writing in

M. Md. 7; as with similar pieces in this compilation, it was apparently

borrowed from one of the earlier manuscripts, in this case M. Md. 5

which contains the date 1 589 .312 Hence Pascual, who is thought to be

the composer of the villancicos in our manuscript, was probably not the

composer of this piece.

310. A transcription of verses 46 and 48 from M. Md. 5 may be found in

the Appendix.

311. The transcription of No. 29 in this edition was completed with

the aid of a version prepared by Paul Borg.

312. Lilly catalog cards.

122

[Magnificat] Anima mea dominum313

Quia respexit humilitatem angille314 sue315

Ecge enim Ex hoc beatam me dicent omnes generationes316

317Et misericordia ejus a progienie in progenies

318timentibus eum

Deposuit potendes31 9 de3 20 sede

et exaldauit3 21 humilles3 2 2

. 323 3214 325Susgepit israel puerum suum

.326 327recordatus misericordie sue

gloria patri et filio

et spiritui sancto32 8

30. "Ne recorderis" (f. 33v-34r). This text is the third

response of the second nocturn within the Office for the Dead which is

sung during Matins. The plainsong texts and music in the transcription

have been adapted from the Liber Usualis and the Roman Gradual, but the

313. Dominum 314. ancill ale 315. suCale

316. S: generagiones; T: generaciones in first statement of this word

317. progenie 318. A: timendibus in first statement of this line

319. potentes; A: podendes 320. B: te 321. exaltavit

322. humiles 323.1 srael 324. A: puerrum

325. A: suum ommitted 326. misericordiCale; ST: miserricordie

327. su~ale 328. Gloria Patri et Filio, et Spiritui Sancto

123

polyphonic sections are as found in the manuscript and appear to be

harmonizations based on the sixth tone (LU, p. 1792. and GR, p. 94).

Paul Borg has found two published transcriptions and eight

manuscript concordances of the polyphonic setting of this Ne recorderis

response (see Table III for concordances).329 Most of these concordances

credit Crist6bal de Morales as the composer of the setting, but the two

Tarazona manuscript sources cite it as the work of Francisco de la Torre.

The Morales setting, as published by Pedrell,330 specifies an

alternatim performance for the response, in which the polyphony is sung

by four cantors and the plainsong by a chorus. The text, but not the

music, of the plainsong is included in that edition.

The Pedrell edition repeats the "Dum veneris" section immediately

before "Kyrie eleison," and repeats the 'k yrie" section following "Christe

eleison." "Dum veneris" is also repeated in the Liber Usualis, but is

followed by "Requiem aeternam" rather than by 'Vyrie," "Christe," 'Iyrie."

The M. Md. 7 copy does not indicate repetition of any of the sections.

Although much similarity exists between the Pedrell edition and

the copy in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, several differences are immediately

noticeable when comparing these two versions of the setting. The most

329. Paul W. Borg, "The Polyphonic Music in the Guatemalan Music Manu-

scripts of the Lilly Library." Dissertation in progressIndiana

University. Four of these manuscript concordances are discussed

in Robert Stevenson's Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age

(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), 13, 107-08, 127 n. 270.

330. Crist6bal de Morales, Officium defunctorum in Vol. I of Hispaniae

Schola Musica Sacra, 8 vols., ed. Felipe Pedrell (Barcelona, 1894),

reprinted in 4 vols. (New York, 1971), 1-19.

124

extensive pitch differences occur in the first few measures of the

"Ne recorderis" section in all four voices. Most rhythmic differences

involve the unequal division of a larger note value, in either of the

versions, into two smaller note values in the other version to create a

repeated note or a passing tone (a becomes J# J). The only textual

differences are the text repeats within most polyphonic sections of the

M, Md. 7 version, none of which occur in the Pedrell edition. Another

difference is the tying of repeated notes in Pedrell's edition, while

there is no indication of this in M. Md. 7. Perhaps the repetition of a

pitch without a change of syllable in M. Md. 7 indicates the reemphasis

of that pitch rather than merely a long duration which could have been

shown just as easily through use of a larger note value.

Ne recorderis3 31

[peccata mea, Domine,]

.332D veneris

[judicare saeculum per ignem.]

Dirige

[Domine Deus meus,

in conspectu tuo viam meam.]

Kyrie eleyson 3 3 3

[Christe eleison.]

331. T: Recorderig

332. S: Dun verig, dun veneris in repeats of these words; B: Dum neris

in repeat of these words

333. eleison; S: Kirie leyson; AB: Kyrie leyson

125

31. "Maria magdalena" (f. 35v). Although there are numerous

unsolved problems remaining in this text, it is evident that it contains

the story of the three Marys at the tomb of Christ on Easter morning.

The estribillo concerns Mary Magdalene ("Maria magdalena"), while the

first and second stanzas of the copla mention Mary the mother of Jesus

("la matre te Dios") and the other Mary ("et altera maria"). This

villancico, along with No. 27-1 ("Surrexit Dominus") may have been used

in an Easter drama stemming from the tenth-century trope Quem quaeritis

which was customarily prefixed to the Introit of the Mass for Easter.

Through the centuries this trope was extended into a number of dramas

with added scenes, additional music, and new text. The trope originally

covered the resurrection story from the arrival of the three Marys at

Christ's tomb, through their encounter with the angel and their declara-

tion that the resurrection had occurred. The elements of the story

can be seen in the text of No. 31 as follows.

In the estribillo, "cruz" could refer not only to the actual cross

on which Christ was crucified, but also to the cross which was wrapped in

grave cloths and placed in an artificial tomb to symbolize Christ's death

and resurrection in ancient Easter ceremonies. In the Quem quaeritis

trope, the angel shows the three Marys that the cross is no longer in

Lhe tomb.35

334, Gustave Reese, Music in the Middle Ages (New York, 1940), 194-95.

See also the discussion of the development of the Easter drama in

Smoldon, op. cit.,, 318-27.

335. Smoldon, op. cit., 321.

126

One of the suggested readings for the letters "az," which

begin line two of the estribillo, is [h3az (= right side, or outside

of cloth). This word, when combined with "cama" (= piece of cloth

which is part of a cloak) at the end of the same line of text, may

refer to the grave cloths which the Marys hold up before the eyes of

the clergy as proof of Christ's resurrection.36

In the first stanza of the coplas, "amanece" (= dawn) gives

the time of the Marys' arrival at the tomb.

The third line of the second stanza, all of which was written

in a different hand (Figure 12), refers to Christ's tomb ("at monumento"

= ad monumentun, or a monumento = at the tomb). These words are in-

cluded in numerous versions of the Easter play, and introduce a section

sung by the three Marys in which they relate how they came mournfully to

the tomb and found that the Lord had risen.3 3 7

The final line of the second stanza is "isus quen geris ti"

(= Jests quEilen qEuiieres tl, or Jesum quem qualeritis = Jesus whom

you seek). These words originate in Matthew 28:5 and Mark 16:6, in the

dialogue between the angel and the women at the tomb, and are the opening

words for the Quem quaeritis trope.

The "Surrexit Dominus" villancico (No. 27-1) also contains

elements of the Easter drama. The estribillo corresponds to the part

336. bid.

337. Ibid., 322. An eleventh-century version of Quem quaeritis is

printed in Arnold Schering's Geschichte der Musik in Beispielen(Wiesbaden, 1959), 5.

127

of the dialogue in which the three Marys say to the choir, "Alleluia!

resurrexit Dominus! ," immediately after receiving the news from the

angel. The third stanza of the coplas contains the text that is sung

by the Marys after displaying the grave cloths. The first stanza

is part of the angel's announcement of Christ's resurrection. The text

of No. 27-1 and its other possible uses are discussed in the remarks for

that villancico.

Since the story of the three Marys was a favorite dramatic

subject in Spain,3 3 9 the tradition of the Easter drama was probably

carried on in the Spanish colonies of the New World, making the use

of these two villancicos in such a drama a distinct possibility.

The music for the soprano and tenor parts in No. 31 is identical

to the music for those two parts in No. 28, including the clef and key

signature errors discussed in the remarks for No. 28. The alto and bass

parts are missing from No. 31, but have been replaced by their correspond-

ing parts from No. 28. No. 31 has a soprano copla which is not present

in No. 28. This copla has a portion which appears to have been scratched

out in the manuscript (Figure 12). The transcription omits this portion

because its use results in a style which is much more melismatic than

tht of the other villancicos in Santa Eulatia M. Md. 7.

338. Reese, op. cit., 194.

339. Ibid., 195.

128

[Estribillol: Maria magdalena 34o

quen bi 3jDelya342 cruz

azel Deiya cama

.344 345 346qui nino Jesus

coplas: 1) ya canta ya canta

el calloasc amanece:

asta qui sopblece 8

3149 350.la matre te Dios

[Repeat Estribillo]

2) et altera maria3 5 '

352 .353 3514ibat ti lucolo

at355 monumento

isus 35 quen quieris ti

[Repeat Estribillo3

340. Marfa Magdalena 341. quejlen vi, queje]nv , or qu[ien vi

342. della = deje]la 343. [hlaz 61, [hiacer, or [h]aceJI6]l

344. camalalquii 345. nin'o; S: niyo 346. Jesu's

347. or casloasc; possibly carrasca, or carraca

348. [h]astaja]qu sopblece, [hasta quiso pblece, or [hZasta quiso,.

_)o]frece

349. madre 350. de 351. Maria

352. possibly ipan, iban, or ibas

353. t1, or t' 354. possibly luctuoso, or luctum

355. a, or ad 356. Jesus

357. quEiJen quieres ti, quilen quieres t, or quem quaeritis

129

32-1. "bay magalhi" (f. 36v-37r). Since the entire tenor part

and all but a fragment of the soprano part of this song have been torn

from the manuscript, it is likely that there are several portions of

their texts missing in measures 1-5 where the alto and bass parts have

rests. About one half of the text is also missing from measures 10-14

of the bass part. The word order in measures 12 and 13 of the alto part

is also conjectural due to both this lack of text in the corresponding

bass area and the complete absence of text in the concordance (No. 32-2).

The syllabification of this text is normal for Nchuati, but the

word meanings are tricky. More comparative materials are needed in order

358to make a complete translation.

Text of No. 32-1: Partial translation:

C I [

bay magalhi

C

tzet yechel magalhi

nima xpuuh magalhi

yban ypat hata magalhi

zachol dios

hagan cazcahol dios

mag yu neneh

ztoh quinal

go poh *S ta ma 359

I

F ] my house

[F I

I Imy house

soon/quickly F I my house

and on/in F I my house

F IGod

F IGod

that He us

draw near

.E IHoly Mary

358. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May

359. Santa Maria

12, 1980.

130

32-2. (f. 40r). Alto and bass voices of No. 32-1, textless.

33. (f. 37v). Textiess fragment.

34-1. "tibi solid pecaui" (f. 38v-39r). The text for this

fabord6n setting is Psalm 50:6 (see remarks for No. 37). The spellings

in the different copies of this text within Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 (cf.

Nos. 34-2 and 34-3, which are the only other two of the five versions of

this piece that have texts) are a good example of the interchangeability

between u and V and between i and j in Latin at the time this manuscript

was copied.

No. 34-1 No. 34-2

tibi soli pecaui36o tibi soli pecaui36o

361 367 361et malum coram te fecit et malum coran te fecit'

362 .363 36)4 368 . 369ut justifigeris jn vt3 iustificeris in

sermonibus tuis sermonibus tuis

365 .. 366 370c . . 371et uineas cum juticaris et vincas cm luticaris

No. 34-3

tibi soli pecaui 36o

367 . 361et malum coran te fecit

368 .. 0369vt Iustificeris [in

sermonibus tuis

et vincas] cum juticaris

No. 34-4

textless

No, 34-5

textless

peccavi

T: justifigerris

judicar'is; A: juticalis

justificerils

361. feci

364. in

367. coram

370. A: uIncas

362. SAB: vt

365. vincas

368. ut

371. judicaris

360.

363.

366.

369.

131

34-2. (f. 39v). Soprano and alto voices of No. 34-1 with text.

34-3. (f. 42v-43r). Tenor and. bass voices of No. 34-1 with text.

34-4. (f. 37v). Soprano voice of No. 34-1, defaced and textless.

34-5. (f. 38r). Soprano voice of No. 34-1, textless.

35. "Abrase el reyno del cielo" (f. 40v-41r). The Immaculate

Conception is the subject of this villancico text which describes the

crowning victory of "mercy here on the earth" through the espousal of

"the King of heaven Eand] the Queen of glory." The description in the

copla of the angels carrying Mary in victory and triumph to be presented

to her Son "today" may indicate that this text was sung at Christmas.

The music of No. 35 appears three other places in the San Miguel

Acatasn repertory (see Table III for concordances). The text of the con-

cordance in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 3 is written in one of the native Indian

languages, and a large portion of it is given in Stevenson's catalog of

that manuscript.3 7 2 Those in Santa Eula ia M. Md. 1 and 5 both contain

a text commemorating the feast of the virgin martyr Saint Eulalia of

Merida (born c. 292 A.D., died 304 A.D.), which is celebrated December

10.373

Pascual may have borrowed this music from Francisco de Len,

because M. Md. 1, dated 1582, contains a signed statement from de Len

saying that he "made this book of songs." M. Md. 3 and 5 are also

372. Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque, 62.

373. Butler, op. cit., 530, and Berchmans Bittle, A Saint a Day According

to the Liturgical Calendar of the Church (Milwaukee, 1958), 323.

132

thought to predate M. Md. 7 (1600), possibly dating from 1585 and

1589 respectively.374

375 376 377 378.[Estribillo]: Abrase el reyno del cielo

379.a la reyna de la gloria

380 381pues mercio aca en el suelo

tal corona de victoria

copla: oy382 los angeles38 la lleva38 4

zunto385l 386caer con el alma

lleua victoria de palma

y a su hizo la presentan

380 381pues mercio aca en el suelo

tal corona de victoria

36. "magalhi vinac Dios" (f. 41v-42r). According to Dow

Robinson this text is the most understandable of the three Nchuatl

texts in Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7, and is about the redemptive life of

Christ according to the final chapters of Matthew, Mark and Luke. It

is apparently a worship or praise song used along with the mass.389

'74. Lilly catalog cards.

376. AB: el omitted 377. 1

378. B: tel 379.

380. mer[e]eci; AB: mercio; S: melecio

382. [h]oy 383. ngeles

385. junto 386. al 387. lleva[nJ

389. Letter from Dr. Dow Robinson, May 12, 1980.

375. Abra[nlse

reino; AB: reyna

reina; A: rena

381. ac4

384. lleva~n]

388. hijo

133

The musical form of this piece is confusing because of the

ambiguity of the custos marks following the soprano, alto and bass

parts. No rests are included for the alto, tenor and bass parts during

the soprano copla, and no text incipits are given to show what part of

the estribillo is to be repeated. Congruence signs (Q) usually precede

the custos marks in instructions for repetition in M. Md. 7, but in this

case the two are reversed, with the custos marks appearing first (Figures

13, 14). Due to this reversal, it appears that the repeat begins with

the first occurrence of the pitches corresponding with the custos marks

which immediately precedes a congruence sign in the music. This suggestion

results in a complete da capo of the estribillo following the soprano copla.

Text of No. 36: General sense of text:

[EstribilloJ: [Estribillol:

magalhi vinac dios a tu belen God made His house in Bethlehem

hiyuus

yus macoz cole locyuhul zcab coming from far away His innerself/heart pierced

oxla hutex [along] His rough/difficultroad/trail

valnima valnima come quickly, come quickly,

valnima valnima come quickly, come quickly

[Coplal: [Coplal:

ma gii cobac chil that He bought [with] red [blood]

max vas hivinac that coming to be shamed/made

guilty

coc bues chicani vagil nos nac well, really He was dried out/killed in His flesh

.134

despu -Sto 390 ca nisoe haq the Holy Spirit, on our behalf,

zcani will appear from nowhere

kamac yzmul vas kamac yzmul sing His glory, come, sing Hisglory

ma ii cobac chil that He bought [with] red[blood]

max vaz hiuinac that coming He was shamed/madeguilty

[Repeat Estribillo]

37. "miserere mei Deus" (f. 42v-43r). Psalm 50 is included

in the Burial Service of the Roman Catholic Church (LU, pp. 1763-64).

The first half of verse three, "Miserere mei Deus," is intoned by the

cantors, after which two alternating choirs continue with "secuntum

magnam misericordiam tuam" and sing Psalm 50 in its entirety as the

corpse is borne from the house to the church. Following the psalm, the

versicle "Requiem aeternam dona ei Domine" is said.

Since Santa Eulalia M. Md. 7 includes fabord6n settings of both

verses 3 and 6 of Psalm 50 (verses 1 and 5 in the Liber Usualis, with

different division of verses), an alternatim setting using polyphony and

plainsong may have been intended for the whole psalm (see remarks for

No. 34-1).

miserere mei Deus

Secuntum391 magnam misericortiam392 tuan393

390. deLe spirit santo, or de spiritu sancto

391. secundum 392. misericordiam 393. tuam

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Chapter IV

EDITION OF SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 7

Editorial Procedures

The four voice parts in the pieces have been designated as

soprano, alto, tenor and bass in order to make use of the abbreviations

S, A, T and B in the critical notes and concordance table. The highest

voice is actually labeled tiple in the manuscript, but an abbreviation

of this would result in confusion with the tenor. The spellings of part

designations vary in the manuscript:

Soprano: tiple, tibleAlto: altus, altoTenor: tenor, denorBass: cvasus, baxo, vaxo, vasc

The missing material in pieces that are lacking a portion or

all of a voice part has been replaced. In only one piece, No. 31-1,

has this procedure been excepted; here the soprano and tenor parts

evidently contained some duetting section with additional text.

Accidentals have not been added to the voice parts except in

some obvious cases where they were needed to correct an octave. These

have been cited in the critical notes.

The congruence signs and ffrom the manuscript are shown as

in this edition and fulfill one of the following purposes according

to the context of their use:

142

1) to show congruence among voice parts (Figures 3, 5, 6).

2) to show congruence between the music and text when the

sign appears in both (Figure 13).

3) to show congruence between the music and text when used

in conjunction with the signs i , , or..in the text

(Figure 2).

4) to mark a dal segno repeat when directions for such are

given following a copla (Figures 5, 6), usually in com-

bination with number one.

5) to signify a sectional repeat (Figure 10).

6) to mark the beginning of a new stanza.

The signs U and : in the text can also show congruence between the

text and music when either is combined with a rest in the music (Figure

3). Occasionally, a * in the text corresponds with no rest or sign in

the music, but simply divides one word from another (Figure 12). If

either of the signs U or I/ is used alone in the text with no corres-

ponding mark in the music, only a text repeat is intended.

G clefs have been substituted for the C clefs in the alto, tenor

and soprano parts except where they were already present. In No. 1, a

G clef was substituted for the original alto clef in the bass part. In

most cases there has been no change of pitch with the substitution of

clefs. Exceptions are recorded in the critical notes.

Rests have been added to the alto, tenor and bass parts of the

coplas in villancicos whose coplas are sung by a soprano soloist. Ex-

ceptions to this procedure are as follows:

1) the coplas of Nos. 12 and 13 are sung by tenor and bass

soloists; rests for the soprano and alto parts were pre-

sent for those measures in No. 13, and partially present

in No. 12.

143

2) the copla of No. 16-1 is sung by a tenor soloist; rests

have been added in the soprano, alto and bass parts for

those measures .

3) the copla of No. 25 is sung by alto and bass soloists;

rests have been added in the soprano and tenor parts

for those measures.

Rests have also been added to the first three measures of the bass

parts in Nos. 6, 19 and 20, and to measures 46-73 of the same voice

in No. 29.

144

SANTA EULALIA M, MD, 7

145

1

4

wn - do del ttun~-Po

I

- o - r a ic- o iw aen a ven-cz- d el gran 7nt-gu

V)ic-to - ria vic-i - im quien a ven-g91- do el gma mi-

V ic- to - ria vic-o- rtaquien a ven-p - doe gra ,m--gvez

V-o- rnivt -o-ra uma e-fe e - -CIO - -eloY ramig

J

W- , I u -b eA 1 e4i o e

-quo venm-9to ot hi-bel el a -- re- v - do Ve-

ei I j Ipi

9 endo d trin-14

I qw

8

lo clan a mi-gueLorlaC vie- o-ria . CO7- iuc- fa, ce

I '1e-m-er'-naAc. 510-- ' w ues fuefan ev-

FD.C. al Fim

cia - re- f i - do 47e zdprofun -do des- U- bo

146

1,0'I

8

9v I V r

13CL IE~ZQL

8

8

'I

16Iw

r8

A

I I N L

I . eoo*"t*l-N

-7-Ir

r F I I I I I

147

2

li 1 1 1 . .- -- - -- - - I-1IIl

MP

e- s- 4 iS7 - w Uis- Iro cl- 05s por nos

e - s- wis - o nues - fra ciz- os por -nosA II* I

su- s- chris - -1o Taws - tro cli - 05 yor ws

F f m I IOp' I6jrj

e- sw- Arts - Io nues- -fro 052 en p l-s

SWrco-n ciwz- i c ise-- tos dz- 05 co 0 tn - 0

J 111 1P - E Finel

far con-n-?oy i- -ca, se--nos oy en co - ins- k

IA

xz con-*n-oa u . - a ela-Se--nos o en co - tin - a

el es pan se - -pw- nas i- -i - noqf an- q

--- -- - I 1 i .m

Ii

F II

1

6

148

A

z- C" ase ay or-re mr-.

19

c g 0 ca,- --- (Anu ca - - tat

24

A"

ax tihdno sangranento[yJ omla- suipr[]nate

ysento onrre m(]pvatacon-azo ser ota [ ] ida- EAC, a Fine

149

EAes IA deIr&I I e- es e- 7

s-t es a'4.d. - einor ie - na- eas-T-e -? --

For a. E-itd as - +x e cemov It - e05- iaw es 9e- a-

digs ed M--mW

fa-e - de .,_ mor1 .& iui , e.s - Ia.... es. .ca . -I ?L.a.- -

3 -norE es9e e a -e

II

____ rs-, e& e -tO & __ a- 77Wr

05-a--Sc'e--- C.e ___a-macn

-tzple-copla.,

2 Ip

S- aen es- Ia qe-- lNa05 a- - c se or- de- na-

S

3

I

+

ci/ i

j 0

7

[:R S alI F'nejoI I I

150

cna de aj3mor duiaLsto

co n el amate amatole7 Vanr con amor qu2s akw'

de amor a sW a saor

quo na# io za na- dieneaunque a. iota las manueeesia&sola, nos conwiene

[&] porque oncluye a-s sakor

4-1 '5'

I

Ie- g -O1 al C1---Vi- do - a- sa,- a ce- na

~F- gL-O$ a con-z4- do de34a sazc-a ce- ,

S -- -O$ al con -vi- do des-asanc-+a, c e-- ,na

Id AM I _ _ _ _ _ _ _

- -os al- cn -t4L 5 L oa-+& C4, - 7UL-

Ile, - g't, - O OzCox- -0 1 ds-a, sa-& e,- 7w,

A-W* I t

e -nis--t--rios le - d i s- -io- Ce -

- de- - m--io-lip-,r- d &- -iCioS Ue, -

de r mis- - io l ed - 1e, de inis--ie -rios 7U2,

Cie- 5 i i-o - aQ co- Iner ue sqdaos og ina-

-mill"- _ _ _ _ _ _ _

::'10

A

-,w a. de- j - 7we4, en di -vita Ce- na-

04 1

Ue -gaos al con zd - e dZs- a, [sanjca ce - 7a-

I 4% IIII

no tenjays lecelovend reccadoves

gu$ka, esios savoresvenidos de Cibilofues auaen- e[l] celloesla. gracua, %14no,

[S1dI & nsierios Uena.,[de miserios Ueiia]

152

14

I I

153

-5

VziMen na- Are l dio, 'ir-gense-no - 1 vos 'V ir-ese-no -m vas

?irjtina-dre k- ci s] Cao-scL so-ke-ra. - n.Co-sa. so-Ze - -a

SVnIrqenSe-fno -ra vos 1Vir-gen se-n - -.vosLVi-j en- ma-cdle, colis -aso-So - a- - (na.CO so-be -rCt -

I r%_f

LVS madre 1 ir se-n -t Yo. Yo 45ens ra*4VOS

SI-rl-gen vna o-eaC so-bew- ra -- na.oo Tro aso-be-ra..- ina

r- n- jo e a,s-be e- ~ a- VO 0- S 50$e.- -,r Vona

6

YDe s$a- - dra- ina-r -a, e ot wa, - ao ide l-ue ga. -7 7 Co -l con-n, qe c; na-

Pa 0, a - ra- - d& ma,- r z-- 4. Ove, OX M- gio

A de Cea- 'a.c ceno o I yna- io

I v tZo--O el sol

U fineJ

,a-ao el so- cio 4 s ue dos____em- o

iza -e ci sol -a - e2- sol 4qU0 dios ent- hio

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ /000L-

8 114-co el soZ f alo-o ei sot ps dios.. ei- Id"

f1ls-czo e sol n-- clo e sol ase cli ios em - Io

k 1

Co [ .C, a1,pn~e~

s oi en9 sw 1aS-co-mie2o jj iao-n ia, - cla- e-pe- Lo_ ACI-__l- 0__ lopa, -- io Sol CO-Om-pZ-nienb-1O

8

8

-

i k I |Im |Ig| || ||||Ig| g|||g|gg|||g o

7 155

-ol iut-cl 1u-a s4 e 1o lWn-bZe *le - n A.-e-fu--jen-k yw -rao b -11- (--xeLsanc-+a.... ne s e

A -ce la] ) ue--xes-ie-1or la-bre-.Aie -nea. di- sre--fu-jen-u- be-r-ensac4-..s1

n8 ni,,te -bsaer Ue pOV lwn-bve....1e -ne ap di-03fW-enk y--ra y 1'e-lca i-xsa-a,...ue sois;

Slu-- ce-U[ ?a] nue--aes -ie--la que or l w-1-e.Ae - A. di--fu;n-e p-(raaj be] -ha- ___n A.....ge sois bos

dios es ei soi ?,erd322Z'ojjPla euet4*lW que iws chca,

esddna-n owwtey Iuzevoii

qgue sw Zwz -toina. de- alla-

,nazia~ tadre y dcrncello-lOZR (u Lijo -iene a Wasizasi y si0nnjo] dozncellaij

.uezida- eseosa de Waos

Co ha- rena- e$-la-&0aiI

y Ua, es sl ;aeie

emedio de- aue sa- idaes l unosc& del ore nte

156

A I asesi- 1 dae-- s Ko*os -- -cil-1

I I I i -i, I lmd0 1 1 -I -_ s d11-a%

g ILd

u zo es a-.& na- es jL r, os o-a.s;cLcc CMf I 1u t- '

-es iw- ct, - do -es iwz- 9 C-do Ifa-

.eja. -mans a bra oss i -

S

'03n

8

A-

8

mas undo estreas..AnaiLdo el

)e virgen doncef-

,naws lindo estralasFs na5 ido ei]

Es inas iinc* y beulct

[P pC. al Fne]

E p. C. al Fine]

157

1589I I I I i ,

- e - pa sa- cra- -nwn--& dios on - cr-

bjtecka - iie- pa sa- cra - mnen-io di0s on- -&

c- iie- pa~ sa- cra- men-io dis on-c

tecA- ne- na zao- cra-Inn- o dias on- c-

v Ar rmvAr rftteae- -m ci-- rro-umeit-io dio- on- cl-

va- l +ic 'fa. la~u i- c

8 ntla- faul HS- 61

-daual

teco, y tevel y -te gal chicawo u[v al -tic Ilaul -1Ica]

1 naca. yo quic3Qpa-va [ 'val i ilalaul -i02

?to CA v iwnlizizia-vac it [vat fiijc -1ahuA't &]

y las cai neyiaca d [va -ic +laau ica j

yw~i~ ni Uckxan n q ui (va al li+ laul 1&5]

1 1 I

vel ti [flaJ-

I

co- na li-

'59

I.

10

Oy es d de pal-cerCo- inen-c - mos con ma-Zo -d ic

0 es ct- e, y7a- er.wwxne-ce - inms Can vm,-o-cic a

A

Ak -e--U=

a, o-dos

1--a. -to-doe

v I-a, co cl

A- CIO - e i -l o r e U-

J.1 do - -- - M ll i l I

8r

8

16o

1.

1t

11

(4- dos- Ft 1'av-io se~ ,n a~~

~~ si azt-Z$n do: Zt--do sngin-a--

A an-dan -do: EZ__r-o se Ine, voa a-

sezt-cai-do at-dZ- do cr - si suie-daa-d Vt- 5 enz ea -ri - o

Sex-caL-do att-dan-vdo m ze-darn-do vi'- Jenta~ - vi-

asL- da do: F

I-ri co, L-c u

_ _ _ _ _I

i - FJ ~8xB

14

2c

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32

161

P- [)a, 9 a4 d Sernorjute.d els - os Ve- n a-

_4 e -le~ ow--- ~ o est

At m _i

8

I -m- v m w -A

f r e, ie -con-cce4 -CI i dCL

35

inII ---d- - -

k8

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162

F2Z feL pe-o me- di- da- queeneZ ui- vir

fpe-o n--d- ; qe en e ui-vk

S e-di- da queene Ut-vir

L fe pes me-di- da queen eui-vir&]p

s nos a o 0En qu n peeel UZIe o t ek% It'd iI

rr

s o 1 o)0n5o ml- qud en Vo$ m-9ue 1 to de-

snos 05 d oEn~ 1)0 mi-gueL eni smiyeI lo de'-

Cios nos dio[Yn VOS mi- 9 uel en vos mi-guel lo de-

3t

NW mdo-ir Aueis-l da

S -- e-dr .ue-- -o

*0 -end - U - - E re-so que o- oea

12

4-

luty a w -dir nues-ta ~s -s que so- Zo a.vt - d~a]

163

w I

~An-0 m l-a6 c x- 0

U4- v-4y m7uer- tC CatL- so

17

..$ nw,- d - das&W fe -

SeaSec-t 7 tu

Aed ii - ge - gUC V - -'0"yyee- Cu- A

-z '"- 1

C8e -t 9 qu el - r - qky e - cu e- c.-10

uer- -s - ces- -

- M- .m-

fuer - es-- cw e*

e p - d e S muffe-ca, e c--- t

my e - e - cazr- q es -e cuu - +0

deipe- ca -d

13 164

7

dor en -mzxr - 4e

165

r

10

13

16

que quman-ay que se-n- aa, fuer - an-*

rI- A

A enay que se a fucr-& quce, sea +an fuer-& e an -

u umquen ay cle se-o, -tan f er - fe ue

neqi y que se - a Ufuer-lz e se - a ta "-zte

8 iOS s s- gu -ro

7n--_T - I e- k-

li 'e's -'SrrTO

8 Sans l e los es -l eSe,--i oo

am - l-e 4e cu- - sry e aoa1 t v

-L I I -

,5o is w ,n- u yde tan al- to va-

166

2

29

mu-- ~se-yw,- ra. t-t4 22 u

8Tor: 1elde-ino47 2 io Cen- do r szue-oinsm4- -0d - e t_ _ _

C-- vem W p,- s d qrd-nso b e

caW - Co - s- ua o la i fuere

inu la fuer -

14

1

S

167

prin- c- a - u

- -p-- fus

2 - ~ P us

rpm w IIl l I l' R| ..

A

W 1 1 Lli

i 1

15 168

o- mj - tie a - - j-va-h- do ns-

~ )- mi tad a.- jw-van- Ao- mne e

8 o- mi -nm ad a.- iu--van- do me ez-;v" rr

2)0- mi- ne a a-- ju-van- do me f ez-

TL

-no- g - ri- ap-- fri

-na: g2o- Hi- a.p - fi

Sna- glo- ci- a. par- ~ ri

I I f z

4 - na: dglo- ri- a d a- h ei

0 1 A"%

060 - lu - n : a -a,-- E s ancCI sac-

S s0iri-a. sanc

ef - -:0

ei fi- i- 0

169

spi v-+u- i sa iw-

8 ri'- i ~sanc- ira: e~ ~sg- v- i saznc-

F ~syp-ri- t'ui sanc- toesii +wi sanc-Am 11

$i- 5ut e- at i i Ia-

_____ iu-uzce ca i $er- per:st

8-j 0 et nunc et se ~ - er:

r -1

0 tuc eisex-petu

Ti-nunc

m

Fer:0

170

A- 5

An La- u as - 2

e- cSa- &- so-S-- c -

8 hi;-i-a cu- to0-

in. se - ew&- lse- Cu- -

zt n se - cu- a

qJ A6

10 Z- rum L men -.A LL0w-

10- -- um

aP

LA Am

I I

I5alu-

16-7

ij : ill ir is JaI

do I I do

imi e ezl~errLal4e -ri-a a

IL W I

I F nI r-I II L

S] de g j ra 9eo-u-e lo esua--c10 eod 9 c -

I I J.

t U

rcot, Udelo-re l s-eo-loy '49y- ov-qsel ca,- l

6

cor-+x dlce- cle- -10lo Oy iluel a - co r-* del

172

cov-de- del cie - lo c brasue no d

Cor-b e a cl, - 10 -Cu a -iz-o

SoycgS a-vcor-sa eier- no d

0 o ce - 7 e-bra_ swj -ter-no di - a

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CRITICAL NOTES

The notes below show the manuscript readings for passages which

have been altered in the transcriptions. The abbreviated form employed

gives the measure number, the voice (S A T B), the note or portion of the

measure or section, and the original version. For example, 4 S 5:

indicates that in the fourth measure or section of the manuscript the

fifth note of the soprano line was a quarter note.

1. 8 SATB:

2. S: /4 B 2: B / 10 B 2: c / 11 S 2: f' / 11 B 2: G / 12 S 1: e' /

13 S: / 28 S:

3. 1-6S: / 6 S 3: 0 /6TB 4:.o

4-1. 4 T 1: c'/21 S 2: 0

4-2. 9S: extra 01g' / 12 S 4: / 16 S 1: a' / 16 S 2-4:

5. A: 0 omitted/ 2 AB: / 4 AB: / 6 AB:

6. 5 B 3: f / 8 s 4:

7. 1 B 4-2 B 1: 01/ 2 A 1-2: / 2 T: extra C' / 4 S 5: 0 /4 T 4: g / 1 A 2-3: f' tf

8. 3S 4: d' omitted/ 10 S: / SATB: key signature omitted

9. SATB: C omitted / B: key signature omitted / 1 S 1: g' /

1S 2-7,9: all b' /l1S10: a' / 1 A 9-10: J / 1 A 12: b-flat!

1 A 13-14: / 1 A 14:/'N omitted / 1 B 1-7: all g / 1 B 8: e /

2 S 6: N omitted / 2 A 1: c' / 2 A 2: d' / 2 A 4: e' / 2 A 5: d'

207

10. 7 S 4: omitted / 10 S 1st beat:

11. 1 ST: / 16, 22, 28, 34 s:

12. 14 S 3: /5 T 3: / 7 7S:> + + * + /

7 A: ; / 7 TB: ow * + /1 8 B: /Tomitted/

13. 1-3S: / 1 A: -~ /1 T 3: /1 B:-- /2 A1: / 2 B 3:

3 T 5: /14 SA1: /14 A 2: /14 B 5: /7-8 SAT:

-xI I1 0/ 7-8 B: a.:! j 1 /9 A: "-

9 TB: rests omitted / 9-10 5: II= / 10 T: / 10 B: rests

omitted / lIS 4: / 11 A 4-8: / 12-14 S:

* # # 1.1 /p12-14 A: o##+o 1 . win /

12 T 5, 13-14 T: # * + . / 13 T 3: a / 13 B 2: c /

14 B: * # / 14 B 1: d_/ 15-31 S:

15-31A: / 15T: 15B: / B. ,rests

omitted /16 TB: 3/17 TB 4: /22 B 2-23 B: . / 25 B 3:

26 B 1: /27 T 1: / 27 B 1: / 29 T 1: / 30-31 T:

. ; .# #KI <-o / 30-31 B: <!> -K> 4/ 31 T: ^#omitted

14. 2 T 4: b-flat / 4 A 1: e' / 8 T 1: c' / 9 AB 1: flat omitted

15. 1A: C / 1 B 7:i / 1 S 13: ^0 omitted / 3 B beginning: ..

3 T 11-13: / 3 T 15: '* omitted / 4 B 9: d / 4 A 12-13: d' e' /

5 A 1-5: f' e' d' d' c' / 5 A 7-12: a g a b-flat c' d' /

5 T 7-9: d e f / 6S 3: / 6 AB 5: / 6 A 6:0 /6 B 6:

6 ST 7: /3 AT 9: c'

16-1. 4 S:, /7 A: /T T: / 7 B 1: d / 8 S:-~ / 9 A: ~E/

9-10 B: LE2/ 11 T: / 12 S' ~

16-2. 22 A 2: omitted

16-3. 22 A 2: omitted

208

19. B: 3 / 7 S 3:/' omitted ? / TA 4: /11S 4:

20. SATB: 3 / 4 TB: 7/5 SAT: 7

5 B: 7/ 6s: / 6 ATB:

21. S: 3 / B: meter signature omitted / 2 A: 5 T 1: * /

8 S: / 11 S 3:

22. 2 SA:j7

3-1. SATB: omitted / 2 T 3-4: c' c' / 4 A 2: f' / 4 A 4: e' /

7 A 1-2: f' f' / 7 A 3-4: e' e' / 10 A 3-4: f' f' / 11 A 1-2: e' e' /

12-13 A: oe / 13 SB: R

3-3. 2 A 2:

A: key signature omitted / 1 A 1-2: d' d' /

2 A 5: flat omitted / 2 T 2: f / 2 T 3: g /

1

3

B:J j/

AB 1: flat omitted /

5 A 5: d' / 5 T 3: a / 5 B 3: e / 6 A 1: e' / 6 B 1: J /

6 B 2-3: / 10 S 5: M / 10 A 2: 9 / 10 T 3: q / 10 B 5: R

25. SAB: key signature omitted / T: C / 4-5 S: 1 / 4-5 A: F /

4-5 T: F / 4-5 B: /CM 7S 1: flat omitted!? B 1: /

9 SAT: /10 SATB: / 14 S: / 14-16 T: ./ 15 S:

19 ATB: / 20 ATB: / 33 B 2:

26: B: C omitted / 1 A: extra f' / 2 S 3: g' / 2 A 8:0 /

2 B 8: / 3 T 13: b / 3 B 13: g / 4 S 8: omitted /

4 A 6-9: / 5 B 6-7: f f / ST 11: 0 / 5 T 13: 0 /5 A 14: oi / 5 T 14:1oi / 5 B 14: / 5 519: / 6 A 7:

T: extra c' / 6S8:

A 11: 1 / 17: 01 /A 5-7: / 8 T 9: "o

A 9:* / 9 B 9: 01/ 9

/7 B 6: f /7 A 7: /TB

7 A 12: / 7 B 12:

omitted / 9 B 5: f / 9 A 6:

B 10: / 9 A 11: 0 / 9

2

24.

6

7

8

9

/

/

S16: 0

2

-1. 3 S 1: g' /

-2. 3 S 1: g' /

28. s: /

8 AT 3:

29. 8 T 3: /

23 T 1: .

4 T 1-2: g g / 8 S 4:

4 T 1-2:g g / 7 S 1: / 7 S 3-4: e" e" / 8 S 4:

T: SAT: C omitted / 4 S 1-2: b-flat' b-fat' /

/ 8 B 3: omitted

11 S: .L omitted / 13 S 1: / 15 S 3: l / 15 T 2: El /

/25S 2 : a' omitted / 37 S 4: / 43 S 1: -/

45 S: q / 45 S: " omitted / 73 A: l / 77 B 1-2:0 /

1-2:

2nd half:

9 / 97 S

4-107T 1

/ 108

:"o~ / 1

3-120 A 2

9 / 123

2: /1

2:

3-5:

/ 79 A 1-2: / 79 B 2: / 79 B 3-80 B 1:EI /

extra / 87 A 1-3, 88 1: e" d" e" f" / 90 A: 9 /

4: / 98 S 3: / 101 T: 101 B:

/ 107 A lst half: extra / 108 S 2nd half:

T 1st half: extra / 108 B 3: f omitted /

13 A: 3 J / 118 S: 3 Je/ 118 A 2: c' /

S / 119 T: / 120 S: 9 / 120 T: 0 o 9 /

A 1--2: / 123-124 B:LT / 125 A 2:

26 A 3: / 126 B 1-2: [I / 127 T:

29 A 2: / 130 A 2: . / 131 S 1:

/ 132 B 2-133 B 1-2: % I* / 133 S lst half:

extra /136 B: / 137T:H /137 B 3-138 B:-l /

138 S: ' omitted / 139 T: 9 / 139 B: 9

30. S: key signature omitted / 1 T:j j / 1 B: a j 0 0 /

1 A 4: o / 2 B 2-3: / 2 S 4: o / 3 A 1-2: 0 0 / 3 A 9: 0 /

5 A 3: o / 6 B 2: flat omitted / 6 T 3: flat omitted /

6 A 5-6: o 0 / 7 T 4: - omitted / 7 S 6: omitted /

9 A 1-2: o o / 9 AB 6: o / 9 T 6: flat omitted / 10 TB 1: flat

omitted / 10 SA 4-5: 0 0 / 11 SA 6: o / 13 A 2: 0 / 13 S 4: /

27

27

209

78 A

83 A

90 B:

106 T

extra

109 A

118 A

120 B

125 A

128 A

131 S

210

13 AB 6: o / 13 T 6: flat omitted / 13 T 7: 0 / 14 TB 1: flat

omitted / 15 A: section ends with extra o f' / 15 T 4: o /

15 B 5: "7 omitted / 15 S 6: 0

31. S: / T:I / ST: omitted / 4 S 1-2: b-flat' b-flat'

32-1. 6 AB 3: / 12 A 5: flat omitted / 12 A 7: / 14 AB 1:

14 A 1-4, 15 A 1: f' f' e' e' e'

32-2. 6 AB 3: / 8 A 3: / 12 A 5: flat omitted / 12 A 7:

14 AB 1:

34-1. B: C omitted / 3 S 4: * / 3 B 6-7: / 3 A 7: g' /

4 A 5-9: / 5 T 1-21: all e' / 5 B 20: e / 5 T 21:

'0 omitted

34-2. 3 A 7: g' / 4 A 5-10: 0

34-3. B C omitted! 3 B 6-7: /5 B 20: e

34-4. 1 S 7: omitted

34-5. 1 S 7: omitted

35. S: 03 /6 B 1: / 13 A lst beat: extra 7

36. SA:A omitted / 6 A 1-2: f' e' /6 A 5: / 7 S 4:

18 S 3:

37. 1 A1:

211

APPENDIX A

INSCRIPTIONS: SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 2,

f. lir, 30v, 43v

C E'H -H C)

ad Ca)-H *H a)

Cd

Cd d rd) ) .C

-H

-Ha)

0C*H

Cd

a,C

a)CCda'H

Ca'H

-H

a)

HH H H H a)

a) a) a) a) A

, , 'H 'H 'HE a) a

Ha)

'H

Ha)

-a

Ha)

a,Ad

a)

*i a) 'HC - a) a)

CaC)C)

'HCa)

HH'H0

U)

aH

0C)

cc)

HCd

0

C)

'H

C)a)a,-H

H'H

d

a)

0C)

Cd

r'HC)a)HH'H

H

0U)

CdC -

HH

a a aH &

Sd 0 t

rda) ard4-)

'H H a)

d 0C >aya a)CaO

H 'H'-HL.,J

'H 'H'-H a)a) a0a A&a) H P

HCdP,

Ca

-H

-H

C

a)

P4a)CC

Cd4-)

H )aa-)C)m,C

-H a)

212

a)a

rdrd 0*H a) %

-H M ca)tLi 4-) gOEd

a)4a,- za)

C)0H UH

0

a)4cda)

'a)

Ca0C)Ca

00C)Ca

H

a0C)Ca

H

a)a, d

C0U

a1) 4-Ard 0

Ca aa) 0E a)

HH

0H

H)

H

0 C t

- C C- co Cf

Ca0

?S:"a,

Cda,

Tr\

co)

Caa-

0)

-)

rdcd

Ca

CH

-)

a)

4-)

a)

rd

Cd

a)

C)

U

Ca

,C

-Ha)

,

C

*H

LOH

a)0

0

a)H'H

-Ha)

a) ord 0

rd0 a)

'H a)C) A

-a)

a,a)

C

,C

C

a)

0

Pa)H a

LJ

aa)a)

Ca

'd a

a) H HH a a% 'Ha)

a C H

Ca'Ha)Ca

Ha,

C)

coCd

a,a)

0A

C)

0a)C

,C

xa'HCa

H

C)

Ca

Cda,0E

d

C)

0C)

a,C)

a)

a)

dC)0

4-0a)

dC)0

H

a-)0,0Cd

d

C)jH

aJ

da)

a-)

a-)'d

'a)0

,C

EnCa

a)aa)

-Ha,

"C

rd

C

0H 0

'H 0H

a)0

a)H

E-c 0

'C E-ia ' Ca) COa 2H a) a)Co a)C a)H a) 'Ca) Qa) ao C) O E-

C) a)C) 'HC) C) a)>H H C)

213

INSCRIPTION (f. 30v)

Ju0 calito [or caliyol maestro de cabilya

214

INSCRIPT ION (f, 143v)

nican moma [or nona] canu oficio SeJor maestro de cabira .8'

Matheo yzdadan nuestro senor [ ] cabilla orlendio

des au nase [ I del puebro de yzdadan

215

APPENDIX B

SANTA EULALIA M. MD. 3, f. 9v

216

7U- 7u-z, tm -it-i

I... |I|1 -0

7U -ia ne- L, d - lm n-S

8 7A- L o-ni 7ne-av do - 7fL- fZa CO

me do- 7-msm A-nL-mL n- L o - 0-

I WI

8

.I.J% LA I i

--I -M

8 __~ ,~ ~~ d- m- mL77L

6

1ii

I - I I I

217

a r Te-c-L+ Au- mi ~~

an~- -u5-

-Fl --dm ..J4 1

26

an- e an- o --le suwo

-Fat| '

31

218

j A RIM. I - n--,-- In ___n I s - I L

-I.t L4 ___ i i j 1-

8 ns]om 7esge n -ca- i- o - i" e MW

41

219

SOURCES OF FIGURES AND PLATES

Figure 1. Wauchope, Robert, ed. Handbook of Middle American

Indians, 16. vols. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1965-76, VII, 47;

Figure 20. Codex Philipp J. Becker I (Le Manuscrit du Cacique), from the

upper strip of panels 8-9; Figure 21. Saville, Marshall H. The Wood-

Carver's Art in Ancient Mexico. NY: Museum of the American Indian, Heye

Foundation, 1925, 44.

Plate 1. Recinos, Adrin. Monografra del Departamento de Hue-

huetenango, 2nd edition. Guatemala: Editorial del Ministerio de Educa-

ci6n Publica, 1954, 368; Plate 2. LaFarge, Oliver. Santa Eulalia; The

Religion of a Cuchumata'n Indian Town. Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1947, 2; Plate 3. Ibid.; Plate 4. Recinos, op. cit., 17; Plate 5.

La Farge, op. cit., 34; Plate 6. Ibid., 88; Plate 7. Ibid., 99; Plate 8.

Tid. ; Plate 9. Ibid., 98; Plate 10. Ibid., 111; Plate 11. Ibid., 9;

Plate 12. Ibid., 89; Plate 13. Recinos, op. cit., 369; Plate 14. La

Farge, op. 'cit., 8; Plate 15. Ibid., 98; Plate 16. Recinos, op. cit.,

368; Plate 17. Ibid., 384; Plate 18. Recinos, Adrian. Monograjia del

Departamento de Huehuetenango, Re pub lica de Guatemala. Guatemala, A. C.,

1913, 212; Plate 19. Ibid., 208; Plate 20. La Farge, op. cit., 111;

Plate 21. Ibid., 35; Plate 22. Recinos (1954), op. cit., 337.

220

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