visual ties across enemy lines: rhetoric of the anti...
TRANSCRIPT
Visual Ties across Enemy Lines:
Rhetoric of the Anti-Vietnam War Poster Movement
By Cassandra Atira Richards
Cassandra Atira Richards is a freshman at Stanford University in Stanford, CA. She is an experienced
analyzer of the elements of compositions of Paul Gauguin’s art, the historical significance of art during the French Revolution, and a knowledgeable critique of works during a wide range of art movements. Atira Richards’ extensive art history background and her lifelong interest in the visual arts inspired her to write an essay that deals with the rhetorical devices incorporated in political posters during the Vietnam War.
This essay analyzes how political posters that were created during the Vietnam War reflected and altered the personal beliefs of the American population through visual means of rhetorical devices. Within the poster design, there is a pendulum effect in the mediums, the subject matter, and consequently public attitude. Citing multiple examples and contributors, the argument explains how elements of composition and design and rhetorical devices helped influence a shift in American citizens to reestablish the values that were breached upon during the Vietnam War.
Richards 1
Atira Richards Visual Rhetoric Dr. Alyssa O’Brien Research-Based Argument 1 December 2009
Visual Ties across Enemy Lines: Rhetoric of the Anti-Vietnam War Poster Movement
“When, on February 10, 1965, at the beginning of the bombing campaign against North Vietnam, the activities of several hundred picketers outside of the White House went virtually uncovered by the press, the antiwar movement was on few Americans’ news agenda…Later, when demonstrations received lead placement in all media, Americans had to conclude that the antiwar movement was a major issue about which they began to develop attitudes.”
Melvin Small’s quote captures the rising interest in the Anti-Vietnam protest movement
in America during the 1960’s and early 1970’s. With each passing day in 1965, the effects of the
Vietnam War were slowly becoming a visual reality for the American population. Documented
in daily newspapers and evening news reels were dead bodies, napalmed children, and burning
monks; soldiers falling, death tolls rising, and even more bombs dropping. As the reality of the
Vietnam War hit closer to home, it dawned on the American people that this war had escalated
into something much more than a simple peacekeeping mission, but a horrible, morally
misguided blood bath that was causing losses for both sides. While soldiers battled numerous
trials and tribulations on foreign shores in the Vietnam War, individuals against the war formed
antiwar campaign groups and engaged in multiple visual media venues such as printmaking to
publicize the peace effort. Soon enough, streets all over the nation were filled with mass throngs
of people, holding up peace signs and these influential political posters.
From a simple image to a sensational snapshot, each work was a window into the
tumultuous times of the Vietnamese-American conflict; the posters embody the efforts of
Richards 2
American citizens that catalyzed the peace movement against the atrocity of the Vietnam War.
The works created and images manipulated delve into the politically chaotic times and capture
rising resistance being taken against the war. Within these works exists a medium shift from
informational texts that utilizes logos to appeal to the demand for details about the war and unite
everyone towards the antiwar campaign; to colorful posters that exhibit ethos to address the
dehumanization of the Vietnamese; to juxtaposed images captured from actual battle scenes that
use pathos as a negative reinforcement measure to force Americans to reevaluate their ideologies
and rebuild their culture’s morality. The imagery evoked by the chaos of the war addresses
different domestic issues raised and pinpoints the progression of public attitude throughout the
war, and together the three trends present a multifaceted analysis of the rhetorical effects of these
images on the public. More specifically, the antiwar posters created during Vietnam War reflect
the change in public nomos and altered doxa throughout America’s involvement in the Vietnam;
and, by analyzing the rhetorical value of the content and creativity of the plethora of protest
posters produced, we can catalogue how the characteristics of American culture and ideals of
freedom were challenged and changed.
Knowledge is Power: Appealing to Logos to Spread the Message of Peace
As the United States’ involvement in Vietnam started to increase, explanations and
justifications were required. Caroline Page is a researcher in the effects of the media and
propaganda used by the American government. Her book U.S. Official Propaganda During the
Vietnam War 1965 – 1973, she catalogues the actions taken by the Administration throughout the
multiple phases of United States’ involvement and analyzes the different means by with the
government issued propaganda. In one section of her book entitled The Portrayal of the
Bombing, she notes:
Richards 3
One of the most difficult problems that the American propaganda organs faced during the Vietnam War concerned the nature of the conflict. The Administration most often portrayed the conflict politically as a straightforward contest between communists and non-communists and hence America’s role in it was part of a moral crusade against communist expansion. (96)
Members of the antiwar campaign had their own means of propaganda: posters. By creating
these easily readable displays of information, protestors would act as an alternate news outlet and
provide current events regarding America’s questionable involvement in the Vietnam War as a
persuasive tool to convince people to join the peace movement.
During the early years of the anti-Vietnam War movement, textual immersion was the
main recruitment tactic used by the peace supporters. Newspapers and speeches given by
President Lydon B. Johnson’s administration were the main sources of information available to
the public, while articles and images that reflected badly upon the war effort were kept out of
final production. Protestors sought to bring this controversial content to light in order to present
the Vietnamese-American conflict in its entirety. In order to reach their goal of gaining
supporters for the peace movement, protestors vocalized their demands to the public and hosted
info sessions to further educate the unbeknownst middle class. In the same way, posters focused
on informing the population and bringing the troops home. Multiple font types and sizes were
used to draw protestors’ projected audiences. Bullet points were also a key attention grabber that
allowed the viewer to grasp a summary of the overall message in an organized fashion.
Richards 4
Figure 1: This protest poster released by The Ministers’ Vietnam committee in 1963 uses logos by enticing “supporters of the campaign into rhetorically join Quang Duc’s visual protest through textual discourse” (Murray 20).
Most of the subject headers on these text-heavy posters focused on future protest
campaigns or speaker series geared towards divulging details about American operations in
North and South Vietnam. A small photo may have been featured, but their main appeal was in
Richards 5
the text. The poster on the previous page in Figure 1 builds logos by listing information
regarding the current situation in Vietnam and the government’s actions towards drafting more
soldiers. The listed number of people that are involved in the campaign, the numerous names of
leaders involved in this protest campaign are listed in two columns in the center, and their
official titles greatly enhance the logos of the poster. It uses powerful words in a large font to
entice the viewer in learning more, and refers to the audience with intimate titles such as
“brothers and sisters” and “friends” in an attempt to connect with the viewer on a more personal
level. The powerful photo of a Vietnamese Buddhist partaking in self-immolation as protest also
gives the poster pathos to further convince the audience to “Join our Protest!” By enlightening
the public about the happenings in South East Asia, posters helped the American population
formulate a deeper understanding of the United States’ battle overseas and form a stance against
the war.
Closing the Gap: Bridging the Great Divide over the War
Despite being fought on foreign soil, the Vietnam War affected a larger majority of
American citizens from multiple demographics due to the “political, racial, and cultural spheres,
the antiwar movement [that] exposed a deep schism within 1960s American society”
(Barringer).Young adults were being drafted to fight overseas, and those unable to provide
support overseas were expected to pay war taxes and abide by the domestic and international
decisions made by current president Lyndon B. Johnson. When the Vietnam War started to
escalate, the growing divide on the war issue became much more evident in the American
population; the majority of the population advocated the actions being taken in Vietnam, while a
small percent of the population actively campaigned against the foreign policies being
Richards 6
implemented. Within the large macrocosm of the United States, there were two microcosms that
erupted from the Vietnamese-American conflict: the silent majority and the vocal minority.
The “silent majority” raised no opposition in the early stages of the war because
involvement in Vietnam was seen as a counteracting force against the rise of communism in
Southeast Asia. Communism was still a huge concern with the American population and
maintained a negative reaction during this post-Cold War Era. Americans wanted stability in the
midst of the chaotic war, and the radicalism of the leftist protest groups clashed with the
traditional nomos of unyielding patriotism and national support. Caroline Page, a researcher on
the effects of the media and propaganda used by the American government, notes in her book,
U.S. Official Propaganda During the Vietnam War 1965 – 1973, “One of the most difficult
problems that the American propaganda organs faced during the Vietnam War concerned the
nature of the conflict. The Administration most often portrayed the conflict politically as a
straightforward contest between communists and non-communists and hence America’s role in it
was part of a moral crusade against communist expansion” (Page, 96). Even though the
protesters’ efforts had good intentions, the fact that a group was going against the social norm
was not initially well received by an overwhelming number of citizens.
The “vocal minority” of activist groups during that decade were not particularly focused
on the events occurring in Vietnam at first, but rather addressed other hot topics of the time such
as domestic civil rights issues and nuclear disarmament. Fred Halstead, an active participant in
the American antiwar movement, notes “the youth radicalization of the 1960’s did not begin
around Vietnam or within the old peace movement. Nevertheless, the change in mood was
reflected in some of the activities of groups which were a part of the old coalition” (Halstead 9).
Protest groups such as the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the National Committee
Richards 7
for a Sane Nuclear Policy (SANE) began to focus in on the current events in Vietnam and
relayed that information to the American citizens when the first huge wave of drafts were
introduced to the United States citizens in 1963 to recruit more and more military personnel for
land attacks against the Viet Cong forces. Protestors tried to pique the interest of their targeted
audience of middle-class citizens and college-age students by presenting multiple arguments that
criticized the war effort, but the general opinion towards protesting was negative. However, the
main catalyst of the anti-Vietnam war protest movement occurred in 1965 when the United
States started bombing North Vietnam. As the war escalated, the graph labeled Graph 1 shows
how the public support towards the war effort started to wane.
Protestors utilized the public’s drop in support to gain momentum in the peace campaign
and convert the public into supporters of the peace campaign:
Graph 1: This graph timelines the transgression of President Johnson’s public approval percentages in relation to multiple events during the Vietnam War.
Richards 8
Figure 2: These student posters made in 1970 use simple compositional elements to express their disdain about the poor treatment of S.E. Asian civilians.
Attracting members from college campuses, middle-class suburbs, labor unions, and government institutions, the movement gained national prominence in 1965, peaked in 1968, and remained powerful throughout the duration of the conflict.
Antiwar groups applied one of the most fundamental rights of the American citizen, the
freedoms of expression, in order to propagate the peace campaign and provide their projected
audience with as much information as possible regarding the actual happenings in Vietnam.
Societal values advocating loyalty to one’s government were dismissed as social liberties took
precedent. With their valiant efforts and poignant imagery, peace groups advocated a message
that resonated within the trying heartstrings of a polarized nation and utilized the kairos of
wartime.
Getting Creative with Civil Disobedience: Visualizing Opposition
As the Administration ordered more troops to be stationed in North Vietnam, the
government’s support system was slowly starting to
crumble. The rising war casualties convinced more and
more members of the American population to join the
peace movement and to act against the violence. People
were fed up with government’s inability to fully justify
and wanted answers now; as a result, posters became less
and less informative of current events and more
accusatory to reflect the rising anger of the American
public. In order to combat the war effort and to restore
standards of human equality, protestors decided to create a
visual attack against America’s cruel treatment of the
Richards 9
Vietnamese people.
Incities across the country, posters were plastered to phone poles to combat the
government-regulated images being forced upon citizens with some powerful visual messages of
their own. Figures 3 and 4 were created by Berkeley students in a political poster workshop in
1970. The images reference famous classical works such as Rubens’ Rape of the Daughters of
Leuccipus” and Goya’s Saturn Devouring his Child.1 The artist uses recognizable works in order
to establish a connection with the viewer, but puts a spin on the context in order to relate it to the
current times. It plays on the titles of the classic works and incorporates them into direct phrases
against the actions of the Administration. The poster on the left has labeled both dark-figured
assailants as the United States, suggesting evil connotations. The duality of the elements in
composition, the men and women, as well as the light and dark, reinforces the conflicting nature
of war and reaffirms the clash between contrasting cultures.
Richards 10
Figure 3: This student made poster references a classical work, and it connects with the viewer with a play on words to advocate a human rights campaign.
The posters are printed sloppily on cheap
computer paper, but ingeniously incorporate innovative
imagery and clever wordplay. Barry Miles, the main
compiler of these Berkeley prints, wrote 4973:
Berkeley Protest Posters 1970 in which he explained
the origins of Berkeley’s student protest and the
increase in campus protesting around the US. “The
posters are printed on computer paper, used for
telephone poles or other posts. Computer paper
contributed to the sense of urgency communicated by
these posters: produced at a time of great public unrest,
when calm and peace were essential,” explained Barry
Miles, “The contrast between the cheapest paper stock and the hasty, sloppy production of
posters, and the images themselves, which were often clever and sometimes beautiful, is
striking” (Miles, 2). The prints are simple in color choice and line, but have just enough detail to
convey a complete understanding of the subject to the viewer and make a quick impact. The
posters use ethos in order to evoke a reaction from the audience; Americans must rise up and
react to the ridiculousness of the war. In both works, America is presented as a wrongful force
engaging in terrible acts of cannibalism and assault, expressing the sentiments of rising public
opinion against the war. The poster in Figure 4 for example spells America as “Amerika,”
suggesting Slavic undertones and associating America with the Communist movement of Soviet
Russia. This intentional misspelling of America completely denounces America’s nomos as a
democratic society and illuminates the distortion of its self-awareness. The body the large beast
Richards 11
Figure 4: This poster addresses the victims of military police cruelty at multiple protest events.
is chewing greatly resembles the shape of North Vietnam upside down, implying that America
has turned the country upside down and is completely consuming it. 2 Ironically, America’s
attempt to stop the spread of communism has resulted in its being viewed as an equally evil
force; it has become the beast it has been battling.
Human After All: Preservation of Human Rights in Vietnam
The escalation of the Vietnam War indirectly jeopardized the upholding of unalienable
rights that are given to man and are instilled into the nomos of American culture. Life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness are three rights granted by the United States’ Declaration of
Independence, and they make up the foundation of American ideals and concept of freedom. The
doxa inherited by the hawkish war supporters portrayed the Vietnamese-American conflict as a
peacekeeping mission; members of the communist Vietcong needed to be stopped in order to
restore international balance. However, this U.S. imperialism was put into question as the
American public became disillusioned by the dehumanizing actions being implemented overseas,
as well as on home soil.
Although the American population initially supported the heroic actions of the American
government, their justifications for certain events occurring
overseas was put into question when the vile conditions
faced by troops and innocent civilians were unveiled. The
harrowing effects of the brutality of the war were never
supposed to reach the eyes of the American population, but
the media’s shift in support resulted in more news reels
depicting gruesome shots of soldiers lying face down in the
Richards 12
fields, scathing bodies mangled by napalm, and mangled Vietnamese civilians hit with shrapnel
from ground grenades. The scenes Americans had now been exposed to eradicated the previous
preconceived notions of the enemy and forced Americans to reevaluate the so-called “fight for
freedom” in Vietnam. The poor treatment of these innocent Vietnamese citizens was a violation
of human rights, and the United States was responsible. More so, this corruption of American
freedoms became evident within the boundaries of American soil.
As the antiwar movement started getting larger, the government’s means of handling
protest gatherings and marches were becoming more violent. In response, a new theme arose in
anti-Vietnam war material that was geared towards human rights, that of the innocent civilians in
Vietnam and the United States. The poster on the left, another print screen image courtesy of a
Berkeley student, depicts Uncle Sam pointing a gun directly at the viewer, the words WANTED
sprawled in large letters above him. Uncle Sam is a classic icon of America, a symbol of all that
America stands for. However, the significance of Uncle Sam wielding the gun suggests America
has betrayed its citizens and have taken the people’s liberties for ransom. In smaller text reads,
“for murder in Indochina, Jackson, Augusta, Kent, Chicago, Oakland…,” alluding to the killings
of civilians and soldiers in Vietnam and Cambodia, as well as the victims of antiwar
demonstration like the victims of the Kent State Massacre, and those fatally wounded at Jackson
State College while advocating peace. The ellipses suggest that more events were to be added to
the list if America wasn’t stopped. At this rate, the Americans could not afford to remain the
silent majority if this cruelty were to ever stop.
Explicit Content: Violence and Obscenity of Photo-Reality
Richards 13
Figure 5: This poster uses a graphic image taken by a photographer to shock its audience about the immoral acts being committed in Vietnam.
Figure 6: This poster acted as a reminder of the corrupted tactics America adopted during the Vietnam War.
By the 1970’s, the debate about America’s involvement of the war began to heat up
within the American population. Most of the population wondered how no progress could be
accounted for in Vietnam after being involved for over five years. More visually shocking
images appeared on news
cast, inspiring protestors to
incorporate stills from the
footage captured by the
media into their posters to
not only stir reactions from
the public, but to force
Americans to reevaluate what it meant to be American during
this chaotic period. The divides between the American
demographic were slowly beginning to dissolve, and people
from all walks of life were banding together to voice their
opposition to the continued bloodshed and extended occupation
in Vietnam.
One event in particular, the My Lai massacre, captured
the eyes and hearts of antiwar allies. The poster in Figure 5is a
blown up a photo taken by Ron L. Haeberle with a juxtaposed
snippet of text with the question “And babies?” and the response
Richards 14
“And babies.” Susan Niditch, a professor of religion at Amherst College, muses, “The photo
shocks and sickens. The 1970 photo of the innocent victims of war, babies and children strewn
on the road, a pile of human refuse, a scene of death frozen… Implicit is the question, how can
human beings do such things? Can any goal, military or political, justify such killing? The naked
bodies of dead children, utterly vulnerable, seem to answer “No.”’ This disturbing photo uses
pathos and ethos to evoke a gruesome reaction from the audience and force the viewer to
reanalyze their personal values. By setting up the text question-answer format is less critical than
the previous trends of posters and more meditative.
The question and answer inscribed on poster in Figure 6 more directly raises the issue of
American values. The question, “Would you burn a child?” is accompanied by a man in a
business suit holding a lighter near the forearm of a young child’s arm. The scene depicted is
ridiculous and it seems the obvious and logical answer to the question is no. However, as the
viewer glances at the lower portion of the poster, a photo of a Vietnamese woman cradling a
burned victim and a response is given: “When necessary.” The answer is just as striking as the
photo and completely contradicts with the logos established by the first part of the poster. On a
deeper level, this thought-provoking poster challenges the American citizen’s doxa and exposes
the United State’s inability to reason logically when it comes to ethical values; loyalty to the
country’s war campaign has taken precedence over ethical reasoning. America’s moral views
have become so distorted since their involvement in the war that there is justification to burn an
innocent child. The irony of the poster reflects the contradictory nature of the policies America
had implemented during the Vietnam War, and the pathos of the poster emphasizes the shock
value of the content. The commentary of the posters demanded that the public needed to
Richards 15
reestablish the public nomos present before the war began if America wanted to stop this moral
decay.
You Say You Want a Revolution: Reassessing and Restoring America’s Moral Foundation
America’s losing battle on the far-off land of Vietnam and the ramifications of their
involvement were not only the nadir of its foreign diplomacy history but also a low point for
American citizens. With all the reports of massacres and death sprees, the principles America
stood for and built itself upon had been damaged. The citizens could no longer seek solace from
their misleading and morally questionable government. Susan Martin, contributor in the book
Decade of Protest: Political Posters from the United States, Viet Nam and Cuba 1965-1975,
reaffirms this fact and notes,
Like hundreds of thousands of my generation, the war in Viet Nam was a seminal event in our psychic and social development. The forces for change that came together to create the antiwar movement were part of a zeitgeist that brought down the carefully constructed myths of a powerful and duplicitous government, and also unleashed an unprecedented revolution in social mores and a tidal wave of cultural production (Martin 11).
Despite this tribulation, Americans were able to recreate order where there was none. The
protest mood shift resulted in a new attitude adopted by the American population that was less
accusatory and rage-fueled, and more introspective and constructive: “Even in the most
desperate situations, people express themselves in creative languages that both reveal and
surpass the meanings of the conflict (and consensus) they were devised to reflect.” The
undertones of these visual arguments consisted of pathos to evoke a passionate reaction that
would translate into reshaping the American people’s moral bearings; ethos to encourage self-
reliance among the American population; and kairos to reinforce the importance of a moral
compass to guide American during the time of war and the fatal repercussions of deviating from
one’s ethics. The posters created by peace promoters brought to light the government’s ethical
Richards 16
mistakes and empowered the population to become passionate and create order during this
disorderly time. Thanks to the message conveyed by the posters, their creators, and supporters,
Americans could rise from the ashes of war with a reinvented outlook to unify a broken nation.
Come Together, Right Now: Moving Forward and Looking Back
In summary, American population sought stability in the midst of this chaotic war.
Throughout the course of the war, propaganda issued by antiwar student and social groups
illustrated multiple trends that correlated with the shift in communication mediums used by
protestors. Posters were initially analytical and text heavy, but they became more emotional and
visual as the war progressed. As more information regarding the war was revealed to the public,
posters addressed more controversial subjects, and ultimately generated an attitude shift within
the public realm. Ultimately, the vocal minority became less forgiving of the government’s
actions and more explicit with their material and demands. However, towards the end of the war,
the population became less angry and condescending; protestors stopped tearing apart the
government’s actions and focused reconstructing America’s image. “The posters and production
methods are uniquely American: democratically organized and big in scale” (Miles 1).
If not for the protest movement and the poster making, the American population would
have been voiceless, restless, and hopeless. By addressing the multiple failures of the
Administration and the evident dissent of the American population, posters inspired audiences to
collaborate with one another despite differences in order to try and fix the one nation they all
belonged to. The antiwar movement fostered unity between a spectrum of people and cultivated
social growth as a nation. On a more intimate level, this antiwar protest movement sparked
Richards 17
passions within individuals of the population and made the idea of actually bringing about
change attainable:
“… an age of idealism and rage, of energy and optimism, activism and dissent. The posters are living expressions of a period that forever changed the way America views itself and its institutions--and ultimately its role on the world's stage.”
Appendix
Appendix 1a: Rape of the Daughters of Leucippus by Rubens Appendix 1b: Saturn Devouring his Children by Goya
Appendix 2: Map of Vietnam
Richards 18
Works Cited
"Amherst Magazine Winter 2005: The Pain of War." Amherst College. Web. 25 Nov. 2009.
<http://www3.amherst.edu/magazine/issues/05winter/war/haeberle_brandt.html>.
Gustainis, J. Justin, and Dan F. Hahn "While the Whole World Watched: Rhetorical Failures of
Anti-War Protest." Communication Quarterly 36.3 (1988): 203-216. Communication &
Mass Media Complete. EBSCO. Web. 2 Nov. 2009.
Halstead, Fred. Out now! A participant's account of the American movement against the Vietnam
War. New York: Monad : distributed by Pathfinder, 1978. Print.
Images of an Era: the American Poster, 1945-75: [exhibition]. Washington: National Collection
of Fine Arts, Smithsonian Institution, 1975.
Kunzle, David, and Nguyen Ngoc Dung. Decade of Protest Political Posters from the United
States Vietnam Cuba 1965-1975. New York: Smart Art, 1996. Print.
Miles, Barry. 4973 : Berkeley Protest Posters, 1970. London: Francis Boutle Publishers , 2008.
Murray, Michelle "Still Burning: Self-Immolation as Photographic Protest." Conference Papers -
- National Communication Association (2007): 1. Communication & Mass Media
Complete. EBSCO. Web. 2 Nov. 2009
Oglesby, Carl. Ravens in the Storm: A Personal History of the 1960s Antiwar Movement. New
York: Scribner, 2008. Print.
Page, Caroline. U. S. Official Propaganda During the Vietnam War, 1965-1973 The Limits of
Persuasion. New York: Leicester UP, 1996. Print.
Richards 19
Small, Melvin. Covering dissent the media and the anti-Vietnam War movement. New
Brunswick, N.J: Rutgers UP, 1994. Print.
Teaching American History. Web. 02 Dec. 2009. <http://www.tahg.org/picsList.php>.
"The Anti-War Movement in the United States." Welcome to English. Web. 15 Nov. 2009.
<http://www.english.illinois.edu/maps/vietnam/antiwar.html>.
"Track 16 Exhibition: Decade of Protest: Political Posters from the United States, Viet Nam and
Cuba, 1965-1975." Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities. Web. 25 Nov.
2009. <http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Exhibits/Track16.html#Viet>.
Whittaker, Christine. "Vietnam's Tet Offensive (1968) on British Television: An Overview."
War and the Media: Reportage and Propaganda, 1900 - 2003 (2005): 214-17. Print.
Works Consulted
Alfano, Christine L. and Alyssa J. O’Brien. Envision: writing and research
arguments. New York: Pearson/Longman, 2008. Print.
"Anti–Vietnam War movement." Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th Edition (2009): 1.
Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 19 Oct. 2009.
Blanchard, Margaret A. "Mass Media and the Antiwar Movement." History of the Mass Media in
the United States: An Encyclopedia (1998): 370-373. Communication & Mass Media
Complete. EBSCO. Web. 2 Nov. 2009.
Richards 20
Brown, Josh, and Ellen Noonan "Calls to Action: Posters of the Anti-Vietnam War Movement."
Radical History Review 78 (2000): 141. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web.
<http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a2h&AN=9986934&site=ehost
-live> 20 Oct. 2009.
Culbert, David. "American Television Coverage of the Vietnam War: The Loan Execution
Footage, The Tet Offensive (1968) and the Contextualization of Visual Images." War and
the Media: Reportage and Propaganda, 1900 - 2003 (2005): 204-11. Print.
Fink, Robert. Vietnam, a View From the Walls : a Personal Compilation of Art, Posters,
Clippings, Documents and Recollections. Saskatoon: Greenwich & Allegra's News
Gallery, 1981-1982.
Harris, Victor. Shinto. New York: British Museum, 2001. Print.
McEldowney, Carol Cohen. Hanoi journal, 1967. Amherst: University of Massachusetts, 2007.
Print.