virginia's student secession movement
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Virginias Student Secession Movement:
Political Activism at the University of Virginia, 1859-1861
Emma Sanford
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The Formation and Activism of the Student Secession Movementi
the greatest enthusiasm prevailed among them, and each and every one seemed
anxious for an opportunity of vindicating the honour of Virginia, and meeting the enemyin battle.ii
The call for secession rang louder and clearer than at any other point in history
after the election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860. Beginning with the states of
the lower south, movement toward secession quickly gained momentum with long-time
fire-eaters like William Yancey and Edmund Ruffin espousing the conviction that the
liberty of all southerners would be doomed under the presidency of Abraham Lincoln.
The growing secessionist sentiment was strongest in the states of the Deep South, which
included South Carolina, Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, and Texas
with border-states like Maryland and Virginia maintaining their loyalty to the Union.iii
This can be seen in a comparison of the election results between state of Virginia and the
other southern states. Overall the Democratic candidate Breckenridge received 245 votes
to the Constitutional Unionist candidate Bells 232, while in Virginia the former lost to
Bell by five votes, 162-157.iv Virginians were encouraged to go to the polls, andvote
with an eye single to the preservation of the Union, the maintenance of the Constitution
and the Enforcement of the laws.v
On the day of the election the energy and tension was high at the University of
Virginia while Fred Fleet, Randolph McKim and their fellow students waited for the
votes to be counted:
the polls were opened in the Rotunda and the students commenced voting for
President. I soon went up there & voted & then came back to my room, but the
noise began to be so great I put down everything & staid until the voting was
overAfter the result was read out, there was a tremendous hurrah for Bell, &
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then cheers for Virginia, who had given him 5 majority.vi
Though Virginia differed from the deep southern states on its candidate preference and
unionist sentiment, the results show a common unity across the south rejecting Abraham
Lincoln and the Republican Party. Virginians believed that a vote for Lincoln was a vote
for disunion and that Lincoln must and will be defeated.vii The battle in the South was
between pro-secession and pro-union candidates. This division quickly became realized
when the deep South states seceded while the other southern states remained in the union.
Virginias elders did not see such an immediate danger in the election of Abraham
Lincoln to the presidency because southern states still maintained the majority in
Congress and the Supreme Court. They believed that the danger is in secession.
Virginias political leaders realized that the secession of the lower South would leave
them and other slaveholding states in the minority in Congress and they would thus be
coerced into secession, adding cowardice to treason.viii
However, Fred Fleet and his classmates were more willing to see secession as the
next honorable, necessary step that Virginia needed to take after the election of Abraham
Lincoln. The election of Lincoln marked a drastic change in the attitudes of many
students who had heretofore been wary of secession and the student movement was born.
This growing sympathy for the cause for southern liberty and independence was reflected
in their letters written to their families. Fred Fleet wrote of the Washington Literary
Society debate in which they discussed whether the South should secede since Lincoln
was elected. He, like other members present at the debate, believed that the South had
better secede now, while she can & not to wait until she cannot.ix He believed that it was
not of vital importance whether Bell or Breckenridge won Virginias vote; it was
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important the South stood united in its fate, and since the majority of southern states
voted for secession, Virginia should follow suit.x In his letter to his brother, Fred was
anxious to hear what his father and other Bell men thought about secession during the
elections.xi Many Virginia students began to wear the Colonial Cockade (a blue ribbon)
in their hats to show their support for the Southern independence movement and to
emulate the ardent Southern nationalists in South Carolina who began the trend.xii After
the election of Abraham Lincoln more students became inspired to action and they began
calling for the formation of military companies at the University to prepare themselves
for any upcoming conflicts.
xiii
In November of 1860, not all students of Virginia saw a need for the formation of
companies, nor wished to participate in the secession festivities. Charles Ellis Munford, a
student during the last antebellum school term, held this viewpoint and did not take part
because he believed that they interfered with his academic pursuits. xiv Young men like
Munford supported his states right to exercise the liberty of owning slaves and held that
the South should make the North acknowledge this right. However, he did not believe
that reaching an understanding with the northern states would require the dissolution of
the Union or the shedding of American blood.xv By the beginning of December more
students who shared Munfords opinion began to realize that the secession of Virginia
would soon become a reality. With the imminent secession of seven states led by South
Carolina in December 1860, students were forced to take sides. Munfords father was
aware of the position of his son and advised him to prepare for the turbulent times ahead
of him:
All these things demonstrate the necessity that our young men should furbish up
their armour. Not literally their swords and spears, but that mental armour which
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will enable them to take the lead and direct the unthinking masses.You are fast
hastening to the time when you must take your position. Leave no stone unturned
to gain all the knowledge you may now.Examine every question thoroughlynever go off half cockeda gun that does is the most dangerous weapon.xvi
While many students were excited about the future and the opportunities that could arise
for them, they also heeded the advice of their elders and took the time to discuss the
issues and contemplate the possible consequences of their actions.
The anticipation that Virginia would follow South Carolina continued to grow
through December and January as the General Assembly met on 7 January 1861 and
called for a special convention set for February 13th to debate the question of secession.xvii
The enthusiasm that University of Virginia students felt for the secession movement was
not widely shared throughout Virginia. There were still numerous Unionists who
opposed the special convention that would put secession to a vote. The decision for
Virginias secession would be made by delegates elected by the popular vote, so three
weeks of local but intense campaigning followed. Candidates ran as secessionists,
unionists, or moderates.xviii To the joy of conservatives and the chagrin of ardent
secessionists, less than 20 percent of secessionist candidates were elected to the
delegation. The conservative, pro-union sentiment still clearly dominated Virginia in
February. They remained in session discussing secession until March, which left many
ardent secessionists like Edmund Ruffin very frustrated: The Va. Convention continues
to do nothing, & the worthless legislature of Va., which now has nothing to do, continues
in session, so as to be spectator the Convention.xix Fire-eaters used this period of
inactivity and indecision to speak to the delegates and to garner support inside and
outside of the Convention. Combined with the perceived threat of President Lincolns
first inaugural address in which he stated that, the Union of these States is perpetual,
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the fire-eaters agitation influenced Virginians to become swayed by the benefits of
secession in mid-March.xx Secession was finally put to a vote on April 8th and the
unionists prevailed, winning 88-45.xxi
During this waiting period the students actively promoted secession and organized
militia companies at the university to ready themselves for Virginias exit from the
Union. Before students returned to their homes for the winter holiday, they requested
permission from the chairman of the faculty to form two separate companies, calling
themselves the Southern Guard and the Sons of Liberty.xxii Those who returned to
Charlottesville for the second semester found the grounds less populated because some of
their peers chose not to return, stating that they should be at home preparing
[them]selves for military service.xxiii Membership in the Southern Guard and Sons of
Liberty provided returning students the opportunity to combine their education with
military preparation to defend Virginia and their way of life against any northern
oppression.
The manner in which the groups met served dual purposes as they both prepared
for combat and advertised their cause by drilling on the University grounds. The
Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty had officers that led regular members in military
exercises. They drilled regularly during the winter and became quite proficient, the
experience thus being very useful to them later.xxiv Some of the officers were students at
the University of Virginia while the higher-ranking officers were generally selected
alumni from the Virginia Military Institute. The two companies were distinguishable
from each other by their different uniforms: the Sons of Liberty wore a red shirt, trimmed
with black velvet and brass buttons, a dark blue cape, and a white belt with a brass buckle
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and the Southern Guard wore a simpler uniform of a blue shirt, pantaloons, and a cap.xxv
Uniforms helped legitimize the groups and bolstered group cohesion and pride. Members
drilled on the grounds of the university at Carrs Hill and on The Lawn, two well-known
and accessible points of the universitys layout. The Lawn was a traditional and revered
meeting place on campus where students heard announcements (like the election results)
and was surrounded on two sides by dormitories, an instructional building on the third,
and the Rotunda on the fourth. The Rotunda stood as a beacon of Thomas Jeffersons
legacy and inspired students to follow in the founders footsteps.
Students utilized the symbolic power of the Rotunda to meet their own ends in
February 1861. Seven students, who came to be known as the immortal seven planned
a demonstration on the grounds to show the state assembly that they supported South
Carolinas secession and that Virginia should follow suit. Randolph H. McKim, R.C.M.
Page, James M. Garnett, John Latane, William Wirt Robinson, George Bedinger, and P.
Lewis Burwell had a copy of the Confederate flag sewn in the town of Charlottesville,
bought a saw, and arranged for a pole to be placed on Carrs Hill. The seven were
determined to break into the Rotunda and unfurl the flag atop the universitys most-prized
building, declaring their support for the Confederate States of America. While the
student body applauded the efforts of the immortal seven, the professors had a more
mixed reaction. The beloved Professor Bledsoe told them to remove it, but only after
saying that no doubt the young men who put the flag up there are the nicest gentlemen
in Collegeand I hope some of you who love it will go up there and take it down; but
gentlemen, do it gently. He supported their cause, but did not believe the flag should be
flown until Virginia had actually seceded. However, his less-popular counterpart,
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Professor Minor, reflected the conservative, pro-Union professors attitude, saying Flag
of my country, can it be/ That in thy place a rag I see.xxvi The students removed it
accordingly, but would not be placated. They unfurled it from the pre-arranged pole on
Carrs Hill. Though the professors ended the demonstration of southern nationalism, the
action took its effect on the grounds and in the community of Charlottesville.
Similar flags were seen sprouting throughout the university and the residents of
Charlottesville followed the students example and raised flags of their own.xxvii The
university and community were further affected by the student activists as other students
and people from the community watched the companies during drills, which kindled a
martial flame in the onlookers.xxviii James Garnett recounted that the companies drilled
regularly during the winter and became quite proficient.xxix The University Magazine
noted that by February the military spirit has become irrepressible. The consequence is
we now have in our midst two companies of student-soldiery, officered, armed, and
uniformed and already able, we modestly venture, to stand all in a row, with toes out
and eyes front.xxx The activities of the students also inspired some of their professors
who formed their own companies, though others remained tied to their conservative
opinions and opposed the secession movement and their preparations for confrontation
with the north.xxxi Professor Schele, who had some knowledge of military operations,
trained his willing colleagues in drills and military formations. Another professor
recounted that the company performed its evolutions in a private room; but later on,
grew bold enough to appear on the Lawn, to the boundless amusement of the better
drilled students.xxxii The student movement had really taken hold on the grounds as now
the respected professors were following the progressive actions of their pupils and
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preparing themselves for the defense of their homeland.
The student movement further gained popularity and respect from the outside
community as the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty interacted with other local
volunteer military companies and demonstrated their skills by participating in parades
that were held on campus and that ran through the town of Charlottesville.xxxiii Members
of the companies, like University of Virginia students Randolph Fairfax and John S.
Patton, also used their military skills to pay homage to Thomas Jefferson by participating
in a parade on April 13th at the University in celebration of Jeffersons birthday. While
they performed a battalion drill on the Lawn of the University of Virginia with the
Albemarle Rifle Company and the Monticello Guard, Captain Edward S. Hutter received
a telegram that he then read to the gathered onlookers: Fort Sumter has surrendered
and the Palmetto Flag now floats over its walls.xxxiv Those in attendance were either
very pleased or greatly dismayed by the news. The fall of the United States fort meant
that the Virginia Legislature would have to make a final decision: remain in the Union or
join the Confederacy. James Garnett voiced the opinion of pro-secession students that the
Civil War began on April 15, the day that President Lincoln called for 75,000 men to
crush the so-called rebellion.xxxv He believed that it was this action, coupled with the
surrender of Fort Sumter, that hurried up [the] old fogy Convention and compelled it to
secede.xxxvi
In a letter to the editor of the Daily Richmond Examiner, a student described the
atmosphere at the university, that Everybody here is on the qui vive for political news.
Study is no longer fashionable. Excitement is intenseyou have no idea how intense.
Hordes of students have left.Last night the University, in some localities was brilliantly
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Coleman came amongst us to wish us godspeed.xliii Always the professor, Coleman
scolded the 300 student-soldiers in kindly fashion for running away from our books,
but far more eloquent than the reproof upon his lip was the smile in his eye.xliv
Though he did not want to make the decision for the students who sought his counsel on
the matter of Harpers Ferry, Lewis Coleman did confess his sorrow that he did not leave
them with an inspiring speech as they left the University of Virginia. He realized that
some of them [he] may never see again, and upon the verge of so important a step, [he]
failed to urge upon them the performance of their whole duty in this matter.xlv
After receiving the messages from their beloved professors, the companies
rendezvoused with their fellow volunteers of the Albermarle Rifles and Monticello Guard
at the Charlottesville train station.xlvi They all disembarked at Stratsburg and began their
18-mile march to Winchester, but were slowed by the unexpected pain in their feet and
pro-Unionists who had not yet heard that Virginia was seceding from the Union. An
onlooker described the student militia, stating that, the greatest enthusiasm prevailed
among them, and each and every one seemed anxious for an opportunity of vindicating
the honour of Virginia, and meeting the enemy in battle.xlvii However, by the time they
arrived at Harpers Ferry, the students found the arsenal burned to the ground by northern
forces and had to wait until April 22nd to receive their next assignment. The students
were unhappy to hear that the governor was ordering them to return to the University of
Virginia to finish the school term after only four days of action at Harpers Ferry
instead of allowing them to continue their defense of Virginia from other Northern
offenses.xlviii Governor Letcher tried to assuage their disappointment by telling them that
in their ranks there was too much talent to be risked in one body.xlix The university
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volunteers were disappointed that they did not see action at Harpers Ferry, but they
nevertheless reveled in what they had accomplished since the companies were formed: I
think we were rather glad that we were leaving the Ferry, though our military ardor was
not quite cooled down by our short but arduous campaignon the whole we were very
much pleased with our expedition, and considered war fine fun in those days.l
The students who chose to return to the University of Virginia realized that they
had already partaken in what would become a turning point in American history. Some
of the company members kept an autograph book and had their fellow members sign
them, recounting their time in the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty and their
expedition to Harpers Ferry. Most of the messages also look forward to future battles
and the honor that they believed they would earn on the battlefield. David Barton wrote a
message to Edward Hutter applauding him for his past actions and encouraging him in
future endeavors: I shall never forget the time spent at Harpers Ferry under your
command. Your prudent and manly deportment at that place are to me sufficient
assurances of your future successmay the cause of the South continue to be as dear to
you as present.li The light-hearted and confident feel of the notes depicted the common
feeling of anticipation and excitement of the moment, where the students-turned-soldiers
believed that together they could defeat any Yankee rabble that dared attack them. Their
time at the university and their involvement in the student militias bound these young
men together as brothers. R.W. Hunter wrote of this brotherhood in J. Compton Frenchs
book, writing that, with kindest regard and most affectionate recollections of our college
intimacy, I subscribe myself your sincere friend and well-wisher.lii In a message to
Randolph H. McKim, Nelson Kinloch summed up his love for his fellow student-soldier
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and also the hope for a better future:
Our college intercourse is, I fear, forever past: but it has sufficed to form afriendship the bonds of which the lapse of time can only strengthen.Farewell
dear Ran, words can but faintly express my feelings with you. May we meet
again on those bright shores where tears never dim the eye, and where parting isnot known.liii
It was these feelings of loyalty to one another and the Southern Cause that motivated
many students to withdraw from the University of Virginia upon their return to
Charlottesville and enlist together in the same companies in the burgeoning ranks of the
Confederate Army.
The students who were members of the Southern Guard and Sons of Liberty were
their generations activists. They took advantage of the opportunities afforded them by
their standing in society and by the University of Virginia to take a stand for the most
important issue of their lifetime. They banded together to use their capabilities and
common ideals to change their society and become the leaders they so desperately
wanted to be. Through their involvement with the volunteer militias, they inspired their
community, their peers, elders, and themselves. They came to believe that together they
could bring about change, and by Gods grace, win the forthcoming war against the
North. The secession movement gave these young men of Virginia the opportunity for
leadership they had so long desired, to prove their manliness in their own right and to
maintain their honor through action.
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i I wish to acknowledge historian Peter Carmichael as it was The Last Generation: Young Virginians in
Peace, War, and Reunion that brought to my attention the student movement at the University of
Virginia. Carmichaels article Crusading Confederates further highlighted the student activities in the
secession movement at the University of Virginia. Both works provided the building blocks for mythesis, which specifically examines the influence the university environment had on the young men at
the University of Virginia and how the bonds formed there were manifested in the student movement
and led them into the Civil War.ii Daily Richmond Examiner. Vol. XIV no. 46. 22 April 1861. Newspaper, Albert and Shirley Small
Special Collections Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.iii James M. McPherson. Battle Cry of Freedom. 235.iv Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds. Green Mount, Letter from Fred to Benny, October 29, 1860. 38.v Torget and Ayers. Two Communities in the Civil War. 77.vi Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds Green Mount, Letter from Fred to Benny, October 29, 1860.
p.38.vii Torget and Ayers. Two Communities in the Civil War. 78.viii Ibid. 80-81.ix Betsy Fleet and John D.P. Fuller, eds Green Mount, Letter from Fred to Benny, November 10 th, 1860.,40.x Ibid.xi Ibid.xii Ibid, Letter from Charles Ellis Munford to Sallie, November 10th, 1860, in Ellis-Munford-Young
Papers. Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia,
Charlottesville, Va.xiii Letter from Charles Ellis Munford to Sallie, November 10th, 1860, in Ellis-Munford-Young Papers.xiv Ibid.xv Ibid.xvi George Wythe Munford to Charles Ellis Munford. 9 December 1860. In Ellis-Munford-YoungPapers, Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collection Library, University of Virginia,
Charlottesville, Va.xvii Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia.xviiiWilliam C. Davis and James I Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. (Lexington: University Press
of Kentucky, 2005), 2-3.xix As quoted in Virginia at War, 1861. 7.xx As quoted in William Gienapp. This Fiery Trial. 90.xxi William C. Davis and James I Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. 8-14.xxii Journals of the Chairman of the Faculty of the University of Virginia, 1858-1861. December 13th
1860., Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections Library, University of Virginia,Charlottesville, Va.xxiii Socrates Maupin Papers, 1831-70, Accession #4215, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections
Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.xxiv Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia.xxv Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 265.xxvi As quoted in W.G. Bean. Stonewalls Man: Sandie Pendleton. 31-32.xxvii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 267-269., Papers of John Shelton Patton.xxviii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 267.xxix Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia.xxx John S. Patton. Jefferson, Cabell, and the University of Virginia. 204.xxxi Ibid. 204-5.xxxii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 279.
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xxxiii Rev. Philip Slaughter. A Sketch in the Life of Randolph Fairfax. 15.xxxiv Papers of John Shelton Pattonxxxv Capt. James Mercer Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia.xxxvi Ibid.xxxvii Daily Richmond Examiner, Vol. XIV, no. 43. April 18, 1861. Newspaper, Manuscript, Albert
and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.xxxviii
Ibid., John S. Patton. Jefferson, Cabell, and the University of Virginia. 208-209.xxxix William C. Davis and James I. Robertson, Jr. eds. Virginia at War, 1861. 18.xl Journals of the Chairman of the Faculty of the University of Virginia, 1858-1861. 17 April 1861.,
Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.xli Rev. Philip Slaughter. A Sketch of the Life of Randolph Fairfax. 15.xlii Ibid.xliii Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia. 276-279.xliv Gordon W. McCabe. Virginia Schools Before and After the Revolution, an address. 27 June 1888.58-60.xlv J.L. Burrows, D.D. The Christian Scholar and Soldier: Memoirs of Lewis Minor Coleman.
(Richmond: Bailey & Co., 1864).xlvi Ibid.xlvii Daily Richmond Examiner, Vol. XIV no. 46. April 22 1861. Newspaper, Rare Book, Albert and
Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.xlviii Ibid., Philip A. Bruce. History of the University of Virginia, 278.xlix John S. Patton. Jefferson, Cabell, and the University of Virginia. 210-211.l James Garnett. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia.li Edward Hutters Album and Autograph Book of the University of Virginia.lii Belonging to J. Compton French (1860-1861). Bohns Album and Autographs of the University of
Virginia, with a short history, and beautifully illustrated with twenty steel engravings and portraits of
the professors and officers. (Richmond: J.W. Randolph, 1859). Rare Book, Manuscript, Albert andShirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.liii Autograph Album of Randolph H. McKim, Session 1859-1860 (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott & Co.,
1859). Rare Book, Manuscript, Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections, University of Virginia,Charlottesville, Va.
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Bibliography
Primary
University of Virginia Albert and Shirley Small Special Collections
Autograph Album of Randolph H. McKim, Session 1859-1860 J.B. Lippincott & Co.:
Philadelphia, 1859.
Belonging to J. Compton French (1860-1861). Bohns Album and Autographs of the
University of Virginia, with a short history, and beautifully illustrated with twenty steel
engravings and portraits of the professors and officers. J.W. Randolph: Richmond, 1859.
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Bohns Album and Autographs of the University of Virginia, with a short history, and
beautifully illustrated with twenty steel engravings and portraits of the professors and officers.
John Murphy & Co.: Baltimore, 1859.
Burrows DD, J.L. The Christian Scholar and Soldier: Memoirs of Lewis Minor Coleman.
Smith, Bailey & Co.: Richmond, 1864.
Correspondence and Papers of Socrates Maupin, 1835-1870.
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Ellis-Munford-Young Papers. George Wythe Munford to Charles Ellis Munford. 9 December
1860.
-- Letter from Charles Ellis Munford to Sallie, 10 November 1860.
Garnett, Capt. James Mercer. Personal Recollections of the University of Virginia at the
Outbreak of the War of 1861-65.
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McCabe, Gordon W. Virginia Schools Before and After the Revolution with a sketch of
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Papers of John Shelton Patton. Manuscript.
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Bean, W.G. Stonewalls Man: Sandie Pendleton. University of North Carolina Press:
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Carmichael, Peter S. The Last Generation: Young Virginians in Peace, War, and
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