The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 16 | Issue 8 | Number 1 | Apr 15, 2018

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U.S. Veterans (and the Okinawa Dugong) Reveal MCASFutenma’s Infringement of U.S. Navy’s Safety Standards: Callfor Immediate Closure of the Base

Miyume TANJI, Daniel Broudy

Dedication: This essay is dedicated to them e m o r y o f D r . A r a s a k i M o r i t e r u(http://www.okinawatimes.co.jp/articles/-/230920), Professor of Politics at Okinawa Universitywho passed away on March 31, 2018.

Introduction

For many years in Okinawa, Marine Corps AirStation (MCAS) Futenma in the heart ofGinowan City has been synonymous withdanger. In 2003, when surveying thecontroversial installation from the air, UnitedStates Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeldremarked that this, “base is the mostdangerous in the world.”1 On this occasion,Rumsfeld’s vantage point was that of someonein flight, such as a U.S. pilot or other flightpersonnel operating from the base rather thanthat of nearby residents in Ginowan City, thenover 90,000. On the ground, the local peopleexperience danger daily in intensely visceralways.

Especially since the rape of a local 12-year-oldgirl by three U.S. military personnel in 1995and the announcement that followed in 1996 toclose down MCAS Futenma, stories of dangerhave been told and re-told in conjunction withthe claimed necessity of moving Futenmaoperations from Ginowan City to the coast ofCamp Schwab (Henoko). This claimednecessity, known as the ‘Futenma replacementfacility’ (FRF), also necessitated massive landreclamation of the Oura Bay area, which wouldmake marine life expendable. This life extendedto include marine mammals such as thedugong, as well as sea turtles and coral

colonies and their habitat.

As is well known to readers of this journal,Okinawan people have protested in peaceful,though often impassioned, acts of civildisobedience against the FRF constructionplans for over twenty years. These acts put atrisk the lives of protestors calling attention toimpending risks to the environment. But risk, itshould be noted, is also present for Americanpilots who operate the aircraft. The 2004 crashof a CH-53 Sea Stallion onto the campus ofOkinawa International University, adjacent toMCAS Futenma, is another vivid example ofimminent risks and constant concerns of thoseon the ground and in the air.2 Then, Marinesfrom the adjacent Air Station were immediatelydispatched to the university and “kicked outnot only reporters and cameramen, but also theOkinawan firemen who had come to put out theblaze, [as well as] local police who had come toinvestigate the cause of the accident, and eventhe mayor of the town.”3 While the Marinesmiraculously dodged killing themselves andlocal people, the crash humiliated Okinawansby denying them sovereignty and inculcating asense of precarious existence under a foreignoccupation force, in their own land.

Figure 1: source,Authors (December 22,2017)

Local residents’ sense of danger has beenresurrected recently by a series of potentiallylife-threatening accidents in December 2017:

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landing of a window frame and a cylindricalobject on the adjacent residential area inGinowan City, both from a flying CH-53 SeaStal l ion deployed at MCAS Futenma,respectively striking an elementary schoolground (one child was slightly injured),4and theroof of a child care center.

VFP-ROCK Announce Findings on ‘ClearZones’

At a press conference on March 5, 2018 inNaha City,5 veterans of the U.S. military andJapanese Self-Defense Forces (as well asassociate members) of Veterans For Peace -Ryukyu Okinawa Chapter Kokusai (VFP-ROCK)publicized an open letter to General James N.Mattis, U.S. Secretary of Defense, alerting thepublic to the base’s infringement of regulationsregarding ‘clear zones’ set by the U.S. Navy.The group called for the immediate closure ofthe base. The letter emphasizes the fact thatmilitary veterans remain driven in largemeasure by concern for the safety of pilots andflight personnel as well as by their commitmentto peace.

Directly addressing a long list of the highestranking decision-makers of the U.S. nationalsecurity state,6the letter plainly highlights theimportance of safety to U.S. military personneland cautions against the next big accident thatmay endanger the future viability of Okinawaitself as a U.S. military outpost. VFP-ROCK’sopen letter joins other local public demands tohalt, among other things, all routine U.S.military flights above educational institutions(Figure 1 illustration): eight local universitypresidents and the headmaster of a nationalinstitute of technology in Henoko, all publiclyappealed just three days after the VFP pressconference to both Tokyo and the U.S. militaryto cease all flights over educational institutionsin Okinawa (pre-school, primary, secondary andtertiary).7

The present article examines the recent VFP-

ROCK effort to publicize the U.S. Navy’s ‘clearzones’ safety regulations and their connectionto the ongoing transnational court case againstthe DoD’s plan for Futenma’s replacementfacility (FRF) construction in Henoko-Oura Bayfor failing to protect the survival of theendangered Okinawa dugong. This articleargues that the maintenance of the FutenmaBase ultimately undermines the legitimacy ofthe Japanese and U.S. governments’ mutualpolicy of dealing with ‘danger’ by transferringit to another location in Okinawa. Togetherwith the audio-visual records accompanying theanalysis, the article underlines the danger thatGinowan City residents live with daily whilepointing out the irony that the legal initiativefor the dugong conservation might, in fact,protect the safety of U.S. personnel flying toand from MCAS Futenma.

‘Clear Zones’ in the Letter of the Law

In its open letter, VFP-ROCK shared with thepublic the incriminating evidence that MCASFutenma is the most dangerous base in theworld: this base patently breaches the U.S.military’s own safety regulations governing thelegal uses of U.S. airports and airbases. Thecentral element of the U.S. military’s safetyregulations here is distilled in the ‘clear zone’regulations: “areas immediately beyond theends of runways and along primary flight paths,[which] have the greatest potential foroccurrence of aircraft accidents and shouldremain undeveloped,” as stipulated in [4.a.(1)]of Section 11010.36c of the US Navy’sOperations Instructions (OPNAVINST).

This OPNAVINST Section documents formalorders of U.S. Naval policy, procedures, andrequirements for the safety of Navy and MarineCorps Air Installations, issued by the Chief ofNaval Operations. It mandates the existence ofclear zones, “for all active runway ends”[4.b(1)] and “No structures (except airfieldl ight ing) bui ld ings or abovegroundutility/communications lines should normally be

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located in clear-zone areas on or off theinstallation” [Note 4 to table 2]. Namely, theregulations specify that no structures withinthe so-called clear zones should be presenteither on or off military installations.

Figure 2: “Danger posed by Futenma airoperations”

MCAS Futenma flight operations clearly violateOPNAV regulations: as Figure 2 shows, thereare 18 educational institutions within its so-called clear zones, where the regulationsspecify that no civilian structures should bepresent, either on or off military installations.8

While much of the northern clear zone isoccupied by a stretch of trees (clearly visible inFigure 3), it appears from a glance at overheadimagery to be bounded tightly on both sides bynumerous civilian structures such as housesand schools. The image in Figure 3 shows howa window and its frame could have landed atFutenma Daini Elementary School onto theplayground in December 2017 as a CH-53 SeaStallion9 approached the Futenma flight line.

Figure 3

The trouble appears much more evident at thesouthern approach of the clear zone. Occupiedby Kamiojana, a local community crammed withhomes and places of business, the area alsofeatures a popular park and playgrounddirectly on the flight path just outside the fenceline. On any day free from rain many childrenand their families enjoy leisure or sportingactivities at Sakura Koen (Park). The panoramaview in Figure 4 illustrates the direct line fromapproach lights (within the fence) to the parkand playground beyond where countless housesand apartment buildings also lie.

Figure 4: Panorama of Sakura Park withsouthern approach to Futenma Air Station

How does the Futenma base maintainoperations in light of obvious violations ofOPNAV ‘clear zones’ regulations? The adverb‘normally’ in Section 11010.36c 4.b(1)potentially releases MCAS Futenma from theinfringement for being located outside “USterritories or its possessions.”10 For U.S.activities in overseas bases, as in Okinawa,

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OPNAVINST dictates the development of AirInstallations Compatible Use Zones (AICUZ)studies, “if such action supports host nationpolicy for protecting operational capabilities ofthose activities, and for on-base planninggoals.”

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The bottom line of the AICUZ Program is theimperative of curtailing crashes and accidentsbetween the U.S. forces and, in the case ofFutenma, the government of Japan. Althoughthe Environmental Review Report for the MV22Osprey at MCAS Futenma acknowledges theclear zones “encroachment” into surroundingresidential areas, the AICUZ studies on MCASFutenma have been limited to a “noise studyonly.”

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Safety issues arising from aircraftcrashes and other mishaps around the Futenmabase are simply ignored.

Thus, VFP-ROCK argued for developingcomprehensive AICUZ studies on the presentdanger of aircraft crashes and accidents,“relating to the safety not only of the citizens ofGinowan City but also to … the pilots andpassengers on aircraft flying in and out ofMCAS Futenma.”13 Lummis offers an importantobservation: “On that tragic day (Friday thethirteenth) in 2004, those boys [Marines] mighthave got their helicopter back into the base ifthat tall school building had not been in theway.”14 If destruction of Oura Bay is to proceedfor the planned FRF, construction of the newbase will require decades. “Waiting, withfingers crossed,” Lummis observes, “for thenew base to be built [without another mishap atFutenma] is hardly a solution.”15 The VFP-ROCK letter concludes with a call for theimmediate closure of MCAS Futenma, with orwithout the FRF to protect U.S. pilots andcrewmembers navigating their approaches tothe Futenma base over the natural landscapeand civilian ‘obstructions’ (schools, hospitals,buildings, parks).

The Dugong Connection

The members of VFP-ROCK appear to havetaken their cues from Rumsfeld’s 2003 “mostdangerous base in the world” remark. Hisobservation suggests the possibility that U.S.leaders might, at least, consider the Baseclosure out of concern for the safety of U.S.military personnel, in contrast with the lowlevel of concern shown to the local residents’safety. Repeated pleas over the years fromOkinawan people to immediately close theFutenma Base have been met with the U.S. andJapanese governments’ mantra of an imperativeto speed up the FRF construction in Henoko-Oura Bay. The recent VFP-ROCK open letter,calling for the prompt closure of the FutenmaBase, and other Okinawans’ protests againstFRF in Henoko-Oura Bay, may appear to casualo b s e r v e r s t o b e s e p a r a t e c a l l s f o raction—isolated collective actions withdifferent emphases on exactly whose safety isof priority. This, however, is not the case.

The intelligence on the OPNAV regulations, noteasily accessible to the general public, wasunearthed and shared twelve years ago by therenowned Naha architect Makishi Yoshikazu,whose technical and scientific contributions tothe movement have been critical over thedecades. Makishi is one of the Okinawanplaintiffs in the ongoing transnational lawsuit,for endangering the Okinawa Dugong’ssurvival, against none other than Secretary ofDefense Rumsfeld since September 2003(Figure 5).

Figure 5: Graphic illustration of former

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U.S. Navy Captain (O6) Rumsfeld squaredoff against Okinawan marine mammal.

The Okinawa Dugong, three Okinawanresidents, as well as U.S. and mainlandJapanese environmental NGOs have taken theU.S. Department of Defense (DoD) to court inthe United States on the charge of violating theNational Historic Preservation Act (NHLA) in“Section 402 by failing to take into account theadverse effects of base construction plan on thedugong in drawing up the construction plan” ofthe Futenma Replacement Facility in Henoko-Oura Bay, demanding that DoD cancel itsconstruction.16

During hearings over the lawsuit, Makishidiscovered the OPNAV instructions on ‘clearzones’, among numerous documents submittedby the defendant (DoD) to the court, to assessthe applicability of NHLA to this case.17 Makishirecognized that the U.S. government’s owndocuments show illegal flight operations at theBase.

Makishi shared this knowledge with thenMayor of Ginowan City, Iha Yoichi, whodeclared the Base’s “safety failure” on 1November 2006, on the basis of its violation ofOPNAV ‘clear zone’ regulations. The Mayor ofGinowan City demanded an immediate closureof the Base, just as VFP-ROCK has recentlydone. When VFP-ROCK was established inOctober 2015, Makishi joined as a foundingAssociate Member, and in March 2018, withVFP-ROCK Coordinator Douglas Lummis, hewrote a letter addressed to the U.S. StateSecretary this time stressing the safety of U.S.personnel. Transnational advocacy to stopfurther U.S. military build-up in Okinawa hasorganically developed an alternativeperspective of the ‘danger’ associated with theFutenma Base among the environmentalistsand military veterans working tirelessly forpeace: in this case accentuating the safety ofAmerican personnel, and the planet’s marinebiodiversity.

Dangers Yesterday and Today: Why the‘Clear Zones’ Can’t Be Cleared

Observers unfamiliar with history often askwhy Okinawans would even build their homesin such immediacy to an active airbase. MCASFutenma was constructed just after the Battleof Okinawa.18 With local people still held inconcentration camps as refugees, U.S. militarybulldozers arrived in Ginowan to bury tombsand flatten houses and farmland for the newbase construction. Local residents wereessentially kicked out—many had no choice butto remain in the vicinity of the airbase andattempt to rebuild their lives and livelihoods.Today, the people of Okinawa Main Islandhave, for the entire post-WWII decades, livedwith U.S. military aircraft operating from thevarious bases in close proximity to the now-dense populations whose dwellings and placesof business have been both threatened by andstruck by aircraft.

Nevertheless, MCAS Futenma has notrepresented the sole danger to local residents.Though 59 years have passed since thetragedy, yearly commemorations are held atMiyamori Elementary School in Uruma Citywhere, in 1959, a U.S. fighter pilot safelyejected from his troubled jet (based at KadenaAir Base) which flew unmanned and crashedinto the school, killing 18 children. Asparticipants in the annual ceremony “pray forthe repose of the victims … and for lastingpeace,”19 casualties of U.S. military ‘mishaps’continue to constitute a collective trauma thatremains engraved in the island’s history ofcolonialism.

Today, besides the approaches over ‘clearzones’ taken by fixed-wing aircraft, such as theC-130, various rotary-wing aircraft based atMCAS Futenma also routinely circle overGinowan City and other neighboring urbanareas on training flights. Figure 6 illustratesthe proximity of flight with the structures onthe ground.

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Figure 6: CH-53 Sea Stallion on routineover-flight.

We describe this area in greater detail in ourbook Okinawa Under Occupation (2017)because of widespread comments offered byconservative commentators that this location inGinowan City, with its natural topography andstructural barriers, is neither threatened by nora threat to approaching U.S. military aircraft.The aircraft, we point out, “come in so low overMaehara and Kamiojana … that observers, ifthey were standing on someone’s rooftopenjoying the view, will develop the sense thatthey can touch the bellies of the aircraft.”20 Anillustration of what people in the communityexperience on the ground and what pilots mustnavigate through on their approach can befound in the video clip (Figure 7).

Figure 7: Osprey overflight ofKamiojana housing area

Various commentators both inside and outsideof Japan have, we feel, hastily dismissed thesafety issues and have downplayed the realpotential for another future mishap involvingthese aircraft . We suspect that suchcommentary comes from a position of relativeignorance assumed by people who remaingeographically remote from the position ofpeople here both on the ground and in theirtraining maneuvers overhead. The March pressconference in Naha prompted us to examinemore carefully the perspectives of people onthe ground as well as in flight. While militaryregulations preclude our engaging directly withpilots of these aircraft, we were able to reachout to those who make their lives in theFutenma clear zone among the prohibited“ b u i l d i n g s [ a n d ] a b o v e g r o u n dutility/communication lines.” The video clip atFigure 8 illustrates the difficulties experiencedby both residents and pilots.

Figure 8: Osprey overflight of SakuraPark

Viewers of the video can see a typical over-flight and experience the sound and closeproximity of the aircraft to people in the park.Of course, it is not possible to communicatethrough the clip the vibro-acoustic dimensionsof noise from aircraft that pass overhead andthe sound waves that pass into objects on theground below, but the words and reactions ofthose in the park impart something even moremeaningful. While the children continue to playas though pretending that the recurrentpresence of aircraft does not exist, the parentsoffer more telling, if terse, insights. Whenasked to share their impressions of thesituation, they shrugged and wondered aloud,“What can we do with this absurdity?”21

Conclusion

The summer of 2018 will see 73 years since theend of hostilities in WWII, and in that time, theOkinawan people collectively have had virtuallyno say in the variously absurd ways theirl imited land, sea, and a ir have beenappropriated and used by outside powers.Changing the history of deprivation of landrights and safety of local residents requiresfacing a ‘political’ question: long-standingmilitary colonialism in the name of maintainingthe Japan-U.S. Mutual Security Treaty, and theunanswered question of why Tokyo steadfastlyrefuses to entertain the possibility of locatingFRF construction in mainland Japan.

Efforts to conduct reasoned discussion of therights and equality of the Okinawan people incontemporary Japan have not only fallen ondeaf ears, but also generated vilification andhate speech directed toward Okinawansprotesting these conditions—residents livingnear the Futenma Base and even those involvedin the aircraft accidents.22 To achieve closure ofthe Futenma Base and halt FRF construction inHenoko, VFP-ROCK and Okinawa Dugongplaintiffs appear to have strategically divertedfocus away from the obvious political questionscentral to the Okinawans’ struggle;23 instead,

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both have focused on the real concern of safetyfor American personnel and the dugong. InAugust 2017, the US Court of Appeals favorablyruled that the Okinawan plaintiffs had legalstanding to demand that the DoD comply withNHPA, that is, to take necessary procedures tominimize negative effects on the dugong’ssurvival.24 “This ruling,” notes Peter Galvin atthe Center of Biological Diversity in SanFrancisco, “is a critical lifeline for the highlyendangered Okinawa dugong.”25

Such humanitar ian and planet - levelconsciousness in the long term could besignificant in eventually undermining thelegitimacy of FRF, and the governmental logicof re-locating ‘danger’. This article hasstressed, however, that the most visceralaspect of the ‘clear zones’ is the fact that theresidents, schools, hospitals and other publicfacilities refused to bow, ‘clear out’ and makespace for the occupying forces. Local peoplewho continue to abide in the ‘clear zone’,defying the obvious risks to their own lives andthat of their children, might well be the longestrunning act of civil disobedience.

Related Articles

•Hideki Yoshikawa with an introduction byGavan McCormack, "U.S. Military BaseConstruction at Henoko-Oura Bay and theOkinawan Governor’s Strategy to Stop It(https://apjjf.org/2018/02/Yoshikawa.html)"

•Gavan McCormack, “There Will Be NoStopp ing the Ok inawan Res i s tance(https://apjjf.org/2017/15/McCormack.html),”an Interview with Yamashiro Hiroji

•Makishi Yoshikazu, "US Dream Come True?The New Henoko Sea Base and OkinawanR e s i s t a n c e(https://apjjf.org/-Makishi-Yoshikazu/1819/article.html)"

Miyume Tanji is an honorary lecturer at the College of Asia and the Pacific at the AustralianNational University. She is the co-author of Okinawa Under Occupation: McDonaldization andResistance to Neoliberal Propaganda (https://www.palgrave.com/jp/book/9789811055973)(with Daniel Broudy, Palgrave, 2017), author of Myth, Protest and Struggle in Okinawa(https://www.amazon.com/Protest-Struggle-Sheffield-Japanese-Routledge/dp/0415546885)(Routledge, 2006), and guest editor (with Greg Dvorak) for thespecial issue “Indigenous Asias,” for Amerasia Journal, Asian American/PacificIslander/Transcultural Societies, and many journal articles and book chapters on socialmovements in Okinawa. See Amerasian Journal's special issue on indigenous Asias here(http://www.aasc.ucla.edu/aascpress/ajv41n1.aspx).

Daniel Broudy is Professor of Rhetoric and Applied Linguistics in the Graduate School ofIntercultural Communication at Okinawa Christian University. As a former imagery analystwith the U.S. Army, he draws upon his military experience and doctoral training in

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psycholinguistics to develop courses in communication and the rhetoric of the visual. Hisresearch focuses on systems and techniques of mass manipulation in state and corporatepublic relations. He is managing co-editor of Synaesthesia: Communication Across Cultures(http://www.synaesthesiajournal.com)(ISSN 1883-5953).

Notes1 A reference in Japanese to Rumsfeld’s observation about Futenma can be found here(http://www.okinawainfo.net/futenma2.htm).2 Given the crash into the main administration building and the resulting fireball, it is hardlyhyperbole to describe the survival of the Marine Corps helicopter flight crew and the peopleon campus as a miracle.3 C. Douglas Lummis. “Mission Creep Dispatch: C. Douglas Lummis,” Mother Jones,September 19, 2008 here(https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2008/09/mission-creep-dispatch-c-douglas-lummis/).4 Further details of the incident can be found here(http://english.ryukyushimpo.jp/2017/12/20/28220/).5 Details of the conference can be found March 6, 2018 Ryukyu Shimpo article, “普天間閉鎖、米に要請　元軍人の会国防長官ら１１人に” (p. 28).6 The letter was addressed to Secretary of Defense James Mattis; Joint Chiefs of Staff, GeneralJoe Dunford; Secretary of the Navy Richard V. Spencer; Commander of US Force PacificAdmiral Harry Harris; Commander of US Force Japan LTG Jerry Martinez; US Ambassador toJapan the Honorable William Hagarty; the US Consul General to Okinawa the Honorable JoelEhrendreich; and the Chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee Senator John McCain.7 Further details in Japanese can be found here(https://www.otv.co.jp/newstxt/news_sphone.cgi?mode=detail&code=20180308114713). Inearly February 2018, “the headmaster and members of the parent's association ofMidorigaoka nursery school visited Japanese government officials in Tokyo to deliver apetition with more than 10,000 signatures” (Lisa Torio, “Okinawans Demand End to USMilitary Flights Over Schools(https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/02/okinawans-demand-military-flights-schools-180222104205546.html)” Aljazeera, 27 February 2018). The Chair of Okinawan EducationalCommittee submitted a request to the Defense Ministry to end all flights above all primary,secondary and special educational facilities (“全学校上空の飛行禁止を要求　沖縄県教委、国に異例の要請　米軍機事故多発受け、入試や式典時の騒音防止も(https://ryukyushimpo.jp/news/entry-666176.html)” Ryukyu Shimpo, February 16, 2018) also,see “学校上空の飛行中止求める　相次ぐ米軍機事故､沖縄の大学学長ら｢異常事態｣(https://apjjf.org/admin/site_manage/details/Okinawa Times, March 8, 2018,http:/www.okinawatimes.co.jp/articles/-/219550)”8 Military Base Liaison Section, Department of Military Base Affairs Policy, the City ofGinowan, “Danger Posed by Futenma Air Operations(http://www.okinawaiken.org/img/dec2009_ginowancity_en.pdf)” December 2009, GinowanCity9 Further details of the incident can be found here

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(http://english.ryukyushimpo.jp/2017/12/20/28220/). 10 Letter to General James N. Mattis, U.S. Secretary of Defense from Veterans For Peace-Ryukyu/Okinawa Chapter Kokusai (VFP-ROCK), “Impermissible encroachment at MCASFutenma” (March 2018).11 (OPNAVINST 11010.36c, 9 October 2008)12 Department of the Navy, Air installations compatible use zones (AICUZ) programprocedures and guidelines for Department of the navy air installations (Washington DC: 9October 2008), A-3.13 Department of the Navy. Marine Corps Air Station Miramar: AICUZ Update (NavalFacilities Engineering Command: CA, 2005), 11.14 Letter to General James N. Mattis, U.S. Secretary of Defense from Veterans For Peace-Ryukyu/Okinawa Chapter Kokusai (VFP-ROCK), “Impermissible encroachment at MCASFutenma” (March 2018).15 Ibid.16 Hideki Yoshikawa, “Dugong Swimming in Uncharted Waters: US Judicial Intervention toProtect Okinawa’s ‘Natural Monuments’ and Halt Base Construction,” The Asia-PacificJournal: Japan Focus, 6-4-09 January 29, 2009, 4.17 Miyume Tanji, “U.S. Court Rules in the ‘Okinawa Dugong Case’: Implications for U.S.Military Bases Overseas” Critical Asian Studies, 40(3) 2008, 482, and United State DistrictCourt Northern District of California, No. C 03-4350 MHP., “Memorandum & Order,”Okinawa Dugong (dugong), et al., vs. Donald Rumsfeld, Secretary of Defense, et al., March 1,2005.18 C. Douglas Lummis, “Futenma: ‘The most dangerous base in the world’, TheDiplomat, March 30, 2018.19 "Remembering the tragedy of U. S. military Jet Crashing onto Elementary School(http://english.ryukyushimpo.jp/2011/07/11/1692/)," Ryukyu Shimpo (English), July 1, 201120 Miyume Tanji and Daniel Broudy, Okinawa Under Occupation: McDonaldization andResistance to Neoliberal Propaganda (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), 122.21 Personal interview with the author, March 5, 2018.22 For example, at the Futenma Daini Elementary School, various teachers have receivedphone calls as well as emails from people in mainland Japan accusing the teachers in Okinawaof deliberately ‘fabricating the accident’ and for ‘not moving’ the school or teaching activities.沖縄中傷にも苦しむ　基地そばの学校「動かせばいい」(“Hate speeches against Okinawa alsotaunt schools near military bases: ‘just move it’(http://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/article/national/list/201712/CK2017122202000128.html)”). TokyoShinbun, December 22, 2017.23 On the post-war ‘Okinawa struggle’, see Arasaki Moriteru, Okinawa Sengo Shi (Tokyo:Iwanami, 1976), Arasaki Moriteru, Okinawa Gendai Shi (Tokyo: Iwanami, 2005), and MiyumeTanji, Myth, Struggle and Protest in Okinawa (London: Routledge, 2006)24 Courthouse News Service, “9th Circuit Revives Fight for Endangered Dugong on Okinawa(https://www.courthousenews.com/9th-circuit-revives-fight-endangered-dugong-okinawa/)”August 21, 201725 Center for Biological Diversity, “Court Affirms Right to Sue U.S. Military Over New Base'sThreats to Endangered Okinawa Dugong

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(https://www.biologicaldiversity.org/news/press_releases/2017/okinawa-dugong-08-21-2017.php)” 21 August, 2017