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YOUTH FIGHTS WAR!ITH a few exceptions, everybody is avowedly for peace.The militarist says he is for peace and hopes to insure

c by a big army. Hearst says he is for peace and aims to se-cure it by what he calls "preparedness." The conscientiousobjector is for peace and depends upon his refusal to beararms'to obtain it. If one were to proceed with the organiza-tion of a "united front" including all elements who were pro-fessedly "for peace," one would have to include practicallyeverybody.

It is almost ridiculous to think that in a world where almostall men cry for peace, nations should be almost uninterrupt-edly at swords' points and that the civilized world may beembroiled in an international slaughter not many hours afterthe ink has dried on this page.

And the reason for this paradox is that the way to hell ispaved with good intentions and the way to war is paved withslogans "for peace." What will end war is not merely decentintentions but correct understanding.

Let us understand at the outset that mere sentimentalityagainst war, provoked by pictures of war horrors or pity formutilated youth is well nigh worthless. The newspaper whichin recent months has carried on the best stomach-turning cam-paign against war in terms of disgusting pictures of war scenesis the New York Hearst publication. And the conclusion thatHearst and millions of his readers draw from these pictures isthat in the future America must be so heavily armed that nonation shall dare to attack it.

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Mere hatred of needless suffering is no basis for a real anti-war movement not only because it can in itself not give riseto any specific program against war but also because a realisticand hardboiled understanding of the causes for war and themethods for combating war may very well convince us that inorder to win permanent peace it may be necessary to undergosuffering, to tolerate horror, to wage combat as bitter as thatof war. Not every disease can be cured by the application ofsalves and sedatives. Some diseases require surgery!

War and the WorkersAny understanding worker knows what competition among

capitalists means to him. It means that his boss, trying to winbusiness from some other boss, attempts to use the workei asa tool, by cutting wages or stretching hours, by increased ex-ploitation. Sometimes the employer does this without an apol-

ogy. Sometimes he tries to "soft soap" his employees by con-vincing them that the acceptance of a wage cut or longerhours will be for the benefit of the whole shop since morework will come to this more highly exploited shop. Everyworker also knows that when there is a general depression orwhen this particular firm is in financial straits, these attemptsto increase the exploitation of the workers, to use them ascanhon fodder for industrial warfare, are intensified.

The working man or woman, with some common sense andhuman decency, knows how to answer these moves of the em-ployers. The intelligent worker of one shop together withothers of different shops band themselves together and telltheir collective bosses that they just refuse to scab on oneanother. And they let their employers know, in no uncertainterms, that any attempt to "soft soap" the workers of a shopinto working at scab wages will be flatly rejected because theorganized worker places the interest of the workers in theindustry as a whole above a momentary gain for himself at

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4 1pgeppense of his fellow workers. They also let their enm-pgygys know that any attempt to coerce them into accepting

: )F-1yages or hours to undermine the union shops will be4t~gitf h determined resistance-with strike!S tgggively that economic system which gives rise to the

W6 gg"g between employer and employer similarly gives rise

rpl;ih, struggle between nations of capitalists and nations ofq g jgs. The economic system that compels employers to

"soft soap" or coerce workers into slicing down the wage andhour standards of their fellow workers similarly compels thenations of capitalists to "soft soap" or coerce the workers of agacim linto slicing the throats of their fellow workers of

othrg;lUation. Depressions of the system as a whole or ofanyadaPionintensify the efforts of the employers to have onentibmaf~io orkers bayonet the bowels of another.

Jogs ans no Ioyd The Socialist Position

IAIUd. justias the causes of war can be found in terms of theeaonomiol orppetition between capitalists placed on an inter-xiiihalqirel, so the struggle against war can be found int~ermoiGbtlolmited resistance of the working class on an inter-

n{ionah kLehs~QOnd th_~ worker understands that going to war for hiscapitalist-fiti n is not one whit different from scabbing forJ ea;ePyl;ir e will have no difficulty in evolving a clear

pVgrgpggP4jRh war.4gci-ao~skeyqwill not only say: "Miners unite!" or "Dress-I~.Fkep rif 1ige will say, "Workers of the world unite!"

ajKgonisfdtptayer he will say: "We will not slice the unionM~4A qL QUr Jfellow workers in the industry nor will wei~ tq~rqd troof our fellow workers in other lands."

ikRoi ; tbo3 boss and his bosses' nation, when the no-1~yesbegS jt 4 ydrp, will be a flat refusal to accept the pill ofsgic4Ppj m ttg4rBow sweetly coated. And if despite all, the

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capitalists fling the workers into war, the laborer with back-,bone, common sense and class feeling will answer with thedetermined opposition of his organized power.

It is this class-conscious approach to the ques-tion of war that gives a distinctive mark to theSocialist attitude. To the Socialist, the struggleagainst war is merely a continuation of the strug-gle against the capitalist class. The Socialist doesnot look upon the fight for higher wages, shorterhours and other economic demands as somethingdifferent from the fight for peace; these aremerely two aspects of the same struggle, spring-ing from the same source and fought between thesame classes.

The Socialist does not merely fight for the immediate eco-nomic demands of the working class, however. The presentcapitalist .'system can never grant real economic security andfreedom to the worker. The organized strength of the work-ing class under capitalism can only tame the cruelest instinctsof the system. And once capitalism passes from its vigorousmiddle age to its tottering but tyrannical dotage, even thegains which the labor movement has been able to win onlyafter long years of struggle are imperiled.

The working class .can only realize real economic security

and freedom when the profit system is abolished, when politi-cal power is won by the working class and when this power is.used to convert the wealth of the nation into the servantrather than the master of the people. Only then will compe-tition end; only then will the war of all against all, which isthe very soul of capitalism, end.

The struggle of the Socialist against war, therefore, is notmerely a struggle against capitalists but also a struggle againstcapitalism. The organized labor movement, expressing a mili-

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tant strike-like opposition to war,° may retard the coming. ofanother war, but it can not end war, just as it can not endexploitation, under capitalism. The labor movement can onlyend war when it has the reins of the nation, and ultimately ofthe world, in its hands; in brief, when it has won Socialism.

Suicide For Whom?Capitalism because it loves itself so dearly destroys itself.

It is precisely the exploiting character of capitalism, thevery life blood of the system, which gives rise to the organizedopposition of the working class, ultimately to overthrow thesystem. And it is the attempt, the necessary attempt of capi-talism, to intensify the exploitation of labor in times ofgreatest distress that gives rise to bitter strikes, intensifiedstruggle and revolutionary crises.

This suicidal character of capitalism is especially clear inthe imperialist field. As home markets and labor supply andsources of raw material become exploited to the point of ex-haustion the capitalist class begins to look for an economicFountain of Youth abroad. Great sums of money are sunkinto the development of foreign markets, into the control ofnew sources of raw material, into capital development abroad.These ventures prolong the life of capitalism but do not giveit eternal life. Crises still occur, but now they are interna-tional. The Fountain of Youth itself runs dry. The decayingcapitalist nations, unwilling to understand that their day isdone, begin to fight madly among themselves for the lastremaining drops.

'ut to wage this fight they must call upon the workingclass. And this is dangerous for capitalism. It is placing armsinto the hands of the young heir to the throne, who has beentortured and poisoned .by the old ruler wvho hoped to liveforever. The young heir wants what is rightfully his. Capital-ism sees itself committing suicide, but it has no alternative..

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The only thing that may save the capitalist class from itssuicidal death is a compensatory suicide of the labor move-ment. But unless the working class slices its own throat, itmust sooner or later rule-and, unlike its mad predecessor,rule over a land of peace.

Socialists and PacifistsWhen a war breaks out, the aim of the Socialist is not mere-

ly to weather the storm and to come out living under thestatus quo, with the prospects of new slavery and new warsin the future. The Socialist; who is in constant struggle againstcapitalist society, looks upon a state of war as the impositionof a new set of conditions under which he will continue hisstruggle.

In the struggles of the working class, the laborer is compelledto realize that the capitalist class is continually resorting tothe forces of violence to hold on to its power. There is thethug, and the local police force, and the national militia. Awar is only the utilization of violence for business reasonsapplied on an international scale.

Any worker, who has been involved in a vigorous strike,knows what the answer is to boss-provoked violence. Such aworker knows that it is impossible, as a principle, to turn theother cheek. Unless, of course, the worker prefers slavery toresistancel

When a war breaks out, a state of violence is created notonly between one nation and another, but also between thestate and the people. Any strike that in the remotest mannerinterferes with the carrying on of the war is met with violence.A meeting against the continuance of the war is met withviolence. Discontent in the armed forces is met with violence.

gthe Socialist, who is in a continual struggle against capital-ism and who prefers resistance with all its consequences toslavery, does not merely throw up his hands in horror at the

sight of all this violence and then turn his back upon it. TheSocialist knows how filthy violence is. But he does not denyits existence. Seeing these forces before him, he proceeds withhis struggle, and, if his struggle takes him through the filthymire of violence he will not turn back.

Unlike the pacifist, the Socialist does not say peace at anyprice. The Socialist will not pay the price of slavery. Nordoes the Socialist blind himself to the fact that the main-tenance of peace is a two-sided proposition. War is inevitableunder capitalism. The only way to end war is to end capital-ism. And if the war situation itself creates forces which can be'et in motion, to overthrow the system, the Socialist will takeadvantage of such forces.

Wars Socialists SupportAs a result of this basic Socialist attitude, there are wars

which Socialists support.Socialists believe in the right of colonies to be free. In the

fight for such freedom the colonial people may have to resortto armed struggle. And such armed struggle the Socialistswould support. Such colonial revolutionary wars, by strikinga blow at the economic basis of imperialism, are allies of therevolutionary struggle of the workers within the imperialistnation.

In some countries the working class will win power whilein other countries capitalism will continue to exist. Socialistsbelieve that working-class governments should arm themselvesagainst capitalist attack.

Such wars, as mentioned, are wars for freedom, for Socialistideals. And hence we support them.

Capitalist IllusionsThe struggle of the working class against capitalism is ham-

pered at every step by the fact that the thinking of -the work--

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ing class is continually muddied by the presence of the capi-talist soil. The dominant ideas of capitalist society filter intothe minds of the working class and becloud a clear class-con-scious approach to numerous social questions. Only afterlong experience and hard thinking does the working class freeitself from the catch words of the capitalist world around it.But until it does, these illusions fostered by capitalism costthe working class much suffering.

When the World War broke, there were in all the Europeancountries great labor movements that were definitely opposedto war. Despite the fact that all these labor organizations wereopposed to war in general, they almost unanimously sup-ported their capitalist countries in the specific war.

In Germany, the labor movement supported the Kaiser'swar. Why? Because they wished to protect the great institu-tions of German labor from being crushed under the heel bfreactionary Czarism.

In Russia, sections of the labor movement supported theCzar's war. Why? Because Germany was an aggressor and be-cause Russia had to protect weak little Serbia from the attackso4 the Central Powers.

In Belgium, the labor movement defended the capitalistnation. Why? Because Germany was the aggressor.

In England, the labor movement supported the war. Why?To defend weak little 'Belgium.

In America the labor movement supported the war. Why?To make the world safe for democracy.

Under various slogans and with varying excuses the labormovements of the world discovered numerous apologies forsupporting the war. Thanks to these excuses, some of whichwere invented by the capitalists and some of which springfrom the normal capitalist illusions present in the ranks ofthe working class, the international working class spent fourlong years butchering itself.

'The outcome of the war led to a hideously unjust settle-ment, which imposed new burdens upon the working classand gave rise to new national hatreds and paved the way fora subsequent wave of dictatorial -reaction. The settlement wasinade according to the robber motto, "To the victor belongsthe spoils." It was not made and could not be made in accord-ance with the aims and purposes of the working class, becausethese wars were not maneuvered by progressive nations, butby imperialist nations, in ah imperialist world, playing agame of imperialist rivalry. The capitalist nations do notwage wars and make settlements in accordance with working-class purposes and ideals. They pursue the policies of im-perialism and can not do otherwise. Every time the workingclass supports the war of a capitalist nation, in the present era,regardless of its motives and excuses, it is a pawn in the im-perialist game.

What President Wilson said of the last war, in the follow-ing famous quotation, is of necessity true for any war foughtin the present capitalist-imperialist era.

After the World War was all over, President Wilson told thepeople what he considered to be the real cause. He said atSt. Louis in 1919:

"Why, my fellow citizens, is there any manhere or any woman, let me say is there any childhere, who does not know that the seed of war inthe modern world is industrial and commercialrivalry? The real reason that the war that we.have just finished took place was that Germanywas afraid her commercial rivals were going toget the better of her, and the reason why somenations went into the war against Germany wasthat they thought Germany would get the com-mercial advantage of them. The seed of the jeal-,

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ousy, the seed of the deep-seated hatred was hot,successful commercial and industrial rivalry.

. This war, in its inception, was a commercial and* industrial war. It was not a political war."

In the following pages I wish to consider some of the newexcuses, at present circulating in the ranks of the workingclass, to support a new capitalist butchery. I shall refer oftento the capitalist illusions circulated by the Communist, Inter-national. I shall deal extensively with these false notions ofthe Communist International not because this is primarily abooklet aimed against the Communists but because the ideascirculated today by the Communist Parties are popular inmuch wider circles. In criticizing the position of the Comin-tern, I am criticizing certain general beliefs, and am at thesame time elaborating on the general Socialist position onthese questions.

The Traditional Communist PolicyFor over fifteen years, the chief slogan of the Communist

International was: "Turn the imperialist war into a civilwar."

This slogan carried within it the complete Communist phil-osophy on the questions of war and revolution. An inter-national war meant an international crisis both in the eco-nomic and political spheres of capitalism. And unlike othercrises, it came at a time when the masses were armed andhence in a practical position to effectuate a revolutionaryoverthrow of capitalism.

When the Socialist Parties of Europe in 1914 failed to uti-lize the war crisis to overthrow the profit system, Lenin wrote:

"The fact that the present parties failed to do their dutyis their betrayal, their political death, their repudiation oftheir role, their joining the side of the bourgeoisie."

The Communist International was organized to play the

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revolutionary role which stage fright -had prevented the Soci-alist parties from playing after many years of rehearsal.

Today the world faces a new war danger. For fifteen yearsthe Communist International has been rehearsing its lineslike a conscientious understudy waiting for a chance to playthe role that was too great for the star. After fifteen years,however, brought face to face with the war danger, the Com-intern begins to fumble its lines and to mumble the most con-fused nonsense.

Is it just political stage fright? Or is there a deeper reason?The policy of the Communist International is determined

not by the needs and the expressions of the various partiesaffiliated with it but by the needs and demands of the Com-munist Party of the Soviet Union. And only if we understandthis can we understand the present confusion and capitulationof the Communist Parties of the world.

The Soviet Union faces a war danger. It seeks allies.We Socialists believe that the only reliable ally of the Soviet

Union is the international working class. The Communists,too, are continually reiterating the fact that the masses ofItaly, Germany and Japan are against their tyrannical rulersand that they are n a revolutionary, restless mood. On theother hand, we are told that the government, of the. SovietUnion has the devoted and loyal backing of the masses. Underthese circumstances, the Soviet Union, in a war against Ger-many, Italy and Japan would not be fighting alone, but fight-ing with the masses of these latter nations, now armed, on itsside.

The, Communist International, however, has lost its faithin the power of the international working class. It does notplace its reliance upon the working class in case of anotherwar. It seeks alliances with the capitalist 7 ass of .ther nations.

This policy of placing faith in capitalist nations for themaintenance of peace came to the surface when Stalin signed

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a: pact of non-aggression and mutual assistance with France.The signing of this pact established a new set of relations,not only between the Soviet Union and France but also be-tween the Communist Party and the capitalist class of France.

Since, in case of war, the Soviet Union is dependent uponthe military aid of France, the Communist Party of Francemust not, in any way, interfere with this military machine. Itmust support the war that the French government is carryingon as an ally of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party willsupport this war because it is an "historically progressive war."'To hinder the war, it is obvious from the Communist view-

point, would mean to hinder "progress." To hinder this "pro-gressive: war" (Hathaway, Daily Worker, July 8th, 1935)would be a reactionary action.

Hence, a railroad strike that interfered with transportationduring the war would be reactionary and must be suppressed.:Anti-war demonstrations, working-class agitation in the army,strikes: in ammunition plants would all. be "reactionary" andmust be suppressed.

After nearly two decades of rehearsing the line: "Turn theimperialist war into a civil war," Clarence Hathaway, editorof the Daily Worker, writes- on July .8th, 1935:

"In the: event that French imperialism, under the termsof the Mutual Assistance Pact joins with the Soviet Unionagainst Fascism, will the French Communist Party, at theoutbreak of such a war issue the slogan of transforming ofthat war into a civil war against the French bourgeoisie?And -Thorez, leader of the French Communist Party an-swers: Well, Nol"

The Policy for AmericaThe policy outlined for France does not apply to that coun-

try alone. It applies to all capitalist countries which are alliesor potential allies of the Soviet Union, such as England,

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America, Czechoslovakia, etc. For a country like the UnitedStates the Communist policy is as follows:

1) Agitate for a Soviet American Pact.

2) Should the Soviet Union become involved in a warwith, let us say, Japan, agitate for the enforcement of the pact;i.e. agitate for war against Japan.

3) Once war is declared, support the war against Japanto the bitter end.

It.is a policy which, bluntly speaking, would in practice beindistinguishable from that of Hearst, except that the Com-munists would do it in the name of "defending the SovietUnion" and Hearst would do it in the name of warding offa "yellow peril."

The Position of SocialismThe Young People's Socialist League of America rejects this

position whether it issues from militarists or the CommunistInternational in toto. The Y.P.S.L. maintains:

1) That this line means death to any party which intendsto wage and lead a relentless class struggle both for immediate

gains and for the overthrow of the system.

2) That instead of halting Fascism abroad, it will developFascism at home.

3) That instead 'of being a force for peace, it is a forcefor war.

4) That instead of being a means of defense :for the SovietUnion, it will ultimately weaken the defense of the SovietUnion.

1. War and the Class StruggleThe first enemy of the working class is its own capitalist

class. And- when the working class forgets this it inevitablyfinds itself in the service of its own ruling class digging bayo-

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nets into the warm bodies of fellow slaves of another country.A working class party, by supporting a war, will be compel-

led to declare a moratorium on the class struggle. It will haveto call for civil peace.

But whether the Communist Party or Socialist Party wantit or not, the class struggle will go on. It will go on becauseit is part of the very nature of capitalism. It will goon because no law or decree, not even a thesis of the Comin-tern, is superior to the instinctive movement of the workingclass for bread and for freedom.

The struggle will go on. But a working class party orliberal organization, supporting the war, driven by the blindand inexorable laws of logic, will find itself because of itsposition in the camp of the capitalists.

And it will find itself in the camp of the capitalists, talkingagainst and breaking strikes, just at the time when it shouldbe leading the masses into revolutionary battle. For it is intimes of war that great economic crises sweep the land, thatthe masses turn against their old political leaders who aredriving the people to suicide and fratricide, that the workersare armed, that the situation cries aloud for trained revo-lu.tionary leadership.

The party that will take the leadei'ship will be one that hasopposed the war from its beginning and has thus disclaimedall responsibility for the war, that has supported and ledstrike movements, that has never forgotten that it can onlylive while it unceasingly champions the historical interestsof the working class in an equally unceasing class struggle.

There are those who place the question of war and thequestion of Socialism in separate categories. They are one andthe same question. Our opposition to capitalist war just likeour opposition to capitalism springs from the fact that ourparty is the political leader Of the working class in an unremit-ting class struggle. Our party lives while the blood of the

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struggle runs through its veins. Once we declare a. civil peacewe turn pale,. then anemic, then lifeless.

II. War and FascismRecent; experiences in democratic countries :of Europe.have

shown the world that no- capitalist copuntry is immune. fromthe germs of Fascism. What many overlook is the fact that thegerms of Fascism flourish richly in the hothouse atmosphereof %war.

During the last war, .the "democratic"' regime of Americacommitted acts of suppression against civil liberties and hu-man rights which strongly smacked of Fascism. Since the lastwar, the basic forces of Fascism have grown in all the greatcapitalist democracies of the- world.

The system of finance capitalism, the economic compellingforce behind dictatorial reaction, is today stronger than in1914. Its alliance with the military bureaucracy and Fascistdemagogues formed to maintain the monopoly of finance capi-tal over the economic and political policies of the nation, ismore consciously "directed against the organized labor move-ment and toward a totalitarian state than before the-- war.

A new war with its nationalist fever serving as a hot bed:for Fascist demagogy, with its. military discipline over thenation serving to place th'e military man at the head of thenation, will' hasten- the coming of an advancing AmericanFascism.

Only. one force can halt the onward march .of Fascism,whether it be in times of peace or in times of war. And thatone force is the organized opposition of the working class.

To call a halt. to. the class struggle just when the workingclass. will be overrun with the floods of nationalism and mili-tarism means to throw the floodgates wide open for the delugeof Fascism.

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: I. War and PeaceT'he Communists as well as capitalist militarists and reform-

ist Socialists offer, as an apology for alliances the argumentthat an alliance today has at least the virtue of preserving tem-porary peace in Europe. Let us consider this argument:

_The working class. may choose one of two major methodsfor the preservation of peace: (a) either to support alliancesof one set of nations against another, or (b) to threaten inall capitalist countries to undermine the war -machine andthe system of profits that breeds war.

The working class may decide to pursue one course or-theother, for it can not pursue both. If the working class supportsalliances, it must agitate for and support wars logically follow-ing from the obligations assumed under these alliances. Andif one accepts this policy, one can not at the same time declareit the. policy of the working class to oppose all capitalist wars.

Now which of these policies shall the working class pursue?

.The argument for the first policy, "peace through alliances,"can be found in the speeches of any jingo. Alliances do notprevent, or minimize wars; alliances give rise to counter alli-ances and finally to world war between bigger and better alli-ances.

When the working class supports alliances it is compelled,when the war which is inevitable under capitalism breaks out,to accept responsibility for the war and to urge the slaughterof one worker by another worker.

The second policy, "peace through revolutionary opposi-tion," is wiser both for the moment and in the long run. Anycapitalist class will think twice before placing guns in thehands :of a menacing working class. It is unable because of-the compelling contradictions of its own system to, bring per-manent peace; but it will hesitate to precipitate new slaugh-ters. And then, when the war which is inevitable under capi-

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talism, breaks out, the policy of "revolutionary opposition,"consistently pursued by the working class will lead to theestablishment of Socialism, the only lasting basis for perma-nent peace.

IV. War and the Soviet UnionIn the long run, this policy of sacrificing the international

working-class revolution for the defense of the Soviet Unionwill not even defend the Soviet Union.

Regardless of momentary differences between capitalistcountries, the capitalists of the world are united on one thing:namely, hatred and fear of the working class and the SovietUnion.

M. Ercoli, spokesman for the Comintern on the question ofwar, spoke well when he said:

"There can be no doubt for anyone that the coming war,even if it were to begin as a war between two great imperial-ist powers or as a war of a big power against a small coun-try, will inevitably tend to develop and will inevitablydevelop into a war against the Soviet Union."

But if this is true, it is equally true that when, the dividedstruggle of the capitalist world becomes a united struggleagainst the Soviet Union it will be necessary to have in allthese capitalist countries powerful revolutionary movements,which have been built up during the war years. Such revolu-tionary movements cannot be built up if the working class isurged during the war NOT to strike, NOT to hold anti-wardemonstrations, NOT to move against the government, NOTto carry on the day-by-day struggle which alone gives the work-ing-class movement life and vitality. The support of the warwill weaken the working class and invite the specter of Fas-cism to enter the fortress of labor. Then it will be too lateto halt the war, which will not be directed openly againstthe Soviet Union.

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The Soul of OpportunismsOpportunism was once defined as the sacrifice of the inter-

ests of the working class as a whole for the supposed inter-est of a section of the working class.

This opportunism very often evidences itself in the strugglebetween craft unions and the workers of an industry as awhole. In order to hold on to its special privileges, a sectionof an industry, organized in a craft union, will not cooperatewith, or will definitely hinder, the organization of the workersin the industry as a whole. In the long run, not only will theworkers as.a whole suffer but so will the workers of the craftunion.

The same sort of opportunism expresses itself in the presentCommunist position. For what is believed to be the interestsof the Soviet Union the revolutionary activities of the workingclass throughout the world are being'hamstrung. In the longrun, both the international working class and the SovietUnion will suffer.

Defending Polandin-their anxiety to embarrass their most immediate foreign

foes, the leaders of the Soviet Union have evolved a "line" forsmall -capitalist countries which is almost indistinguishablefrom:. that of any jingo, not only in purpose but also in mannerof formulation.

Here are the words of Harry Pollitt, leader of the BritishCommunist Party, on the question of national defense insmall capitalist countries:

"Those of you who read Imprecor this week will find theresolution on war, and will see that we definitely declaredat the Seventh Congress that in a war for national libera-tion the Communist parties will support in that war their

-own ruling class in defending the attacked nation. We have

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Poland and ,Czechoslovakia in mind." (Labor Monthly,October 1935, p. 617) .

Here is. a blunt statement to the effect that the CommuhisParty of Fascist Poland intends to "support in that war, their,own ruling class."

It, is unnecessary to proceed with a refutation of this "line."If it is correct for Poland, it is: equally correct for FascistAustria, also imperiled by German Hitlerism. And if it is cor-rect to defend these two Fascist regimes of Poland and Austriabecause they may be attacked by German Fascism, it is,,surelycorrect to defend Belgium, Switzerland, Holland, the Balkanstates, the countries of the Scandinavian Peninsula. In shortit is correct to give up the class struggle in Europe, exceptingGermany and possibly Italy.

The Italo-Ethiopian CrisisThe war between Italy and Ethiopia is not one in which

the working class is neutral. Our sympathies are clearly withEthiopia against Italy. But it is simply suicide for the workirngclass movement to line up behind the policies of capitalistnations in their hypocritical protestations against the rape ofEthiopia.

The. struggle between imperialist alliances is today the in-evitable factor leading to war. - Colonies and backward nationsare merely pawns in the games of imperial diplomats. -Todaythe -imperialist nations may be moving for strategic positionsby pushing around the pawn, Ethiopia; tomorrow it may bea part of China. Today it may be patched up; tomorrow itmay lead to an international war.

In this wily game of the powers, the working class. dare nottake sides with one set of imperialists against another. Themoment it does, it too becomes a pawn in the imperialistgame, ready to die on the- battlefield for its imperialist master.

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The Communists should really know this. Precisely thispoint was discussed at some length by their own leader Lenin.Backward Serbia was attacked, very much as Ethiopia wasattacked. 'Big Brother Russia sprang to the defense of weakSister Serbia, just as England "sprang to the defense ofEthiopia." Neither defense was real; both were hypocritical;and the ultimate policy pursued was dependent upon the im-perialist aims of Russia and England.

What was Lenin's attitude? Did he urge the Czarist regimeto use its power, economic or military, to defend Serbia? Hewould have, were he a present day Communistl

Lenin recognized Serbia as a pawn. He asked only onequestion when determining his policy: namely, what is Russiafighting for? It was sufficient to know that Russia was fightingan imperialist war to have Lenin oppose it.

But when imperialist England, the proud possessor of morecolonies than any nation on earth, suddenly posed as the kindbig brother of Ethiopia, the Communist Party of Englandbegan to call for the use of the British navy to aid the weaksister.

In the Daily Worker of September 10th, appeared a mani-festo calling for "closing of the Suez canal for Italian wartransport."

Needless to say, such a measure can only be enforced withmilitary means. It is a military measure, which the Com-munists call for and must support. It is a declaration of warwhich they call for and must support.

The Communists try to explain all this in terms of fightingagainst reactionary Fascism. In reply to this it should be suffi-cient to quote the very sound argument in the war resolutionof the Communist International of 1928:

In the last imperialist war, the Allies made use of theslogan, 'Fight Against Prussian Militarism' while the Central

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Empires used the slogan, 'Fight Against Tsarism'; both sidesused the respective slogans to mobilize the masses for war.In a future war between Italy and France or Yugo-Slavia, thesame purpose will be served by the slogan, 'Fight AgainstReactionary Fascism,' for the bourgeoisie of the latter coun-tries will take advantage of the anti-Fascist sentiments of themasses of the people to justify imperialist war."

The prophecy of 1928 has come true. Only long before thebourgeoisie thought of raising the slogan, "Fight Against Re-actionary Fascism," as a means "to justify imperialist war,"the Communist International did it.

What's to be Done-In the struggle against the war the Young People's Socialist

League has taken its stand.

We do not wait for peace to fall from heaven. We call uponthe working.class to steel itself, in organization and in pro-gram, for a struggle to win real and lasting peace.

In the immediate conflicts which threaten, we call upon theworking class to pursue a course of independent class action.Where the imperialist powers continue to ride their moneyedchariots over the bowed and bloody backs of colonial people,we call upon the masses in these nations to resist, and we callupon the working class in the capitalist nations to lend assist-ance, through independent working class action, directedagainst the imperialist power.

Should the Soviet Union be placed under the fire of thecapitalist guns, we call upon the international working classto use its independent weapons against the capitalist nationsthat attack the Soviet Union.

We direct our call at all times primarily to the workers, be-cause they are the class which are the natural enemies of warand the system that breeds war. Our address is directed

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primarily to the workers because to us the struggle againstwar is just another form of the struggle against capitalism.

But we open our doors to all those who, understanding thenature of modern war and the role of the working class, areready to join hands with us in the struggle for peace.

We do not appeal with catch words, because we believe thatthose who chase phrases without meaning are pursuing glit-tering will-o-the-wisps that will lead them into a bog ofpolitical paralysis. We appeal to you frankly, on the basis ofour program, to join with us.

In tilie, the working class throughout the world will clearits head of all capitalist illusions. The program we offer isnot just a bold challenge hurled into the winds. It is thebanner of the working class, planted firmly in the field ofbattle.

The fiercer the storm of battle rages, the greater will be thenumlber of those who will join our ranks. We call upon younow to join with those who are ready to dare the front rowbatt le, to lead the way, to march forward, firm in the con-viction that the working class will conquer and that peace willreign.

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