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WORKERS’ POWER Unifor and Politics in the Age of Disruption


Contents 1. Why politics? ......................................................................................................................………………5

2. The right-wing revolution: three years and counting..............................................………………8

3. Why is right-wing “populism” so popular these days?............................................……………12

4. Movements and resistance: the opposition grows ..................................................……………16

5. Canadian electoral politics: a right-wing populist sweep? ....................................……………19

6. Unifor policy on politics: grounded in democratic decision-making ..................……………23

7. Unifor and the next federal election ................................................................................…………26



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Prepared by: Unifor Research Department

August 2019

1. Why politics?

“Why is the union involved in politics?” some people may ask. The answer lies in thinking about what “politics” is.

Many people automatically think about politics in terms of elections, campaigns, and the weekly diet of

headline-grabbing drama that unfolds in our parliaments and legislative assemblies.

Some of our members can look through that lens and say, “But our union is about the workplace, and my collective

agreement. What’s that got to do with politics?”

Our lives at work — and our economic lives shaped by work — don’t exist in a vacuum. The goals we strive for as a

union, and our strength and ability to represent our members, are affected by the broader political, social, and economic

climate of which we are a part.

Just think about how social programs and workplace laws can reinforce — or undermine — our collective bargaining

goals. Think about how government policies around trade or specific industries affect our job security. Consider the impact of:

• Public programs and legislated standards that directly affect our lives at work, and what we need to bargain,

including health and safety legislation, working time standards, public health care, public pensions, workplace

closure and bankruptcy rules, employment insurance, minimum wages, pay equity, and non-discrimination and

human rights law.


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• Broad economic policy that affects our potential gains and potential power. A strong economy lays the basis for

more wealth to share. Full employment gives us the confidence and power to challenge employers, while high levels

of unemployment undermine us. Free trade and investor rights agreements threaten our jobs, while fair and

managed trade can bring shared prosperity. Fair taxation is necessary to fund social programs, while tax cuts

typically undermine social conditions.

• Industrial policies which play a central role in many industries through governments setting the ground rules, and

operating important investment and support programs. Consider, for example, the wide-ranging rules over

telecommunications and broadcasting; the policies that shape the development of the energy industry; investment

support programs for key manufacturing like auto and aerospace; land use and environmental policies that affect

forestry, mining, fisheries, and more; rules on foreign ownership and industry concentration in the airlines or media;

public procurement such as public transit or ships for the Royal Canadian Navy or Canadian Coast Guard; and

specific trade issues such as tariffs on aluminum, steel, or forestry products.

• Trade union freedoms that include the right of unions to exist, organize without harassment, modernize labour

laws to expand collective bargaining, exercise the right to strike, and bargain freely over the issues that affect us.

These rights have repeatedly been attacked by governments in recent years, requiring ongoing defense by the

labour movement.

All of this is politics.

Our lives also extend beyond the workplace. We are citizens and members of

communities, and so we care about the livability of our cities, our environment

and a sustainable future, the schools our children attend, health care for our

families, the parks and public facilities available to us, and the prospects for

today’s youth. We also care about social equality within our communities and

within our country, about discrimination, the lives of the aged, and about

poverty and homelessness. Engaging in all of this is the job of the union.

How does the union make our voices heard to shape government policy and action? Nearly every day, somewhere in the union, top elected officers,

staff, local union leaders, or rank-and-file members are meeting with elected

officials and policy makers to explain our points of view, offering ideas for new

laws and needed changes, and defending our members’ interests. And the

union engages with the media at every level to bring our perspective to the

broader public.

We also actively engage in education and awareness campaigns for our

members on current issues and events, and why these matter to our union. At election time, we evaluate the

government’s and opposition parties’ records, evaluate party platforms and ideas, advance our members’ interests, and

engage in public debate.

And it’s not just about engaging with governments. Politics is also about building broader movements, and forging

alliances and linkages that help broaden our base and build mutual support on a number of important issues. Whether it

is taking part in the broader labour movement (or challenging it); or participating with organizations dedicated to gender

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The most important workplace lesson we have learned over the years is that, individually, the worker is in no position to challenge management. Collective action is fundamental to defending our interests and achieving our goals. This same lesson is true on a political level.


equality, LGBTQ rights, human rights

and equity issues, combatting racism;

or advocating for better housing,

stronger health care, poverty

reduction, environmental action –

finding common interest and working

together with a broad range of

movements and organizations is a

vital part of our union’s political work.

Of course, some people may ask, “But

why can’t we be involved in all these

issues simply as individuals? Why is

union politics necessary?”

The answer is simple: The political power of the individual worker, when casting one vote, does not match the political power of the stockholders who own the companies that employ us. Those with control over the productive wealth in

our economy not only influence election campaigns with their money, they also influence elected politicians and day-to-

day government decisions with their ability to scale back operations, move jobs and investments elsewhere, import

more and export less, or close down workplaces entirely.

Employers also organize collectively, with powerful lobby groups like Chambers of Commerce, the Canadian Federation

of Independent Business, the Alliance of Manufacturers and Exporters (among many others), having incredible influence

in the halls of government power.

To balance the political power that employers have, workers must go beyond trying to act only as individual citizens and

move toward acting collectively, through our unions—as such unions are a fundamental base for collective political action.

The involvement of unions beyond collective bargaining is fundamental to a democratic society. Unions provide a base

for challenging society’s domination by the few and putting forward other priorities and alternative policies that are

important to us. The most important workplace lesson we have learned over the years is that, individually, the worker is

in no position to challenge management. Collective action is fundamental to defending our interests and achieving our goals. This same lesson is true on a political level.

Unifor was formed in 2013 to renew the labour movement, strengthen our ability to advance the interests of our

members and all workers, and play a leading role in the politics of the country. When we met at our first Canadian

Council in Vancouver in September 2014, delegates discussed, debated, and endorsed a comprehensive policy on

politics, “Workers and Politics: Unifor’s Political Project.” It has been five years since this policy’s adoption, and three years

since our last convention. The policy has stood the test of time, grounding and providing guidance for our current

political work.

As we meet at the 2019 Unifor Convention in Quebec City, we need to take this opportunity to review developments,

revisit and renew our policies, and recommit to our political project as we prepare for the upcoming federal election.

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2. The right-wing revolution: three years and counting Flashpoint: The summer of 2016

It’s hard to fathom at times the scale and speed of political developments since our union last met at the Convention in

August 2016. Words like “upheaval,” “spiral,” “dizzying,” and “frightening” come to mind. In what now seems like a

daily barrage of previously unthinkable statements and actions from elected leaders and governments, and the

continuous outrage and frenzy felt by so many, it’s more important than ever for us to get a grip on what has happened

in the last three years, and what lies ahead.

Let’s go back to the summer of 2016. Progressives in Canada were still celebrating the removal of Stephen Harper, one of

this country’s least popular prime ministers. Harper’s decade-long reign to re-shape Canada through a diet of slashing

and burning social programs, undoing human rights and equality gains, reversing social progress in all forms, and

attacking trade unions outright, had finally come to an end.

Harper’s replacement was a stunning contrast. The appearance at our

Convention in Ottawa in 2016 by Justin Trudeau, Canada’s freshly-minted,

youthful, and “rock-star” prime minister could not have been a greater contrast

to the decade-long grudge match waged by Harper against unions and many

progressive movements in Canada.

Trudeau’s visit, riding on his so-called “sunny ways” and a political honeymoon

of incredible support and enthusiasm from Canadians, would last for only a

couple of years. There has been important progress on many fronts, but in the

last few months we have seen promises broken and hopes left unfilled, right

before we move into an election. However, back in the summer of 2016, it was

easy to feel like there were sunnier days ahead.

In hindsight, of course, we can see that darker clouds were also forming. That year was the dawn of a right-wing

populist revolution that aimed to upend the post-war liberal global order, and which is still shaking much of the world to

its core three years later.

The first inkling of this fundamental change was evident across the pond. In June 2016, voters in the United Kingdom

stunned the world (and likely themselves) by backing an exit from the European Union — “Brexit,” — by a slim margin,

at 52 per cent. The ruling Conservative party had committed to a

referendum under growing pressure and the influence of an emerging

right-wing party, UKIP (the United Kingdom Independent Party), and its

leader Nigel Farage. UKIP served up a menu of reactionary, anti-

immigrant, nationalist, and anti-EU fare, and had been derided as the

“looney fringe” of UK politics.

At the time, the Brexit vote was a stunning development, but mostly

suggested the road ahead was about some long slogging technical work

to put it into place. Few people expected that, three years later, Brexit

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In what now seems like a daily barrage of previously unthinkable statements and actions from elected leaders and governments, it’s more important than ever for us to get a grip on what has happened.


would still be front-and-centre of a political crisis rocking the UK, threatening the foundations of the EU, and bolstering a

resurgent far-right movement across Europe.

The following month, in July 2016, after the most divisive spectacle of a U.S. Republican presidential nomination race

ever seen by Americans, Donald Trump, a man considered to be a bad joke by the political establishment, won the nomination. His shocking and toxic campaign—characterized by race-baiting,

Mexico-bashing, nationalistic appeals to “Make America Great Again,”

Islamophobia, and open misogyny and “lock-her-up” chants against opponent

Hillary Clinton—laid waste to the last shreds of civilized political discourse in

that country.

That Trump won the candidacy by putting himself forward as a human

outrage machine was deeply troubling to non-supporters, but most felt assured that Trump in the race meant the

certainty of a Clinton presidency, and the U.S.’s first woman in the White House. The shock waves that reverberated

throughout the United States —and the world— in the early hours of November 9, are still being felt.

Arguably, no U.S. president has so singularly driven upheaval and chaos in domestic policies, international relations,

raised military tensions (think North Korea, Russia, now Iran), and blown-up global trading relations, much of it through

his unfiltered use, and misuse, of Twitter.

At the time, many opponents of Trump were certain that he would not make it to the halfway mark of his presidency,

that he would be impeached or forced to resign. Others imagined that he would be restrained by the Democratic

Party majority in Congress after the mid-term elections of 2018. But somehow Trump is still standing, forcing voters

to look to 2020 and scramble to find a way to defeat him.

And he has become a standard-bearer for divisive politics

and a right-wing revolution that has been gaining steam,

with little sign of ending anytime soon.

Of course, these movements didn’t just start with Trump and Brexit in 2016—they have been there all along, in a

small, right-wing fringe, lurking and building, waiting for a

chance. Particularly in Europe, this fringe has been gaining

unprecedented support.

In March 2017 in the Netherlands, for example—

apparently a bastion of liberal democracy—the virulently

right-wing, anti-immigrant Party for Freedom leader Geert

Wilders ran neck-and-neck with the governing party in the

election. He was ultimately defeated, but pulled off a

strong second-place showing.

The following month, in April 2017, Marine Le Pen, leader of the far-right National Front in France, finished second

place in the first round of French elections. By the end of the election cycle, traditional socialist and conservative parties

had been routed. Emmanuel Macron won in the end, his victory was only assured because the opposition had lined up

to stop Le Pen.

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Arguably, no U.S. president has so singularly driven upheaval and chaos


In election after election across Western Europe, we have witnessed the rise of right-wing “populist” parties. In

Germany, the AfD (Alternative for Germany), gained the third largest number of seats in the federal election of 2017, and

won 11 per cent of the vote in EU election in May this year. In 2017, the far-right Freedom Party of Austria gained enough

votes to place their leader as Vice-Chancellor. In Italy, the right-wing party The

League became a coalition partner in government in March 2018, with leader

Matteo Salvini serving as Deputy Prime Minister and who now acts as a

central convenor for the European far right.

In Scandinavia, right-wing populist parties continue their advance. The Danish People’s Party won 21 per cent of the vote in the last general election; the Swedish Democrats won nearly one in five votes in the 2018 general elections, and the Finns Party narrowly missed winning the May 2019 election

The far-right wing wave has also spread to the countries of the former Eastern Bloc. Poland continues to be governed by the hard-right Justice and Law Party. In Slovakia, the openly fascist, neo-Nazi, Marian Kotleba won the approval of one in ten voters during the first round of elections in March 2019. And in Hungary, Viktor Orbán was re-elected to a third term in 2018. His anti-immigrant and Islamophobic Fidesz party continues to clamp down on the opposition and undermine press freedom – many see the country inching toward dictatorship.

At the end of May this year, elections for the European Union parliament saw far-right parties continue to gain ground. UK’s Nigel Farage, and his new Brexit Party; France’s Marine Le Pen, and her renamed National Rally; and Italy’s Mateo Salvini, and his The League party, all won the most votes among their countries’ voters.

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Elsewhere around much of the world, the picture is not any better.


Nearly 75 years after the end of the Second World War, the project of pan-European government to constrain nationalism and militarism is under existential threat.

Elsewhere around much of the world, the picture is not any better. President Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines, who has waged an anti-drug campaign that human rights activists estimate has killed 20,000 people, won more seats in the Senate in May of this year. In Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdo an continues to crack down on press freedoms, and most recently in April this year aimed to force a municipal re-election in Istanbul after an opposition win.

The push toward democracy across the Middle East known as “Arab Spring” of 2010-2012 is long defeated, with much of the region firmly back in grip of dictatorships and mired in civil war. And the early

2000’s “pink wave” of left governments in central and south America has come fully undone, most dramatically with the election of Brazil’s military-loving, right-wing populist, Jair Bolsonaro in January this year.

So-called “strong men” leaders continue to dominate two of the world’s most populous countries as China’s Xi Jinping further clamps down on human rights, and quashes any moves toward democratic reforms; while India’s Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist party, the BJP, recently won re-election stoking fresh fear in the country’s minority communities, especially Muslims. And Vladimir Putin has controlled Russia, and its formidable military, with a strong hand largely uncontested for the last twenty years.

So what does this mean for us? It may seem that trying to process and understand this upheaval is impossible. It may seem that it’s simply easier to avert our gaze. It may seem that we have entered a new dark age, that the long march toward progress, equality, social justice, and democracy has been abruptly halted.

And, of course, this right-wing resurgence begs an important question: is Canada immune? Will we, too, turn toward the kind of divisive future we are witnessing elsewhere? So far, it seems, we have managed to largely hold the worst of right-wing extremism at bay, but the recent emergence of leaders such as Andrew Scheer on the federal level, Doug Ford in Ontario, Jason Kenney in Alberta, and other conservative governments in Canada has many alarmed about what may be on our horizon.

Part of our political work as a union is to try to “untangle” it all: to try to sort out what all these changes are about, what they have in common, and what they mean for our movement.

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3. Why is right-wing “populism” so popular these days?

This word “populism” gets used a lot these days, but what does it mean? The earliest use of the term was in the 1890s

in the United States, used to describe progressive movements among farmers who rallied the “little guys” against

bigger economic interests. Populism, at its base, is a revolutionary appeal to the people to rise up against the elite.

But today the term is generally used to describe a right-wing agenda. A leading

commentator on politics characterized the key elements of today’s right-wing

populists this way: “They combine loyalty to an ugly and authoritarian model of

capitalism with white nationalism, immigrant-bashing, racism, sexism, and

speak to ‘traditional values.1’”

The term populism is a great piece of marketing: Who doesn’t want to be

popular? But which kind of populism are we talking about? We sometimes hear of both “right wing” and “left wing”

populism, which can lead to some confusion. Those on the left, traditionally aligned with unions and the working class,

naturally appeal to the people and challenge the elites.

Targeting the “other” It’s important to distinguish right-wing from left wing populism — for the right, it is not an appeal to the people, but

rather, it’s an appeal to our people. This is one of the defining marks of right-wing populism.

In his 2016 book, The Populist Explosion, John Judis wrote:

Left-wing populists champion the people against an elite or establishment. Theirs is a vertical politics of the

bottom and middle arrayed against the top. Right-wing populists champion the people against an elite they

accuse of coddling a third group2.

This is essential: the non-deserving “third group” who are apparently undermining rights and privilege of “our” people

are immigrants, women, Indigenous, the poor, LGBTQ, persons of colour, and other equity-seeking groups.

Another defining feature of right-wing populists is their orientation against the “political class.” They like to frame

themselves as outsiders, as fighting against the “establishment,” and argue that the media and judiciary are working

against them. They like to talk about being for the “people” and their

appeal is focused directly on average working-class people of their

chosen ethnic and national heritage.

Most current right-wing populists are quite different from the

conservative parties of the past. In economic terms, rather than

dismantling the state and aiming for smaller government, these

populists often want a strong and active state role in the economy

— often in the form of military spending. Their project is also

increasingly nationalist (as opposed to globalist), centered on

reinforced borders with protectionist economic policies, hand-in-

hand with closing the door to immigration.

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For the right, it is not an appeal to the people, but rather, it’s an appeal to our people.

1 Paul Street, Counterpunch, April 28, 2017 2 John B. Judis, “The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics,” (New York: Columbia Global Reports, 2016)


According to many analysts, with the global rise of right-wing populism we are seeing an abandonment of what used to

be the pillars of traditional conservatism: Cold War-era liberalism and globalization. These twin pillars upheld a model of

capitalism that combined political and personal freedoms with an expanding integrated global economy in an

internationalist project, originally as a bulwark against the spread of communism.

Among the most insidious elements of right-wing populism is its ability to appeal to elements of the working class with

its scapegoating of the “other,” providing cover for generous service to the billionaire class.

Consider some of U.S. President Donald Trump’s core economic policies. A

recent analysis notes that 90 per cent of his 2018 package of $1.2 trillion-

worth of tax cuts went to the top 10 per cent of income earners. His

abandonment of healthcare reforms is a gift to the insurance industry.

Environmental deregulation and pulling out of the Paris Agreement on Climate

Change have been gifts to oil and gas interests, and massive military spending

has been a gift to defence contractors. He’s also further gutting labour laws in

the United States, stacking the National Labor Relations Board with his picks,

and working to bring in a national right-to-work law for those jurisdictions that

still have proper collective bargaining rights.

Closer to home, in Ontario, we see a similar set of gifts to the rich emerging

from Doug Ford’s government’s plans for tax cuts, cutbacks to public services,

climate change denial and wide-spread de-regulation. And of course, rather

than challenge corporate power, Doug Ford immediately threw in the towel in

the face of a potential closure of GM Oshawa. In Alberta we’ve seen the Jason Kenney government cut the minimum

wage for young workers by $2 per hour and weaken overtime pay rules.

Why is this happening now? Many of the core ideas behind right-wing populism have been around for a long time. And many associated fringe

parties have been battling away on the margins for years. So why the sudden upsurge in support?

There may not be consensus around what exactly lay behind the current right-wing revolution, but there is strong

agreement about the main driving factors.

Many people put economic failures at the top of the list. The global financial crisis and ensuing recession – triggered by

a festival of Wall Street corruption and government collusion – put 27 million out of work around the world and threw

the global economy into reverse for the first time since the Second World War. We are still feeling the aftermath

economically and politically.

It’s been a decade since the worst of the global financial crisis of 2008-2010 devastated the lives of millions, but it still

has not ended for many people around the world. Even in places where the headline numbers of low unemployment

and economic growth suggest strength, an ongoing transformation in the economy has meant more precarious work,

instability, and permanent insecurity, even in seemingly “good times.”

Many people remain desperate, and many who once felt secure in blue-collar manufacturing and resource jobs no

longer do. Hundreds of communities have been left behind. Too many young people have too few solid prospects, and

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Among the most insidious elements of right-wing populism is its ability to appeal to elements of the working class with its scapegoating of the “other,” providing cover for generous service to the billionaire class.

3 John Bellamy Foster, “Capitalism Has Failed – What Next?,” Monthly Review 70, no. 9, (February 2019)


the older generation feels less secure than ever. Against these realities, it makes sense to point to those who have been

in charge for last several decades and say, “the system’s not working.”

This frustration has opened the door for right-wing populists to claim they have the answers, at least for “you and

your people” (instead of all of us). Critically, these arguments gain traction given there has not been much on offer

from the traditional centre-left, social democratic, and established European socialist parties: they have generally

offered no firm or transformational program. Their main response, rightly mocked by many, has been to “save

capitalism” with more capitalism.

A scathing, and sobering, summary of the state of global capitalism was recently offered by leading political analysist

John Bellamy Foster:

Less than two decades into the 21st century, it is evident that capitalism has failed as a social system. The world

is mired in economic stagnation, financialization, and the most extreme inequality in human history, accompanied

by mass unemployment and underemployment, precariousness, poverty, hunger, wasted output and lives, and

what at this point can only be called a planetary ecological “death spiral.” The digital revolution, the greatest

technological advance of our time, has rapidly mutated from a promise of free communication and liberated

production into new means of surveillance, control, and displacement of the working population. The institutions

of liberal democracy are at the point of collapse, while fascism, the rear guard of the capitalist system, is again

on the march, along with patriarchy, racism, imperialism, and war3.

These are strong words for difficult times, but they also make it clear that it’s essential we get a real grip on where we

have landed.

Several other factors have been highlighted as feeding into the rise of right-wing populism. Fear is always a strong motivator, and has been seized upon by the rising right wing, stemming in part from the 9/11 attacks on New York and

the global responses to it, in turn feeding into the ongoing crisis and war in Syria, the ensuing migrant crisis and, of

course, a devastating string of terrorist attacks in the last few years.

Right-wing populists have also tapped into and fed a “backlash” among those long-privileged in society (white straight men) against those successfully

pushing for their rights, whether it is women, LGBTQ communities, racialized

and minority communities, Indigenous peoples, migrants, or others.

Last, but certainly not least, there’s the role of technology. Many observers

point to what they call the “atomization” of media. When faced with a

thousand competing sources of information, you can just find people with your views, and listen and talk to them all day

long if you feel like it. You can create your own media channel—and make it as extreme as you like—and listen only to

people who share your views. Hand-in-hand, social media platforms make it increasingly easy to connect and organize.

Many of these crucial developments seem to have been missed by the established parties. There is justified criticism

that too many of the established parties (both centre-left and centre-right) simply missed the entire shift, and have

failed to grasp the challenges we face or to offer serious solutions, whether that’s the U.S. Democratic Party, U.K.’s

Labour Party, or the French Socialists – and quite possibly several Canadian parties.

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Their main response, rightly mocked by many, has been to “save capitalism” with more capitalism.


Right-wing populism and the labour movement What does this rightward jolt mean for workers and the labour movement? The real problem is that right-wing populists

often speak about our issues, about inequality, and about economic failures. They challenge free trade; they talk about the

elite. If you’re not listening carefully enough, some right-wing populists can even sound a little bit like trade union people.

But, the problem, of course, is not only the hate and racism they espouse, but

they have the opposing policy solutions. Rather than aiming at equality and

bringing people together, their goal is to divide and conquer, to build a base

among workers as “their” people.

Right-wing populists engineer direct appeals to our members, and their

electoral successes have often hinged on winning over just enough blue-collar

voters from progressive parties to their brand of divisive politics.

To challenge this trend in Canada, and elsewhere, the labour movement needs to lead the fight. One of the dangers for

the labour movement is getting co-opted as right-wing populist governments march forward on an agenda that sounds,

on the surface, like something we are interested in. So far, trade unionists around the world have been very clear in

denouncing extreme policies and extremists, and staying at arms-length from engaging with most of these right-wing

governments, even in those areas where they are trying to speak to our members. Many labour movements have also

been working to push established parties much further to the left.

Although politics, as we know it, may be coming undone in many parts of the world, there is also strong opposition to

the rise of right-wing populism. We’ve seen incredible mobilization and new opportunities for progressive movements

and parties.

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Their electoral successes have often hinged on winning over just enough blue-collar voters from progressive parties.


4. Movements and resistance: the opposition grows

Everywhere the right-wing populist revolution has gained ground, it has been met with fierce resistance. In a sea of

bad news and dispiriting developments, it’s essential that we participate in, and acknowledge, the groundswell of

resistance and the work of countless movements fighting for social and

economic justice at home and around the world.

In the three years since our last Convention, social movements and acts of resistance have continued to grow and to fight with renewed vigour. Some have newly emerged to fight specific policies and to push back

against right-wing populists, while others have continued long-fought

battles for justice. These reinvigorated movements are a sharp contrast to

the steady stream of division and hate flowing from right-wing populist

leaders.

Any effort to fully capture the breadth and scope of the thousands of

protests, rallies, marches, and more can only be doomed to failure by omission, given the sheer number of grassroots

movements gathering steam around the world. So, rather than trying to cover it all, a quick tour and taste of recent

events can remind and connect us with wider movements and resistance.

Mass mobilizing: a show of strength Many of the most urgent and dramatic acts of resistance have arisen in the United States in the aftermath and shock of

the Trump presidency, including on election night, when that country saw spontaneous crowds of thousands gather in

several cities under the slogan “Not My President.”

In his first month in office, in response to Trump’s blatant Islamophobia, and affront to civil liberties, though his

attempted illegal Muslim ban on travel to the U.S., we saw spontaneous protests by thousands of people at major

airports across the country.

That same month also saw America’s largest-ever demonstration, and quite possibly the world’s largest, with the

January 2017 Women’s March. Participation reached above 5 million in the U.S. Although centred in Washington,

events spread to cities around the world, including Canada, and organizers reported that some 673 marches took place

worldwide, on all seven continents.

The UK has seen several rallies and marches protesting Brexit, including the

massive march for a “People’s Vote” which brought more than 600,000 out to

the streets of London in March this year.

Across the country, Canada’s LGBTQ communities have mounted actions

against discrimination and human rights abuses around the world, such as in

Brunei and Chechnya and continued to mobilize millions in Pride events to

advocate for, and celebrate, equal rights and sexual diversity.

Students worldwide were inspired into action by the sustained sit-in

demonstration for climate change action by 15-year-old student Greta

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It’s essential that we participate in, and acknowledge, the groundswell of resistance and the work of countless movements fighting for social and economic justice.


Thunburg in front of the Swedish Parliament. On March 15 of this year, an estimated 1.4 million students in 112 countries

around the world joined her call for change through striking and protesting.

In the U.S., student-led March for our Lives brought upwards of two million people out to events across the country in

March 2018 to protest gun violence and to advocate for gun control.

Across the U.S. and around the world, hundreds of anti-Trump protests have been held whenever he shows up,

including in dozens of U.S. cities in the months after his election and through his inauguration. Trump’s trips abroad have

also been met by mass protest, including in Poland, the Philippines, Belgium, Argentina, Palestine, Israel, famously in the

UK with the flying baby Trump balloon, and then again in June this year during a state visit in London. And of course

Trump was a magnet for protesters in Quebec City in June 2018 marching against the G7 summit, which included

Trump’s first and, to date, only visit to Canada.

This year, as several U.S. states have attempted to ban abortion and remove women’s reproductive rights, tens of

thousands have participated in pro-choice rallies and events across the country.

In Ontario, students have battled austerity cuts to education through walkouts and mobilizing a massive demonstration

in front of the legislature in April this year; followed a few weeks later by a major citizens’ rally against efforts to open the

door to health care privatization.

The fight for labour rights continues around the globe. The number of countries that exclude workers from the right to

form or join unions increased from 92 in 2018 to 107 in 2019, and 80 per cent of countries deny some or all workers

collective bargaining rights, according to the International Trade Union Confederation’s Global Rights Index. At each turn,

and in every country, workers continue to organize, mobilize, protest and fight for their rights.

Sustained movements: building everywhere Of course, movements and resistance are not only about mass events with huge numbers of people. In recent years,

many of the most powerful movements involved sustained and widespread actions over a long period of time and in

many places at once.

Originating more than a decade earlier, the #MeToo movement grabbed the world’s attention in 2017 as the use of the

hashtag went viral in response to high-profile cases of sexual violence. The movement spread spontaneously and

globally as women stepped forward to speak out against sexual violence and support survivors.

Black Lives Matter has continued to shape efforts to address anti-Black racism and unjust policing. Originating in the

wake of the 2013 police shooting death of Trayvon Martin in the U.S., the movement has active chapters in many

Canadian communities. Actions in Canada range from demonstrations and protests around Toronto policing, to

organizing seven protests across Canada in August 2016 over the police-involved death of Abdirahman Abdi in Ottawa.

Canada has also witnessed countless actions and ongoing efforts to fight for justice and reconciliation through Indigenous protests and movements, including for example, the fight in recent years by members of the Gidimt’en clan

of the Wet’suwet’en Nation protesting pipeline development in British Columbia; the Grassy Narrows First Nations’

protests and actions in Ontario seeking restitution and justice after mercury poisoning in the community; and, in

Manitoba, marches and memorials for Tina Fontaine, which help sparked support for the National Inquiry into Missing

and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, among many other actions.

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In the face of U.S. crackdowns on undocumented migrants, ongoing abuse of migrant and refugee rights, and policies of

separating children from parents at borders, tens of thousands of people participated in hundreds of demonstrations

across that country in June 2018. Organizations fighting for migrants’ rights have been growing and are active in several

Canadian communities.

The battle against low wages and precarious work continues across North America under the banner of Fight for $15. The movement enjoyed a temporary victory in Ontario with the passage of improved minimum wage and labour

standards, only to have the gains undone by incoming populist Premier Doug Ford – alas, the fight continues. But victory

was achieved in Alberta in October 2018, when the minimum wage was raised to $15, and will reach $15.20 in British

Columbia in 2021.

Launched in 2018 in the UK, Extinction Rebellion has mounted several protests against climate and environmental

breakdown, including most recently in April 2019 a series of sustained non-violent blockades of major intersection in

London, resulting in more than 1,000 arrests during more than a week of protests.

And everywhere they have crawled out from under their rocks, neo-Nazis and the extreme right have been met by

strong counter-protests, whether in the in the tragic confrontation at the “Unite the Right” events in Charlottesville,

Virginia; or across Canada in Vancouver, Toronto, and Quebec City in the summer of 2017. And in Toronto in November

2018, Steve Bannon, Trump’s former advisor and a leading far-right organizer, was greeted by hundreds of protesters.

Around the world, we also see new and reinvigorated spirit of activism in electoral politics in both existing and new

political parties. In the U.S., activists have been inspired by several new members of Congress, perhaps most famously

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez; while stalwart socialist Bernie Sanders is joined by other progressives in the race for

Democratic presidential nomination.

In the UK, we’ve seen a transformative change in the Labour Party under the leadership of

Jeremy Corbyn, buoyed by the role of the internal political caucus Momentum. Elsewhere

in Europe, we see existing leftist parties continue to mobilize and build, including Podemos

in Spain, Syriza in Greece, France Insoumise in France, and Die Linke (Left Party) in

Germany, among many others. In New Zealand, Jacinda Ardern led the Labour Party to

victory in 2017 on a strongly progressive platform.

In South Africa, a scandal-plagued and weakened African National Congress continues to

face ongoing challenges from the left in the form of the Economic Freedom Fighters party and the newly-formed and

union-leader led Socialist Revolutionary Workers Party; across central and South America, several leftist parties continue

to rebuild; while in Mexico, progressive forces rallied to elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador president in July 2018.

Restoring our confidence and building our collective strength While far from exhaustive, this quick tour of the rising examples of pushback happening around the world shows us that

it is essential to remind ourselves that right-wing populists do not have free reign, and that the terrain is not theirs alone.

Many progressives are shaken, and even disoriented, by the events of the last few years. This is why our engagement

with, and support for, movements and acts of resistance are more important than ever.

Unifor will continue to stand in solidarity with those fighting for social and economic justice, and work to build the

broad coalitions to win the future we need.

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We must remind ourselves that right-wing populists do not have free reign.


5. Canadian electoral politics: a right-wing populist sweep?

In the three years since our last convention, virulent Trump-style politics has been relatively slow to emerge in Canada—

at least so far. Perhaps Canadians’ resistance to the worst instincts of right-wing populism can be seen as a testament

to the relative strength, and hard work, of progressive forces in society (including unions). Or, this may simply reflect the

fact that the heart of the political spectrum in Canada has been long-rooted in the centre, or even centre-left (depending

on your yardstick). But developments in the last year, and the signs ahead, suggest that a major shift is underway.

A provincial “blue wave” Canada has had 10 provincial and territorial elections since we last met at Convention, and in the last 14 months has

witnessed a “blue wave” of conservatives defeating Liberal and NDP governments. In June 2018, Canada’s most openly

right-wing populist politician, Doug Ford, gained a majority in Ontario, ending 15

years of Liberal rule. In September of that year, Conservatives under Blaine Higgs in

New Brunswick won the majority of seats over the incumbent Liberals (by one

seat), and assumed office with support of the far-right People’s Alliance. In October,

Quebec’s Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) won its first election with a majority

government, amidst a washout for the Liberals and the Parti Québécois. And in

April this year, Jason Kenney’s United Conservative Party defeated the NDP and

secured a majority in Alberta.

Common themes advanced in the blue wave came from the standard conservative hymnbook. Voters heard appeals for

smaller government and tax cuts. Railing against perceived public spending “waste,” and promises to undo “job-killing

red tape” to ensure their provinces were “open for business,” were all familiar refrains.

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Developments in the last year, and the signs ahead, suggest that a major shift is underway.


In a period of relatively healthy economic conditions and decent public finances, the recent blue wave leaders offered

few open calls for radical transformations of core public services, like the privatization of health care or upending the

education system. Nor did they bet the bank on promises of massive tax cuts, as seen in earlier Conservative eras.

But, as we’re now witnessing, many of these newly-installed governments are operating by stealth — they are ushering in changes under the radar and sometimes in direct opposition to what they promised during their campaigns. These

moves stand in stark contrast to earlier eras, when the core Conservative message centred on public finances, debt and

deficit hysteria, and a program of supposedly-needed austerity measures.

There is a new focus and complexion to today’s blue wave, but what they have in common is an emphasis on “the

people.” In particular, Doug Ford and Jason Kenney, as they stand firmly behind climate change denial, state they are

simply standing up for “their people”

against Ottawa. And Ford has attacked

student unions under the guise of

providing more “choice,” while Kenney

has started down the path toward

attacking the right of unions to lobby

governments or speak out in elections.

Of course, there is considerable debate

to be had about what counts as a

“conservative” government given the

wide variation in policies among

provincial Liberals. Consider, for example, the right-leaning Liberal governments of British Columbia’s Christy Clark and

Quebec’s Philipe Couillard, compared with a much more progressive Kathleen Wynne in Ontario.

Conservatives, too, have their shades of blue, with a history of splits and re-formation in various configurations over the

years. But, despite a history of deeply-divided internal politics, the broader conservative movement has seen a remarkable resurgence.

At the provincial and territorial level in the blue spectrum, we find re-named conservatives in the Saskatchewan Party,

and the Yukon party. In Quebec, the only province without a formally-aligned Conservative party, the CAQ has firmly

donned the conservative mantel following a 2012 merger with

Action Démocratique Québec (ADQ). And in Alberta, Jason

Kenney’s obvious solution to gaining power was to re-unite two

formerly warring conservative factions, the Wildrose Party and the

Progressive Conservatives, into the United Conservative Party.

Despite some room for debate over how blue some governments

are, there can be little debate over the wave that has overtaken the

provincial and territorial landscape. At the time of our convention

in 2016, conservative parties held power in just three provinces,

representing 7 per cent of the Canadian population. Three years

later, there are seven conservative governments, representing 82

per cent of the population.

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The Blue Wave Provincial and territorial governments at Unifor conventions

Then (2016)

Now (2019)

Liberal and NDP governments 8 4

Conservative governments 3 7

Population with a conservative government 7% 82%

Population with a female premier 68% 0%


Federal Liberal “honeymoon”: It’s over After what amounted to the longest honeymoon period for any prime minister in recent memory, the Justin Trudeau

government has seen its support falter, particularly in 2019. Rocked by the ongoing controversy over alleged interference

in the SNC Lavalin corruption case, the affair has led to the resignations

of two cabinet members, his top advisor, and the head of the federal

civil service.

Support has fallen a long way from the heights enjoyed when party

support ran close to 50 per cent in the year following the election,

moderating to the 40 per cent range until early 2019 when the SNC

Lavalin controversy broke. At the time of writing (early June), Liberal

party support had dropped to the range of the low 30s, running

neck-and-neck with Andrew Scheer’s Conservatives.

Exactly what a “personal approval rating” means is always a bit foggy in terms of actual votes. However, this measure

does reveal the challenges facing the Liberals, as Trudeau’s approval rating has fallen from more than 60 per cent in his

first year to below 40 per cent currently.

Many people watched closely in September 2017 when Maxime Bernier (who lost a leadership bid for the Conservative

party by just one per cent) launched the Trump-style right-wing populist People’s Party of Canada (PPC). To date,

though, the PPC has failed to gain significant support and, try as it might, it has been unable to distance itself from the

far-right fringe it has attracted, and is currently polling in the range of two to three per cent.

Since winning the party leadership in October 2017, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh faced an uphill battle without a seat in

Parliament to increase party support beyond the 15 per cent range. His win in the British Columbia Burnaby South by-election

in February 2019 put to rest speculation on his continued leadership, but has yet to translate into a boost in the polls.

Meanwhile, the Green Party has enjoyed a substantial increase in support, regularly polling above 10 per cent. The party

may be poised for further growth following their win of a second seat in parliament in the May 2019 Nanaimo-

Ladysmith by-election in British Columbia.

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THEN NOWAt 2016 Unifor Convention At 2019 Unifor Convention

Province or Territory Party Type Premier Party Type Premier British Columbia Liberal Majority Christy Clark NDP Minority John HorganAlberta NDP Majority Rachel Notley UCP Majority Jason KenneySaskatchewan Saskatchewan Party Majority Brad Wall Saskatchewan Party Majority Scott MoeManitoba PC Majority Brian Pallister PC Majority Brian PallisterOntario Liberal Majority Kathleen Wynne PC Majority Doug FordQuebec Liberal Majority Philippe Couillard CAQ Majority François LegaultNew Brunswick Liberal Majority Brian Gallant PC Minority Blaine Higgs Prince Edward Island Liberal Majority Wade MacLauchlan PC Minority Dennis KingNova Scotia Liberal Majority Stephen McNeil Liberal Majority Stephen McNeilNewfoundland and Labrador Liberal Majority Dwight Ball Liberal Minority Dwight BallYukon Yukon Party Majority Darrell Pasloski Liberal Majority Sandy SilverNunavut Non partisan n.a. Peter Taptuna Non partisan n.a. Joe SavikataaqNorthwest Territories Non partisan n.a. Bob McLeod Non partisan n.a. Bob McLeod


Electoral reform has come and gone, for now Memory fades fast at times. Recall that the 2015 was supposed to be last “first-past-the-post” federal election where

the candidate with the most votes, even if well below 50 per cent support, would win the seat. A first-past-the-post

system regularly provides the full power of a majority government to parties that win as little as 38 to 40 per cent of the

popular vote (Canada has seen three majority governments emerge in

recent times with this level of popular support).

The Liberals, NDP, and Greens each included electoral reform in their

platforms during the 2015 federal election campaign, with the goal of

bringing in some type of more proportional representation. Justin Trudeau

was the most vocal on the issue, announcing that his party was committed to ensuring the 2015 election would be the

last federal election using first past the post. Even the Conservative Party supported a referendum on the matter.

After the Liberals won a majority, they established the all-party Special Committee on Electoral Reform in June 2016.

The committee’s report, tabled that December, recommended the government consider a national referendum on the

question of electoral reform. Although the report suggested that any new

system adopted should be one of proportional representation, it did not

recommend a specific alternative.

The government commissioned an online survey, MyDemocracy.ca, in

December 2016. Though its aim was to consult and engage Canadians on the

subject of electoral reform, its results were inconclusive. Critics pointed out

that the survey did not clearly discuss electoral reform or specific electoral

systems and instead focused attention on democratic values. So, without significant popular support and clearly tepid

backing from other parties, in February 2017 the Liberal government dropped electoral reform from its official

mandate in a complete reversal of policy, to the deep dismay of those seeking strengthened democracy and more

representative government.

The goal of achieving a more representative system remains a challenge. Several provincial referendums

on electoral reform have ended in defeat over the

years, including a firm 60 per cent rejection in British

Columbia in December 2018, and a narrow defeat in

Prince Edward Island in April of this year.

We will face a 2019 election with progressive voters

rightfully anxious over the prospect of an Andrew

Scheer winning a majority government with

somewhere in the range of 38 to 40 per cent of the

vote. Absent electoral reform, or a new alignment of

parties, the question of effective strategic voting and

the formation of progressive governing coalitions

remain essential.

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2015 was supposed to be last “first-past-the-post” federal election.

Effective strategic voting, and the formation of progressive governing coalitions, remain essential.


6. Unifor policy on politics: grounded in democratic decision-making

From the outset, Unifor made it a central priority to engage strongly — and effectively — in Canadian politics on behalf of our

members, and all workers. This determination rests on the clear foundations laid out in the New Union Project, articulated in

policies adopted at our Founding Convention, spelled out in our Constitution, and elaborated in policies adopted at our

inaugural meeting of the Canadian Council.

At our Founding Convention held on Labour Day weekend 2013, more than 4,000 delegates and guests were presented with

an overarching Vision Document for the new union. The document articulated the broad mandate and mission for the new

union, including our approach to politics.

At the same Convention, delegates were also presented with a Founding Constitution for the new union, developed after

months of rigorous review and careful constructing. The Constitution not only established the structures, governance, and

procedures of the new union, but also outlined clear principles and objectives, which provide guidance for our political work.

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From Unifor’s Founding Convention Vision Document “Politics” is not just something that happens during an election. And “political action” means much more than simply casting a ballot every few years. Our political goals as a union will include: • Formulating and articulating demands on broader economic, social, and environmental issues that

affect our members and all working people. • Organizing and mobilizing our members and other Canadians into active campaigns in support of

those demands. • Lobbying and pressuring political leaders and representatives at all levels in support of those goals

and demands. • Participating in election campaigns to raise our issues, and to support candidates who agree with them.

Adopted, September 2013


The following year, in September 2014, delegates to the union’s first Canadian Council meeting, which was held in Vancouver, debated and adopted “Politics for Workers: Unifor’s Political Project,” a policy document that further elaborated the current political context, outlined the nature and scope of the union’s political work, and spelled out four over-arching principles for our political engagement.

The policy document also spoke to Unifor’s goal of developing relationships with multiple political parties, social justice movements, equity-seeking movements, non-governmental organizations and institutions, labour unions and workers’ movements around the world, and individuals who contribute to the advancement of our goals. Critically, the policy explicitly recognized the distinct political relationships of the union in Quebec, and its decisions to develop independent tactics for each election.

In elaborating the union’s electoral policy, the document also outlined a process for engagement and strategy-building by Unifor Regional Councils and the National Executive Board in developing electoral recommendations.

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From Unifor’s Constitution:

Article 2, Paragraph 10 – Statement of Principles “Our goal is transformative. To reassert common interest over private interest. Our goal is to change our workplaces and our world. Our vision is compelling. It is to fundamentally change the economy, with equality and social justice, restore and strengthen our democracy and achieve an environmentally sustainable future. This is the basis of social unionism – a strong and progressive union culture and a commitment to work in common cause with other progressives in Canada and around the world.”

Article 3 – Objectives, including: • To fight for good jobs in our communities and throughout the economy.

• To provide support to those in need.

• To build our union’s presence in the community and encourage our members to be involved in all aspects of community life.

• To work in common cause with other progressives to promote social justice and environmental sustainability at a community level.

• To safeguard, protect and extend freedom, civil liberties, democracy and democratic trade unionism.

• To be broadly politically active at the municipal, provincial and federal levels and to mount issue-based campaigns.

• To fight for social and economic reform by giving priority to good jobs, equality and social justice.

• To protect and safeguard the health and safety of the planet by supporting the goal of an environmentally sustainable future.

• To resist corporate globalization and provide alternatives to job-destroying trade deals and policies.

• To work to end war and contribute to world peace.

Adopted, September 2013; re-adopted, August 2016


Unifor has approached our political work with enthusiasm, rigour, and careful attention to ensure our work is firmly grounded in the democratic decision-making of the union. Unifor’s political vision statements, principles, objectives, and policies debated and adopted by delegates have stood the test of time, providing a foundation for our political work these last six years, and serving as a foundation as we approach the 2019 federal election.

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From Politics for Workers: Unifor’s political project Unifor’s policies on political relationships and elections will be guided by these four guiding statements: • Principled – Unifor’s political policies will reflect the principles in the Unifor Constitution, the New

Union Project documents and the Founding Convention documents. • Independent - Unifor politics is at all times based on independent analysis and democratic decisions

in the interests of the membership and the labour movement. Unifor will develop policies, take direct action, campaign with movements and coalitions, and determine electoral tactics in each concrete political situation based on democratic debate and decisions by Unifor Councils and by accountable leadership bodies.

• Balanced - Independent labour, political action, social movements and electoral politics are all necessary components of social change, and Unifor must have the capacity and the will to engage in all of these forms of struggle depending on the circumstances.

• Transformational - Unifor’s political analysis is based in an understanding of class and power relationships, including oppression based on gender, race and sexual orientation. Unifor is committed to a transformative politics to bring about fundamental social change for political, social and economic democracy and a sustainable environment.

Our electoral policy: • Unifor may make recommendations to its members regarding any election when the interests of

Unifor members and the labour movement are affected. • Any electoral recommendation shall be debated by the appropriate Unifor Council or the National

Executive Board. • Electoral recommendations for a party or individual should be specific to a particular election. • Unifor recommendations will not “tell members who to vote for” and will clearly set out the reasons

for any recommendation, and also acknowledge the democratic right of each individual to make their own political choice.

• All Unifor members will be supported and encouraged to participate in political debate within the union. • As we develop our political relationships and electoral policies, Unifor will be guided by the ultimate

reality that we can never “contract out” our politics to any other party or structure. • Our political goals will only be achieved through the organized strength of the labour movement and

by Unifor’s own independent analysis and strategic directions. Adopted, September 2014


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7. Unifor and the next federal election

As we meet in Convention, two months — at most — remain until election day. The election must occur on or before

October 21.

At the time of writing, all signs point to this election being an extremely close contest. While poll results always

fluctuate, the broader trends show the Liberals and Conservatives running neck and neck. We also see steady support

for the NDP and rising support for the Greens and the Bloc Québécois, each of which typically competes with the

Liberals (and each other) for votes.

Absent proportional electoral reform, Canada faces the very real prospect of the next government gaining a majority in

parliament with support in the range of 38 to 40 per cent of the popular vote. Based on recent polling and provincial

election results, the party currently best positioned to gain that majority is the Conservatives.

Will the 2019 federal election be the next step in Canada’s blue wave? Will Canada follow in the path of the dangerous brand of right-wing populism on the march worldwide?

When the Harper era ended, the Conservatives had an important choice to

make at their leadership contest in May 2017: Either make a far-right populist

turn with Maxime Bernier as leader, or choose to stay the course with a more

personable version of Harper by putting Andrew Scheer at the helm. The party

barely made a real choice: Scheer won by just one per cent over Bernier after 13

rounds of balloting.

While Scheer succeeds in his efforts to be more likeable to voters than ice-cold

Harper (not a hard act to follow), his agenda remains true Harper-blue. Of

course, Scheer may seem “new” to many, but he has been elected six times and

served as a full-fledged member of Harper’s government as it undermined pay

equity, rolled back labour laws, interfered in collective bargaining rights, and raised the retirement age, among many

other misdeeds. And — make no mistake — far-right populists remain a core element of the party and will certainly

drive future policy.

The Conservatives’ economic policies remain largely focused on their shopworn agenda of tax cuts for the wealthy and

big business, privatization, reductions in social programs, “less government,” and more so-called “free trade.” Given the

relatively strong current economic conditions, angling for austerity, or arguing for tax cuts to strengthen business is

harder to do these days — but that’s not stopping them from trying.

The party continues to stand on the wrong side of progress for women, racialized communities, migrants, and

Indigenous reconciliation. They are the leaders of climate change denial in Canada and reject plans to tackle

environmental challenges that could sustain and create good jobs. And it would be naïve to assume that a Conservative

government would not immediately revive their long-standing tradition of attacking labour rights.

The Conservative Party has an established track record of advancing the interests of big business and the wealthy, and

acting against the interests of working people. Some labour leaders have deftly summarized it this way: “A conservative vote is a vote for your boss.”

The Conservative Party has an established track record of advancing the interests of big business and the wealthy, and acting against the interests of working people.


Against a backdrop of increasingly emboldened and extreme right-wing populists globally, it’s no stretch of the imagination

to envision a Conservative government in Canada eagerly joining the fray and lurching even further to the right.

The newly-formed fringe far-right People’s Party of Canada (PPC) remains marginal in the polls at the time of writing,

but it is led by someone who narrowly missed the Conservative Party leadership and it’s too early to rule out their

influence. Recent experience around the world tells us that things can change quickly in elections.

In the upcoming election, our work as a union remains clear. We must continue to focus on winning justice. Practically

speaking, this means addressing rising inequality and insecurity. It means championing strengthened social services

such as health care, child care, and a new pharmacare program. It means tackling the growing problems of housing and

affordability, pursuing fair trade, and implementing policies to support and grow our manufacturing and export

industries. It means advancing gender rights, Indigenous reconciliation, workers’ rights, and all human rights. And it

means tackling climate change head-on with policies that support and strengthen good jobs.

Some, or all, of our priorities may be addressed by the NDP, Liberals, Greens, or Bloc Québécois. Each will reveal their

policies, and platforms, in the course of the election campaign. But they will definitely not be advanced by the

Conservative Party or the PPC.

Ultimately, we must remain steadfast in our goal in this election: social and economic justice for our members, and for

all workers.

In the 2019 federal election, Unifor will: 1. Build and implement our action plans based on the principles, and with the guidance, of our Founding

Convention policies and Constitution, and polices adopted at our inaugural meeting of the Canadian Council.

2. Articulate and advance our views and engage in public debate on key issues of interest to our members and all

workers, and encourage all parties to adopt policies and develop platforms that reflect these priorities.

3. Engage with our members in discussion of the issues, encourage all members to participate in the democratic

process and mobilize in support of union actions and campaigns, and, most importantly, encourage all

members to vote.

4. Work to ensure the Conservative Party, or the PPC, does not form the next government.

5. Support the candidate in each riding with the greatest chance of defeating the Conservative and PPC candidates.

6. Encourage the NDP, Liberals, Greens, and Bloc Québécois to clearly commit — in advance of the election — that

in the event of a minority outcome they will consider all avenues for forming a coalition government, adopting a

power-sharing agreement, or implementing a governing accord before ceding control to a minority Conservative

or PPC government.

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