una revisión del testing for competence de mc clelland

8/17/2019 Una Revisión Del Testing for Competence de Mc Clelland

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Reconsideration o f Testing for C om pe tenc e

Rather Than for Intell igence

Gerald V. Barrett and Robert L. Depinet

T h e U n i v e rs i ty o f A k r o n

D a v i d C . M c C l e l la n d ' s 1 9 7 3 a r t i cl e h a s d e e p l y i n f l u e n c e d

b o t h p r o f e s s io n a l a n d p u b l i c o p i n io n . I n i t, h e p r e s e n t e d

f i v e m ajor t hemes. (a ) Grad es i n schoo l d id no t pred i c t

occup a t iona l success , (b ) in t e l li gence t e s t s and a p t i t ude

t e s ts d i d n o t p r e d i c t o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c ce s s o r o t h e r i m p o r -

tan t l i f e ou t comes , ( c ) t e s t s and academic pe r formance

o n l y p r e d i c te d j o b p e r f o r m a n c e b e c a u s e o f a n u n d e r l y i n g

re la t i onsh ip w i th soc ia l s t a tus , (d ) such t e s t s were un fa i r

to minor i t i e s, and (e ) com pe tenc i e s wou ld be be t t e r ab l e

t o p r e d i c t i m p o r t a n t b e h a v i o r s t h a n w o u l d m o r e t r a d i -

t i ona l t e st s. Des p i t e t he pe rvas i ve i n f l uence o f t he se as -

se r t ions , t h i s rev i ew o f t he l i te ra ture show ed on l y l im i t ed

s u p p o r t f o r t h e s e c l a im s .

In 1973, David C. McClelland's lead article in the

A m e r -

i can Psycho log i s t

profoundly affected both the field of

psychology and popular opinion. This article was designed

to review skeptically the main lines of evidence for the

validity of intelligence and aptitude tests and to draw some

inferences from this review as to new lines that testing

might take in the future (p. 1). The main themes he

endorsed and continues to promote (e.g., Klemp &

McClelland, 1986) have been published widely in news-

papers, magazines, and popular books as well as psy-

chology textbooks. Bel ief n these views, however, has be-

come so widespread that often they are presented as com-

mon knowledge (e.g., Feldman, 1990).

Table 1 reviews a number of works that cited

McClelland (1973) and shows that the impact of Mc-

Clelland's article has increased over time. Soon after the

article was published, McClelland's views were integrated

into int roductory psychology textbooks. By the late 1980s,

these themes had become part of generally accepted public

opinion, with newspaper and magazine writers commonly

citing McClelland as an au thor ity on intelligence testing.

It was McClelland's (1973) belief that intelligence

testing should be replaced by competency-based testing.

His argument against intelligence testing rested on the

assertion that intelligence tests and aptitude tests have

not been shown to be related to important life outcomes

because psychologists were unable and unwilling to test

this relationship. McClelland argued that intelligence tests

have been correlated with each other and with grades in

school but not with other life outcomes.

McClelland (1973) stated that intellectual ability

scores and academic performance were the result o f social

status, and he labeled them a sort of game. He asserted

that a test must resemble job performance or other criteria

to be related to the performance on the criteria. He also

claimed tha t intelligence and aptitude testing were unfair

to minorities . He advocated that the profession should

focus on what he termed

compe tency t e s t i ng

and criterion

sampling, maintaining that intelligence testing and ap-

titude testing should be discarded.

The main points of McClelland's (1973) article can

be summarized in the following five themes: (a) Grades

in school did not predict occupat ional success, (b) intel-

ligence tests and aptitude tests did not predict occupa-

tional success or other impor tant life outcomes, (c) tests

and academic performance only predicted job perfor-

mance as a result of an underlying relationship to social

status, (d) tradit ional tests were unfai r to minorities, and

(e) competencies would more successfully predict im-

portant behaviors than would more traditional tests.

In the present article, these themes are examined

through a comprehensive review of relevant literature.

Although McClelland's (1973) article contained many

subthemes, only those themes we believe to be the main

issues are addressed here. This does not imply, however,

that we agree with any aspects of McClelland's article

that are not addressed here.

o Grades P redict Occupational Success

McClelland (1973) claimed that the games people are

required to play on aptitude tests are similar to the games

teachers require in the classroom (p. 1). As evidence,

McClelland presented four citations that he interpreted

as suppor t for his position, while ignoring disconfirming

evidence. He also included his personal experiences at

Wesleyan University as evidence, maintaining that A

students could not be distinguished from barely passing

students in later occupational success. This finding differs

greatly from that found in a similar, more scientific com-

parison done by Nicholson (1915) at the same school.

Nicholson found that academical ly exceptional students

were much more likely to achieve distinction in later

life. The results of Nicholson's study are summarized in

Table 2.

Cor re sponde nc e c onc e rn ing th i s a r t i c le should be a ddre s se d to G e ra ld

V. Ba r re tt De pa r tm e nt o f Psychology The Unive r s i ty of Akron Buc hte l

College of Arts and Sciences Akron O H 44325-4301.

1012

October 1991 ° American Psychologist

Copyright 1991 by the American P sychological Association, Inc. 0003-066X/91/ 2.00

Vol. 46, No. 10, 1012-1024


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T a b l e

S uppo r t f o r Mc C l e l l and s (1973 ) C onc ep t s i n N ew s pape rs , Magaz i nes , P opu l a r B ook s , and Tex tbook s

Publication Author(s) Statement

N e w s p a p e r s

New York Times

New York Times

Plain Dealer

M a g a z i n e s

Atlantic Monthly

Psychology Today

Psychology Today

Popu la r books

More Like Us

Whiz Kids

Psycho logy t ex t s

Psychology: An Introduction

Introduction to Psychology

Psychology: Being Human

Psychology

Understanding Human Behavior

Elements of Psychology

Essentials of Psychology

Psychology: An Introduction

Introductory Psychology

Goleman (1988)

Goleman (1984)

Drex ler (1981)

Fa l lows (1985)

Goleman (1981)

Koen ig (1974 )

Fa l lows (1989)

M a ch low i t z ( 1985 )

Morr is (1990)

C oon (1986 )

Rub in McN ei l (1985)

Cr ider , Goetha ls ,

Kavanaugh ,

So lom on (1983 )

McConne l l (1983)

Krech Cru tch f ie ld

(1982)

S i lverman (1979)

M u s s e n

R osenzw e ig (1977 )

D av ids Engen

(1975)

IQ tes ts seve re ly l im i ted as

p red i c to r s o f j ob success

In te l ligence unre la ted to

ca ree r success

Tes ts un re la ted t o

accom p l i shm en ts i n

leadersh ip , a r ts , sc ience,

mus ic , wr i t ing , speech,

and drama; tes ts

d i sc r im ina te by cu l t u re

P rom o te rep lacing ap t i t ude

tes t s w i t h com pe tence

tes t s

Tes ts and g rades a re

unre la ted to career

success

Tes ts and g rades have l ess

va lue than com pe tence

tes t s

Tes ts and g rades a re use less

as pred ic to rs o f

occupa t i ona l success

B r igh t peop le do no t do

bet te r in l i fe

IQ and grades are unre la ted

to occupa t i ona l success

IQ does no t p red i c t im po r tan t

behav io r s o r success

Suggests rep lac ing IQ tes ts

w i th com pe tence tes t s

Tes ts a re un fa i r by race and

soc ioeconom ic s ta tus

Ab i l i ty is unre la ted to c areer

s u c c e s s

Tes ts and g rades a re

un re la ted t o l if e ou t com es

Test ing re su l ts in ca tegor ica l

labe ls

Tes t sco res a re un re la ted to

j ob success

Suggests rep lac ing IQ tes ts

w i th com pe tence tes t s

S o m e l i m i t a ti o n s d o e x i s t wh e n g ra d e s a r e u s e d a s

p red ic to rs. G rades vary g rea t ly amo ng d i sc ip lines (Barre t t

Alexander , 1989 ; EUio t t S t ren ta , 1988 ; Schoe nfe ld t

Brush , 1975) as wel l as am ong co l leges (Barre t t Al -

exander, 1989; H um phr ey s, 1988; Ne lson, 1975). Bec ause

d i f fe ren t s tuden ts usua l ly t ake d i f fe ren t courses , the re -

l i ab i li ty o f g rades is re la tive ly low un less a c om m on se t

o f courses i s t aken (Bu t le r Mc Cau ley , 1987) . De sp i te

t h e s e s h o rt c o m i n g s , a n u m b e r o f m e t a - a n a ly s e s h a v e

s h o wn t h a t g r a d e s d o h a v e a s m a l l - to -m o d e ra t e c o r r e la -

t i o n w i t h o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e s s (C o h e n , 1 9 84 ; Dy e

Reek , 1988 , 1989 ; O 'Leary , 1980 ; Samson , Graue , Wein -

s te in , Walberg , 1984) . De sp i te an over lap am ong the

d a t a u s e d b y t h e s e s t u d i e s a n d v a r i a b il i ty a m o n g r e s u lt s

( r = . 15 to .29 ), they a l l reach ed s im i la r conc lus ions . A

wi d e v a r i e t y o f m e a s u re s o f o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e s s s u c h a s

O ctob er 1991 • Am erica n Psycho log is t 1013


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T a b l e 2

Success of Wesleyan raduates

Classes/academic standing

Percentage

w o

achieved

distinction in

later l i fe

1 8 3 1 1 9 5 9

V a l e d i c to r i a n s a n d s a l u t a to r i a n s 4 9

P h i B e t a K a p p a 3 1

N o s c h o l a r l y d i s t in c t i o n 6

1 8 6 0 1 8 8 9

H i g h e s t h o n o r s 4 7


N o sch o l ar l y d i s t in c t i o n 10

1 8 9 0 1 8 9 9

H i g h e s t h o n o r s 6 0


N o sch o l ar l y d i s t in c t i o n 11

Note. Ada pted from Suc ces s in col lege and in later l i fe by F. W. Nicholson,

1915, School an d Society 12, p. 229-232. In the publ ic domain.

sa la ry, p ro m ot ion ra te , and supe rv i so ry ra t ings have been

pos i t ive ly re la ted to g rade po in t average .

The resu l t s o f these rec ta -ana lyses re f lec t the d iverse

ind iv idua l s tud ies tha t show ed a re la t ionsh ip be tw een ac-

a d e m i c p e r fo rm a n c e a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e ss . Th i s r e -

l a t i o n s h i p m a y h a v e s t e m m e d f ro m u n d e r l y i n g a s s o c i a -

t i o n s b e t w e e n a c a d e m i c p e r fo rm a n c e a n d i n t e l l e c t u a l

ab i li ty , mo t iva t ion (How ard , 1986) , and a t t i tudes towa rd

wo rk (Pa lmer , 1964) . H un ter (1983 , 1986) sup por te d th i s

p o s s i b il i ty b y d e m o n s t r a t i n g t h ro u g h p a t h a n a ly s i s th a t

h i g h e r a b i l it y l e d t o i n c r e a s e d j o b k n o w l e d g e , w h i c h i n

t u rn l e d t o b e t t e r j o b p e r fo rm a n c e . T h i s r e l a t io n s h i p w a s

t rue a t a l l educa t iona l l eve l s , inc lud ing med ica l schoo l

g raduates , g raduate- leve l MBAs, co l lege g raduates in bo th

eng ineer ing and l ibera l a r t s , t echn ica l schoo l g raduates ,

a n d h i g h s c h o o l g r a d u a t e s i n t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a n d i n

o the r coun t r ies , such as Swede n (Husen , 1969) . The co r-

r e l a ti o n s b e t w e e n g r a d e s a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e ss h av e

ranged f ro m .14 to .59 . However , som e research has in -

d i c a t e d t h a t t h e s e r e l a t io n s h i p s w e re u n d e re s t i m a t e d b e -

c a u s e t h e r a n g e o n t h e p r e d i c t o r g r a d e s w a s r e s t r i c t e d

(Dy e & Reck , 1989; El l io t t & St ren ta , 1988) . Even when

l imi ta t ions a re cons idered , bo th meta-ana lyses and d iverse

ind iv idua l s tud ies showed g rades as p red ic to rs o f occu-

p a t i o n a l success

o Intelligence ests

a n d p t i t u d e

Tests

R e l at e t o J o b S u c c e s s o r O t h e r L i f e

Ou t c ome s

Th o rn d i k e a n d H a g e n ' s ( 1 9 5 9 ) s tu d y w a s M c C l e l l a n d 's

(1973) cen t ra l ev idence tha t ap t i tud e t es t s d id no t p red ic t

o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e s s . Th e Th o rn d i k e a n d H a g e n s t u d y

i n v o l v e d m o re t h a n 1 2 ,0 0 0 c o r r e l a ti o n s b e t w e e n a p t i t u d e

t e s ts a n d v a r i o u s m e a s u re s o f o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e s s fo r

m o re t h a n 1 0 ,00 0 i nd i v id u a l s. Th e y c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e

n u m b e r o f s ig n i fi c a nt c o r r e l a ti o n s d i d n o t e x c e e d t h e

n u m b e r t h a t w o u l d b e e x p e c te d b y c h a nc e . F r o m t h e se

r e s u lt s , M e C l e l la n d c o n c l u d e d t h a t i n o t h e r w o rd s , t h e

tes t s we re inva l id (p . 3) .

Th i s c h a ra c t e r i z a t io n o f th e r e s e a r c h b y Th o rn d i k e

a n d H a g e n (1 9 5 9 ) h a s o f t e n b e e n q u o t e d a s p ro o f t h a t

ap t i tude t es t s canno t p red ic t jo b success (Hane y , 1982 ;

Nai rn , 1980) . However , Mc Cle l land (1973) d id no t ad -

d re s s s o m e e x t r e m e l y i m p o r t a n t p o i n ts .

P e rh a p s t h e m o s t b a s i c p o i n t o v e r l o o k e d w a s t h a t

ap t i tud e t es t s d id , in fac t , p red ic t suc cess fo r those p ro fes -

s iona l s fo r wh om they were des igned , namely , p i lo t s and

nav iga to rs. Th e t es t ba t t e ry co ns i s ted o f d ia l and tab le

read ing , speed o f iden t i f i ca tion , two- hand co ord ina t ion ,

complex coord ina t ion , ro ta ry pu rsu i t , f inger dex ter i ty ,

a iming s t res s , d i sc r imina t ion in reac t ion t ime, read ing

c o m p re h e n s i o n , m a t h e m a t i c s , n u m e r i c a l o p e ra t i on s , a n d

mec han ica l p r inc ip les (D ubo is , 1947) . Al l o f these t es ts

were spec i f i ca l ly des igned to p red ic t success in av ion ics ,

a n d t h e c o n t e n t o f t he s e t e s ts w a s d i r e c tl y r e l a te d t o t h a t

f ie ld . The mec han ica l p r inc ip les t es t , fo r exam ple , asked

t h e d i r e c t io n o f t h e w i n d a s s h o w n b y a w i n d s o c k .

Th e v a l i di t y o f t h e t e s t b a t t e ry w a s d e m o n s t r a t e d

d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I I (D u b o i s , 1 94 7 ) w h e n a n u n s c re e n e d

g ro u p w a s u s e d a s p a r t o f t h e v a l id a t i on p ro c e ss . O f th o s e

wh o fa i l ed the t es t ba t t e ry , on ly 8 .6% subse quen t ly g rad -

u a t e d f ro m t r a i n in g (4 5 o f 5 20 ) , a n d n o o n e i n t h e l o w e s t

s tanine ( 150 subjects) gradu ated. Conversely , 85% of those

in the upper s t an ines g raduated (Dubo is , 1947) .

M e C l e l l an d (1 9 7 3 )w a s c o n c e rn e d t h a t c u l t u ra l b i a s

was p resen t in ap t i tu de t es t s . The a v ion ics ba t t e ry s tud ie d

b y Th o rn d i k e a n d H a g e n (1 9 5 9 ) w a s u s e d t o p r e d i c t t h e

s u c c e s s o f p il o t s d u r in g W o r l d W a r I I (D u b o i s , 1 94 7) a n d

i n c l u d e d W e s t P o i n t c a d e ts , C h i n e s e p e o p l e , w o m e n , a n d

B l a c k s a s s ub j e c ts . Th e b a t t e ry w a s fo u n d v a l id fo r a ll o f

these g roups . T h is ag rees wi th l a te r f ind ings tha t , in gen-

era l , ap t i tude t es t s a re va l id fo r a ll g roups (Bo ehm , 1972;

H u n t e r , S e h m i d t , & H u n t e r , 1 9 7 9 ; H u n t e r , S c h m i d t , &

Rauschenberger , 1984) .

Th o rn d i k e a n d H a g e n (1 9 5 9 ) s u rv e y e d a s a m p l e o f

i n d i vi d u a l s w h o h a d t a k e n t h e p i l o t a n d n a v i g a to r s t e s t

ba t t e ry in 1943 . The responden ts , wh o ranged in age f rom

1 8 t o 2 6 y e a r s a t t h e t i m e o f te s ti n g , w e re a s k e d t o s u p p l y

se l f - repor t da ta in seven a reas , inc lud ing m on th ly in com e

in 1955 . Val id ity coeff ic ien t s were then com pute d be tw een

resu l t s on the av ion ics t es t ba t t e ry and se l f - repor ted in -

c o m e .

Th i s v a l i d a t i o n p ro c e d u re c o n t a i n e d o b v i o u s f la w s.

Th e e i g h t-y e a r a ge r a n g e a m o n g s u b j e c t s i n f l u e n c e d t h e

j o b e x p e r ie n c e o f t h e r e s p o n d e n ts . S o m e r e s p o n d en t s w e re

wel l es tab l i shed in the i r careers . O thers w ere on ly beg in -

n i ng . D i f f e r e nc e s i n j o b e x p e r i e n c e w o u l d t r a n s la t e i n t o

wide sa la ry d if fe rences , even wi th in the sa me oc cupat ion ,

c o n t a m i n a t i n g t h e c r i t e r i o n m e a s u re .

Th e r e s p o n d e n t s w e re i n d i v e r s e o c c u p a t i o n s a n d

w e re d i s p e r s e d g e o g ra p h i c a l l y t h ro u g h o u t t h e U n i t e d

S t a te s . Ev e n i f t h e a v i o n i c s t e s t h a d b e e n a p p ro p r i a t e f o r

p re d i c t in g t h e s u c c e s s o f b o t h a n En g l is h a c a d e m i c a n d

a p h y s i c i a n a n d e v e n i f t h e y w e re t h e s a m e a g e s a t t h e

t ime the sa la ry da ta were co l lec ted , the d i f fe rences in

1 0 1 4 O c t o b e r 1 9 91 • A m e r i c a n P s y c h o lo g i st


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m ean o ccu p a t i o n a l s a l a r y w o u l d o b s cu r e an y p o t en t i a l

r e la t ionsh ip .

W h i l e M cC l e l l an d ( 1 9 7 3 ) w as c l a i m i n g t h a t t h e

av ion ics ba t te ry was inval id fo r p red ic t ing occupat ional

success , o ther r esearcher s us ing the same da ta se t as

T h o r n d i k e an d H ag en ( 1 9 5 9 ) re f i n ed t h e p r o ced u r e an d

ob ta in ed add i t ional c r i t e r ion da ta in 1969 (Beaton , 1975 ;

Ha use , 1972 , 1975 ; Tan bm an & Wales , 1973 , 1974).

These r esearcher s de termined tha t the numer ica l ap t i tude

fac to r , der ived by f ac to r ana lys i s , was pos i t ive ly r e la ted

to la te r income. These s tud ies a l so showed tha t th i s r e -

la t ionsh ip increa sed over t ime as the fo rm er av ia to r s and

n av i g a to r s m a t u r ed i n t h e i r r e s p ec t i ve o ccu p a t i o n . W h en

t h e d a t a w e r e b r o k en d o w n b y o ccu p a t i o n , t h o s e r e s p o n -

d en t s s co r i n g i n t h e t o p o n e t en t h i n n u m er i ca l ab i l i t y

ea r n ed 3 0% m o r e t h an t h o s e s co ri n g i n t h e b o t t o m f o u r

t en t h s . W h en ab i l i t y w as h e l d co n s t an t , ed u ca t i o n w as

no t a s ign i f ican t f ac to r in r e la t ion to earn ings (Taubman

& Wales, 1974) .

T au b m an an d W a l e s ( 1 9 7 4 ) f o u n d t h a t t h o s e w i t h

scores in the top ab i l i ty l eve l w i th in each ed ucat ion al ca t -

egory ( f rom h igh schoo l th rough p ro fess ional educat ion)

had cons iderab ly h igher sa lar ies than those a t the lowes t

ab i l i ty level . Fo r ind iv iduals w i th ma s ter ' s degrees , those

s co r i n g i n t h e b o t t o m o n e f i f th av e rag ed an an n u a l s a l a ry

of 14 ,000 , where as those in the top one fi f th averaged

22 ,200 .

C o m p ar ab l e r e s u lt s w e r e o b t a i n ed i n a l o n g it u d i na l

s tudy in Sweden over a 26-year per iod (Husen , 1969) .

M en i n c l u d ed i n t h e g r o u p w i t h t h e h i g h est i n t e ll e c t u a l

ab i l i ty , when tes ted a t age 10 , earned tw ice the income

of those in the lowes t ca tegory , a p rac t ica l and s ign if ican t

d i f fe r en ce i n i n co m e . T h e ev i d en ce p r e s en t ed h e r e l e ad s

to the inev i tab le conclus ion tha t in te l l igence tes t s and

ap t i tude tes t s a r e pos i t ive ly r e la ted to job success .

Recent vidence

M an y r e s ea r ch e r s h av e t e s t ed t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w een

cogn i t ive ab i l i ty and job per fo rma nce us ing meta-analy t ic

t ech n i q u es . D a t a f r o m ap p r o x i m a t e l y 7 5 0 s t u d ie s o n th e

G en e r a l A p t i t u d e T es t B a t t e r y ( G A T B ) s h o w ed t h a t t h e

t e s t v a l id l y p r ed i c t ed j o b p e r f o r m an ce f o r m an y d i f fe r en t

o ccu p a t i o n s ( H a r t i g an & W i g d o r , 1 9 8 9 ) . H u n t e r an d

Hu nter ' s ( 1984 r ec ta- analys i s demons t r a ted tha t in en t ry -

level pos i t ions , cogn i t ive ab i l i ty p red ic ted job per fo r -

mance wi th an average va l id i ty o f .53 . Th is s tudy a l so

s h o w ed an av e rag e co r r e la t i o n o f . 4 5 b e t w een i n t e l l ec t u a l

ab i l it y an d j o b p r o fi c ien cy . O t h e r s t u d i e s u s in g a n u m b er

of d if f eren t measures o f ob p ro f ic iency have found s imi lar

relat ionships to cognit ive abi l i ty (Distefan o & Pryer , 1985;

Hu nter , 1983, 1986; Pea r lman , Schm idt , & Hun ter , 1980;

Schmid t , Hunter , & Cap lan , 1981) .

McCle l land (1973) impl ied tha t superv iso r s ' r a t ings

were b iased . However , r esearch has shown tha t the sex

an d r ace o f e it h e r t h e r a t e r o r r a t ee d o n o t ex e r t i m p o r t an t

in f luence on r a t ings (Pu lakos , Wh i te , Oppler , & Borm an ,

1 9 89 ). M o r e o b j ec t i v e c r i t e ri o n m eas u r e s p r o d u ced ev en

h igher va l id i ty coef f ic ien ts w i th ap t i tude tes t scores . In

Na than and A lexander ' s (1988) meta-analys is , the cr i t e r ia

o f r a t ings , r ank ings , work samples , and p ro duc t ion qu an-

t i t ies a l l resu l ted in h igh tes t va l id i t ies . Pro duc t ion q uan-

t i ty and work sample cr i t e r ia r esu l ted in subs tan t ia l va-

l id i ty coef f ic ien ts , negat ing McCle l land ' s c la im tha t va-

l id i ty coef f ic ien ts were ob ta ined on ly by us ing b iased

superv iso ry r a t ings . In f ac t , Smi ther and Rei l ly (1987)

found tha t the in te l l igence o f the r a ter was r e la ted to the

accu r acy o f j o b p e r f o r m an ce r a ti n gs .

In a s tudy us ing pa th analys i s , Schm id t , Hu nter , and

Outerb r idge (1986) found tha t cogn i t ive ab i l ity co r r e la ted

wi th jo b know ledge ( .46) , work sam ples ( .38), a nd su -

perv iso ry r a t ings ( . 16) . Th ey conc luded tha t cogn i t ive

ab i l i t y l ed t o an i n c r ea s e i n j o b k n o w l ed g e , a p o s i t i o n

a l s o s u p p o r t ed b y G o t t f r ed s o n ( 1 9 8 6 ).

ractical Tasks

To suppor t h i s asser t ion tha t in te l l igence was no t app l i -

cab le to em ploy m ent s i tua tions , McC le l land (1973) s ta ted

tha t in te l l igence as measu red in ap t i tu de and in te l l igence

tes t ing was no t usefu l in p rac t ica l , everyday s i tua t ions .

Schaie (1978) exp lo red th i s theory , descr ib ing the i s sues

tha t m us t be addresse d to a t ta in ex terna l va l id i ty . He sug-

gested that cr i ter ia should include actual real-wor ld tasks.

Wi l l i s and Schaie (1986) tes ted th i s p ropos i t ion on o lde r

adu l t s . Bo th the ind iv iduals t es ted and th e cr i t e r ion tasks

u s ed i n t h e s t ud y , s u ch a s ab i l it y t o co m p r eh en d t h e l ab e l

o n a m ed i c i n e b o t t l e o r t o u n d e r s t an d t h e y e l lo w p ag es

of the te lep hone d i r ec to ry , d i f fer ed subs tan t ia l ly f rom

typ ica l academic tasks . Accord ing to McCle l land ' s v iew ,

a r e la t ionsh ip shou ld no t ex i s t be tween menta l ab i l i t i es ,

such as f lu id and crys ta l l i zed in te l l igence , and per fo r -

ma nce on the e igh t ca tegor ies o f r ea l- li fe t asks used by

Wil l i s and S chaie .

T h i s i d ea w as n o t s u p p o r t ed b y t h e s t u d y r e s u l t s .

An ex t r emely h igh r e la t ionsh ip ex is ted be tween in te l l i -

gence and per fo rmance on r ea l - l i f e t asks . In te l lec tua l

ab i l i ty acc oun ted fo r 80% of the var iance in t ask per fo r -

mance (Wi l l i s & Schaie , 1986) . In a second s tudy , they

again fou nd in te l lec tua l ab i l i ty to be r e la ted to b o th se lf -

p e r ce i v ed p e r f o r m an ce an d t h e r a t i n g s a s s ig n ed b y j u d g es

fo r per fo rm ing a num be r o f p rac t ica l t asks. These r esu l t s

were repl icate d on several sam ples o f older adults (Schaie,

1987).

C o r r e l a t i o n s b e t w een p e r f o r m an ce an d s co r e s o n

in te l l igence and ap t i tude tes t s a r e suppor ted in o ther ,

m o r e u n s t r u c t u r ed an d am b i g u o u s s i t u a t i o n s i n c l u d i n g

b u s i n e s s m an ag em en t ( B r ay & G r an t , 1 9 6 6 ; C am p b e l l ,

Dunnette, Lawler , & Weick, 1970; Siegel & Ghisel l i ,

1971), per fo rm anc e in g roups (Ma nn , 1959) , and success

in sc ience (Pr ice , 1963) . Michel l and Lambourne (1979)

s t u d i ed 1 6 - y ea r -o l d st u d en t s an d f o u n d t h a t t h o s e w i t h

h igher cogn i t ive ab i l i ty were be t te r ab le to answer open-

ended ques t ions . S tuden ts w i th h igher cogn i t ive ab i l i ty

were a l so ab le to su s ta in d i scuss ion longer , ask m ore in -

t e r p re t i v e q u es ti o n s , an d ach i ev e a m o r e co m p l ex u n d e r -

s tand ing o f i s sues . In add i t ion , in te ll igence has bee n

s h o w n t o b e r e l a t ed t o m u s i ca l ab i l i t y ( L y n n & G au l t ,

1986) and crea t iv ity (Crop ley & M as lany , 1969; Drevda h l

& Cat te ll , 1958 ; Hocevar , 1980 ; M acK inno n , 1962 ;

Oc tobe r 1991 • Am er ican Psycho log is t 1015


5/13

M c D e rm i d , 1 9 6 5 ; R i c h a rd s , K i n n e y , B e n e t , & M e rz e l ,

1988) . From examin ing these s tud ies , we f ind cogn i t ive

ab i l i ty to be pos i t ive ly re la ted to a var ie ty o f rea l -wor ld

behav io rs .

Summary

A rev iew o f the re levan t l i te ra tu re shows tha t in te l l igence

t e s ts a r e v a l id p r e d i c t o r s o f o b s u c c e s s a n d o t h e r i m p o r -

tan t l i fe ou tcom es . Cogn i t ive ab i l i ty i s the bes t p red ic to r

o f p e r fo rm a n c e i n m o s t e m p l o y m e n t s i t u a ti o n s (A rve y ,

1986; Hun ter , 1986) , and th i s re la t ionsh ip rem ains s tab le

o v e r e x te n d e d p e r i o d s o f t i m e (A u s ti n & H a n i s c h , 1 9 90 ).

Us ing sam ples o f the s ize usua l ly found in personnel w ork ,

Th o rn d i k e (1 9 8 6 ) c o n c l u d e d th a t c o g n it i ve g i s t h e b e s t

p red ic to r o f ob success . I ron ica lly , th i s was the sam e au -

t h o r w h o s e e a r li e r s t u d y w a s p r e s e n t e d i n M c C l e l l a n d 's

(1973) a r t i c le as ev idence tha t ap t i tude t es t s canno t be

u s e d t o p r e d i c t j o b p e r fo rm a n c e .

The ev idence f rom these var ied sc ien t i f i c s tud ies

leads again and again to the same conclusion: Intel l igence

and ap t i tud e t es t s a re pos i t ive ly re la ted to job per fo r -

m a n c e .

Is There an r t i fac tua l Re lat ionship Between

Inte l lec tua l b i l i ty and Job Succe ss Based on

Social Status

A m a j o r p a r t o f M c C l e l la n d ' s ( 1 9 7 3 ) a rg u m e n t a g a i n s t

the use o f in te l ligence o r ap t i tude t es t s was h i s c la im th a t

t h e t e s t s a r e c l e a r l y d i s c r i m i n a t o ry a g a i n s t t h o s e w h o

h a v e n o t b e e n e x p o s e d to t h e c u l t u r e , e n t r a n c e t o w h i c h

is gua rde d b y the tes ts (13. 7). Available scienti f ic evidenc e

h a s r e fu t e d t h i s c o n t e n t i o n ; IQ i s re l a t e d t o o c c u p a t i o n a l

s u c c e ss . H o w e v e r , M c C l e l la n d m a i n t a i n e d t h a t ' the cor-

re la t ion be tween in t e l l igence t e s t scores and job succes s

o f t en may be an ar t i fac t , t he

p ro d u c t o f t h e i r j o i n t a s s o -

c ia t ion wi th c las s s t a tus (p . 3 ) .

D e s p i t e t h e n u m e ro u s w a y s o f d e f in i n g s o c i o e c o -

nomic s ta tus (SES) , we wi l l show tha t occupat iona l sue-

cess i s p r imar i ly a resu l t o f ind iv idua l cogn i t ive ab i l ity

and educa t ion , b o th fac to rs tha t a re re la tive ly independ en t

o f soc ia l o r ig in. W e wi l l a l so show tha t the s t reng th o f the

r e l a ti o n s h i p b e t w e e n IQ a n d j o b s u c c e s s i s n o t s t r o n g ly

re la ted to the soc ia l p res tige o f par t i cu la r careers , regard -

l e ss o f v a r i a ti o n s b e t w e e n o c c u p a t i o n s . W e a g re e w i t h

Go t t f redson (1986) tha t i t i s more usefu l to focus on a reas

such as ind iv idua l ab i l i ty ra ther than i r re levan t SES fac-

t o rs , s u c h a s f a m i l y i n c o m e , o v e r w h i c h i n d i v id u a l s h a v e

no con t ro l .

ef in i t ion of Socioeconomic Status

Mc Cle l land ' s (1973) d ef in i tion o f SES d i f fe rs cons iderab ly

f ro m t h o s e u s e d b y o t h e r r e s e a r c h e r s . To M c C l e l l a n d ,

s o c i o e c o n o m i c s t a t u s b e l o n g s t o t h e p o w e r e l i t e - - t h o s e

wh o have c reden t ia l s, pow er , pu l l , oppor tun i t i es , va lues ,

asp i ra t ions , money , and mater ia l advan tages . Some o f

these fac to rs (e .g. , va lues and asp i ra tions ) have be en shown

to be re la ted to l a te r success (Sewell & H auser , 1976) .

Th e y h a v e n o t b e e n d e s c r i b e d a s s o c i o e c o n o m i c s t a t u s

by o the r researchers , however , because these fac to rs do

n o t b e l o n g e x cl u s iv e l y t o t h e w e a l t h y (G re e n b e rg & D a -

vidson, 1972).

M c C l e l l a n d (1 9 7 3 ) a l s o d e s c r i b e d S ES i n t e rm s o f

income. Other researchers in the a rea (e .g . , Scar r &

Weinberg , 1978; Sewell & Hauser , 1976) have found in -

c o m e t o h a v e w e a k c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h l a t e r s u c c e ss , w i th

c o r r e l a ti o n s o f o n l y . 17 b e t w e e n t h e a d u l t ' s i n c o m e a n d

the inco me o f h is o r her pare n t s (Sewell & Hauser , 1976) .

Th e s e f i n d in g s a r e c o n s i s te n t w i t h A l w i n a n d Th o rn t o n

(1 9 8 4 ) a n d W i l li a m s (1 9 7 6 ), w h o fo u n d c o r r e l a ti o n s b e -

t w e e n . 12 a n d . 2 5 b e t w e e n f a m i l y i n c o m e a n d t h e i n t el -

l igence o f the ch i ld ren . Al tho ugh var ia t ion ex i s t s in the

c o r r e l a t io n s fo u n d , n o n e o f t h e r e s u lt s s u p p o r t e d M c -

Cle l l and ' s v iew o f s t rong f inanc ia l e f fec ts .

S o m e v a r i ab l e s th a t h a v e b e e n e x a m i n e d a s o p e ra -

t i o n a l m e a s u re s o f S ES i n c l u d e f a m i l y s t r u c t u re , d w e l li n g

c o n d i t io n s , a n d s c h o o l a tt e n d a n c e r e c o rd (G re e n b e rg &

Dav idson , 1972) ; num be r o f s ib lings in the fami ly , reg ion

of res idence , and s ize o f comm uni ty (Pe te rson & Karp lus ,

1 98 1) ; n u m b e r o f p e o p l e p e r r o o m i n t h e h o m e (G re e n -

berg & Dav idson , 1972 ; Herzog , Newcomb, & Cis in ,

1972) ; moth er ' s e duca t iona l l eve l (Herz og e t a l. , 1972 ;

Peterson & Karplus , 1981; Sewell & Hauser, 1976; Wil l-

e rm an , 1979) ; fa ther ' s educa t iona l l eve l (Du ncan , F ea th -

erm an , & Dunc an , 1972; Pe te rso n & Karp lus , 1981 ;

Sewell & Hauser , 1976; Wi l le rm an 1979) ; fa ther ' s occu-

p a t i o n (D u n c a n e t a l . , 1 9 7 2 ; G re e n b e rg & D a v i d s o n ,

1972; Peterson & Karplus , 1981; Sewell & Hauser, 1976;

W i l le rman , 1979) ; fam i ly inco me (Pe terson & Karp lus ,

1981 ; Sewell & Hau ser , 1976) ; and m ed ia n ne ig hbor hood

incom e and ed uca t ion a l l eve l (Scarr, 1981) . Soc ioeco -

n o m i c s t a t u s h a s o f t e n b e e n o p e ra t i o n a l l y d e f i n e d a s a

c o m b i n a t i o n o f th e s e f a c to r s . B e c a u s e S ES h a s b e e n d e -

f ined in so many ways , the spec i f i c var iab les exp lo red

w e re th e o re t ic a l l y m o re i m p o r t a n t a n d p r a c t i c a l th a n t h e

g e n e ra l te rm

soc ioeconomic s ta tus .

E f f ec t s of Socioeconomic t a t u s V a r i a b l e s

M e a s u re s d e s c r i b e d a s S ES, s u c h a s p a r e n t a l e d u c a t i o n ,

have been re la ted to ch i ld ren ' s success (Duncan e t a l . ,

1972; Scarr & Weinberg, 1978; Sewell & Hauser, 1976).

Th e s e f a c t o rs w e re m o s t l i k e l y p ro x i e s fo r e x p l a n a t o ry

fa c t o r s s u c h a s o rd e r li n e s s in t h e h o m e a n d v a l u e p la c e d

o n e d u c a t i o n . S t u d i e s s h o w t h a t p a r e n t a l b a c k g ro u n d

v a r i a b le s m a k e l it tl e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e d i s t r i b u t io n o f

i n d i v id u a l s t o o c c u p a t i o n s , w h e re a s y e a r s o f e d u c a t i o n

a n d c o g n i ti v e a b i l it y m a k e a l a rge c o n t r i b u t i o n (D u n c a n

et a l. , 1972 ; Go t t f redso n & Brow n, 1981) . A wel l -know n

long i tud ina l s tudy (Vail lan t, 1977) found tha t b r oad

m e a s u re s o f S ES b e fo re a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s e n ro l l m e n t i n c o l -

l ege had no re la t ion to o u tco me var iab les 30 years l ater .

How ever , am ong peop le o f equa l ab i l ity , the mo s t s ign if -

i c a n t p r e d i c t o r o f a d u l t o c c u p a t i o n a l a c h i e v e m e n t w a s

the paren t s ' a t t i tude toward schoo l and educ a t ion (Kraus ,

1984).

Th e o p e ra t i o n a l m e a s u re s o f S ES t h a t h a v e b e e n

f o u n d t o b e i m p o r t a n t d e t e r m i n a n ts o f la t er o u t c o m e s

(e .g ., va lues and a t t i tudes ) were fac to rs tha t c ou ld b e in -

1016 Oc tobe r 1991 • Am er ican Psycho log is t


6/13

fluenced. Even the poorest of families could develop and

use these factors to benefit their children (Greenberg &

Davidson, 1972). Unfortunately, some families are so

destitute that t heir environment would not even be con-

sidered as humane, and this deprivation would have det-

rimental effects on later accomplishments. For the vast

majority of people in all socioeconomic and racial

subgroups, however, this is not the case (Scarf, 1981).

Education and measured cognitive ability were

shown to be more important to later outcomes than were

such factors as income. However, the effect of SES on

these variables must be examined further.

Test performance

Oakland (1983) found that the

relationship between IQ scores and achievement test per-

formance was the same across SES levels. A factor analysis

of ability measures in different SES groups showed that

factor structure was not contingent on SES (Humphreys

& Taber, 1973). Spaeth (1976) and Valencia, Henderson,

and Rank in (1985) found that the effects of parental SES

on a child's IQ score were mediated by family interaction

and exposure to stimuli provided by parents. In addition,

Spaeth concluded tha t parental influence was a great deal

more important than that of teachers and schools. The

effects of the latter were much less personal and direct.

He concluded that the direct effect of parental SES on

child's IQ was -.03. In related research, SES has not

been found to have a significant effect on the IQ scores

of adult, adopted twins reared apart (Bouchard, Lykken,

McGue, Segal, & Tellegen, 1990).

Simple measures of SES did not adequately capture

the parts of the environment that produced individual

differences, even within families (Mercy & Steelman,

1982; Rowe & Plomin, 1981). Even such simple, specific

variables as amount of time spent on homework and

amount of time spent watching TV on weekdays were

related in the expected direction to performance on ac-

ademic achievement tests (Keith, Reimers, Fehrmann,

Pottehaum, & Aubey, 1986). Ultimately, parents could

help children learn to cope with cognitive complexity, an

effect independent of SES (Spaeth, 1976).

College attendance

Contrary to McClelland's

(1973, p. 3) assertion that entrance into prestigious jobs

was based on social background, entrance into higher

status jobs has instead been shown to be primarily de-

termined by educational attainment (Alexander & Eck-

land, 1975; Bajema, 1968; Gottf redson & Brown, 1981;

Schiefelbein & Farrell, 1984; Sewell & Hauser, 1976).

Therefore, what determines attendance at college is very

important.

M cClelland ( 1973) s tated that an individual's socio-

economic class was the primary factor in determining his

or her ability to attend college. Research has shown the

flaws in this assertion. Although socioeconomic back-

ground is associated with college attendance, other factors

are more important. Alwin and Otto (1977) found that

high school teachers encouraged students to attend college

on the basis of ability rather than socioeconomic status.

Other studies (Baird, 1984; Christensen, Melder, & Weis-

brod, 1975; Hearn, 1984, 1985) have shown that intel-

lectual ability stands out as the most important factor in

determining college attendance.

Educat ional success

Using a multiple regression

model, Sewell and Hauser (1976) showed that SES vari-

ables accounted for 15% of the variance in educational

attainment. When intelligence was added to the model,

the variance accounted for nearly doubled, rising to 28%.

Between 23% and 40% of the variance attr ibuted to SES

variables was mediated by ability.

Baird (1984) found that individuals with higher

scores on the Scholastic Aptitude Test were more likely

to have had higher grades and higher class rank in high

school. In direct contrast to McClelland's (1973) assertion

that grades are awarded for demonstrating middle- and

upper-class attitudes, neither grades nor class rank were

related to family income. Higher test scores were also

associated with higher grades in college. Baird also found

that higher test scores were associated with plans for

graduate education; family income was not.

Vari ation With in amily and Socioeconomic Status

Even within an SES class, as determined by income, in-

dividual test scores vary widely. In a sample of Black

ghetto children, Greenberg and Davidson (1972) found

that home environments differentiated between those who

were high and low achievers in school. The differentiating

factors included parents ' concern for education, awareness

of the child as an individual, general social awareness,

use of rational discipline, and the structure and orderliness

of the home. The high achievers also tended to have

slightly more educated parents with slightly better in-

comes. It could be argued that the possession of certain

values led to the better conditions. Herzog et al. (1972)

also studied a sample of ghetto children, again showing

that education and family nteraction were associated with

higher IQ and a tendency to benefit more from a nursery

school intervention program.

A simple conceptual ization of SES effects, in which

such factors as family income or parents education

caused differences in IQ test performance, educational

performance, and occupational success, leaves very im-

portant questions unanswered. If such effects were pri-

mary, outcomes would be identical for all children within

a family, a conclusion definitely not supported by research

evidence.

In a large-scale review of the literature, Duncan et

al. (1972) found a mean correlation of .50 between the

IQs of siblings. Daniels and Plomin (1985) also found

that the correlat ions between siblings for cognitive ability

were only about .40 to .50. Approximately the same dif-

ference existed between the IQ of siblings and the IQ of

all possible child pairs (Willerman, 1979). The average

difference between the IQ scores for a random pair of

individuals was about 17 points, whereas the average dig

ference between siblings was about 13 points (Rowe &

Plomin, 1981). Within-family correlations on cognitive

ability ranged from .86 for identical twins raised together

to . 15 for nonbiological parent-child pairs living together

(Horn, 1983; Plomin, 1988).

October 1991 • American Psychologist 1017


7/13

When education and income were correlated with

IQ, diversity within similar environments was again

demonstrated. The correlation of mother's education with

the children's IQ was higher for biological mothers and

the children they have never met (.21) than was the cor-

relation of children's IQ with the education of the adoptive

mother who raised them (. 10; Scarr & Weinberg, 1978).

Scarr and Weinberg also found that the correlation be-

tween family income and IQ was .06 for adopted children

and .22 for biological children. This suggested a limited

influence for environment.

Increased diversity of sibling test scores over time

Another argument against the assumption that individ-

uals are destined to remain in the social class of their

birth was that intelligence test scores o f siblings tended

to become more diverse over time (Bouchard et al., 1990;

McCartney, Harris, & Bernieri, 1990). Although SES

variables tended to be slightly more important in early

childhood (Alwin & Thornton, 1984), by the end o f ad-

olescence, correlations among siblings are lower than in

earlier childhood (Scarr & Weinberg, 1978). These are

more pronounced among adopted siblings. The intelli-

gence scores of adopted siblings grow apart until no in-

tellectual similarity exists between them; IQ correlations

for this group at age 18 were found to be zero (Scarr &

Carter-Saltzman, 1983). Correlations of IQ scores among

biologically related siblings were .35 at age 18. Being

raised with the same family in the same house and at-

tending the same schools had tittle or no influence on IQ

(Bouchard et al., 1990).

Aggregation of data Despite evidence to the con-

trary, the belief hat socioeconomic status is a major factor

in determining educational and occupational outcomes

remains a widely held misperception. What is the source

of these misperceptions? In exploring this issue, White

(1982) found that correlations between SES and academic

achievement typically ranged from. 10 to .80. The higher

correlations were usually found when data were aggre-

gated. When a school or school district was used as the

unit of analysis, correlations averaged .73. The average

correlation dropped to .22 when the individual student

was considered as the unit of analysis. The higher cor-

relations found with aggregated data resulted from the

mathematical properties of the statistical formulas. As

the homogeneity of the unit of analysis decreased, the

resulting correlation increased, leading researchers to

draw inappropriate conclusions on the relationship of in-

terest (Robinson, 1950).

Tes t Sco res an d ob Pr est i ge

McClel land (1973) claimed that tests were socially dis-

criminatory because research has sometimes found higher

validities for more prestigious jobs. He explained these

results by attributing the relationship between cognitive

ability scores and occupational success to an underlying

social status causal agent. Using a selected segment of

Ghiselli's (1966) data, McClelland further claimed that

success in some occupations was more highly correlated

with intelligence because, as McClelland stated,

These two obs differalso in social status, in the language,accent,

clothing, manner, and connections by education and family

necessary for success n the j o b . . , they depend heavilyon the

credentials the man brings o the job---the habits, values, accent,

interests, etc.--that mean he is acceptable to management and

to clients. (p. 3)

As evidence, McClelland cited correlations of - .08 for

proficiency as a canvasser or solicitor and .45 with pro-

ficiency as a stock and bond salesman, results published

in GhiseUi's study.

It is interesting to note, however, tha t one of Ghiselli's

(1966) highest validity coefficients between intellectual

ability and job performance was that o f jani tor (r = .65;

p. 85). Ghiselh's study contains other examples that do

not conform to McClelland's (1973) generalization. Ghi-

selli pointed out that the highest correlation between in-

tellectual abili ty and job proficiency was for salespeople,

a correlation higher than that of executives and admin-

istrators (p. 63). Although more recent evidelace showed

that performance of more complex jobs was, in general,

more highly correlated with performance on ability tests

than that of ess complex jobs (Gutenberg, Arvey, Osburn,

& Jeanneret, 1983; Hunter, Schmidt, & Judiesch, 1990),

variation among validity coefficients seen in the evidence

presented here was not due to job prestige.

Summary

The relationship between IQ and job success is not an

artifact of SES. In fact, as demonstrated in the evidence

cited here, IQ is a fundamental cause of the correlation

between SES and occupational success. McCleUand

(1973) had it backwards. Neither ability test scores, oc-

cupation, or the relationship between the two is dependent

on SES. Typical measures o f SES are not strongly related

to either college attendance or success in school. Sub-

stantial variation between test and school performance

exists even within families and neighborhoods. The re-

lationships between SES and other variables that have

been observed can be attributed at least in part to the

aggregation of data.

A re T es t s U nf a ir t o M i nor i t ie s

According to McClelland (1973), Tests have served as a

very efficient device for screening out black, Spanish.

speaking, and other minor ity applicants to colleges (p.

1). McClelland compared the position of a minor ity stu-

dent with that of young men of the Middle Ages who

were required to know Latin to gain access to learned

professions, stating that many a ghetto resident must or

should feel that he is in a similar position with regard to

the kind of English he must learn in order to do well on

tests, in school, and in occupations today in America

(p. 6).

McClelland's (1973) position has been refuted by

scientific evidence. The very test battery in Thorndike

and Hagen (1959) that formed part of McClelland's ev-

idence was found equally valid for all subgroups tested

(Dubois, 1947). The data we will now review regarding

1018 October 1991 • American Psychologist


8/13

college attendance and test performance also demonstrate

the fairness of aptitude and intelligence tests.

College attendance

McClelland ( 1973) claimed tha t

tests kept minor ity students out of colleges, even though

these students could do well academically. Minority stu-

dents with substantially lower test scores than White stu-

dents were admitted to colleges, even though research has

shown that the academic performance of Blacks with

identical test scores and pr ior grades could be expected

to be one to two thirds of a standard deviation lower than

tha t for Whites (Klitgaard, 1985).

Baird (1984) showed that Blacks with high ability,

as measured by standardized intelligence tests and apti-

tude tests, were more likely to enter college than were

Whites with high ability. Moreover, Black students with

high ability were more successful than their White coun-

terparts in entering the most selective colleges. Very few

White students with low ability attended selective colleges.

Thomas, Alexander, and Eckland (1979) found that test

scores were more important in determining college at-

tendance for Blacks than for Whites.

Affirmative action programs were probably a t least

partially responsible for the fact that equal percentages

(i.e., 32%) of Black and White high school graduates en-

tered college in 1975 (Jackson, 1990). However, if test

performance accurately reflects college performance, then

tests do not unfairly prevent minorit y students from at-

tending college.

Test performance McClelland (1973) maintained

tha t intelligence tests were clearly discriminatory against

those who have not been exposed to the culture, entrance

to which is guarded by the tests (p. 7). Evidence has

refuted this contention. Scarr-Salapatek ( 1971) and Oak-

land (1983) have shown that aptitude tests predicted

school performance equally well for both Black and White

children across SES groups. In examining employment

and training selection procedures, Boehm (1972) found

no evidence of differential validity for Black and White

population subgroups. Hunter et al. (1984) reported that

massive empirical evidence has now accumulated show-

ing that tests are fair to minor ity members (p. 93). They

determined that cognitive ability tests predicted equally

well for Blacks, Hispanics, and Whites, results tha t had

been seen in an earlier study by Hunter et al. (1979).

Studies conducted in Israel (Zeidner, 1987, 1988), as well

as studies by the National Research Council (Hartigan

& Wigdor, 1989), also disproved the cultural bias hy-

pothesis. Several other studies also did not show a per-

vasive differential validity by race (Hartigan & Wigdor,

1989; Linn, 1982a, 1982b; Wigdor & Garner, 1982).

Ca n Co m p e t e n e ie s P r e d i ct B e t t er T h a n

Tradit ional Aptitude and Intel l igence Tests

A fundamental problem with MeClelland's (1973) re-

search was his failure to define his concept of competency

To obtain a definition of this term, we had to rely on

subsequent papers he and his associates had written. This

unique type of esting, advocated by McClelland, has been

seen as a way to facilitate long-term prediction (Cronbach,

1990). As a result, close examinat ion of the evidence was

very important. The literature presented here does no t

support the use of competency testing to replace aptitude

testing.

Boyatzis (1982) completed a comprehensive inte-

gration of the data on competency testing available from

McClelland and his associates. He described a job com-

petency as an underlying characteristic of a person in

that it may be a motive, trait, skill, aspect of one's self-

image or social role, or a body of knowledge which he or

she uses (p. 21). He further asserted that these underlying

characteristics may be unconscious and that the person

may be unable to articulate or describe them (p. 21).

However, the method he prescribed to uncover compe-

tencies was to have individuals describe what made them

successful on the job.

he entire method rested on stories people told about

themselves, labeled the Behavioral Event Interview (BEI).

For the BEI, job incumbents were interviewed and asked

to describe three incidents in which they felt effective on

the job and three in which they felt ineffective. Although

the reported events were not substantiated, the BEI was

said to be a content-valid assessment method. McClelland

(1973, p. 8) himself said that it is not job analysis to ask

what people think good job performance is; yet this was

precisely the method recommended to uncover compe-

tencies.

The stories told in the BEI were subjected to an un-

specified scoring system. The same sample o f people was

then tested with the Picture Story Exercise. This test, de-

scribed by Boyatzis (1982) as a variation of Murray' s

(1938) Themat ic Apperception Test (TAT), required peo-

ple to tell stories about pictures. These stories were then

coded to measure motives such as need for achievement,

need for affiliation, and need for power. Not surprisingly,

people tended to include behaviors in their stories similar

to the behaviors they described themselves using. Because

this similarity was found, the competencies were declared

to be criterion related. The possibility of mono-method

bias (Cook & Campbell, 1979) was ignored.

The Picture Story Exercise was then defined as a

content-valid assessment technique (Boyatzis, 1982), on

the basis of the claim that the test measured thought pat-

terns used on the job. This was very different from the

usual definition of a content-valid test (Uniform Guide-

lines on Employee Selection Procedures, 1978).

Controversy has recently developed concerning the

appropriateness o f various validation designs (Barrett, in

press; Barrett , Phillips, & Alexander, 1981; Binning &

Barrett, 1989; Guion & Cranny, 1982; Landy, 1986).

None of these researchers would have accepted the vali-

dation design used by Boyatzis (1982). In fact, Boyatzis

stated that his validation studies did not provide enough

information to permit the development of a selection or

promotion system. Most psychologists would likely agree

with Boyatzis, who stated,

To develop and implement such systems and procedures, an

organization would have to conduct studies to validate com-

petencies against performance in their organization and in spe-

October 1991 • American Psychologist 1019


9/13

cific obs or job families. This step is necessary o conform to

legal and professionallyaccepted practices. (p. 251)

Typical of the literature available on competency

testing, Klemp and McClelland (1986) reported a study

involving a small sample of not more than 27 managers.

From this sample, Klemp and McClelland claimed to

have identified useful information concerning senior

managers but did not present empirical data to support

their contention.

Klemp and McCleUand (1986) did not develop or

validate an assessment device, leaving five important is-

sues unanswered. First, did Klemp and McClelland's

techniques provide any incremental gains over widely

used methods? Kornhauser (1922) pointed out that se-

lection procedures typically began with the hunches of

test developers. Has the work o f McCleHand and his col-

leagues contributed to the field beyond the hunches used

at the turn of the century?

Second, did the techniques of Klemp and Mc-

Clelland (1986) identify any competencies different from

the constructs already developed and tested for many years

by other techniques, such as assessment centers? For ex-

ample, was the competency of planning and causal

thinking identified by Klemp and McClelland any dif-

ferent from the variable labeled organization an d plan-

ning

identi fied 20 years earlier (Bray & Grant, 1966)?

The third issue was whether a reliable assessment

device could be developed to measure identified com-

petencies. Fourth, if a device were developed to measure

a competency, would performance on the test relate to

job performance?

Fifth, the competency of self-confidence was iden-

tiffed as a characteristic of successful managers; whether

this competency was a cause or effect of success was not

determined. Would a measure of self-confidence taken

early in a manager's career, before the manager had ex-

perienced career successes or failures, have results similar

to one taken later in his or her career?

In an unpublished study reported in McClelland

(1981), 50 different predictors were used, but only 9 had

any relationship with the criterion. These results were

derived only after the original sample was subdivided to

obtain significant relationships. We agree with Mc-

Clelland that these results need to be cross-validated.

In deriding cognitive ability tests, McOelland (1973)

stated, even a little criterion analysis would show that

there are almost no occupations or life situations that

require a person to do word analogies, choose the most

correct of four alternative meanings of a word, etc. (p.

7). We could add that few occupations require a person

to look at a picture and tell a story.

Driving.

McClelland (1973) implied that compe-

tency testing was based on criterion sampling. His ar-

guments need to be examined. McClelland suggested that

if you want to know how well a person can drive a car

(the criterion), sample his ability to do so by giving him

a driver's test (p. 7). McClelland claimed that faking a

high score is impossible i f you are performing the criterion

behavior, as in tests for reading, spelling, or driving a car

(p. 9).

This assertion is problematic. Research data have

indicated that driving tests do not predict accident in-

volvement or citations received (Edwards, Hahn , &

Fleishman, 1977; Freeberg & Creech, 1971; Newsome,

1975; Ratz, 1978; Wallace & Crancer, 1971). At least in

the context of driving a car, evidence has demonstrated

that this behavior could be faked and that the usual driv-

ing test would not necessarily differentiate a responsible

driver from one who was likely to be involved in accidents

or commit violations, criteria widely used as standards

of driving ability. Similar results have been found for mo-

torcycle operators (Jonah, Dawson, & Bragg, 1981). Cfl-

teflon sampling was not an adequate testing strategy in

predicting these important criteria.

In contrast to McClel land's (1973) assertion that the

best testing involved criterion sampling, instruments such

as selective attention and perceptual style, both without

face validity, have been shown to be related to involve-

men t in accidents (Arthur, Barrett, & Alexander, 1991;

Arthur, Barrett, & Doverspike, 1990; Avolio, Kroeck, &

Panek, 1985; Barrett & Thornton, 1968; Mihal & Barrett,

1976). Even paper-and-pencil tests of intelligence have

been related to accidents and violation records (Conger,

Miller, & Rainey, 1966; Smith & Kirldaam, 1982).

Patience. McClel land (1973) believed tha t patience

was a desirable competency for many service occupations,

especially for police officers. As we did with McClelland's

reports on the research of Thorndike and Hagen (1959)

and Ghiselli (1966), we examined the actual tests and

results to conclude for ourselves the value o f patience as

a competency to predict occupational success.

McClelland (1973) said, Kagan, Pearson, and

Welch (1966) have shown tha t it [patience] is an easily

measured human characteristic that is relatively stable

over time and can be taught directly (p. 10). Kagan et

al. used a Matching Familiar Figures Test (MFFT) to

study impulsive versus reflective cognitive tempos in first-

grade children. This test was composed of line drawings

of familiar objects, such as trees, toys, and airplanes, from

which the subject selected one to match a s tandard. Even

in first-grade children, this test was not related to any

meaningful behaviors. Nothing suggested that the test in-

volved patience or was related in any way to police per-

formance.

The only performance dimension on the M FFT that

the first-grade children could be trained to change was

increasing response time. They could not decrease their

error rates. Ironically, although response time scores had

no personality implications, the error rate on the M FFT

was related to intellectual ability. Students with higher

ability made fewer errors (Block, Block, & Harflngton,

1974, 1975; Block, Gjerde, & Block, 1986; Gjerde, Block,

& Block, 1985; Messer, 1976).

ummary

The patience competency illustrates the state of compe-

tency testing. More than 18 years have passed since

1020 October 1991 • American Psychologist


10/13

M c C l e l l a n d ( 1 9 7 3 ) p u b l i s h e d h i s co n c l u s i o n s, b u t

M c C l e l l a n d a n d h i s a s s o c i a te s h a v e n o t y e t b e e n a b l e t o

p r o d u c e a n y p r o f e s si o n a ll y a c ce p t a b le e m p i r i c a l e v i d e n c e

t h a t t h e i r c o n c e p t o f c o m p e t e n c i e s i s r e l a t e d t o o c c u p a -

t i o n a l s u c c e ss .

I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e l a c k o f e v id e n c e f o r c o m p e t e n c y

t e s ti n g , a l a rg e b o d y o f l i te r a t u r e h a s s h o w n t h a t t e s t s o f

c o g n i t iv e a b i li t y a r e r e la t e d t o t h e j o b p e r f o r m a n c e o f

m a n a g e r s a n d p e o p l e i n o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n s ( A r v e y , 1 9 8 6;

H u n t e r , 1 9 8 6 ; T h o r n d i k e , 1 9 8 6 ). B o y a t z i s ( 1 9 8 2 ) s t a te d

t h a t c o m p e t e n c y t e s ti n g w a s d i st i n c t f r o m , a n d s u p e r i o r

t o , a s s e s s m e n t c e n t e r s , b u t t h e e v i d e n c e d o e s n o t s h o w

t h a t c o m p e t e n c~ ( t e s ts c a n m a t c h t h e k n o w n s t r e n g th s

a n d v a l i d it y o f a s s e s s m e n t c e n t e r s ( e. g. , G a u g l e r, R o s e n -

t h ai , T h o r n t o n , B e n t s on , 1 98 7; T h o r n t o n B y h a m ,

1 9 82 ) . M c C l e l l a n d ( 1 9 7 3 ) e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n a b o u t b i a s

a g a i n s t m i n o r i t i e s , y e t t h e r e l a ti v e p e r f o r m a n c e o f m i -

n o t i f i e s o n c o m p e t e n c y t e s t s i s u n k n o w n ( B o y a t z is , 1 9 82 ) .

I n c o n t r a s t , a s s e s s m e n t c e n t e rs h a v e b e e n s h o w n t o b e

f a i r t o b o t h B l a c k s a n d W h i t e s ( H u c k B r ay , 1 9 76 ;

T h o r n t o n B y h a m , 1 9 82 ) , a s w e l l a s t o w o m e n ( R i tc h i e

M o s e s , 1 9 83 ; T h o r n t o n B y h a m , 1 9 82 ; T z i n e r D o -

l a n , 1982 ) .

A n u n f o r t u n a t e p r o b l e m w i t h c o m p e t e n c y t es t in g

i s t h a t r e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n t h e s e t e s t s a n d t r a d i t i o n a l

a b i l i ty t e s ts , a p t i t u d e t e s ts , a s s e s s m e n t c e n t e r s , p e r s o n a l i t y

t e s t s , a n d w o r k s a m p l e t e s t s h a v e n o t b e e n e x a m i n e d .

E a c h o f th e s e t r a d i t i o n a l t y p e s o f t e s ts i s k n o w n t o h a v e

p r e d i c t i v e v a l u e ( D a y S i l v e r m a n , 1 9 8 9 ; G e l l a t ly , P a u -

n o n e n , M e y e r , J a c k s o n , G o f l i n , 1 9 9 1 ; H u n t e r H u n t e r ,

1 9 84 ; R o b e r t s o n D o w n s , 1 9 8 9) . W h a t is n o t y e t d e -

t e r m i n e d i s w h e t h e r c o m p e t e n c y te s t i n g h a s t h e p o t e n t i a l

t o m a k e a u n i q u e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e f i e ld o f t e st in g .

on c l u s i on

M c C l e l l a n d ' s ( 1 9 7 3 ) a r t ic l e h a s d e e p l y a f f e c t ed t h e p u b -

l i c' s p e r c e p t i o n o f te s t s a n d h a s i n f l u e n c e d t h e p s y c h o -

l o g i c a l p r o f e s s i o n . A s a r e s u l t o f it s a c c e p t a n c e i n p r o f e s -

s i o n a l l i t er a t u r e , l a w j o u r n a l s , a n d i n t r o d u c t o r y p s y -

c h o l o g y t e x t b o o k s , i t s a u t h o r i t y h a s b e c o m e m o r e

p e r v a s i v e o v er ti m e . T h e v i e w s w e r e a l s o d i s s e m i n a t e d

i n t o n e w s p a p e r s , m a g a z in e s , a n d p o p u l a r b o o k s . T h e t i m e

h a s c o m e t o c l a r i f y th e i s s u e s i n v o l v ed .

D e s p i t e t h e w i d e a c c e p t a n c e o f M c C l e l l a n d ' s ( 1 9 7 3 )

v i e w s , t h e e v i d e n c e h e u s e d t o s u p p o r t h i s a r g u m e n t s l e a d s

t o c o n c l u s i o n s t h a t a c t u a l l y o p p o s e t h e o n e s h e h a s p r o -

p o s e d . H i s a s s e r t i o n s a r e c o n t r a d i c t e d b y o t h e r e v i d e n ce .

G r a d e s d i d p r e d i c t o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c c e s s . I n t e l l e c t u a l

a b i l it y a n d a p t i t u d e t e s t s p r e d i c t e d o c c u p a t i o n a l s u c ce s s

e v e n w h e n t h e a p t i t u d e t e s t w a s a n a v i o n i c s b a t t e r y n o t

s p e c i f i ca l l y d e s i g n e d f o r g e n e r a l u s e . T e s t r e s u l t s w e r e n o t

a n a r t i f a c t o f s o ci a l s ta t u s, n o r w e r e t h e y u n f a i r t o m i -

no r i t i e s .

T h e c o n c e p t o f c ri t er i o n s a m p l i n g m a y b e a p p r o -

p r i a t e i n s o m e s i t u at i o n s, h u t t h e e v i d e n c e d o e s n o t s u p -

p o r t M c C l e U a n d ' s ( 1 9 7 3 ) v i e w s i n a n y o f h i s o w n e x -

a m p l e s . T h e e v i d e n c e h a s n o t s h o w n t h a t c o m p e t e n c i e s

c a n s u r p a s s c o g n i t i v e a b il i ty t e s t s in p r e d i c t i n g a n y i m -

p o r t a n t o c c u p a t i o n a l b e h a v i o r . N o t e t h a t a l t h o u g h

M e C l e l l a n d e x p r e s s e d c o n c e r n a b o u t b i a s a g a i n s t m i -

n o t i f i e s , h e d i d n o t e x a m i n e m i n o r i t y p e r f o r m a n c e o n

c o m p e t e n c y t e s t s ( B o y a t z i s , 1 9 8 2 ) .

S i n c e 1 9 7 3 , t h e e v i d e n c e i n c r e a s i n g l y s h o w s t h a t

c o g n i ti v e a b il i t y te s t s d o p r e d i c t j o b p e r f o r m a n c e i n a

w i d e v a r i e t y o f o c c u p a t i o n s ( H u n t e r , 1 9 86 ) . U s e o f c o g -

n i fi v e a b il i ty t e s ts a s p a r t o f a n a s s e s s m e n t c e n t e r ( T h o r n -

t o n B y h a m , 1 98 2 ) o r i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h s t a n d a r d iz e d

p e r s o n a l i t y t e s t s ( D a y S i l v e r m a n , 1 9 89 ) h a s b e e n s h o w n

t o p r o v i d e i n c r e a s e d v a l i d i ty i n p r e d i c t i n g j o b p e r f o r -

m a n c e . I f M c C l e l l a n d ' s c o n c e p t o f c o m p e t e n c i e s i s t o

m a k e a c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e f i e ld o f ps y c h o lo g y , h e m u s t

p r e s e n t e m p i r i c a l d a t a t o s u p p o r t h i s c o n t e n t i o n .

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una revisión del testing for competence de mc clelland

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